The Annals of the World
After this manner the Cretensians that before this time had lived always free, and had never yet known any foreign command; were brought under the yoke, and Metellus received the name of Cretensis from them, [ Dio. lib. 36.]
Antipas, called also Antipater, Governor of Idumea, and father to Herod King of Judea, being a rich man, factious and busy by nature, fearing Aristobulus's power by reason of some grudges betwixt them, he fell to Hircanus his party, and with secret aspersions of Aristobulu • prevailed, that the chief of the Jews entered into conspiracy against him: suggesting it would be very ill to let him possess a command he had so unjustly usurped, he having put by his elder brother, and despoiled him of the prerogative of his birth: and with the same language he plied Hircanus constantly; adding withal, that his very life was in danger unless he prevented it by a timely flight; for Aristobulus's friends were in perpetual consultation, how they should establish the Authority upon another when they had removed him out of the way: But Hircanus being of himself a good man, and not easily addmitting reports, gave but small credit to his informations, which quietness and lenity of mind procured him the imputation of being slothful; but Antipater nevertheless gave not over complaining of his brother, as if he had laid wait to kill him, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.]
Phraates, finding the siege of Artaxata likely to be a long work, left part of his Forces with Tigranes his son, and returned home himself, [ Dio. lib. 36.]
The nether Spain fell to C. Julius Caesar's lot when he was Quaestor, who being commanded by the Praetor to travel about the several Countries and decide matters of law: Arriving at Gades, he observed in Hercules Temple, Alexander the Great's Tomb, and as if it had upbraided him for having done nothing Memorable at the same age (which was 34) that Alexander had conquered the World, he fell into great malancholy, and importuned he might be sent back into Rome, that he might take the first opportunity of attempting some noble thing: and departing accordingly before his time, he went to some Italian Colonies that were then in agitation about their return, and had excited them to something, had not the Consuls with their Legions which were raised to go into Silicia, kept them from it, [ Sueto. in Julio. Caesare, cap. 7. & 8.]
Pompey, possessing with his Navy all the Sea betwixt Phoenicia and the Bosphorus, advanced against Mithridates, having under his own command a select choice army consisting of 30000 Foot disposed into a Phalang, for the safeguard of his Country, besides as Plutarch says 2000, as Appian 3000 Horse, [ Plut. in Pomp. Appian. pag. 238.] Moreover that because Lucullus had lately harrased that Country and brought great scarcity amongst them, there were many come to him, though the King used all the severity he could (either throwing them down steep rocks, or putting out their eyes, or burning them alive) against them he took; by which means he frightened many indeed from running away, but however they were distressed with want, [ Appian. ibid. ]
Pompey, having placed some of his troops in ambush, sent out others to face the Kings Camp, and provoke him out, with command that they should turn and flee after they had got them forth, till they had drilled them into their trap: and had not the King suspected it and drawn out his Foot, they might possibly have pursued them so as to have entered their Camp with them: and this was the first skirmish betwixt the Horse, [ Id. ibid. ]
Mithridates for a while, being not equally furnished with men, avoids fighting, and destroys the Countries where he comes, endeavoring by marching up and down to tire his enemy, or to afflict him with want of victuals. But as soon as Pompey was entered into Armenia the Less, which was subject to Mithridates; partly for this very cause, and partly that he might take possession of it, being forsaken: at length Mithridates doubting lest that Province should in his absence fall into the hands of his enemies, he went thither, [ Dio. lib. 36.]
Mithridates sat down upon a strong and secure Hill over against his enemy, where he lay quiet with his whole army, hoping to drive the Romans into distress, and by intercepting their necessary provisions, to destroy them: Whilst he himself being in his own Country, was plentifully supplied from all parts. Under this Hill there was a Plain, into which he disposed some Horse to encounter and cut off all they met; by which means it happened that many came off from the enemy to him, [ Id. ibid. ]
Pompey, not daring to assault the enemy in that place, raised his Camp, and removed it to another commodiously encompassed with woods, whereby he secured himself against their Troups and Darts: and having laid ambush in a convenient place, he himself with a few advances and faces their Camp: and raising a tumult, he trayled the enemy from their Works to the place he had designed, and gave them a great defeat: by which accident their courage being revived, he sent out others to the other parts of the Country to bring in provisions, [ ibid. ]
After Mithridates had left the Hill where he pitched his tents, as a barren place and dry, Pompey came and possessed it, and imagining by the forwardness of the shrubs, and the hollowness and convexity of the place there must needs be water underneath, he commanded they should dig Wells up and down, and they had such plenty of water in their Camp presently, that it was a wonder Mithridates found it not in so long a time, [ Plutarch. ]
Mithridates sat down upon a Mountain near Dastira in Acilisena, which was very well furnished with water, and not far from the River Euphrates which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Less, [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.] And here Orosius writes, that Pompey blocked up the Kings Camp near the Mountain Dastracus in Armenia the Less, [ lib. 6. cap. 4.] making a line about the King of 150 furlongs, and raising several Castles within it that he might thereby render their forage difficult. Which Work the King not hindering, either out of fear or folly (which be commonly the forerunners of mischief) [ Appian. ] he was besieged as Plutarch says 45 days: but Appian reports, that for the space of 50 days, they could scarce keep themselves alive, having slain all the Cattle they had, and reserved nothing but the Horses.
Mithridates, at length understanding that the enemy had been supplied with victuals, and had taken a Country in Armenia, called Manaitin, many of his men falling off to him, and that Marius his army (together with the Legions, which Suetonius has said were raised for Silicia, of which place he was Governor) were come to him; being affrighted, he resolves to leave that Country. [ Dio. ] And killing those that were sick, and of no service, he brake forth in the night, with an entire body, and with great silence, by the way he made his escape. [ Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius, ] determining (by marching in the night) to go into Armenia the greater, which was subjects to Tigranes, [ Dio. ] and there to beat back Pompey, if he pursued him. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.]
The next day, Pompey, having with much ado overtaken him, fell in upon his rear, but the King (though persuaded by his friends) could not be tempted to a battle, contented to beat back the enemy with some Horse only, and in the evening to retire into the woods. [ Appian. ]
The day following, Mithridates got possession of a Village, that was every way encompassed with rocks, to which there was but one ascent, and that was kept by four companies of Foot. The Romans also made a stand over against them, to prevent the escape of the King. [ Idem. ]
When they were come even upon the borders. Pompey fearing Mithridates should get before, and pass Euphrates, and by that means make his escape. He resolved to endeavor to give them battle in the night. [ Plutarch & Dio. ] So he removed his Camp & deceived the Barbarians that rested till noon: he marched the same way they were to come; and having gotten a convenient place amongst the hills, he drew up his men into the highest parts of it, and expected the enemy. The Barbarians, to whom nothing as yet had fallen out crossely, believing they had come into a safe place, and secure; not doubting but the Romans were gone, they sent out not so much as one Scout to discover. [ Dio. ]
It is reported, that Mithridates had at this time a vision in his sleep, which did forewarn him of what did follow: he did seem to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontick sea, and to be come within sight of the Bosphorus: and being overjoy'd with certain and unquestionable safety, began pleasantly to accost them that carried him; but of a sudden, he found himself deserted, and tost upon a small fragment of ships. Whilst he was occupied with these motions and fancies, his friends that were about him waked him, telling him, Pompey was at hand. When therefore he found he must of necessity fight for his Trench, bringing out their armies, both Captains drew into battalia [ Plutarch. ]
Pompey, seeing them prepare for to fight, thought it not best to engage in the night, but to incompasse them rather, that they might not escape, and to assault them next morning with his army, which was much the stronger: yet the elder, and chief of his Officers, with their prayers and exhortation, provoked him. [ Ibid. ]
It was agreed therefore, that all the Trumpets together should sound a charge, after that the soldiers and the whole multitude should give a shout; and then some should strike their spears against their vessels of brass. The mountains being hollow, made the noise more horrible, which the Barbarians hearing sudainly, in the night, and in a desert place, they were exceedingly dismayed, supposing they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the mean time, the Romans, from aloft, threw down stone, arrows and darts, on every side, and the multitude being so great, none fell in vain: having spent their arrows, they ran down violently upon the Barbarians, who kicking and pressing each other forward, were slain, being neither able to defend themselves, nor assault the enemy, for as much as they were for the most part Horsemen and Archers, whom in the dark, and in those straights, no endeavor or attempt of theirs could advantage. [ Dio. ]
As soon as the Moon got up, the Barbarians conceiving they might repel the enemy in the light, took courage, and it might indeed have been some benefit to them, had not the Romans had it upon their backs, for the Moon being in its wane, and their shadows appearing long before their bodies, and pressing upon the enemy, who judged of their nearness, by the means of their shadows, sent all their darts in vain, assaulting their shadows, as if they had been at hand themselves: when the Romans afterwards assaulting them, as if they had been unarmed, overcame them without any pains. [ Id. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop. ]
That this battle was in the night, [ Livy, lib. 100.] Florus, [lib. 3.] Plutarch, [ in Pompeio. ] Dio, [ lib. 36.] Eutropius, [ lib. 6.] and Orosius, [ lib. 6. cap. 4.] do agree; only Appian says it was in the day time, and after this manner. Both armies were drawn up early in the morning, and some sorlones of both sides advancing, they sk •• mished amongst the rocks. Some of the Kings Horse also running on foot without or •• rs to the relif of their fellow-soldiers, and being charged with a great number of the Roman Cavalry, ran back in one company to their tents, that by mounting they mi •• t encounter the enemy upon equal terms: But the Ponticks that were upon the Guard, observing from an eminent place, with what noise and haste they did run, suppo •• ng their Camp had been entered in some other part, and that that was the cause of the •• flight, they threw away their arms, and betook themselves also to their heels: but • o passage being open for their escape, they fell foul upon one another, till that by their thronging they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easy for Pompey to perf • rm the rest, to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed, and so entangled amongst the rocks. There were 10000 slain, their Camp taken, and all their amunition and baggage. So Appian, [ in Mithridatic. pag. 239, 240.]
Plutarch speaks of a far greater number than 10000. Dio that there were very many slain, and no less number taken prisoners. Eutropius 40000. Orosius says there were so many either killed or taken: Eutropius says Pompey lost only twenty or thirty of his men, and two Captains. Orosius says the Romans had a thousand wounded, but scarce forty killed outright.
Mithridates himself with a Body of 800 Horse brake thorough the Romans, but was at length, (the rest having forsaken him) left with three only: amongst which Hypsicratia was one, (Plutarch calls her his Concubine, but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius speaks her his wife) whom the King by reason she was of a Masculine spirit, called always Hypsicrates. But then though she had put on the habit of a Persian man, and was one horseback; yet was she neither tired by the tediousness of her own flight, nor with the care and solicitousnesse of the King, [ Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6. Eutropius, lib. 6.] His Daughter also Dripetine borne him by Laodice the Queen, but exceedingly deformed by a double row of teeth, bore her father company in his distress, [ Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 8.]
And so the King having by flight slipped thorough the confusion of the battle, and (being befriended by the clearness of the night) escaped, leading his horse himself in his hand when he came into by places, and trembling at every noise he heard, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.] till at length he fell amongst some mercenary Horse, and 3000 Foot, by whom he was conveyed into the Castle of Sinoria, where he had heaped up much money, [ Appian. ] which Castle Plutarch calls Inora, Strabo Sinoria, or Synoria, seated in the borders of both the Armenia's, [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.]
There he gave gifts and a years pay to those which had borne him company in his flight: and took, says [ Appian. ] six thousand talents complete along with him. He gave also rich garments to those that resorted to him from the rout: besides deadly poison that he gave his friends to carry about with them, lest any of them should fall into the enemies hands. From hence he marched into Armenia to Tigranes, [ Plutarch. ]
Tigranes being importuned by Ambassadors from Mithridates, would not only not receive him, but clapt his Ambassadors in prison; pretending he was the cause of the sedition of his son Tigranes: and thus Mithridates being frustrate of his hopes, having passed the River Euphrates, he bends his flight into Colchis, [ Plutarch. Appian. Dio. ] which he had formerly subjected to his power, [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.]
And having nowhere delayed his journey, the fourth day he past Euphrates; then arming for three days and disposing of those supplies he had with him, or which came in to him, he assailed Chotenis the chief Town in Armenia, by reason the Chotenians, and Iberians had attempted with slings and darts to hinder his march; but he beat them off, and advanced to the River Absarus, [ Appian. ]
Pompey sent out to pursue Mithridates, but he had past the River Phasis, and escaped. So Pompey built a City in the same place where he gained his Victory, [ Dio. lib. 36.] betwixt two Rivers which proceeded from several causes in one Mountain; that is to say, Euphrates and Araxes, situate in the Lesser Armenia, and for that cause called Nicopolis. This City he gave by the consent of his soldiers to those that were old, or lame, or sick, or wounded, or disbanded: to which many of the neighbors repairing, the Nicopolitans lived afterward after the manner of the Cappadocians, [ Id ibid. cum Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555. Appian. pag. 243. & 251. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.]
Tigranes the father advanced against Tigranes his son, who was left alone to besiege the Artaxati, and overcame him: he being put to slight, fled first toward Mithridates his Grandfather; but hearing he was beaten himself, and in more need of assistance than likelihood of assisting him, he joined himself to the Romans, [ Dio. lib. 36.] flying most submissively to them, though he was grandchild to Mithridates by his Daughter, [ Appian. ] and met Pompey at the River Araxes, [ Plutarch. ] By his conduct Pompey brought his army into Armenia against his father, as a confederate of Mithridates, [ Dio. ] aiming at Artaxa to the Court of Tigranes, [ Appian. ]
Tigranes the father, understanding this, was terrified exceedingly, but hearing Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature, he sent a Trumpeter to him, and withal delivered up Mithridates his Ambassador that he had clapt up: but his son hindering him from obtaining any tolerable conditions, and Pompey nevertheless passing over the River Araxis, and approaching near Artaxatis; Tigranes at length delivered up the City and all the Garrison was in it, he and his friends and kindred going out to meet him, without sending so much as a Herald before, surrendering all his right into his hands, and appealing to him for justice against his son, [ Plutarch. Appian. Dio. ]
But to the end he might appear to Pompey worthy of reverence and compassion, he ordered it so, that as far as in him lay, he would retain a mediocrity betwixt the dignity of his former, and the misery of his present condition; for he had put off his Gown that was half white, and his Royal Robe of Purple: but wore his Diadem and the ornaments for his head, [ Dio. ] To whom when Pompey sent the Captains and Officers of his Horse to meet and do him honor; his friends that did accompany him doubting their security, because they had sent no Heralds before, ran back and deserted him, [ Appian. ]
When Tigranes was come to Pompey's Camp, which was sixteen miles off from Arraxatis, two Lictors from Pompey came to him, and commanded him to alight from his Horse, upon which, according to the customs of his Conntrie, he had entered the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman Camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed, and unbuckling his sword, delivered it to them. [ Eutr. Plut. & Dio. ] Pompey, beholding him entered on foot, and (having thrown away his Crown, and cast himself upon the ground) adoring, according to the manner of the Barbarians, touched with compassion, he leaped to him, and catching him by the hand, lifted him up, and put on the Crown again that he had cast away, commanding him to sit down on one side of him, and his son on the other, who neither rose up to his father, nor used any other ceremony to him. [ Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. lib. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch. tum in Pompeto. tum in Lucul. & Cimonis collatione. ]
Tigranes delivered up himself and his kingdom to Pompey's command: declaring before, That there was no man, neither of Rome, nor any other Nation, to whose friendship he would have surrendered himself, but only Pompey: and that henceforward, any fortune that should befall him for him, whether it was good or bad, should be acceptable to him; saying moreover, it could not be any disparagement to be conquered by him, whom it was a sin to conquer; nor was it dishonorable to submit to him, whom fortune had exalted above everyone. [ Vel. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 37.] He and his son were afterwards invited by Pompey to supper; but his son absenting himself, gave Pompey the first occasion to be offended with him. [ Dio. ]
The next day, their controversies being heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia) the ancient possession of his forefathers, (to Tigranes the elder, and as Strabo says, added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (lib. 16. pag. 747.) taking away those Countries he had gained in the war, and laying a mulct of six thousand talents of silver upon him, which was to be paid to the people of Rome, because he had waged war with them without a cause: but to his son he gave only the command of Gordena and Sophena, with liberty of enjoining the rest of Armenia, when his father died. But the treasure in Sophena, (a Country in the borders of Armenia) he adjudged to the father, because by any other way he could not pay the money he had agreed for. [ Cicero, Vellet. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio. & Eutrop. as aforesaid. ]
Tigranes, the father, being very glad of these conditions, and that he was called King by the Romans, he departed not only through Cappadocia, and some parts of Silicia, but through all Syria and Phoenicia, from Euphrates to the sea; for these Provinces with part of Silicia, he had possessed, by throwing out Antiochus Pius. [Livy, lib. 101. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 37. Plutarch. Appian, Dio. & Eutrop. ]
Tigranes the younger, taking it in disdain, that he was so disappointed of his hopes, plotted to escape; which Pompey very seasonably perceiving, restrained him, but with liberty, and sent messengers to those that kept the money, to demand it for Tigranes the elder: which they refused, pleading, That they were not to be commanded, but by Tigranes the younger, whose Country that was then judged to be. He is himself sent to the Castle, who finding it shut, came up to it, and though against his will, commanded them to open: nevertheless, the keepers would not obey, objecting, That Tigranes summond it not out of any desire in himself, but by constraint; which Pompey taking very ill, cast the young man into chains, and by that means, his father at length got the treasure. [ Dio. lib. 36.]
Appian says, that the Armenians which deserted the King in his journey to the Roman Camp, solicited his son that continued with Pompey, to make away his father; but he was himself taken and clapped into irons: nevertheless; when in letters, he by his messengers persuaded the Parthians against the Romans, pretending he was reserved for the Triumph.
The father received his money, he gave many things, and a greater portion of money than was agreed upon by Pompey; he gave freely to every Soldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo says) 150, to every Captain 1000, every Colonel 10000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but 6000 Drachmes, by which means he was reckoned amongst the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. [ Sirabo, lib. 11. pag. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio. ] But the money due to the people of Rome, Pompey, as his custom was, delivered it to the Treasurer, for the use of the Public. [ Velei. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 37.]
Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whose kingdom of Cappadocia, and Sophena, and Gordena, which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger, which were afterward thought to be in the Province of Cappadocia, he gave him also Cabala, (or Gabala) a City in Silicia, and some others which Ariobarzanes afterwards left entirely to his son, [ Appian. pag, 243, 244.]
C. Julius Caesar, [Year of the World 3939] some few days before he entered into the Aedilship was suspected of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the Consul, as also Sylla and Antonius after the designation of the Consulship, were condemned for endeavoring in the beginning of the year (the Kalends of January falling out then upon the Julian October, in which Cotta and Torquatus entered the Consulship) to assault the Senate, and killing whom they pleased, Crassus was to invade the Dictatorship, and he should be called the Master of his Horse, and the whole Common-wealth being framed according to their pleasure, the Consulship should be restored to Sylla and Antonius; from whence it was that Cicero in an Epistle to Axius reports, that Caesar in his Consulship had settled the kingdom so as he had contrived in his Aedilship, [ Suetonius, in Julio Caesare, cap. 9.]
Pompey, having left Armenia to the defense of Afranius, bends his course against Mithridates thorough those Countries that lie about Caucasus, the Albanians and Iberians (great Countries) gave him passage upon the first overture, as Plutarch speaks; but Livy, [ lib. 101.] says, that Pompey fought and overcame them, because they denied it him: which battle, lightly and variously mentioned by Plutarth and Appian, Dio doth more fully explain. Pompey having divided his army into three parts, took his own winter quarters up near the River Cyrnus, in the Country about Tanais, where notwithstanding he was not quiet; for Oroesus King of the Albanians who inhabit the Country above the River Cyrnus (or Cyrus) [ Florus, lib. 3, cap. 5. Eutropius, lib. 6. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 4. calls him Orodes. ] partly to gratify his friend Tigranes the younger; but especially because he feared the Romans would invade Albania: and hoping that if in the Winter he should assault them unexpectedly, they having not pitched their Camp in one place, he made no question but to perform something worthy of his pains; wherefore he advanced with his army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals: he himself marched against Merellus Celer, who had Tigranes with him; others against Pompey, others against the Commander of the third party Lucius Flaccus: that whilst everyone of them had their hands full at the same time, neither of them should be able to relieve one the other: So says Dio, [ lib. 36.] Appian says, that Oroezes the King of the Albanians, and Otocus (or Artocus rather) King of the Iberians with 70000 men, lay in ambush for Pompey near the River Cyrnus. Plutarch says no less than 40000 Barbarians past the River against Pompey in the Roman Festivals to Saturn, which Feasts were celebrated in the month of December: but as the year came then about it happened in September, or the Julian October, that is in the beginning of Autumn or Winter, according to those that divide the year into two parts only, Summer and Winter, which we see Thucydides observes, constantly in his History of the Peloponesian war.
Metellus beat Oroesus, Flaccus (the ditch about his Camp being of too great circumference to be defended,) made another within, which the enemy supposing was done out of fear, advanced presently into the outward ditch; he making an unexpected sally upon them, killed many in the conflict, and many in the chase. Pompey understanding the success of the Barbarians against the other, rises and falls unlooked for upon those which were marching against him; and having defeated them, he bends directly against Oroesus himself: but could not find him, for he being beaten himself by Metellus and hearing the misfortune of the rest, betook himself to his heels, and escaped, [ Dio. ]
Pompey, having layne in their passage of the River Cyrnus, at last yielded to their supplication, and gave them peace; it was once in his mind to recompense the mischief they had done, by invading their Country; but by reason of the Winter he could not without great trouble protract the war: thus Dio in the 36 book, the later end. Plutarch writes that Pompey routed a great number of them, and brought in their Colours: and afterwards, the King supplicating and sending Ambassadors, he made peace with him.
Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade, [ Appian. pag, 240.] where the Isthmus betwixt the Euxine and the Caspian Seas begins, [ Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 498.]
Antipater importuning H • rcanus his assent that he might flee to Areta King of the Arabians, and promising him his assistance, did notwithstanding hardly prevail, yet he obtained it the easier, in respect that Arabia buts upon Judea. Antipater therefore is dispatched before to the King to receive his promise, that he would not deliver up his suppliant to his enemies, which as soon as he had promised upon his word, Antipater returned with all speed to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem, and not long after taking him by night along with him, they stole out of the City, and with great journeys came unto a City called Petra, in which was Areta's Court, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.]
Antipater being very dear to Areta, requested that he would restore Judea to Hircanus, which with constant importunity, and presents together, at length he persuaded him to: Hircanus promised if by his means he was brought into his Kingdom again, he would return him a Country with twelve Cities; which his father Alexander Jannaeus had taken away foom the Arabians. The Cities were these, Medaba, Naballo, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athone, Zoara, Oronae, Marissa, Rydda, Lusa, Oryba, [ Id. ibid. ]
Alexander II. King of Egypt, the son of Alexander I. was expulsed by the Alexandrians [ Suet. in Juli. Caesare. ] but Alexander the son being expelled, Ptolemy a natural son was substituted; he was the son of Ptolemey Lathurus, who was called Dionysius the new, or Bacchus, and Auletes, because he most effaeminately followed the dalliance of the Dionysii, and having put on the habit of women, he danced to the Cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus. [ Lucian de non tem. creed. calum. ] he practiced also their piping so much, that he boasted of it; and was not ashamed to celebrate contestations in his Court, in which he himself appeared to contest with others. [ Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 796.]
Aretas the King of the Arabians, with 50000 men, vanquished Aristobulus, after which battle many ran away to Hyrcanus, so that Aristobulns being desolate, fled to Jerusalem, but Aretas bringing his army with him besieged him in the temple, the people also assisting Hircanus the clergy only sticking close to Aristobulus. But Aretas having brought the Jewish army, as well as the Arabian did most vigorously press them with his siege. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 3.]
These things being done about the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the chief of the Jews forsook their own Country, and fled into Egypt. There was one Onias in Judea, an honest just man, and one that had (in a great drought,) prevailed by the Piety of his Prayers for rain, but then foreseeing the civil war that followed had hid himself, and retired into a hole, but the Jews caught him, and bringing him into their Camp, requested him that as heretofore he had relieved them against • he drought, so he would now curse Aristobulus (and as many as were of his party) for them. This he refused a great while, til being compelled by the multitude, he stood in the midst of them and prayed thus, O God, thou that art King of the whole World, for as much as these that are with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are thy Priests. I beseech thee that thou wouldst neither hear these against them, nor them praying against these. After this some wicked men of the Jews beset him and killed him with stones: which cruelty God immediately revenged, and punished the slaughter of Onias after this manner [ ibid. ]
Whilst Aristobulus was with his Priests besieged, the feast of the Passover came about, in which the custom was for them to make many sacrifices to their God, which because the besieged did want, they desired of their Brethren the Jews that besieged them; that they would furnish them with sacrifices at what prize they pleased to set: they demanded 1000 groates should be sent them for every ox, which Aristobulus and his Priests, willingly consented to and let down their money from the wall, which they received; but returned no sacrifice but proceeded to that height of impiety, that they did not only break their Faith with men, but robbed God of his due honor. But the Priests that under pretence of a bargain were thus cozened, prayed to God that he would take vengeance of them, nor was it long before it happened, for a great storm sent from above into those Countries; made so great a vastation amongst their corn, that a bushel of wheat was sold for 15 groates. [ ibid. ]
Pompey waged war with the Iberians, a people exceedingly desirous to gain the favor of Mithridates, and to repel Pompey: because as yet they had neither been subject to the Medes, Persians, Alexander, nor the Macedonians: [ Plutar. ] their King therefore Artoces (whilst Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquatus were Consuls) fearing least he should advance against him; sends over Ambassadors to Pompey under pretence of treating for peace: but in the mean time Prepared whilst he was busy with them to fall upon him when he suspected no such matter; this Pompey perceiving, before he had sufficiently provided himself for that, and possessed himself of the passes; he falls down into his Country: and before Artoces knew anything of his coming was got down as far as the City Acropolis, which being scituate in those straits where Caucasus runs along, was fortified for defense of that pass. Artoces having lost the opportunity of strengthening himself, in a great fright passes the river Cyrnus, and burns down the bridge. And they which were in the City seeing him fled and themselves beaten, yielded up the Town: by which means Pompey having got possession of the straits, put a Garrison over them, and marching from thence subdued the whole Country that lay on that side the river. [ Dio. init. lib. 37.]
Pompey being now about to pass Cyrnus, Artoces begged a truce his Ambassadors, proffering to make him a bridge, and to furnish him with all necessaries besides, both which he performed for the obtaining of peace, but as soon as Pompey had passed that river he fled immediately to the river Pelor • ; running from him whom he had drawn upon himself, when he might have prevented his passage. Pompey, taking it into consideration, pursues, and (having overtaken him) gives him Battle, and with great ease, before the bow-men came to show their skill, he routed them; things falling out thus, Artoces having passed Pelorus, and burnt that bridge also, flies away; the remainder were out off, part in the conflict, and part whilst they attempted to pass the river on foot; many betaking themselves to the woods, held out some few days, by throwing darts from the higg trees, but the trees being cut down, they also perished. [ Id. ib. ] Plutarch reports there was 6000 slain in the battle, and more than 10000 taken prisoners.
Artoces sent Ambassadors to Pompey, to supplicate peace; they brought presents with them also, as a Bed, a Table, and a Chair, all of Gold: which he beseeched him to accept. Pompey took the presents, (that he, being suspended with hopes of the transaction, might not go any further off) and delivered them to the Quaestors, to be inserted in the public writings, but refused to give him peace, unless Artocis would deliver him his sons as hostages. Artocis was for some time doubtful: but at last, when the Romans had found a Ford in the River, in Summer time, and passed it with much ado, though they had nobody to resist them, he sent his sons for hostages, and made his peace with Pompey. [ Dio, lib. 37. cum Plutarch. & Fl • r. lib. 3. cap. 4.] Eutropius says, that Pompey overcame Arthaces, King of Iberia, in battle, and received him to favor, upon conditions; Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes, that both Iberia, and Arthaces their King, surrendered themselves to him: but Orosius [ lib. 6. cap. 4.] saith, he beat Artoces, King of the Iberians, in the field, and got all Iberia into his custody.
Mithridates made his way as well through those Countries of the Scythians, that were offended, as those that were otherwise; some he wan to him by fair means, others he constrained by soul; and being willingly entertained, he past to the Heniochians: but the Achaeans, attempting to withstand him, were overcome: afterwards entering into the Maeotick Countries, and vanquishing many of their Commanders, for the fame of his achievements, he was received kindly, taking many gifts, and presenting many: he drew them also into confederacy with him, by taking their daughters, and so joining the most powerful of them to himself. [ Livy, lib. 101. Appian. pag. 240, 241, Dio. lib. 36.] to which that place of Strabo refers. [ lib. 11. pag. 496.] The Heniochi at that time that Mithridates fled through their Country into Bosphorus, from his own, had four Kings. He cast away all hopes of passing by the Zygians, both by reason of the difficulty of the ways, and the fierceness of the people; and therefore with much ado (being many times forced to take the sea) he marched along the shore, till at last he arrived amongst the Achaeans, by whom he was received, (notwithstanding, we have heard Appian say, that they resisted him) and here he finished his journey which began at Phasis, and was from thence almost 4000 furlongs. Thus Strabo, who recounts out of those Authors, that writ of the affairs of Mithridates, the Countries in this order: First the Achaeans, then the Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans, Moschians, Colchians, [ pag. 497.] through all which unruly Countries, Hypsicrate his Queen, with an indefatigable mind and body, followed her distressed husband: and that she might with more ease, share in his labor and pains, shaving her hair, she accustomed herself to ride on Horse back, and beat arms; whose so great fidelity in all distresses, was the greatest and most pleasant consideration to Mithridates, who seemed to himself to wander with his whole fortune and family, whilst his wife bare him company in his banishment. [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6.]
Machares, the son of Mithridates, who reigned then in Bosphorus, Cimerius, and favored the Roman party. When he heard his father, in so short a time had overcome so many fierce and Warlike Nations, and past the very bars of Scythia, which were never penetrable before. He sent Ambassadors to him, to let him know it was necessity had constrained him to that friendship with the Romans: but understanding he was implacable, he fled into Pontica Chersonesus, burning his ships, that he might thereby hinder his father from following him: but when he sent against him another fleet, he laid hands upon himself. Mithridates slew all those friends that he had sent himself with him for companions, when Machirus went first into his Kingdom, but sent his servants away safe; so Appian, [ pag. 241.] Dio. [ lib. 36.] says, That the father having corrupted his familiars with security and presents, wrought upon them to kill his son. And Orosius tells, That Machares was most parricidiously slain by him. [ lib. 6. cap. 5.]
Pompey, ordering his journey into the Northern parts of Scythia by the stars, as it had been at Sea, fell down upon the Colchi; and incamping under Caucasus itself, commanded their King Orodes to come down into the Plains, as Florus hath it, [ lib. 3. cap. 5.] who a little after says Orodes was King of the Al • ans (with E •• ropius and Oro • us.) For Orodes in this place we must use the name of 〈◊〉 , whom Appian shows to be King of the Colchi, and led in Triumph by Pompey, [ pag. 253.] or Aristarchus, whom the said Appian, [ pag. 251.] and Eutropius. [ lib. 6.] report to be made King at Colehis in his stead.
Plutarch says, that at the River Phasis Servilius met Pompey with the Fleet which was left for the defense of Pontus, and that the pursuit of Mithridates who had hid himself in the Countries about Bosphorus and Maeotis, had brought him into many perplexities: he went also to Colehis that he might view the 〈◊〉 of the Argona • ae, and Castor and Pollux; especially desiring to see the place where Promatheus was said to be affixed to Ca • ca • us, the sight of which things drew him from the neighbor Countries, [ Appian. pag. 241, 242.] The Colchi also and the Countries conte • minous he wan to his side, partly by fair words, and partly by fear, and having found there that his journey by land thorough many warlike and unknown Countries would be difficult, and that by sea it was more incommodious by reason of the inhabitants which were averse; and the Country unfurnished with Ports; he commanded his ships to keep their station and to watch Mithridates that he might nowhere be suffered to break out, nor no provisions for him be anywhere suffered to come in: be himself turns his course against the Albani, but with a compass that whilst they were secure in their compact, he might with the suddenesse of his access the more easily destroy them though Plutarch says, the Albani did at length revolt, and that Pompey stirred up with anger and desire of revenge, marched immediately against them: but he returned into Armenia, and passed the River Cyrnus, where the season of the year had rendered it fordable, [ Dio. lib. 37.]
But with great difficulty it was that he passed this River, the Barbarians having for a great space fortified it by knocking down stakes into it, [ Plutarch. ] But Pompey, the River being smooth, first put his Horse over, then his Traine, and then his Foot, that the Horse might with their bodies break the force of the River, and if anything of the Traine should be carried away with the violenee of the stream, it should fall upon them that accompanied it, and be carried no further, [ Dio. ] Here having past a long, dry, and rocky way, he filled 10000 bladders with water, and proceeded in his journey, [ Plut. ]
At length without any impediment from the enemy, he arrived at the River C • mbyses, but his whole army greviously distressed with heat and thirst, though for the most part they marched in the night; he chose him Guides out of the prisoners, but they show him not the most commodious way. Moreover the River itself brought them out small advantage, for the water being exceeding cold, and they drinking too plentifully, it made many extremely sick. But neither did they rest any of them, till they came to the River Aban • , all which time they carried nothing with them but water, in all other things being most bountifully supplied by the inhabitants, for which cause they marched without any injury to them, [ Dio. ]
Having passed the River, news was brought that Oroeses was drawing towards them, [ Id. ] He had in his army 60000 Foot, and 12000, or (as Strabo will have it 22000) Horse, but for the most part ill armed, and with the skins only of wild Beasts, which Cossis the Kings brother commanded, [ Plut. cum Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 502.] Pompey, that he might draw them to a battle before they understood the number of the Romans, he first drew up his Horse, giving them directions what they should do; behind them he disposed his Foot, placing them upon their heels, and commanding them to cover themselves with their sheilds, and lie still without making any noise; by which means Oroeses had no knowledge of them till he joined battle: but despising the Horsemen whom he thought alone, he assailed them, and in a moment putting them (as they had order) to flight, he pursues them furiously: When the Foot rising up on the sudden, and making a space that the Horse might securely retreat, they charged the enemy, and incompassing a great number of them, put them to the sword, the rest were destroyed by the Horse, who being drawn about both on the right hand and the left fell in upon their backs, so that by the Horsemen also there was great slaughter made: and those, escaping both, had fled into the Woods, the Woods being set on fire, were consumed amongst them: the Romans calling out to them the while to remember the Saturnals, for about that time as is said before, the Albani laid an ambush and assailed them ere they were aware, [ Dio. lib. 37.]
In this battle, Cossis the Kings brother charged Pompey himself, and with his dart struck him thorough the joint of his arms, but Pompey ran him thorough with his Spear and killed him. In this fight it was reported that certain Amazons inhabiting the Mountains adjacent to the River Thermodontes, came in to the relief of the Barbarians, and some whilst they were taking the plunder of the field, found some Amazonian Targets and Buskins, but there was nobody of a woman found, [ Plut. ] See Appian also, [ pag. 242.] where he speaks of this and the former engagement, with the Albani, as but one; notwithstanding, 〈◊〉 with Eutropi • s, and Sex • us Rufus, deliver, that Pompey did thrice overcome 〈◊〉 , King of the Albani, and his Commanders, [ lib. 6. cap. 4.]
Pompey, having destroyed the Country 〈…〉 , was at length persuaded to accept of Orodis, or Oroe • ls, his 〈◊〉 , for establishing a 〈◊〉 , as also a golden bed, and other presents that he sent him; for which he made peace with them. [ Florus, lib, 3. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 37. 〈…〉 . lib. 6. 〈◊〉 . cap. 4.] Who commemorating their Italian Original, because they were said to have followed Hercules from the mount Albanus, saluted Pompey 〈…〉 , [ Justin, lib. 42. cap. 3.] nor did Pompey make peace only with the Albans, but with all the inhabitants from Mount Caucasus, to the Caspian Sea 〈…〉 its rise in Pontus, runs forward) they having requested it by their Ambassadors, [ Dio. lib. 37.] Strabo ••• tes, That 〈…〉 and the Colchian sea • , he war'd against the Iberians and Albe • ni. [ lib. 11. pag. 492.] Pompey had a desire to see Hyrcania, and the Caspian sea, being within three days journey from thence; but being diverted from that, by the multitude of 〈◊〉 , Serpent he turned into Armenia the Less, as Plutarch 〈…〉 .
Pompey, having past Taurus, invaded 〈◊〉 Comagenus, but at last he received him to favor, [ App. pag. 244.] upon the 〈◊〉 of Seleucia a castle of Mesopotamia into his hands, with all that he 〈◊〉 taken 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 thither. [ Id. pag. •• 1. cum Strabo. lib. 36. pag. 745.] Darius also the Mede, he over 〈◊〉 , either, because he had assisted Antiochus now, or Tigranes before; so Appianin 〈◊〉 . [ pag. 244.] who reckons Darius and the Medes, amongst the Princes and people, overcome by Pompey, [ pag. 250, 253.] as Velleius Paterculus, [ lib. 2. cap. 2.] reckons Media amongst those Countries he had with success invaded; though Plutarch says that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the Kings of the Medes and Elemites, who had sent Ambassadors to him.
Phraates, King of the Parthians, seeing Pompey carry on things with such violence, that Armenia, and that part of Pontus that was next him, was taken by his Commanders; and that Cabinius having past Euphrates, was advanced as far as Tigris. In a great fright he sent Ambassadors to Pompey, for the renovation of that peace with the Romans, which was begun before; but he prevailed little by that Embassy: for Pompey, being 〈◊〉 with his present success, and the hopes he had conceived for the future, esteemed him but little. Amongst other proud demands that he made to his Ambassadors, one was, That he might have 〈◊〉 , or Gordyenes, (a Country then in controversy betwixt Phraates and Tigranes) delivered into his hands; but the Ambassadors having no such thing in commission, and giving no answer, he writ something to Phraate • ▪ [ Dio. lib. 37.]
In his letters he neglected to give him the Title of King of Kings, (as all other people, yea, the Romans themselves, and as he himself did after in his Triumph) and only gave him the single appellation of King: which Phra •• es took in scorn, he having his Kingdom despoiled also. But Pompey, not staying for an answer, sent Afran • us immediately with an army into 〈◊〉 , who bear out those Parthians that had invaded it; and pursuing them as far as Ar • eli • s, 〈◊〉 the Country to Tigranes. [ Id. ibid. cum Plut. in Pomp. ]
That Gabinius was sent out of Armenia, into Syria, by Pompey; are read in Josephus, [ lib. 1. 〈◊〉 ▪ cap. 5. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 4.] which we conceive to be Armenia the Lesser, into which we have heard by Plutarch, that Pompey, having finished the war with the Albanians did retire; although Josephus, being deceived by the identity of the name, doth understand it the Greater; and therefore writ that at the same time, when Pompey was engaged in his war with Tigranes: Gabini •• was sent into Syria; which could not be, unless with Appian, he made Tigranes submission, to follow after his expedition against the Albanians: which we with Livy, Velleius, Florus, Plutarch, Eutrop. and Orosius, do conclude to be before.
As soon as 〈◊〉 came to Damascus, he found it newly taken by Metellus and Loll •• , but having removed them, and understood it was something done in Judea, he addresseth thither, as to place of advantage. As soon as he had entered the Country, he meets Ambassadors, as well from 〈◊〉 , that had besieged the Temple of Jerusalem, as from his brother, Aristobulus, that was besieged there, both of them entreating his assistance: and when Aristobulus had made his offer of 400 talents, though Hyr • a • us preffered him as much; yet he preferred Aristobulus his promise, having received therefore his 〈◊〉 , he sent 〈◊〉 to Hyrca •• s, and Are • a the King, (who assisted him with as 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 , though they were not very much animated for that 〈…〉 them 〈◊〉 Romans and Pompey's name, if they did not desist from that siege; And so Aretas, being affrighted, withdrew from Judea into Philadelphia, and Scaurus returned to Damascus, But Aristobulus, having gathered all the forces together that he had, pursued Aretas, and Hyrcanus, and encounting them at a place they call Papyron, he overcame them, killing about 7000 of the Enemy amongst the rest the brother of Antipater, C • phali • s, was one [ Joseph. ut supra ]
Pompey, returning out of Armenia, he met with 〈◊〉 Kings, and Rulers, (whom Plutarch reports to be Barbarians and twelve in number) hearing their complaints, and giving them his answers, to some he confirmed their Kingdoms, to some he increased them, and others he took away from their Eminence and deprest them, [ Xiphilin ex Dione ] To which time that History so celebrated by Val. Maximus seems to be referred.
Ariobar • anes yielded up his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn. Pompey; whose Throne when by his invitation he had ascended, and was set down in the chair of State, when he beheld his son with his Secretary in a place inferior to his dignity and fortune, not able to behold him beneath himself, he arose from his seat, and put the Crown upon his head, exhorting him that he would go up to the place from whence he descended himself; the young man fell a weeping immediately, his body fell a trembling, and the Crown fell to the ground, neither could he be got to the place he was commanded to go: and which even surpasses all belief, he rejoyed that he was to part with the Crown, he was discontented that he was to receive it; nor had this eminent controversy had any end, had not Pompey added his authority to the desires of his father, for he called his son King, he commanded him to take the Crown, and compelled him to sit in the Ivory Chair, [ Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 7.]
From thence Pompey went into Coelosyria, and Phoenicia, which were lately delivered from their Kings, and disturbed by the Arabians and Tigranes, and there he stayed; though Antiochus adventured to attempt them again, but in vain: but being reduced and joined into one Province, they received laws from him, which were administered according to the custom of the People of Rome, [ Xiphilin. ex Dione. ]
That this was Antiochus Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, Justinus, [ lib. 40. cap. 2.] Appian in Mithridatic. [ pag. 244.] and Porphyrius, [ in Gracis Eusebianis Scaligeri, pag. 227.] reports. But the same Appian more truly in his Syriacis, [ pag. 119. & 133.] affirms him Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena, who four years before, either by Lucullus's favor or permission, was possessed of the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had forsaken, and in Pompey's Festivals, [ as he speaks in pag. 133.] whilst he was employed in other matters, he kept it one whole year: (after Tigranes had most justly delivered up what he had in Syria to the people of Rome) and though in his presence he desired his fathers kingdom, yet Pompey deprived him of it, though he had done nothing prejudicial to the people of Rome. And indeed it was an easy matter for so great an army to oppress a disarmed Prince, although another reason was given ( viz. ) That it seemed unequal, that after the ancient Kings had been overcome by Tigranes his Forces and beaten out of Syria, it should be now rather given to the Seleucians that were beaten, than to the Romans that overcame them: and Pompey thought it not fit to give Antiochus that which he was not able to defend from being infested by the invasions of the Jews and Arabians, [ Justin, & Appian. inlocis supra notat. ]
Julius Caesar when he was Aedilis, having gotten the favor of the people, endeavored by part of the Tribunes to have gotten the Government of Egypt by an order from the people, there being occasion for an extraordinary command, by reason that the Alexandrians had beaten out their Prince an associate and friend of the Romans, and so called by the Senate, which was generally disapproved by the Commons; but he obtained it not, a great faction of the Nobles opposing it, [ Suetonius, in Juli • , cap. 11.]
But Pompey was called into Egypt (by Alexander the second, that was expelled) to quell some seditions there. He was presented with many gifts, as money and cloths, for his whole army; but he went not thither, either in regared of the envy of his enemies, or of the Oracle of Sybil, (of which hereafter in the beginning of the 3948 year of the World) or for other reasons, [ Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 251.]
Pompey came to Damascus, and went about Coelosyria, at which time there came Ambassadors to him from all parts of Syria, Egypt, and Judea: at the same time, as it appears, that the twelve Kings came to him that Plutarch mentions; concerning whom Josephus brings that place out of Strabo's History, [Antiq. lib. 14. cap. 5.] There came out of Egypt an Embassy with a Crown of 4000 crowns of gold; and out of Judea, either a Vine, or a Garden, which piece of workmanship was called the Delight; which present we ourselves saw at Rome dedicated in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus with this inscription, Of Alexander the King of the Jews, and it was valued at 500 talents. Which present was placed by Alexander Jannaeus in the Temple at Jerusalem, and sent to Pompey by his son Aristobulus, which Pliny amongst the Acts of Pompey's Triumphs describes thus. A foursquare Mountain of Gold with Harts and Lions, and all kinds of Apples, with a Vine of Gold incompassing it, [ Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 2.]
A while after there came out of Judea to Pompey Ambassadors again: Antipater for Hircanus, and Nicomedes for Aristobulus. Aristobulus his Ambassador complained of Gabinius, that he had received three hundred talents of money, and afterwards of Scaurus, that he had received four: and making them his enemies, Pompey commanded both parties (Hircanus and Aristobulus) to appear before him, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 5.]
Afranius, coming into Syria, against the treaty begun betwixt Pompey and Phraates: lost his way as he went on, and endured much hardship by reason it was winter, and there was a great scarcity of victuals, nay he had perished utterly, and those that were with him; had not the Carrenses; formerly as is reported, a Colony of Macedonians then inhabiting thereabouts, received them, and brought them back. [ Dio. lib. 37.]
Pompey having his winter quarters at Aspis in Pontus, received to favor all those parts of the Country, which til then had been in hostility against him: which we may gather out of the fragments of the 37 book of Dio, which the reader may by comparing them easily find to be transposed in the consul-ship of Caesar and Figulus. But of all Mithridates's Concubines which were brought to him Pompey touched none but sent them back to their parents and kindred, for, for the most part, they were the wives and daughters of Potentates and Commanders. [ Plutarch. ]
Dio reports, amongst other things, that the Castle Symphori being yielded up by Stratonix was received by Pompey: this Stratonix was the daughter of a Musician as is said, and one of the Kings Wives or Concubines; being enraged that she was forsaken by him whilst Mithridates was rambling about Pontus; having sent most of the Garrison for provisions, she admitted the Romans upon this single condition, That if Pompey should take her son Xiphares prisoner, he would keep him in safety for his Mother. and being privy to a great Treasury that was hidden under ground: (whic • consisted of many brass vessels, bound about with hoopes of iron) she discovered it to Pompey, of which he selected only, such as he conceived would give most ornament to the Temple, and most splendor to his Triumph. And gave Stratonix the rest. [ Plut. Appian. Dio. ]
Mithridates, understanding this caused Xiphares her son to be slain, his Mother beholding it on the other side of the river, and then threw away his body without burial: neglecting all Piety, that he might make her but repent of what she had done. [ Appian. ]
Pompey took also that almost impregnable Castle, called the New, in which Mithridates had laid his most valueable things, which were afterwards by Pompey dedicated to the Capitol. [ Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556. 557.] in it also Pompey took many of Mithridate's most secret records, which he willingly looked over: because that besides other secrets: he might clearly thereby discover his numbers and wealth. [ Plutarch. ] Amongst them there were also some Physical inventions of Mithridates which Pompey commanded Lenaeus, a learned Grammarian, to translate into Latin. [ Pliny. lib. 25. cap. 2.]
Phraates, sent Ambassadors to Pompey, by whom he complained of injuries he had received: That Tigranes the younger was by him kept prisoner, and he desired, being his son in law, he might be returned: and as if Euphrates had been the limit of his Empire, he forewarned Pompey of passing it, to which he answered: that Tigranes ought rather to be in his Fathers power, than his Father in laws, and that he would keep his equal bounds. [ Plut. cum Dio. ]
Phraates, in the spring (when Lu. Caesar and C. Figulus were Consuls) made an expedition against Tigranes, and after he had been foiled in one battle: he afterwards got the mastery of his Enemy. [ Dio. lib. 37.]
Pompey, in the beginning of the spring, having drawn his forces out of their winter quarters, marched out into Damascene: and by the way demolished a Castle in Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had fortified, he fell in also upon the Country of Ptolemy Mennaeus; one no less hurtful than Dionysius Tripolitanus, who was allied to him, and beheaded: but he paid 1000 talents and redeemed himself, which Pompey bestowed upon his soldiers: he destroyed also the Castle of Lysias, whose Governor was Silas a Jew: after that marching by Heliopolis, and Chalcis, and passing the middle of the mountain, he comes into Coelosyria, and from Pella, arrives at Damascus. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 5.]
There he gave audience to the Jews and to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus their Princes, who were at variance betwixt themselves, as the Nation was with them both: the Jews having it in precept from their forefathers, that they should give obedience to the Priests of God, refused to be governed by Kings. These two were indeed of the race of the Priests, but had a design of altering the Government, and bringing servitude upon this people. Hyrcanus complained, that his brother, though the younger, had gotten the greater part of the Country, having by force invaded and usurped it; That at land he had made violent incursions upon his borders; and that at sea he had harbours and receptacles for his Pirates. There were above 1000 of the chief of the Jews, whom Antipator had persuaded to it, confirmed what he said to be true. On the other side, Aristobulus pleaded that Hyrcanus was removed for his sloth, and a general contempt that lay upon him amongst the people of his own Country, that he had taken the government upon him by necessity, least it might have been transferred to some other family, and he called to atrest it certain insolent young men, who gave offense to everybody by the fineness of their cloths, the exactness of their hair, and their other accoutrements; which had been much more proper, had they come to a Tryumph, then a judgment. [ Joseph. lib. 14 cap. 5.]
Pompey having heard their plead, and rebuking the violence of Aristobulus, dismissed them peacably with this promise, that he would come himself into their Country as soon as he had overlooked the affairs of the Nabataei; in the mean time he enjoined them to be quiet, using Aristobulus with with great civility, least he being provoked, his passage might be stopped: Nevertheless, he gained no favor from him, for Aristobulus, who had put himself into the greatest equipage, and splendor was possible, taking distaste at their usage, and thinking it intolerable to endure anything beneath the majesty of a king; he withdrew from Diospolis, and coming to the Town of Delius, he betook himself to Judea, in order to his own affairs. [ Id. ibid. & lib. 1. Belli, cap. 5.]
Alexander II. being beaten out of Egypt, departed to Tyre, and there died; leaving, as was reported, by his last Will and Testament, his kingdom of Egypt to the people of Rome: of which Cicero in his first Oration that he made the first day of his Consulship, thus, The Decemviri say, that which was often spoken by many, That Alexander the King had by his Will made over his Kingdom to the Romans, as if they would give Alexandria to those upon private request, whom you did oppose openly, fighting in the field: And in his second Oration more fully: What of Alexandria, and all Egypt, how secretly doth it lie? How private is it kept? How obscurely reported to the Decemviri? Which of you are ignorant, that it is said, that Kingdom was by Alexanders last Will conferred upon the Romans. In this case I, though a Roman Consul, am so far from determining anything, that I forbear my opinion: for it seems to me no small matter, not only to judge, but to speak of this thing. I see him that will assert the making of the Will; and I suppose there be records of the Senate extant, which concern their possession of their heritage, about the time when Alexander died, and we sent Ambassadors to syre, for the restitution of the money was desposed by us. This I remember I have often heard L. Philippus affirm in the Senate. It is granted almost of all sides, That he, who at this time rules, ( Ptolemeus Auletes ) is neither of the race, nor the honor of a King. On the other side it is said there is no will, and that the people of Rome ought not to appear covetous of every Kingdom, That it was the richness of the soil, and the plenty of all things that carried over people thither: but of so great an affaire, P. Rullus with the rest of the Decemviri his Collegues will judge.
It is reported also, that M. Crassus being Censor, and endeavoring to make Egypt tributary to the people of Rome, did strongly oppose Lutatius Catulus his Colleague in his Censorship; by which means a dissention growing, they of their own accords laid down their magistracy and power. [ Plutarch in Crasso. ]
Pompey had a great mind to recover Syria, and so to pass thorough Arabia, to the Red sea; that in like manner as he had in pursuit of the Albani, been almost at the Hyrcanian (or Caspian) sea, and as in the West, the Roman Empire was terminated by the Atlantic, so by his conquest in the East, it might be extended to the Red sea: he saw also the difficulty of taking Mithridates, finding him more troublesome in his flight, than opposition: promising therefore to leave him hunger, as a more formidable enemy, he disposed his ships for the intercepting of those Merchants that traded into the Bosphorus, threatening them with death, if he took them: and then taking with him a great part of his army, he begun his journey. [ Plutarch in Pompeio. ]
He invaded Syria Coelen and Phoenicia, and first of all he over-ran the Ituraeans, and Arabians, [ Appian. pag. 244. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] who inhabiting the hilly Country about Libanus, infested their neighbors with robberies, their retreats were very well fortified; upon the hills were Sinna, Borrhama, and other sorts of that kind, in the bottom Botrys, Gigartus, besides dens by the sea side, and a Castle seated upon a Mountain, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or the face of God, all which Pompey dismantled, and running thorough Biblus or Palaebiblus, a Country of Cinyrae, he set her at liberty, by cutting off her Governors head, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 755.]
Afranius, having subdued the Arabians near Amanus, came down into Syria, which wanting a lawful Prince, he reduced it into a Province, and brought it under the possession of the Romans, [ Id. ibid. ] and receiving a sum of money of the Antiochians, he called them to no account, but enfranchized their City, and left them to the exercise of their own laws, [ Porphyr. in Graecis Eusebianis Scaligeri, pag. 227.] And in many things indulging the Antiochians, he restored the place of their public confession which was fallen: he had great respect to them because they deduced themselves from the Athenians, [ Johan. Malela Antiochenus, in Chronico. ]
He gave Seleucea (Pieria) a very strong City, and adjacent to Antioch her liberty, because it had refused to admit Tigranes, [ Stra. lib. 16. pag. 751. Eutrop. lib. 6.] But to the Antiochians he released their Hostages, and to the Daphnenses, a certain quantity of field for the enlargement of their Grove, being delighted with the pleasantness of the place and the plenty of waters, [ Eutrop. lib. 6.] From whence Strabo notes the circumference of this Grove so sweetly watered with Springs was 80 furlongs, [ lib. 16. pag. 750.] Sextus Rufus in Breviario writes, that Pompey consecrated this Grove of the Daphnenses, and added another thereunto. Jerome adds in his Commentary upon the 16 Chapter of Ezekiel, that it was by his order sown or planted by the hands of his soldiers: and in his Chronicle, he says it was consecrated to Apollo; which if spoken of the new Wood that was added, might perhaps be true. See the 3704, and 3833 year of the World, concerning the old Grove.
Cato Minor, was then in Syria, called afterwards Uticensis, a Philosopher of the Sect of the Stoics, a young man then, but of great esteem, who (being for the great friendship betwixt his father and him invited to it by Dejotares King or Tetrarch rather of the Galatari) travelled thorough Asia, observing the manners, customs, and strength of every Province as he passed. He performed his journey always on foot, his friends that accompanied him riding by. He coming to see Antioch in Pompey's absence, and beholding a great throng of people in white before the Gate, the men drawn up on one side of the way, and the children on the other, he disgusted it, supposing it had been done out of Ceremony to him; wherefore he commanded his friends to alight and walk with him; as they approached he which ordered and commanded the whole Multitude being an ancient man and carrying in his hand a Rod and a Crown, addressed himself first to Cato, and without so much as saluting him, inquired how Demetrius did, and when he would come thither; he had been Pompey's servant, but was made free, and because he could prevail very far with him, he was reverenced by everybody very much. Cato's friends then falling into laughter, Cato cried out, O miserable City I and passed forward without any other answer; afterwards as often as he remembered it, he fell a laughing himself, [ Plutarch in Pompeio, & Catone Minore. ]
When Tigranes the Armenian was overcome by Phraates the Parthian, he desired aid of Pompey that was then in Syria: but Phraates presently after sent Ambassadors to Pompey, accusing both the Romans and himself so earnestly, that they made him both afraid and ashamed; insomuch, that he neither gave Tigranes any assistance, nor (though many did excite him) waged war afterwards with Phraates: pleading he had no commands from the people of Rome for that Expedition, and that Mithridates was yet in being, for the present he was contented with what he had done, and would not engage in any new, lest with Lucullus attempting too much, he should meet with misfortunes at last. Phraates accusations he did extenuate, not refuting them, but only that he might beget some difference betwixt him and Tigranes about their bounds: which succeeding, he promised to send three Commissioners who might judge of it. And he did send them indeed, who being received as Arbitrators by the Kings, composed all controversies betwixt them: Tigranes was angry he prevailed not for supplies. But Phraates desired Tigranes should be safe; whose assistance, if things came so about, he might expect for the future against the Romans; it being obvious to both of them, that whosoever of them overcame the other, he was sure of contest with the Romans, and was likely with the more ease to fall into their power. These causes therefore considered, they made peace, [ Dio. lib. 37. cum Plutarch, & Appian. pag. 244.]
Pompey being thus employed, Mithridates went round about Pontus, and possessed himself of Panticapaeum, a Mart Town in Europe at the mouth of the Pontick, [ Appian. ibid. ] He sent also Ambassadors to Pompey (who was then in Tyria, and knew not that Mithridates was alive) which promised if he would restore him his fathers kingdom again, he would become tributary to the people of Rome; and when he urged that the King should come himself, as Tigranes had done, he refused to do it, as a thing not suitable to the person of Mithridates, but said he would send his sons and other of his friends, [ Appian. pag. 245.]
These thing, being past, he summoned all people promiscuously, as well servants as free. He forged also great store of arms and darts, and other engines, sparing nothing, not so much as their oxen for the plow, which he killed that he might have their nerves for strings to their bows. He laid a tax also upon all people, which was raised, but without Mithridates knowledge with great injury to many. He himself was at that time troubled with a certain ulcerous disease in his face, so as nobody could see him but the Eunuch that had him in cure, which they finished at last. His army being ready at the sametime, consisting of 60 Cohorts, each of them containing six hundred men, and a numerous multitude besides, ships also, and places of convenience, which his Commanders had fortified whilst he was sick: He carried part of his army to Phanagorium another Town situate in the mouth of the River too, that on all sides he might secure the passes. Pompey being all this while in Syria, [ Id. ibid. ]
In Bosphorus, whilst Mithridates was celebrating to Ceres, there suddenly happened an Earth-quake, the greatest in the memory of man, which destroyed many Cities, and did no small mischief in the fields, [ Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.] Not much unlike it, if it was not the same, was that Justin ex Trogo mentions, which devoured 170000 men, and many Cities with them: which prodigies the Aruspices did say portended great alteration of affairs, [ Justin. lib. 40. cap. 2.]
At the same time, Castor that was Commander in Chief for Mithridates in Phanagorium, slew Tripho the Kings Eunuch by whom he had been formerly abused as he was entering into the Town; and when he had done; excited the people to take up arms for their liberty, who although the Castle was held by Artaphernes and the rest of Mitaridates children, yet getting wood and things combustible together from all places, they set it on fire, and constrained Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxathres, and Eupatra, the children of Mithridates, to deliver up themselves: amongst these, Artaphernes was the only person, was full forty years old, the rest were comely youths: but Cleopatra another Daughter stood our, whose generosity delighting her father, he sent a Squadron of Gallies and fetched her away: the rest Castor (when he had possessed himself of the Castle) sent over to the Romans, [ Appian. pag. 245, 246. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]
Those Castles that were near and newly taken by Mithridates, provoked by the bad example of the Phanagorenses revolted, a Chersnessus, Theudosia, Nymphaeum, and other places about Pontus, that were convenient in that war, [ Appian. ]
Mithridates, being very much incensed, did not only execute some of the runegades that he had taken, but many of his friends also, and Exipodras one of his children, [ Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.] and observing their great defects, and having the fidelity of his whole army in suspicion, by reason they were forced, and under extraordinary taxes, and thinking the adversity of his fortune would always be in the minds of a mutable and constrained people; he sent therefore his Eunuchs to the Princes of Scythia, to treat about marrying his Daughters, desiring they would with all speed come in with their Forces to his relief. They were conducted by 500 soldiers, who were not gone far from Mithridates before they slew the Eunuchs, because that they having great authority with the King, had been always troublesome to them; and when they had done, they carried the Ladies to Pompey, [ Appian. ]
Pompey, leaving Syria, passed into Asia; where he acted with no little ambition: a thing he had so much repehended in Lucullus. For whilst Mithridates had yet the command of Bosphorus, and also had gathered together a very considerable army; he, as if he had done all, disposed several provinces, and conferred gifts, [ Plutarch. ]
Also Livy tells us in his 102 book, how that he brought Pontus into the form of a province in Mithridates his life time. This, being added to Galatia, and divided into eleven Convents, was called by the name of Bithynia, [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 541.]
Pompey, taking Mithridatium from Pontus, bestowed it upon Bogodiatorus, [ Id. ibid. ] He created Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who was in honor with Sylla and the Senate (as I have noted in the 3919 year of the World) Chief priest of Luna, a goddess of the Comans in Pontus, instaured with a princely Dynasty; and added to the sacred revenue of that office the quantity of two scoeni, or 60 stadii of land, and commanded the inhabitants of Comana that they should be obedient to Archelaus. So that he was their Prince, and the chief Lord of all the Priests and Ministers of that Temple, inhabiting in the City which were no less than 6000: only he had not power to sell them, [ Id. lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796. cum Appiano, pag. 251.]
Appianus says, Attalus had the Dynastie of Paphlagonia conferred upon him by Pompey. [ pag. 251.] Eutropius will have it bestowed upon Attalus and Polaemenes; and Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes tell us, that Polaemenes upon his death-bed, left the inheritance of Paphlagonia to the people of Rome. Armenia (the Less) he gave to Dejotares King of Galatia (or rather Tetrarch) because he was a companion in the Mithridatic war. [ Eutrop. lib. 6.] For he thought Dejotares to be the most absolutely true and faithful friend to the Romans, in the whole World. [ Cicero in Philippica 11.] Wherefore he gave him Godolonites his part of Pontus, and all to Pharnacia and Trapezunte; the Colchi even to Armenia (the Less) and constituted him King of that Division: when as he had before by inheritance from his father, the Tetrarchy of the Tolistoborgians of Galatia, [ Strabo. lib. 7. pag. 547.] for Pompeius lest Galatia to Tetrarchs of his family. [ Id. ib. pag. 541. compared with Appian. pag. 351.] And a little after it came into the hands of three only, then of the two, and last of all into the sole power of Dejotares. [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 567.]
Mithridates, being deprived of so many Children, Castles, and indeed his whole Kingdom, did not for all this take to heart the lowness of his condition, when he had also lost his Dignity, and was past all hope of any help from Scithia; but took his journey to the Eutropian Gauls, whose friendship he had before engaged, to the intent they might help him in such a dead lift: and taking his way thorough Scythia and Ister, that with them he might pass the Alps into Italy he hoped, for the dislike they had of the Romans, many Italians would join with him. [ Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Appian. pag. 246. Dio. lib. 37.]
The soldiery disliked these high attempts, being affrighted with the boldness of the enterprize, and the length of the march, as also that they were to go against men, they were not able to deal with, even in their own Country: and they thought Mithridates being in so desperate a condition, was resolved to end his life rather valiantly, than like a slug. But yet they held out a while, and quietly let him go on in his designs, for he was no mean or contemptible Prince, even under the greatest misfortunes. [ Appian. ]
Aretas, King of Arabia Petrea, (or the rocky) even unto the Red sea, who had formerly been often troublesome and vexatious to Syria, and by the Romans (who came in vindication of the Syrians) was overcome in a fight, did notwithstanding still continue the war. Against him and his neighbors (Phraates now lying quiet, and Syria and Phenicia being well settled) Pompeius made an expedition, [ Dio. lib. 37.] not altogether to the liking of the Soldiery: for they thought it not well to decline the prosecution of Mithridates: but thought it meet to set the force of the war against him, that was their old enemy, and was now recruiting his forces, and prepared (through Scythia and Panonia) to invade Italy with an army, (as we have said formerly) But Pompeius was the more confirmed, that it was a more worthy deed to suppress the force of a warring Foe, than to take the body of a conquered and flying enemy. [ Plutarch. ]
Pompey beginning his voyage, first gave very noble and handsome burial to the dead that fell under Triarius in that unlucky bout they had with Mithridates in Pontus, and which Lucullus left without interrement. Aretas, who before contemned the Roman arms, now, being struck with terror, he wrote to Pompey, that he would both observe and perform whatsoever he should command. But Pompey, that he might find the deph of the design, he set upon Petra; [ Plutarch. ] where he reduced the King and his Allies without much ado, into his power, and delivered them to custody, [ Dio. lib. 37.] having taken their City Petra itself: [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] although Josephus writes that he omitted them, and bent his forces against Aristobulus. But Plutarch says, that when he was gone a little from Pera, hearing the news of Mithridates his death, he returned out of Arabia, and came to Amisus.
P. Servilius Rullus, Tribune of the people at Rome, in the beginning of his migistrateship, published the Agrarian Law, concerning the creating of Decemviri, with chief authority, whose right and 〈◊〉 it was to sell or dispose into Colonies, all the public revenues in Italy and Syria, and what land soever had been gained by Pompey. Which in the Kalends of January: (which, as the year then went at Rome, fell even upon the beginning of the Julian October) in the beginning of his Consulship, Cicero opposed in a speech he made against Rullus, and freed all from the general fear they were in of that Law. [ Cicero in 12 Agraria. & lib. 2. ad Attic. ep. 1. cum Plut. in Cicerone. ]
And when by that Law power was given to the Decemviri, to sell all those lands which Mithridates had possessed, in Paphlagonia, Pontus, and Cappadocia, in his second Agrarian oration before the people: Cicero reprehended the injustice of that popular decree in this interrogation. Is it so? without any law made, without the vote of the Emperor, before the war is ended, whilst King Mithridates, having lost his army, and being expelled his Kingdom, yet makes his attempts in the utmost regions, and is defended by the Maeotis and those quabs, the straightness of the way, and the height of the mountains, from the invincible army of Cn. Pompeius; whilst the Emperor is engaged in the war, and in those very places the name of a war remains: will the Decemviri sell those lands, which by the custom of our ancestors, ought to remain in the power, and at the disposure of Cnius Pompei us?
L. Valerius Flaccus, who had carried the Praetorship at Rome, was sent Praetor into Asia; which Praetor-ship of his in Asia was annual, into which Quintus Cicero was the fifth that entered, as Mar • us Cicero his brother witnesses in his oration, for this very Flaccus, when he was accused of bribery.
Pharnaces, Mithridates his best beloved son, whom he had often appointed his heir in the Kingdom; plotted against his father, whether for that he thought his fathers Italian expedition would put him past all hopes of reconciliation with the Romans, or some other cause, or for covetousness. But those being taken that were guilty in the plot, and put to the rack, yet, by the persuasion of Menophanes; Mithridates pardoned his son. [ Appian. ] Dio (as Salianus notes) passes over this pardon in silence: and tells us once and again, that Pursivants were sent to take Pharnaces: who were by him persuaded to be his party, and with them having taken Panticapaeum brought his father into his power: with this observation to boot; That Mithridates otherwise a very wise King never considered this, That arms and multitudes of subjects availed nothing without their good will and love: But on the contrary if they are perfidious there is least safety, where the greatest number; which observation also you may find in the following narration of Appian.
Pharnaces, knowing that they were much against the expedition into Italy in their minds, in the night time he went to those Romans, that fled over to Mithridates; and, aggravating the danger of their passing into Italy, which they well knew, and promising them great matters if they would stay; he persuaded them to fall off from his father: and presently, the same night, he sent messengers to other adjacent tents, and persuaded them also to the same opinion; in the morning first the Italian fugitives, and then all the other adjoining camps cried up the business: and so did the navall forces, with a great shout, and many shouted to give notice of the defection; neither forewarned of the business, nor corrupted thereto: but either induced by the example of so many whom they saw they could not withstand, or taken with the novelty of the old Kings misfortune.
Mithridates, at the shout of the army, sent some to know what they would have. They, nothing dissembling the matter, said, They would have his son to be King, a young man instead of an old one, and he addicted to Eunuchs, and that had been the death of many sons, captains and friends. When Mithridates heard this he went out to speak to them himself: whilst many of his guard fled over to the fugitives; who would not receive them unless they would do something that might manifest they were unfaithful to the King; and withal shown them Mithridates: whose horse as he was flying away they killed, and now saluted Pharnaces King: as if they had obtained their hearts desire; and some of them took a very large skin of parchment, in length and breadth, what they had brought from the temple: and put it about his head instead of a Diadem.
The old man, seeing this from the upper porch, sent one after another to Pharnaces to desire a safe passage away of him, but when none of them returned, fearing least be might be given up to the Romans, having praised those pursivants, and friends of his that yet stood by him sent them to the new King: some of whom the army slew in the way contrary to all expectation. [ Appian. ] When he had long from the walls imprecated his son in vain, and saw him inexorable he is said to have uttered these words, being about to die. O country God's, if so you be any grant that some time or other, he may receive the same words from his children. And presently going to his wives and concubines he gave them poison. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]
Two virgin daughters that were brought up with him, Mithridatis and Nissa, betrothed to the King of Egypt and Cyprus, earnestly entreated their father, that they might drink their poisoned potion before him, and desired him to forbear till they had done. [ Appian. ] But neither the poison Mithridates always carried about in his sword, nor the wound he had given himself with the sword, were sufficient to end him, although he walked about most violently, that so the poison, diffusing itself through his veins, might act more powerfully: but all this prevailed nothing, in regard he had so antidoted his body against poison, with daily preservative medicines, which to this day are called Mithridatica; and the wound he gave himself with the sword, what by reason of his age, what by his present perplexities, and the distemper the poison wrought, was but weakly performed. When therefore he had not fully slain himself, but lingered; the wall being now broken down, and Bitoetus or B • thocus, a Soldier and Gaul roving about, being terrified with the majesty of his countenance, he called him back, and caused the soldiers trembling hand to put an end to his life. [ Dio. lib. 37. compared with Livy, lib. 102. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. Plin. lib. 25. cap. 2. Justin. lib. 37. cap. 2. A Gelloi. lib. 17. cap. 16. Appian. pag. 248, Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illust. cap. 76. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]
This end did Mithridates choose at Panticapaeum in Bosphorus Cimmerius. A man neither to be passed over in silence, nor to be spoken of without respect, most valiant in war, of singular virtue, greatest, sometimes in fortune, but always in mind; a most discreet General, and an excellent Soldier of his hands, as Velleius Paterculus describes him, [lib. 2. cap. 18.] and last of all, the greatest King after Alexander; as Cicero calls him in his Lucullus: by reason of which Elogies also, I have thought myself engaged to be no less careful in setting down his affairs, than those of Alexander.
Orosius writes thus of the time of the Mithridatic war, in the end of the first Chapter of his sixth book. The Mithridatic war, or rather the destruction of the Mithridatic war which involved many Provinces therein, was protracted for the space of forty years. For it began to break out the 662 year after the foundation of Rome, as I said before, [ lib. 5. cap. 19.] in which year also the first civil war began there; and in the Consulship of Cicero and Antonius (that I may use the words of that excellent Poet [ Lucan, ]
We read in Justin, [ lib. 37. cap. 1.] that Mithridates warred with the Romans forty years. Appian, in the beginning of his Mithridaticks, [ pag. 170.] allows to that Mithridatic war 42; [ in Syriac. pag. 118. & Mithridaticis, pag. 249.] as Florus also, [ lib. 3. cap. 5.] and Eutropius [ lib. 6.] only 40. In Pliny, [ lib. 7. cap. 26.] the Title placed by Pompey, in the Temple of Minerva shows this war to last 30 years only; and from the beginning of the first Mithridatic war, to the death of Mithridates, is found to be but 26 years; those years of the peace between the two wars reckoned and all; so that that war may be said to last thirty years, only to make up the even number; as Cicero [ Orat. in L. Pisonem. ] in his Consulship hints, that he defended C. Rabirius, who was guilty of Treason, for that he had slain Saturninus, by the authority of the Senate, forty years before: which Dio [ lib. 37.] by a more exact reckoning, affirms to have been transacted within 36 years, before that time: concerning whom, against that Pisconian Oration, Asconius Pedianus is to be consulted.
At that time Pompey was in Judea; for being angry with Aristobulus, he marched against him: Hyrcanus very much entreating him to do so, with the Roman Legions, and with Auxiliaries that he raised in Damascus, and in other parts of Syria. For having passed by Pella and Scythopolis; and being come to Coreae, when, in the beginning of Judea, towards the Mediterranean, he understood that Aristobulus was fled into Alexandrion, a goodly Castle, seated upon the top of an hill, but summoned him to come unto him; who being persuaded by many of his friends, not to commence a war against the Romans, came unto Pompey; and after he had debated his Title with his brother Hyrcanus as touching the kingdom: He by the permission of Pompey, retired into the Castle again. And this he did two or three times, always flattering Pompey, through the hope he had of the kingdom; and making a show, that he would be obedient unto him in all things: but in the mean while he returned and fortified the Castle, making preparation for war, for fear lest the kingdom should be transferred upon his brother Hyrcanus. [ Joseph. lib. Belli, 1. Antiquit. 14, cap. 6.]
Pompey commanding that Aristobulus should deliver over to him the Castles, he wrote to the Governors concerning his business; who would not have obeyed him, unless the letters had been wrote with his own hands. Aristobulus submitted indeed, but in discontent repaired to Jerusalem, with full intent to prepare for war; whom Pompey immediately followed with his army, thinking it not fit to give him any time for preparation. [ Id. ib. ]
As Pompey was marching near Jericho, there came a messenger that brought him news, that Mithridates was killed by his son Pharnaces. [ Ibid. ] Which good news, they that brought the message presently shown by wreathing about their Javlins heads with laurell; there was not any high place for him to speak to the Soldiers after the manner of the Camp, which is made with Turfes, cut and laid one upon another; but then for very hast, they took their Saddles, and laid them one upon another, and so raised a Mount: which when Pompey had ascended, he told them how that Mithridates had killed himself, and that Pharnaces had kept all things for himself and the Romans, [ Plutarch in Pompeio: ]
Whereupon the army, and not without cause, greatly rejoicing, gave themselves over to sacrificing and feasting, as if in Mithridates person alone, there had died multitudes of their enemies. Pompey also was very glad, that he had put an end to all his acts and expeditions, easier than he thought he should. [ Id. ibid. ] For he laid so much weight upon the life of him alone, that although he by conquest already possessed all that he had, yet he did not think the war was ended, as long as he was alive, [ Cicero, pro Murena. ] and Lucan also brings in Pompey thus braging of himself.
Pompey first encamping at Jericho, where are most excellent Dates, and Balsam the most precious of all other Oyntments: the next morning marched towards Jerusalem. Then Aristobulus being sorry for what he had done, came and met him, and promised him money; and that he would yield both himself and the City up to him, only he desired that setting wars aside, whatsoever he did, he would do it in a peaceable way. Pompey pardoned him, and sent Gabinius with the Soldiers to receive the money, but was fain to return without without either or City, for Aristobulus his Soldiers would not stand to Aristobulus his promise. Pompey hereupon waxed wroth, and committing Aristobulus into custody, marched in person against the City, which was strongly fortified, except toward the North, which was easily to be battered. [ Joseph, lib. 15. cap. 7.]
The Citizens within the City being at dissention among themselves, those that were of Hyrcanus part, were of opinion that the City should be delivered up to Pompey, to whom many joined, fearing the constancy of the Romans: but Aristobulus his faction commanded the gates should be shut, and preparations for war to be made, because he kept the King prisoner. These preventing the other seized upon the Temple, and cutting down the Bridge, by which they went into the City, stood upon their defense: but Hircanus partly having received the army within the City, delivered over to them, both the City and the Kings Palace; the custody of both which, Pompey committed to his Lieutenant Piso, who fortified the houses and other buildings that were near the Temple, but first offered to the besieged conditions of peace: which seeing they refused, he prepareth for to give a general assault, and was assisted by Hircanus in all things that were needful, [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]
On the north side of the City Pompey encamped, which was the easiest to be assaulted: here were also high towers, and a ditch made by hands, besides a deep valley which begirt the Temple, and also towards the City all places were very steep down when the Bridge was taken away, especially on that side that Pompey was encamped on. But the Romans daily raised Mounts, cutting down trees round about; and filled up the Trench with materials that the soldiers brought; which work indeed was very difficult, by reason of the vast depth of the Trench; especially considering the resistance that the Jews made from above, [ ibid. ]
But unless the custom of our Country (saith Josephus) had commanded us to rest on the seventh day, they could not have finished the Mounts, if we had resisted them. For the Law permits us to defend ourselves against an assailing enemy, but doth not suffer us to hinder any work that the enemy doth, (but this is no written Law, but given by tradition from their Doctors) which when the Romans observed, they neither did so much as shoot a dart against the Jews, nor came to handy blows with them; but only erected their Mounts and Towers, and planted their Engines, that they might use them the next day against us. This Josephus, [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.] and King Agrippa in the same anthour, [ lib. 2. Bell. cap. ] saith, that Pompey especially chose those days for to carry on the war, on which they that were assailed were to keep the rest of the Sabbath.
Pompey's letters being read in the Senate concerning the death of Mithridates and the finishing of that war; at Cicero the Consuls proposal, there was a procession for twelve days decreed for Pompey, [ Cicero, de provinciis Consularibus. ] And the Romans kept Festival-days, as being freed rom a sore enemy, [ Appian. pag. 250.]
Titus Ampius, and Titus Labienus, Tribunes of the people, propounded a law, that Pompey should wear a Laurel Crown, and the Triumphal habit in the Circensian plays, and in the Scenical plays, the Purple Gown, and a Laurel Crown: which yet he never did anymore than once, [ Vellei, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Dio. lib. 37.]
At Jerusalem the Trench being now filled, and the Tower fitted upon the Mounts, and the Engines that were brought from Tyrus planted, the Romans with shooting huge stones battered the Temple; but yet along while, the Towers being exceeding strong and beautiful, endured the assaults of the besiegers. The Romans being then very much tired, Pompey wondered at the constancy of the Jews, and amongst others, at this especially, that they constantly solemnized the whole service of God amidst all their enemies weapons, as if they had had a firm peace; for all the time of the assault they performed the daily sacrifices: the priests twice every day, namely, in the morning, and at the ninth hour, offering sacrifices upon the altar, yea, not intermitting their sacrifices in their greatest extremities, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]
When the Latinae feriae were solemnized at Rome (which were not Feasts that were always upon a set day, but by the appointment of the Magistrates) a Comet appeared; and on the seventh day of the Julian November, two hours after midnight, the Moon was eclipsed: of which Cicero in the second book of his Consulship makes mention in these Verses.
In the third month of the siege of Jerusalem, the greatest Tower being shaken by the many batteries of the Ram fell, an • with the fall thereof brake down a great piece of the wall; by which breach multitudes of the enemies brake into the Temple. The first who ventured to ascend the wall, was Cornelius Faustus the son of Sylia, with his band of soldiers, and immediately after the Centurion Furius with his Regiment, and between them both, the Centurion Fabius with a valiant band of his soldiers. These compassing the Temple about, while some sought to hide themselves, and others made some small resistance, slew them all; where many priests, although they saw the enemies rushing in with their drawn words, yet being nothing at all dismayed, continued their sacrifices, and were slain even while they offered and incensed in the Temple, preferring their duty they owed to their Religion before their own lives, [ Ibid. ]
All places were full of slaughters; some of the Jews were slain by the Romans, others by their own Countrymen of the contrary faction: Many threw themselves headlong down the rocks; others setting their houses on fire burnt themselves, not enduring to behold those things that were done by the enemy. Therefell here 12000 of the Jews; there were very few of the Romans slain, but many wounded: amongst them that were taken captives was Absalom, the Uncle and Father in law of Aristobulus (he was the son of John Hircanus) whom as Josephus writes in the 13 book and 20 chapter, was honored by Alexander Jannaeus because he was contented to live a private and idle life, [ Ibid. ]
The Temple was taken on the fast day, C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero, being Consuls in the CLXXIX Olympiad, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 8.] and the first of that year, [ Euseb. Demonstrat. Evangel. lib. 8. cap. 2.] on the solemn fast of the third month; on which the City was afterwards taken by Sosius, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. ult. ] where it is to be taken for the third month of the civil year, beginning from Autumn, according to the Hebrews and other Eastern accounts, (as Josephus shows in the first of his Antiquities, cap. 4. and St. Jerome in the beginning of Ezekiel:) to wit, the third month of the Syrians called by them, the former Canun, and by the Hebrews C • isleu: on the 28 day of which month the Jews even to this very day, keep a Fast in memory of the sacred Roll burnt by wicked Jehoiakim: [ Jeremy, XXXVI. 9. 22, 23.] which Fast (as is observed at the year of the World 3398.) was appointed for the first taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, when the Jews began first to serve the Babylonians, this event, this Peritrope is worth the observation, That on the same day of the same month, that the Temple should happen to be taken, and that after 543 years by Pompey, when the Jews began to serve the Romans; and again after 26 years by Sosius, when they began to serve Herod the Idumaean, and his posterity: and that 28 day of the month Cisleu, answers to the 28 day of the Julian December this year: and (which also is worth observation) it fell also on a Saturday, or the Jewish Sabbath, in which the Temple was won by assault, as Dio notes: and this is reckoned the 79 year, from the 170. of the Grecian Empire, in which it is read, that the yoke of the Heathen was taken away from Israel, [1 Maccab. 13. 41.] from whence, it may be gathered, what a small time they enjoyed their liberty.
Pompey entered into the Temple, and many together with him, and there beheld those things that were not lawful to be seen by any but the High Priest: and whereas there were in the Temple, the Table, the Candlesticks, with the Lamps, and all Vessels for Sacrifice, and the Censers all of Gold, and an huge heap of Spices, and in the Treasuries of Sacred Money, about 2000 talents; yet Pompey meddled not with any of these, but the next day he commanded them that had the charge of the Temple, to purify and cleanse it, and to offer their solemn Sacrifices to God, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]
Pompey restored the High Priesthood to Hircanus, both because he had shown himself so forward all the time of the siege, and for that he hindered the Jews that were in the whole Country from joining with Aristobulus, [ Id. ibid. ] With the Priesthood he also received the Principality; yet Pompey forbad him to wear a Crown, and from thence, besides the former 9 years, in which he was High Priest during the reign of his mother Alexandra, he obtained also the High priesthood other 24 years, [ Id. lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8.] for which we take 23 years and an half.
Pompey put to death those that were the chiefest cause of the war, and gave great honors and rewards to Faustus and others who first had ascended the wall, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]
Pompey made the Jews tributary to the Romans, [The Julian Period. 4651] [ Id. [Year before Christ 63] ibid. Euseb. Chron. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] and the Cities which they had formerly conquered in Coelosyria, he took from them, commanding them to obey their own Governors, and the whole Nation formerly advanced through prosperity, he contracted within their ancient bounds; and in favor of Demetrius of Gadara, a libertine of his, (of whose insolence, Plutarch wrote in the life of Pompey) he rebuilded Gadara, which the Jews had formerly destroyed: other inland Cities, as Hippon, Scythopolis, Pella, Dion, Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia, Arathusa, he restored to the inhabitants, except those that were destroyed in the wars, and likewise the Sea Towns, as Gaza, Joppe, Dora, the Town of Straton, (which was afterwards magnificently rebuilt by Herod, and called Cesarea) Pompey set at liberty, and annexed all of them to the Province of Syria. [ Joseph. ut supra. ]
Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, through their dissensions among themselves, saith Josephus, [lib. 14. cap. 8.] were the cause of this calamity to them of Jerusalem; for then we first began to loose our liberty, being subject to the government of the Romans: besides that, we have been enforced to surrender up to the Syrians, that Country we had lately taken from them in war, and the Romans have also exacted of us, more than ten thousand talents in a short time. Which afterwards the same Josephus affirms [in cap. 12.] that Crassus alone took so much out of the Temple, so that he may here be understood to speak of the tributes and pensions laid upon the people.
With these things that are delivered by Josephus their Country Historian, it will not be from the purpose to compare those things we have delivered by foreign Authors (who were contrary to the Jews in their principles) concerning those things were acted by Pompey against the Jews; amongst whom, Cicero is the principal, in whose Consulship these things were transacted; in his Oration for L. Flaccus, we meet with this Testimony of Pompey's abstinence. C. Pompeius, having taken Jerusalem, moved nothing out of that Temple: but, as all things else, so he acted in the first place most wisely in this, That in so spacious and calumnious a City as it was, he allowed no place of hearing the speeches of slanderous detractors; for I think the religion of the Jews was no offense, but a shame to this excellent Emperor. And as much as could be expected from a Heathen, he made a comparison between the Roman and the Jewish religion in this manner. Every City hath its particular religion, and we have ours. Whilst the Hierosolymitans stood, and the Jews were at league with us, yet their religion did abhor the splendor of the sacred rites of our Empire, the majesty of our name, and the institutions of our Ancestors; and now, which is more, that nation showing their opinion of ut by their Arms, it is sufficiently manifest how dear they are to the immortal gods, in that they are conquered, farmed and made servile.
Out of Titus Livius, in the 102 Epitome of his book, we have only these words in effect. Cn. Pompeius subdued the Jews, and took their Temple, which till that time had been inviolate, unless we should think that Eutropius and Orosius (as they did many other parts of their Histories) borrowed this out of him. Thus Eutropius touches upon the business in his sixth book, Passing over against the Jews, the third month he took Jerusalem, the head of the Nation: twelve thousand of the Jews being slain, and the rest taken into league. Orosius [lib. 6. cap. 6.] writing that Pompey went from Petra in Arabia against the Jews; over whom Aristobulus having expelled his brother, Hyrcanus (being the first King of a Priest) reigned: shows that he took this part of his history not out of Josephus, but some other more unskillful in the Jewish affairs, who notwithstanding relates the transactions of Pompey in this business, nothing amiss, thus. He sent Gabinius with an army to Jerusalem, their City; and he presently came after himself, and was received into the City by the chief Elders: but being beaten off the walls of the Temple, by the common people, he set himself to oppose it. The place was not only fortified by the natural situation, but a very great wall, and notwithstanding one Legion after another, night and day, without intermission, attempted the walls; he was three months in taking of it, and took it at length, with much ado. Thirteen thousand ( Josephus and Eutropius have 12.) of the Jews were slain there, the rest of the multitude were taken into truce. Pompey commanded the walls of the City to be thrown down, and levelled with the ground: and when he had beheaded some Princes of the Jews, he restored Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood, and brought Aristobulus Prisoner to Rome.
Strabo, in the sixth book of his Geography, thus. When Judea was now openly oppressed with tyranny, Alexander was the first had made himself King instead of Priest: whose sons, Hircanus and Aristobulus, striving for the government, Pompey came in and deposed, and demolished their bulworks, and took Jerusalem first by force. That fence was all of stone, and well guarded: within well furnisted with water, but without altogether droughty. It had a ditch cut in the rock, 60 foot deep, and 250 wide. The walls of the Temple were made of the stone that were cut out of it. Pompey took it, as it is reported, by taking the opportunity of a fast day, in which they abstained from all manner of labors, having filled the ditch, and passed the wall by his scaling ladders. He commanded all the walls to be demolished, and as much as he could, destroyed and abolish all the receptacle of Robbers, and all those places where the Tyrants treasures were laid up. Two of them were sited in the entrance into Jericho, Thrax, and Taurus, the rest were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Machaerus, Lysias, and some places about Philadelphia, Scythopolis also next to Galilee; [ pag. 792, 763.] and afterwards, Pompey taking away some places, that the Jews had by violence seized upon, preferred Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood. [ pag. 764, 765.]
In Lucan, in the third book of Pharsalia, among other Nations that he conquered, reckons up Judea, in these words.
Plutarch in Pompeio, He subdued Judea, and took their King Aristobulus. Appian in Mithridaticis, concerning the same. He made war upon Aretas, the King of the Arabians of Nabathea, and the Jews also, who had revolted from their King Aristobulus, until he took Jerusalem, a City, in their conceit, most holy. [ pag. 244.] and in Syriacis. Only the Country of the Jews remained unconquered, whose King Aristobulus the conquering Pompey sent to Rome, and overthrew the walls of Jerusalem, the greatest and most holy City in all that Country. [ pag, 119.]
Cornel. Tacitus, Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. The first that conquered the Jews of all the Romans, was Cn. Pompey, and entered the Temple by right of conquest; there was first published, that their Temple was within, without any image, and an empty seat, and mysteries: the walls of Jerusalem were thrown down, but the Temple stood still. L. Florus, [Histor. lib, 3. cap. 5.] concerning the same. Marching through Libanus in Syria, and Damascus, he distributed the Roman Ensigns; be passed through those odoriferous Groves of frank incense and balms: The Arabians were at his service; the Jews assaid to defend Jerusalem: but this he entered also, and saw openly that grand mistery of that wicked Nation, as under a skye of beaten gold; concerning which, [ see Lypsius, Elector. lib. 2. cap. 5] The brethren at odds about the Kingdom, he being made Umpire, adjudgeth the Kingdom to Hyrcanus, and claps irons upon Aristobulus, refusing to stand to the award.
And then Dio, [lib 37.] in the Consulship of M. Tullius Cicero, and C. Antonius. Pompey marched into Syria Palestine, because their inhabitants had invaded Phoenicia: this Country the two brethren, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus governed, 〈◊〉 they by chance being at odds at that time for the Priesthood (which is with them all one with the kingdom) of the God, whomsoever he be, filled the City with seditions: Pompey therefore presently, without any blows, conquered Hyrcanus, for he had no forces able to resist him: and Aristobulus also being besieged in a certain Castle, was forced to accept conditions of peace: and seeing he would neither give him money, nor yield up the Castle, he cast him into Prison, and then easily conquered the rest: but the winning of Jerusalem cost him much pains; indeed be easily obtained the City, being let in by those that favored Hyrcanus: but the Temple that was seized upon by them of the contrary faction he took not, but with great pains, it was seated on an hill, and fortified with a wall of stone; neither if they had defended it all days alike, would it have been conquered; but, because they left off the defense of it on Saturdayes, and because they rested from all work on those days, they gave the Romans occasion of overthrowing the wall: for when they observed this custom of the enemies, they did nothing to the purpose on the other days; but when the week went about, and Saturday was come, then they fell to work heartily, and was the Temple by main force. And thus at length the Jews were overcome, nothing at all defending themselves; then were the treasures taken away, and the Kingdom given to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus carried away prisoner. These things happened at this time in Palestine.
Whilst Pompey made war about Judea, Ptolomaeus (Auletes) maintained 8000 horsemen at his own charge, and feasted a thousand guests with so many golden drinking cupps, always changing the cupps, as they changed the dishes; as Varro relateth. [ Plin. lib. 33.] to whom there was to be paid out of Egypt yearly the tribute of 12500 talents, as Cicero in an oration (which is lost) delivered. [ Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 799.] although Diodorus Siculus related that the revenue of Egypt at this time was but only 6000 talents.
Seleucis in Palestine was built by Pompey. [ Appian. pag. 253.]
Pompey, having left the government of Coelosyria, to Scaurus; from Euphrates as far as the borders of Egypt, departed into Silicia with two legions; carrying Aristobulus prisoner with him, with his two sons, and as many daughters: [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 8.] one of which called Alexander in his journey, escaped by flight, but the younger called Antigonus with his sisters was carried to Rome. [ Id. lib. bell. cap. 5. fin. ]
Appian writes that Pompey left Syria, at his departure thence, to be governed by his Quaestor Scaurus: [ in Syriacis. pag. 119. cum lib. 5. bell. civil. pag. 676. 677.] Josephus ads in lib. 1. bel. cap. 8. that he gave the government of Syria, and Judea, also to Scaurus. Ammianus Marcellinus also in lib. 14. affirmeth, that Pompey having conquered the Jews, and taken Jerusalem brought Palestine into the form of a province, committing the jurisdiction thereof to a Governor. indeed Hyrcanus then retained the name of King, but without a crown: but such was the dullness of his wit, that the governors of Syria took the power to themselves, not only of ordering the tributes, but of disposing of all things at their own pleasure in Palestine, as we shall see hereafter in the government of Gabinius.
Cicero and Antonius being Consuls, on the 9 day before the calends of October was Octavius born, of Octavius and his wife Atia; (the sister of C. Julius Caesar) [ Suetonius, in Octavio. cap. 4. 5.] who afterwards was called Caesar Augustus. In whose reign our Lord Jesus Christ the Savior of the World was born. [ Luc. II. 1. 6. 7,] Julius Marathus reporteth, that a few months before Augustus was born, there happened at Rome a prodigy (or oracle) publicly known, whereby was declared that nature was about to bring forth a King over the people of Rome: at which the senate being affrighted made an act, that no man's child that was begotten that year, should be reared, but those whose wives were with child, (for everyone was willing to draw this hope to himself, took order that this act should not be brought into the treasury, and then enrolled. [ Suetonius. vt supra. cap. 94.] concerning his birth day on the 9 of the Kalends of October, Augustus himself agrees with Suetonius in an epistle to his nephew Gaius. [ Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 7.] the new Kalendar [ in Scriptionibus Gruteri CXXXIII. ] and the Narbon stone. [ibid. pag. CCXXIX.] Dion also not dissenting who in the 56 book saith that he was born on the 23 of September: for in the Julian September of 30 days, the IX of the Kalends of October which is the 23 of September, although in the Pomp • lian September which hath but 29 days it is the 22 of the same month; but September, as the year was (before the correction appointed by Julius Caesar) at Rome, it fell in June of the Julian period 4651.)
Catilinus conspiracy breaking forth at Rome. Q. Martius Rex, and Q. Metellus Creticus both of them were generals in the City, and both of them hindered from triumphing by the false accusation of some few, whose custom it was to set to sails all things both honest, and dishonest, [ Salust. in conjuration. Catilinar. ]
The Philadelphenses reckon their years from the second year of the CLXXIX Olympiad. ( Fasti Siculi ) this Philadelphia is not far from Judea: of which Josephus, [ lib. 1. bell. cap. 5. and Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 760. & 763.] where he notes that about it the receptacles of the thieves were this year taken away by Pompey, which perhaps was the cause of the first institution of this Epoch.
Pompey, marching about the rest of Silicia, which did not acknowledge the Roman power, subdued it to the Roman without a blow. [ Appian. pag. 244.] except that part that was possessed by the Eleuthero-Cilice, whose town being seated in the mountain Amanus, were afterwards conquered by Cicero the Proconsul of Syria.
Pharnaces sent to Pompey, the body of his father Mithridates done up in brine, yielding up to him both himself and his Kingdom: [ Dio. lib. 37.] Appian writes that he sent it to Pompey to Synope in a gally: and also those that had taken Manius (Aquilius) and many hostages both of Grecians, and Barbarians: and that he desired, that he might hold either his fathers Kingdom, or the Bosphoran only, which his brother Machan, had received from Mithridates. Plutarch saith that Pompey, when he came to Amilus, that he found many gifts brought from Pharnaces, and many of the royal family, and also the course of Mithridates, not very well known by his face, but was known by the scars, by them who desired to see that fight, for Pompey would not see it, but sent it to Synope.
For Pompey thinking that all hostility was extinct with his life; wreaked not any malice upon the dead body, but commanded it to be buried in the sepulcher of his fathers. [ Dio. lib. 37.] he delivered therefore the body over to them, that should take care of it, and defraying the charges, he commanded it should be royally interred at Synope, and withal commended him for the excellency of his doings, as the most famous King of his age. [ Appian. pag. 250.]
Pompey admired the wonderful rich apparel, and arms he ware: but Publius stole the scabbard of his sword, which cost 400 talents, and sold it to Ariarathes. Gaius the foster-brother of Mithridates, gave privately Mithridates hat of wonderful workmanship, to Faustus the son of Sylla who begged it of him, without Pompey's privity but Pharnaces when he afterwards understood of it, punished those that had imbecilled those things. [ Plutarch. ]
Pompey enrolled Pharnaces and Castor Phanagonasis among the friends and allyes of the people of Rome, [ Appian. pag. 251. Dio. lib. 37.] and also gave the kingdom of Bosphorus to Pharnaces, because he had freed Italy from many difficulties; except the Phanagorenses to whom he granted liberty because they first of all troubled Mithridates by revolting from him, both as he was gathering up again his Forces, and when he had an army and fleet, and thus by giving example to others, were the cause of his destruction, [ Appian. pag. 250.] But after the departure of Pompey, Pharnaces assailed the Phanagorenses and their neighbors, until that thorough famine they were forced to come out and fight with him, and so were overcome; whom without doing any more hurt unto them, he received into friendship with him, only taking hostages of them, [ Appian. pag. 253, 254.]
Pompey recovered Castles in Pontus, the delivery up of which those that were in garrison thought to defer till his coming before them; fearing, lest the treasure that was committed to their charge, others might take away, and lay the fault upon them, [ Dio. lib. 37.] In Talaura, which City Mithridates used as a Wardrobe, were found 2000 cups of Onix stone, made and fastened together with gold, many cups also for hot and cold drinks, beds, chairs, all most splendid; bridles for horses, and trappings for breasts and shoulders, all beset with gold and precious stones: in the receiving and reckoning of which, the Treasurer spent thirty days; part of them came from Darius the son of Hystaspes to his successors from hand to hand: part of them Cleopatra had deposited with the Coans and were of the treasure of the Ptolemaean Kings, which Mithridates had carried from thence, they being delivered him by the Citizens; part the King himself had prepared and got together, being extremely desirous of rich houshouldstuffe, [ Appian. pag. 251, 252.]
At Rome at the time of the choosing Consuls, Cicero the Consul spake an oration for Murena, who was chosen Consul for the following year, and was accused for unlawful bribing for the office, in which he saith that the army of L. Lucullus, which were come to his triumph, came to aid Murena in demanding the Consulship; of which triumph Cicero in his Lucullus thus maketh mention. When returned Conqueror from the Mithridatick war, he triumphed three years later than he ought to have done, through the false accusations of his enemies: for we that are Consuls, were almost fain to bring in the chariot of that famous man into the city, for C. Mummius had set the people of Rome against him, as if he had imbezelled much of the spoils, and had protracted the war, and so persuaded the people that they should deny him his Triumph, but the noble men, and those that were most in authority, intermeddling themselves with the tribes, they entreated so much by suit and persuasion, that at last they brought them to yield unto his Tryumph. [ Plutarch. in Lucullus. ]
He made his Tryumphant entry not troublesome for the long show thereof, nor for the multitude of things that he brought thither, as many Captains had done before him; but he furnished the show place (called Circus Flaminius) with the enemies weapons, of which there was great store, and with the Kings battering Engines, which was a pleasant sight to behold: and in their Triumph there was a certain company of men bravely armed, ten Chariots with Sithes, and 60 friends and Captains of the two Kings, and 110 long ships armed on, their beaks drawn also after them; a Statue of Mithridates of six foot high all of gold, and a Target set with precio • s stones: the Crown also of Tigranes was taken, and carried in Triumph: twenty cupboards of silver plate, of golden vessels and armor and coin 32. These were carried upon men's shoulders; eight mules golden beds, 56 carried silver bullion, and 107 that carried silver coin, little less than 2700000 Drachmes. Moreover, there were books of accounts carried, what money he had given to Pompey, and the treasures for the war against the Pirates, besides what he had given to his own Soldiers, which was 950 Drachmes a piece, and then he feasted all the Cities and Villages thereabouts. [ Id. ibid. ]
After the Triumph, and an account given of the Mithridatick war, he fell to a manner of living far more magnificent, than stood with the ancient temperance, and was the first among the Romans that brought in all manner of delicacies, after he had received the riches of the two Kings, Tigranes and Mithridates. [ Nicolaus Damascene. Historiar. lib. 27. apud Athenaeum, lib. 6. cap. ult. & lib. 12. cap. 21.] Velleius Paterculus also confirmeth, that he was the first that brought in the profuse luxury in buildings, diet, and household-stuff. [ lib. 2. cap. 33.]
Pompey rebuilt Eupatoria, [Year of the World 3942] which Mithridates Eupator had built, and so called from his own name, and destroyed it again, because it entertained the Romans; Pompey gave to it both lands and inhabitants, and called it Magnopolis. [ Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556. Appian. pag. 251.] He adorned Cabira in the form of a City, and called it Diopolis. [ Strabo. ibid. pag. 557] He appointed Laws and Statutes for the Bythinians, and them of Pontus; of which Pliny the Praetor of Bythinia makes mention in his Epistle to Trajan. [ lib. 10.]
Pompey marched out of Pontus into Asia (properly so called) and wintered at Ephesus; Dio. lib. 37.] and when he had finished all both by sea and land, yet he commanded the Cities of Asia to furnish him with a Fleet, equivalent to the price or rate of L. Sylla's imposition which he described. [ Cicero pro. Flacco. ]
L. Valerius Flaccus, who in the former year was Praetor at Rome, was this year Praetor of Asia. [ Id. ibid. ]
About the end of winter, [The Julian Period. 4652] Pompey distributes rewards to his conquering army to everyone 1500 Attic Drachmes, [Year before Christ 62] (Plutarch confirmeth that he that had received least, received so many) and to the Tribunes and Centurions proportionable to their dignity; which sum of money they reckon to be 16000 talents, [ Appian. pag. 252.] to the Liutenants and Quaestors that defended the sea coast 2000 sestertium's, to each of the Soldiers fifty, as we read in Pliny, [ lib. 37. cap. 2.] if that place be perfect.
D. Julius Silanus, and L. Murena being Consuls, Metellus triumphed over Crete, [ Eutrop. lib. 6.] and indeed upon the Kalends of June, (for as much as can be gathered from the fragments of the triumphal marbles) which fell at that time in the Julian March: but the chief ornament of the Triumph, Pompey drew from him, which was the captive Captains. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40.] for he took from him Lasthenes and Panares, by the aide of one of the common people, being persuaded thereunto, [ Dio. lib. 36.] but yet the Triumph of Lucullus and Metellus were much favored by every good man, both through their own virtue, and especially in envy to Pompey. [ Vellei. ut supra. cap. 34.] Appian also makes mention of the Triumph of Metellus Creticus, [ Legat. 30.]
When Cato came to Ephesus to salute Pompey, as one that was elder and greater in dignity than he, Pompey seeing him come, would not suffer him to come to him, as he sat in his seat, but went to meet him as one of the chiefest noble men, and took him by the hand; embracing and saluting him, commended him in the presence of all men, both before his face, and when he was gone from him: but yet was glad when he was gone, as though he could not command freely in his presence; and also commended to him the care of his wife and children, which he never did to any almost that sailed to Rome, though indeed Cato was allied to them. [ Plut. in Cato minore. ]
Pompey, after he had partly by war overcome many Princes and Kings, and partly allied them to him by firm conditions of peace, and had taken not less than 900 Cities, and restored 39 Cities that were either ruinated or destroyed in war (as was Mazaca the head City of Cappadocia) and had increased eight Cities and Countries with Colonies, and had instructed the greatest part of the Nations thorough the Continent of Asia that belonged to the Romans in his own laws, and ordained a Commonwealth for them; then at length he set sail from Ephesus, and went towards Italy, in very great pomp, thorough Islands, and Greece, [ Dio. lib. 37. Appian. pag. 251. Plutarch. in Pompeio. ]
When Pompey was come to Lesbos, he released the City of all taxes in favor of Theophanes, [ Plutarch, ibid. ] for the Mitylenians had delivered Marius Aquilius and others prisoners; to whom liberty was restored by Pompey in favor only of Theophanes, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 18.] This was Balbus Cornelius Theophanes a Mitylenian, a Writer of Pompey's Acts: whom he esteemed one of his most intimate friends, and made him a Citizen of Rome in the face of the whole army: to whom also the Grecian flattery when he was dead, bestowed divine honors, [ Cicero, pro Archia poeta. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 617. Valerius Maximus, lib. 8. cap. 14. Cornel. Tacitus, lib. 6. Annal. cap. 1. Julius Capitolinus, in Maximo & Balbino. ]
At Mitylene Pompey beheld the poets play their prizes, where the only subject was his own acts and deeds: he was much delighted with the theater, and drew a map and models of it, that he might make the like at Rome, but greater and more magnificent. [ Plutarch. ]
When he came to Rhodes, he heard the Sophisters dispute, and gave to each of them a talent. Posidonius hath written the disputation he made before Pompey, against Hermagoras the Rhetorician; of the general question. [Id.] but Pompey as he was about to go into Posidonius his house, forbad his Lictour (as the manner was) to knock at the door, and he himself laid down the Lictours rod, at the door, to whom both the east and the west submitted. [Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 20.] concerning whose meeting Cicero thus relates in the second book of Tusculine questions, out of Pompey's own mouth. I have often seen Posidonius myself, but I will tell you, what Pompey was wont often to declare unto me: that as he came out of Syria, and was come to Rhodes, he had a mind to hear Posidonius, but when he heard he was very sick, and in great pain with the gout, yet he would needs see that famous Philosopher, who when he had seen him and saluted him, and had given him very great complements, he told him, that he was very sorry that he could not hear him; but you may saith he, neither will I suffer that the pain of my body, shall frustrate the coming of so great a man to me: So he told me, that the Philosopher disputed very gravely and fully concerning this subject, That there was nothing good, but what was honest; and whereas he was all on fire as it were with pain, as if so many torches had been put to him, he often said in pain, all thou dost is nothing; although thou art troublesome, yet I will never confess thou art evil. Some also say, that Pompey came to Rhodes, at what time he went to the Mithridatick War, and being presently to march against Mithridates, then to have discoursed with Posidonius, and in his departure to have asked him if he would command him anything, and that Posidonius should repeat that Verse in Homer,
Valerius Flaccus being Praetor, commanded the Cities of Asia to furnish him with money and Mariners for a Fleet, but fewer ships by half than Pompey used. This Feet he divided into two Squadrons, that one should sail above Ephesus, and the other beneath; in which Fleet M. Crassus sailed from Aenus, (in Thrace) into Asia, and Flaccus out of Asia into Macedonia: and whereas every year Gold was wont to be exported (in the name of the Jews) out of Italy, and all the Roman provinces to Jerusalem: Flaccus commanded by a decree, that none should be exported out of Asia: whereupon there was apprehended at Apamea, and weighed before the Praetor himself in the Court by Sext. Coesius a Roman Knight, not less than a 100 pound weight of Gold at Laodicea; more than twenty pound weight by L. Peducaeus, at Adramitum by the Lieutenant Cn. Domitius, at Pergamos not much; and this Gold was laid up in the Treasury. These things are mentioned in his Oration for him, and defended.
Scaurus, who was left President of Syria by Pompey, marched into Arabia, but by the difficulty of the place could not come as far as Petra: but yet he wasted the country round about: although he himself endured much evil; for his army was afflicted with famine; although Hyrcanus by Antipater's means supplied him with corn, and other necessaries out of Judea. Antipater also was sent as Embassador from Scaurus, to Aretas, because he was his very familiar friend, to persuade him that by disbursing a sum of money, he might redeem his country from harrassing; who engaged unto him for 300 talents: and upon this condition the war was ended, no less with the good liking of Scaurus, than of Aretas. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bel. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 3.] hereupon Scaurus caused a silver coin to be stamped in his Aedil-ship on the one side of which, a King clad in a barbarous habit kneeled before him, who had on him a loose coat and hose, and presented a crown unto him that was carried on a camels back; with these letters written about M. SCAVRVS AED. CVR. EX. S. C. M. Scaurus Curule Aedile by the decree of the Senate: and beneath; REX ARETAS, King Aretas. [ Pighius his Annal. Roman. tom. 3. pag. 341. 362.]
When as Pompey had sent his Leivetenant Piso to demand the Consul-ship; the Romans both deferred the comitia til his coming, and chose Piso, who was there present, Consul, with a general consent; this commendation of Piso by Pompey for him, wrought not only upon friends, but also with enemies; for they were all in a general fear of Pompey, before he had dismissed his army. [ Dio. lib. 37.]
About the happening of Piso his Consulship, (in the Julian November) Pompey came into Italy, as may be understood out of Cicero. [ lib. 1. ad Atticum. epist. 9. & 11.] and whereas it was fea • d that he would not come without his army, and that he would regulate the public liberty after his own pleasure, and that he would make himself Lord of all Italy, and all the power of the Romans; as soon as he came to Brindisi, he of his own accord, dischargeth all his forces, before there came to him any decree either from the Senate, or people; [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Plut. Appian. Dio. ] Plutarch saith, that Pompey when he thus kindly discharged his soldiers, commanded them to meet him again at his triumph: but Dio affirmeth, that he did not so much as intend to use them at his triumph: [ lib. 37.]
In an oration at Rome, Pompey declared that he had made war in the East with 22 Kings. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] and that when he received Asia, it was the outmost province, but now when he restored it to his Country again it was the middlemost. [ Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 26. Florus lib. 3. cap. 5.]
Q. Tullius Cicero, the younger brother of Marcus, was chosen Praetor by lot over Asia, and succeeded L. Valerius Flaccus. [ M. Cicero. in. orat. pro Flacco. & lib. 1. epist. ad Attic. ]
When he was to go into his province, he had a great mind that T. Pomponius Atticus his wives brother should go with him as his Leivetenant: but he thought it not beseeming him, that would not be Praetor to be a servant of the Praetor, [ Cornel. Nepos in visu Attici. ] which Quintus took very ill. [ M. Cicero. lib. Epist. 14. ad Atticum ]
P. Clodius, both for the revolt of Nisibis, and because that in woman's habit, he had entered into a temple, into which it was not lawful for a man to enter, and because he had defiled the wife of Metellus the high priest, and of C. Caesar, and had had to do with his own sister, being accused, I say, for these things, was quitted by the Judges who were bribed with money. [ Cicero. lib. 1. epist. 13. ad Atticum. Liv. lib. 103. Plut. in Cicerone. Dio. lib. 37.]
Cicero, writes to Atticus that he had taken from the Consul Piso, Syria that was promised unto him, [ lib. 1. epist. 13.] wherefore Marcius Philippus who had been Praetor, was sent successor to Scaurus; who was left in Syria by Pompey: who skirmished with the Arabians, who lived near there and invaded Syria. [ Appian. in Syriac. pag. 119. 120.]
In the ninth year of the priesthood and principality of Hyrcanus (to wit, from the death of his mother Alexandra; before Gabinius took the principality from her) in the month Panemus or June, that decree of the Athenians, in the honor of Hyrcanus seemeth to be published, which is extant in the lib. 14. Antiquit cap. 16. of Josephus: although he refers that note of time to a preceding decree of the Roman Senate: which was set forth, both in the time of the former Hyrcanus the son of Simeon, and upon the Ides of December, as we have shown, at the year of the Julian period 4587. But this decree made in the honor of Hyrcanus the second son of Alexander was written on the XI day of Muncychion Attick, (about the 28 day of the Julian April:) by Euclis the son of Menander the Almusian, being secretary, and delivered to the governors on the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Macedonian Panemus, or the XXVII day, (answering to the XX day of the Julian June) Agathocles being Praetor at Athens: as we have shown in the first chapter of the book; concerning the solar year of the Macedonians and Athenians.
Q. Cicero, first of all eased the cities of Asia, of the charge of providing mariners, and a Fleet, [ M. Tullius, in Orat. pro Flacco. ] and restored many Cities that were almost deferred; as Samos for one, a most noble City of Ionia, and another, Halicarnassus, a City of Caria, [ Id. lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quintum Fratrem. ]
Pompey deferred his Triumph till his birth day, which he did on the third, and the day before the Kalends, of October (which was his birth day, falling then either in July or June of the Julian account) M. Messala, and M. Piso, being Consuls; as may be gathered from the Marble Fragments of the Triumphal Records, but more fully out of the Records of the Triumphs of Pompey himself, mentioned by Pliny, [ lib. 7. cap. 26. & lib. 37. cap. 2.] and although he had a most magnificent Triumph of so many Kings for two days together, [ as it is in Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. & Appian. in Mithridaticis. ] Although this Triumph lasted two whole days, yet was not the greatness of it fully shown, as Plutarch saith: for a great part of the preparation, which would have served to furnish another Triumph was not seen.
They who strive to compare Pompey in all things with Alexander the Great, will needs have him not to be full 34 years old; whereas in truth he was 40, if we believe Plutarch: and indeed Pompey himself, even from his youth, by the talk of his flatterers, believing that himself was like Alexander, he imitated both his actions and counsels, [ Salust. Historiar. lib. 3. apud Nonium Marcellum, in voc. Emulus. ] But Velleius very elegantly observes, that they were too much busied about the age of that great man, [lib. 2. cap. 53.] who were deceived, in the account full five years: whereas the setting right of these things was so easy from the Consulships of C. Attilius, and Quintus Servilius: Which fault Plutarch fell upon, whilst he correcteth others; whilst he now saith, that Pompey was but 40 years old, when as indeed he was 45.
Pompey made his first Triumph over Africa, the second over Europe, the third over Asia, and so made the three parts of the World, so many Monuments of his Victory, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Plutarch in Pompey. ] Whereupon this great Triumph was called The Triumph of the whole World, [Dio. lib. 37.] He was here by the whole Assembly saluted by the surname of Great, [Liv. lib. 103.] with which surname, given long a gone by the people he was contented, although by his famous deeds he might have received many new names, [ Dio. ut supra. ]
The preface of the Triumph (as it is described by Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 26. out of his own Records) was thus. When he had freed the sea coast from Pirates, and had restored the command of the sea to the people of Rome, he triumphed over Asia, Pontus, Armenia. Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Silicia, Syria, Scythians, Jews, Albanians, Iberia, the Isle of Crete, Bastarna, and above all these, over the Kings, Mithridates and Tigranes: to which Plutarch adds, Media, Colchis, Mesopotamia, and Arabia; and Appianus adds, the Heniochi, and Achaeans.
Pompey brought 700 ships that were whole: there was a vast number of waggons that carried the armor, and also the beaks of ships: after these went a multitude of captives and pirates, not bound, but clad in their Country habits: Noble-men, and Captains, or sons of the Kings, partly captives, partly hostages, to the number of 324. went before him, who sat on a lofty Chariot, [ Appian. ]
Amongst these was Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, the King of Armenia, with his wife and daughters, and Zosime the wife of Tigranes himself; Moreover the sister and five sons of Mithridates (Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius, Xerxes) and two daughters, Orsabaris, and Eupatra. There was also led Olthaces the King of the Colchians, and Aristobulus the King of the Jews, and the Tyrants of the Cilicians: also some women of the Royal Family of the Scythians, three Commanders of the Iberians; two of the Albanians, with Menander of Laodice, who was General of Mithridates Horse; also the hostages of the Albanians and Iberians, and of the King of the Commagenians: also many other Trophies were carried, according to the number of battles, that either he or his Lieutenant had won in divers places, [ Id. cum Plutarcho. ]
The pictures of Tigranes and Mithridates though absent, were carried, and how they fought, how gave ground, how fled. The assailing also of Mithridates was represented, and how he secretly fled away by night: and last of all his death was represented to the eyes of the beholders, the Virgins also that were the companions of his death being likewise set out in pictures: there were carried also tables with the images of his sons and daughters that died before him, and the figures of the Barbarian gods in their own Country habits, [ Appian. ]
Pompey himself was carried in a Chariot set with precious stones, clad, as is reported, in the Coat of Alexander the great: there followed the Chariot; the companions of this expedition, the Colonels both of Horse and Foot. [ Id. ]
The day before the Kalends of October, which was his birth day; he brought a pair of Tables with the men of two precious stones, three foot broad, and four long, in which was a golden Moon of 30 pound weight; three Parlour Tables, nine Cupboards of plate of gold and precious stones: three golden Images of Minerva, Mars, and Apollo: three Crowns set with pearls, a golden Mount square, portrayed with Stags and Lions and fruits of all kinds, compassing about a golden Vine, (of which formerly, at the end of the year of the World 3939.) A Bower of pearls, upon the top of which was a Sundial. Pompey's own image of pearl. Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 2.] Pompey also writes, that he carried trees in Triumph, namely the Elm tree, and the Balsam tree, which only groweth in Judea, [ Id. lib. 12. cap. 4. & 25.]
There were also Carts, and other Vessels laden with gold, and diverse other Ornaments, among which was the bed of Darius the son of Hystaspes, and the Throne and Scepter of Mithridates Eupator, and a golden image of him, eight cubits to the breast, [ Appian. ] a silver Statue of Pharnaces, who first reigned in Pontus; and gold and silver Chariots, [ Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 12.] and of silver coin 7000 Myriads, and 510 Drachmes. [ Appian. ] Moreover it was shewn in Tables, that all the tribute of the people of Rome was before but 5000 Myriads, but with these that he had gotten for the people of Rome, they now amounted to 8500 Myriads. [ Plutarch. ]
There was also carried a Table, containing a breviary of those things that Pompey had done in the east, inscribed with this Title: 800 ships with prows were taken; eight Cities built in Cappadocia, in Silicia, and Coelosyria 20. in Palestine Seleucis: Kings conquered, Tigranes the Armenian, Artoces the Iberian, Orozes the Albanian. Thus the Title, [ Appian. ] the like to which Pliny makes mention of, [ lib. 7. cap. 26.] placed in the Temple of Minerva, and dedicated of the spoils. Cn. Pompeius Magnus, Captain General, having finished a war of thirty years, having overthrown, routed, killed, and having had yielded unto him, twenty one hundred eighty three thousand men, sunk and taken 846 ships, having had yielded unto him 1538 Towns and Castles, having conquered from the lake of Maeotis to the Red Sea, deservedly offers this vow to Minerva.
He brought into the public treasury in plate, and in gold and silver coin 20000 talents, [ Plutarch. ] among other gifts that were dedicated by him in the Capitol, was the Cabinet of King Mithridates; as Varro and other Authors of that time confirm, which first of all inclined the Romans towards pearls and Jewels. [ Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 1.] There also was dedicated all the most precious things of Mithridates, that were found in the new Castle, [ Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556, 557.] and that golden Vine that was brought out of Judea; [ Id. in Josephus, lib. 14. cap. 5.] also six cups of the stone of Murrha, then first brought to Rome, which presently were commonly used, they being desirous to have plates and dishes of the same. [ Pliny. lib. 37. cap. 2.]
When Pompey came triumphing into the Capitol, he put none of the captives to death, as those that had triumphed before him used to do: but paying their charges out of the public money, sent everyone home into his own Country, except those that were of royal extraction. [ Appian. ] For that which Appian adds, that Aristobulus was put to death, and after him Tigranes, appears to be false from this, that Aristobulus afterwards returned into his Country. Josephus and Dio confirm, and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flaviu • a Senator, by the command of Pompey, and taken out of his custody by Clodius the Tribune of the people, which Asconius Pedianus confirmeth in his Commentary upon the Milonian Oration.
The Gazenses (being now freed from the command of the Jews) begin the account of their times from hence. [Year of the World 3944] [ Fasti. Siculi. anno. 4. Olymp. 179.] That the Gazenses began their year about the 27 day of the Julian October, we gather out of Marcus a Deacon of Gaza, in the life of Porphyry, a Bishop of Gaza,
That none should succeed Quintus Cicero in the Praetorship of Asia, his brother Marcus was the cause; as he himself in an Epistle to him shows: in which, among other things that were well done by him in the Province, he reckons this: That the thieveries of the Mysians were taken away, and murders in many places suppressed, and that peace was settled through the whole Province, and not only the robberies and thieveries of passengers, in the Countries, but more and greater in the Towns. [ lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quint Fra • r. ]
When M. Cicero had sent a Commentary of his Consulship, written in Greek, to Rhodes to Posidonius (the Apamean, both a Philosopher and an Historian, that he should write concerning the same things in a better style) which when he had read, he wrote back to him, That he was not by this at all provoked to write, but that he was clearly afraid. [ lib. 2. epist. 1. ad Atticum. ]
Ptolemaeus Auletus had a son born, he being grown old, which son succeeded him in his kingdom; so that he was not above 13 years old, when after the battle of Pharsalia, Pompey fled to him, as Dio observes in his 42 book.
Pompey demanded of the Senate, that all things that he had granted to Kings, Governors, and Cities, that the fathers would confirm, [ Appiau. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 432.]
Lucullus had at this time given himself over to enjoy his pleasure and riots: but being stirred up by the Senate, that he should use his authority to deal in matters of State, he presently set upon Pompey: [ Plutarch in Pompeio. ] therefore he and Metellus Creticus, having in mind the injury he had done them, and with them part also of the Nobility resisted him, that those things that were either promised to Cities, or the rewards to them that had deserved evil of him, should not be disposed of after his own pleasure. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40.] and Lucullus appointed, that Pompey should propose to the Senate particularly concerning all his acts; and not demand that they should be all approved in a lump, for otherwise he said it would be unjust, to approve all his acts simply, before they knew what they were, as if they had been done by some Lord. And whereas he had disanulled some of Lucullus's acts: he demanded, That both their acts should be proposed in the Senate, that it might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation. Cato, and Metellus Celer the Consul, and others that were of the same opinion, earnesty defended Lucullus. [ Dio. lib. 37.] He bragging also, that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him, drew Crassns also to his party, [ Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 432, 433.] and thereupon obtained a confirmation of his decrees, which Pompey had disanulled, [ Plutarch in Pompero. ] but overthrew all the constitutions that Pompey had made after he had overcome the Kings, and whereas he had demanded that lands might be divided among his Soldiers, Lucullus hindered it by the assistance of Cato. [ Id in Lucullo. ]
Pompey being thus turmoiled in the Senate, was compelled to fly unto the Tribunes of the people. [ Plutarch in Pompeio. ] and seeing that L, Flavius the Tribune, who had demanded that grounds might be divided to Pompey's soldiers: also added this to it, That all the Citizens might give their voices, that by this means this might be the easier granted; and also that all Pompey's acts might be confirmed: but Metellus the Consul so eagerly withstood it, that he was carried to prison by the Tribune. Notwithstanding, the Consul resolutely persisted in his opinion, as also did others, so that Pompey was fain at length to give over his demand; now too late rpenting, that he had discharged his Soldiers, and exposed himself to the injuries of his enemies. [ Dio. lib. 37.]
In the mean while, C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the Consulship: him Pompey joined with him as a companion, swearing unto him, that he would do his endeavor, that he should he made Consul: for by this means he hoped that now at length his acts, which he had made in the provinces beyond the seas, which so many withstood, should be confirmed by Caesar being now Consul, and whereas Pompey and Crassus were at great odds ever since the Consul-ship that they had borne together with very great dissention; he not only reconciled them among themselves, but entered into a Society with them both, upon this contract, That nothing should be done in the common-wealth, which displeased either of the three, which conspiracy was destructive to the City, and all the world besides, and at length to themselves also. [ Liv. lib. 103. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 44. Suetonius. in Julio Caesar. cap. 19. Plutarch. in Lucul. Cras. Pomp. Caesar. Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. Dio. lib. 37.]
This conspiracy of the three principal men of the city, Varro the most noble writer of this time, comprised in one book, and called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or three headed. [ Appian. pag. 433.] Asinius Pollio also begun to write his history of the civil war, from the same, which was made in the Consul-ship of Metellus Celer: as Horace [in lib. 2. carm. ode. 1.] and his interpreters Acron and Porphyrio confirm, for neither (as many thought) the dissention of Caesar, and Pompey brought in the civil wars, but their agreement rather conspiring together to root out the nobility first, and then falling at odds among themselves. [ Plut. in C. Caesare. ]
In this very year, in which the CLXXX Olympiad was solemnized, and Herodes, (another besides that Herod of Athens, of whom Pausanias and A. Gellius mention as the famousest man of his time) was Praetour in Athens, Diodorus Siculus begins the history of Caesar's affairs who also in that year showeth that he travelled over Egypt, in the reign of Ptolomaeus, who was called: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or new Bacchus, [ Bibliothec. historiar. lib. 1. part. 1. & 2.]
There was a third year added to the Praetourship of Quintus Cicero in Asia; [Year of the World 3945] although Suetonius saith, that he governed the proconsulate of Asia little to his credit: [ In Octavio Augusto. cap. 3.] whereupon in this year there was written an excellent epistle by Marcus Cicero concerning the well governing of a common-wealth, which is read in the first place among those that were written to his brother Quintus.
The Senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus one that had been Praetour to succeed Marcius Philippus in the government of Syria. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith Appian in Syriacis, by each of them (to wit, severally not jointly) there was spent two years space, in fighting with the Arabians, who bordering upon them introded their Country.
Julius Caesar the Consul, [The Julian Period. 4655] confirmed all Pompey's Acts as he had promised him, [Year before Christ 59] without any gainsaying of Lucullus or any one else. [ Appian. Bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 435. Dio. lib. 38.]
Pompey also obtained, that the Senate should not confirm those honors that Lucullus had promised to some of Pontus; saying, it was unjust, that another having finished the war, the distribution of Rewards and Honors should be put in the power of another, [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558.] and having filled the City with arms and soldiers, he expulsed Cato and Lucullus out of the Market-place, and also confirmed his Acts by violence and force, [ Plutarch, in Pomp. & Lucullo. ]
Suetonius writes, that Caesar in his first Consulship, set to sale societies and kingdoms, [ cap. 54.] as who, for example, took from Ptolemy alone, 6000 talents in the name of himself and Pompey: and Dio relates, [ lib. 39.] that Ptolemy ( Auletes ) spent vast sums of money upon certain Romans, both of his own and what he borrowed, that by them the kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed upon him, and that he might be called their friend and ally. And Plutarch in the life of Caesar relates, that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 Myriads, a thousand whereof, when he came into Egypt, after Pompey was killed, he exacted, and the rest he had forgiven to Auletes his children.
And in this year, in which Caesar was first time Consul, Caesar himself, in the third Commentary of the Civil War, showeth, that Aulctes by a law and a decree of the Senate, was taken into the alliance of the people of Rome; and that he obtained this honor from the Senate, before the proscription of his brother Ptolemy Cypriot, (which was the year following) Cicero confirmeth in the Section Oration, who also is to be consulted with. [ in lib. 2. ad Atticum, epist. 16.]
C. Antonius, was condemned, Cicero in vain (who was his Collogue in the Consulship) defending him, [ Dio. lib. 38.] who living a banished man in Cephalenia, and having all the Island under his command as his own possession, began to build a City, but did not finish it, [ Strabo, lib. 10. pag. 455.]
It is decreed that P. Clodius should go Ambassador to Tigranes the King of Armenia; which when he contemned, he was made of a Patrician a Plebeian by adoption; that by that means he might be chosen Tribune of the people, [ Cicero, lib. 2. ad Attic. epist. 7. & Orat. pro domo sua. Dio. lib. 38.]
Brithagoras a man of great authority among the Heraclences of Pontus, with his son Propylus went unto Julius Caesar: and having insinuated himself into his friendship, followed him up and down thorough all lands for 12 years together, only that he might do good to his fellow Citizens, [ Memnon, cap. 26.]
P. Clodius, [Year of the World 3946] being now made Tribune of the people, that he might draw the new Consuls to his party, he decreed unto them large provinces: To Gabinius, Syria, with Babylon and Persia; to Piso, Achaia, Thessalia, Greece, Macedonia, and all Boeotia, [ Cicero, pro Sextio, pro domo sua, de provincis consularibus, Plutarch, in Cicerone. ]
Q. Cicero, [The Julian Period. 4656] when he had governed Asia three years, [Year before Christ 58] departed out of the province, as in his Epistles [ l • b. 2. ad familiar. epist. 15. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 6.] his brother Marcus confirmeth; who being then in exile in Thessalonica, thus writeth to Atticus concerning his brothers voyage, [lib. 3. ep. 9.] My brother Quintus when he had departed out of Asia, before the Kalends of May, (about the end of the Julian February) and was come to Athens on the Ides, he was forced to make haste, lest that there might happen some more calamity in his absence, if perchance any one should not be content with the ills we suffer already; wherefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome, than come to me.
By a tribunitial law of P. Clodius, the priest of Cybile in Pessinus, a City of Phrygia is dispossessed of his priesthood; and Brogitarus a Gallograecian (who is thought to be that Bogodiatorus, to whom; as Strabo writes, Pompey gave Mithridatium, having taken it away from Pontus, [ lib. 12. pag. 567.] a wicked man, was desirous of it, not for the reverence to the Temple, but for violence sake, he having bought it with a great sum of money by his Ambassadors of Clodius, was substituted in his room: and whereas the priests of Pessinus in ancient time had been petty kings, (as Strabo shows in the same place) by the same tribunitial law, not only Dejotarus, was often thought worthy of that name by the Senate; but also his son in law Brogitarus, who had never demanded it of the Senate, but only had agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond, was ordained to be called King: but Dejotarus received that part of the law that agreed with the Senate, that he should be a King, without giving any money to Clodius; and preserved Pessinus in their ancient Religion: and had rather that his son in law should enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius, than that the Temple should want her ancient religion. [ Ciaero de Aruspicum respons. & pro Sextio. ]
The same Clodius also, that he might be revenged of Ptolomaeus the King of Cyprus, the brother of Auletes, the King of Alexandria (and if we believe Velleius Paterculus, most like him in all his vicious courses of life) because he had formerly negleglected him when he was taken by Pirates even when he lived quietly, and enjoyed his ease, and without showing any cause or mentioning any wrong he had done, preferred a law, for reducing of his kingdom into the form of a province; and for the confiscation of his money and goods, and sent M. Cato out of the Commonw-ealth, under a Title of most honorable charge: and preferred a law also, that he, though against his will, should be sent into Cyprus, to command there with pretorian power, and had a Questor also allowed him. [ Cicero, pro Sextio. & prodomo sua. Livy, lib. 104. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 9. Plutarch in Catone minoro. Strabo, lib. 24. pag. 684. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 541. Dio. lib. 38.] concerning whom, Cicero in his Oration for Publius Sextius, speaks thus. That miserable Cypriot, who was always an ally, was always a friend, concerning whom there was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him, either to the Senate, or our Generals, (as they say) lives to see himself, his very meat and clothes confiscate. Behold, why should other Kings think their fortune stable, seeing by this wicked example of that lamentable year, they may see themselves by one Tribune, and six hundred Artificers, stripped of all their fortunes and all their kingdom. Whereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus [ lib. 14.] is not ashamed to say, That the the people of Rome invaded that Island, rather through covetousness (by reason of the want of money in their Treasury) than justice. And Sextus Rufus in his breviary, That the poverty of the people of Rome, and scarcity of money in the Treasury, provoked them to seize upon that Island that was so famous for its riches, so that they got the command of it more covetously than justly.
Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, a King and an enemy, was as yet kept prisoner by Pompey's command, at L. Flavius his house, who was Praetor. Clodius, the Tribune of the people, being bribed with money, desired of Flavius, that he would give him leave to sup with them, that he might see him; who being brought, he feasted him, and taking him out of prison, let him go free: neither would render him again at Pompey's demand. And when he had taken shipping and was fled, he was driven back by a tempest. Clodius the Tribune sent Sextius Clodius, to bring him unto him. Flavius also, as soon as he heard of it, went to apprehend him; within four mile of the City they fell to scuffling, many are slain on both sides, but more on Flavius party: amongst whom was Papirius a Roman Knight, a Publican, and very familiar friend of Pompey's. Flavius, without any companion, hardly escaped to Rome. Clodius the Tribune, contumeliously used Pompey and Gabinius that took this bu • ine •• e • ili, and beat and wounded their fellows, and brake Gabinius, the Consuls bundle of rods; and confiscated his goods. [ Cicero, pro domo sua. Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Milonianam. Plutarch in Pompeio. & Dio. lib. 38.]
Piso and Gabinus, the Consuls, expelled Syrapis and Isis, and Harpocrates, with Cynocephalus, forbidding them the Capitol, and overthrew their Altars, restraining the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions. [ Tertullian. in Apologetico. ]
Ptolomaeus Auletes, being commanded by the Egyptians, to demand of the Romans, the Island of Cyprus, or else to renounce their alliance, did not consent; and indeed he incurred their hatred, both for this cause, and for the great taxes he laid upon the Egyptians, that he might pay the debt; that he had contracted for the purchasing of the Romans alliance. Wherefore, when he neither could persuade them to be quiet, nor could compel them by force; (for he had no hired Soldiers) he fled out of Egypt, and sailed to Rome. [ Livy, lib. 104. Dio. lib. 39.] that Caesar and Pompey might with their army restore him again. [ Plutarch in Catone minore. ] But Timagenes (who under Augustus his reign, wrote some Histories: out of whom Seneca, [ lib. 3. de Ira. cap. 23.] affirmeth, that Ptolemaeus departed the kingdom without any good cause, or that he was compelled by any necessity; and that he left Egypt by the persuasion of Theophanes, because he would give Pompey occasion to get money, and of making new wars. [ Id. in Pomp. ]
Cato going to the expedition of Cyprus, Clodius the Tribune allowed him neither ships, nor soldiers, nor servants, to go with him, only two Secretaries, whereof one was an arrant thief, and the other a client of Clodius, and as if the business of Cyprus had been but a light matter, he commanded him to restore the exiles of Byzantium, endeavoring to keep him from Rome as long as possibly he could. [ Id. in Ca • one minore. ]
Cato by his friend Canidius, whom he sent before him into Cyprus, tampered with Ptolomei, that he should yield, without any fighting; putting him in hope, that he should neither live poorly, nor in contempt, and that the people would give him the priest-hood of Paphian Venus. Cato in the mean while stayed at Rhodes, both for making preparation, and to tarry for an answer. [ Id. ibid. ] but Ptolemy, when he perceived what was decreed against him, and neither durst take up arms against the Romans, neither did he think he could live, if he were outed out of his Kingdom; he therefore put all his treasure into shipping, and took sea, that by bilging of his ships, he might perish as it pleased himself, and his enemies be defeated of their prey: but seeing he could not endure to sink his gold and silver, he carried home again the reward of his own death, and by drinking poison, ended his life; by his Title King of the Island, but in his mind a miserable: slave to his money. [ Id. ibid. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 9. Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 684. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 14. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 39. Ammian. Marcellin. lib 14. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario. ]
Ptolomaeus Auletes sailing to Rome, when he had arrived at Rhodes, and then had a mind to meet Cato; he sent unto him, hoping that he would come unto him: but he sent to Ptolemy, and told him, That if he had a mind to see him, he should come unto him. After he was come, he neither went to meet him, nor rose from his seat, but saluted him as one of the common people, and bad him sit down. At first it amazed him, and he wondered to see such a superciliousnesse and severity in one that had so simple and mean a train. When they began to talk of his business, Cato accused him of folly; that leaving his own felicity, he had subjected himself to such dishonor, such great pains, and all to satisfy the the covetousness of the chief men of Rome, which he could never do, if all the Kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver. Wherefore he counseled him to return with his Navy, and to reconcile himself to his subjects; offering himself also to go along with him, and to help him to be reconciled. The King being as it were recovered from his madness and folly, by this speech, when he perceived the truth, and Cato's wisdom, intended to follow his advice. But being again turned from this by his friends, as soon as he came to Rome, and was fain to wait at the Magistrates gates, he began to bewail his inconsiderate enterprize, and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man, [ Plutarch in Catone minore. ] but his coming on the other side, wrought so much trouble to the Romans afterwards, that Crassus (as Cicero saith in his oration for Caelius) used that speech of the Tragedian: Vtinam ne in monte Pelio.
The Alexandrians, seeing they knew not of Ptolemy his voyage into Italy, supposed he was dead, they set over the Kingdom to his daughter Berenice, which was legitimate, together with her elder sister Tryphaena (which was elder than Cleopatra) [ Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyrius in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri pag. 226.] and sent Menelaus Lampon, and Callimachus, to Antiochus Pius, (or Asiaticus rather his soune, whom Pompey had dispossessed of his Kingdom) that he would reign together with the women, but he being taken with a sickness, died. [ Porphyrius ibid. pag. 227.]
Both the Consuls in their soldiers coats, went into the provinces, Piso into Macedonia, and Gabinius into Syria: the people following them with their curses. [ Cicero pro Sextio. & in L. Pison. ] and when Gabinius was about to set sails in Syria, he invited Antonius (who was afterwards Triumvir) to go along with him to the wars which he refused to do as a private soldier, whereupon he gave him a command of horse, and he went with him to the wars. [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ]
T. Ampius, by the means of P. Clodius the Tribune, obtained the Province of Silicia, contrary to the custom, [ Cicero. pro domo sua. cum. lib. 1. ad Familiar. epist. 3.]
Of the things concerning his voyage of Gabinius into Syria, and of his first coming thither. M. Cicero thus makes mention in his Oration of Consular Provinces. His voyage into the Province, was after this manner, That King Ariobarzanes hired your Conful, to commit murders, as if he had been a Thracian: Then at his first coming into Syria, he lost many of his Horse, and afterwards his best Foot were cut off. The which loss of his Horse and Foot, he also mentions in his Oration for Sextius.
Although it was said that the King of Cyprus left a vast sum of money behind him, [Year of the World 4947] yet he determined to go first unto Byzantium. M. Brutus, his sisters son, (the murderer of Julins Caesar afterwards) was in Pamphilia, where he then lived for the recovery of his health. Cato wrote to him, that he should immediately come to him from thence into Cyprus, because he suspected that Canidius, in meddling with money, would be light fingered: which voyage Brutus undertook much against his will, both for Canidius his shame, whom he thought Cato slandered, and also because he thought this office too mean, and unmeet for him, being a young man, and given to his study: yet notwithstanding, he behaved himself so carefully, that Cato commended him. [ Plutarch. in Catone. & Bruto. ]
Alexander the son of Aristobulus, [The Julian Period. 4657] who in the way escaped from Pompey, [Year before Christ 57] troubled Judea with incursions. Hircanus at that time being not able to resist him, being in determination about building the walls of Jerusalem, that Pompey had thrown down, from the doing of which he was hindered by the Romans who were there: But Alexander travelling thorough the Country, armed many Jews; so that in short time having gotten together 10000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, he strongly fortified Alexandrion, a Castle feated near Corea, and Hyrcanium, and Machaeron, not far from the Mountains of Arabia, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10.]
Against him A. Gabinius the Governor of Syria undertook an Expedition, having sent before him M. Antonius with some Commanders. These joined with some Jews, who were under their command, whose Captains were Pitholaus and Matichus, taking also some Auxiliaries of Antipater: These met with Alexander, Gabinius following with the rest of the army. Alexander drew near Jerusalem, where joining battle, the Romans killed of the enemy about 3000 men, and not fewer prisoners taken: but Gabinius when he was come to the Castle of Alexandrium, offered the besieged conditions of peace, and promised them pardon for all that was past. And whereas many of the enemies had encamped themselves without the Fort, the Romans set upon them, where M. Antonius behaved himself very valiantly, having slain many of his enemies, [ Id. ibid. ] who being courteously entertained by Antipater, when being Triumvir, he came 16 years after into Syria, he shown towards his sons Phasaelus and Herod, that he was not unmindful of this courtesy, [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23.]
Gabinius, having left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion, he went to visit the rest of Judea; and commanded, that what Cities he found destroyed, that they should be rebuilt: and by this means, were Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnias, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, Gaza, and many others rebuilt. So that they afterwards were quietly inhabited, whereas they had lain a long time before desert.
Having thus ordered these things in the Country, Gabinius returned to Alexandrion; and whereas they intended to assault it, Alexander by his Ambassadors demanded pardon, offering him the Castles of Hyrcanion, and Machaeron, and at last Alexandrion: all which Gabinius, by the advice of the mother of Alexander, levelled with the ground, lest they should be an occasion of new wars; for the woman being solicitous for her husband and children, who were carried captive to Rome, favored the Romans; and using all obsequiousnesse towards Gabinius, obtained to him whatsoever she desired, [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10.]
After this, Gabinius having disposed of his affairs, carried Hircanus to Jerusalem, and committing the care of the Temple and Priesthood to his charge, he made others of the Nobility Rulers of the Common-wealth; and having appointed five seats of Judicature, he divided the whole province into so many equal parts. So that some were to demand Justice at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, (otherwise Dora) some at Amathus, some at Jericho, and some at Sephora. And thus the Jews being freed from the single command of one alone, they were willingly governed by an Aristocracy, [ Id. ibid. ]
Philippus Euergetes, the son of Gryphus, and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemy the eighth King of the Egyptians, (who 35 years before was King of Syria) being sent by the Alexandrians to take upon him the kingdom of Egypt, was hundred by Gabinius the Governor of Syria, [ Porphyr. in Graecis, Eusebian. Scaligeri pag. 227.]
Pompey at Rome undertook Ptolemy Auletes his cause, and commended it to the Senate, and moved for his restoring [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796.] but Ptolemy demanded that he might be restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Consul, to whom the province of Silicia was given in charge, [ Dio. lib. 39.] Spinther also himself propounding, that he might be brought back into his kingdom again by him: then was a decree of the Senate made to that purpose, [ Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 1. cum Orat. in L. Pison. & pro Rabirio Posthumo. ]
And it was said, that this advice was given by the same Consul, that a greater authority of providing corn thorough all the Roman Empire, both by sea and land, might be given to Pompey; so that Pompey being busied in a greater command, he himself might be sent to aide King Ptolemy, [ Plutarch, in Pompeio. ]
The Alexandrians sent an hundred men to Rome, that they might defend their cause against the accusations of Ptolemy, and might also accuse him of the injuries he had done unto them: the chief of which Embassy, was Dio an Academic, [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39.]
Ptolemy, sending out certain men into all parts, laid ambushes for the Ambassadors, and killed most of them in their voyage; some of them he slew in the very City, and the rest, partly by scaring them, and partly by bribing them, he brought the matter to that pass, that they did not so much as dare to agitate before the magistrates their cause from whom they were sent, or once make any mention of them that were killed. [ Dio. ibid. ] to which belongeth that, that Cicero hath concerning the murdering of the Alexandrian Ambassadors against all law and honesty, (in the oration, de Aruspicum respons. ) and concerning the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoli; [ in orat, pro Coelio. ]
This business was so vulgarly talked of, that the Senate was very angry, especially Marcus Favonius egging them on particularly: both because many Ambassadors of their allyes being sent to Rome, were violently bereaved of their lives, (one whereof Cicero, in orat. de Auruspicum responsiis, makes mention of, namely one Theodosius that was sent Embassador from a free City, was stabbed by the means of P. Clodius, and Hermachus a Chi • n:) and because there were a great number of Romans at that time, who had suffered themselves to be corrupted with bribes: wherefore they called Dio the chief of the Embassy unto them, that they might be certified by him, concerning the truth of the business, but Ptolemeys money had so much prevailed, that neither Dio eame into the Senate, neither was any mention made of those that were killed, all the while that he was at Rome. [ Dio. ut supra. ]
And at length also Dio himself, a very learned man, who lodged with Luccius (who also was a most learned man, of whom Cicero begged [in lib. 5. ad famiiiar. epist. 12.] that he would write the story of his Consul-ship) with whom he was acquainted at Alexandria, was treacherously murdered: but for this murder neither P. Ascitius, who was accused as being guilty, nor Ptolemy suffered any punishment, for Ascitius was quit in his trial; and Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house, and helped him all he could; and although many, because they had taken bribes, were in after times accused before the Judges, yet very few were condemned: because seeing there were many that were guilty of the same fault, everyone in fear to himself helped the other: men did commit those villainies then for the love of money. [ Cicero. in Orat. pro Coelio. Dio. lib. 39.]
M. Cato having reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens, and settled a firm concord in Byzantium, sailed into Cyprus: whom the Cypriots willingly received, hoping that in the place of servants as they had been, they should now become friends, and allyes of the people of Rome: Cato found there great and royal preparation in plate, tables, jewels, and purple; all which was to be sold, and to be turned into ready money: so that he gathered little less than 7000 talents of silver. [ Plutarch. in Catone minore, & Bruto. Strabo, fin. lib, 14. Dio. lib. 39.]
Here he himself was very careful in searching out all things, and to set the highest price, and to be at all bargains himself, and cast it up to the last penny: neither would he trust to the custom of the market place, but suspected all apparitours, cryers, praisers and friends, he also talked a part with them that set the prizes, and forced many to buy, and so sold many things by this means, and whereas he offended many of his friends as distrusting them, but especially his most intimate friend Munatius he provoked almost to an implacable • ffence: so that this gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing him, in the book that he wrote called Anticaton: for this Munatius (whom Valerius Maximus; lib. 4. cap. 3. surnameth Rufus) set forth a commentary, concerning Cato, and his expedition into Cyprus: whom Thrasias chiefly followed, in which commentary Munatius doth not write that this difference grew between them out of any distrust of Catoes: but that when he was come late into Cyprus, Cato did not entertain him, and preferred before him Canidius, who was with him before, and had given good proof of his fidelity, and abstinence to him. [ Plutarch. in Caton. min. ]
In the last month of his Consul-ship (then falling upon the Julian September) when the new Tribunes of the people entered upon their office, P. Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his voyage into his province of Silicia, and Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome, as that place out of the [22. lib. Annal. of Fenestella] quoted by Nonius Marcellus showeth. As soon as the tribunes entered upon their office, C. Cato a turbulent and bold young man, and one that could speak indifferently well, began with the favorable rumour of the people to raise hatred by his continual speeches to the people, against both Ptolemy who was now departed from the city, and also against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was now preparing for his voyage. but Ptolemyes cause was defended by Cicero, as he himself seems to show in his oration for Caelius, and Fortunatianus doth more clearly confirm, quoting by name that very oration of his for King Ptolemy.
In the beginning of the Consul-ship of L. Marcius Philippus, [Year of the World 3948] and Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus being struck with lightning, gave some stop to the restitution of Ptolomaeus, for when the Sybils books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold, that a King of Egypt with crafty councils (as it is in Cicero, in the oration pro Rabinio Posthumo) should come to Rome, and concerning the suspicion of him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her then sentence, If a King of Egypt wanting your help shall come hither, ye shall not deny him friendship, but ye shall aide him with no forces; for if ye shall do otherwise ye will raise labors and dangers. Which Oracle was divulged among the people, by the means of C. Cato the Tribune of the people: for it was not lawful to reveal any prophesies of the Sybills to the people, unless the Senate had so decreed it: and it seemed to be the less lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Wherefore Cato fearing that the Sentence of the Oracle should be suppressed, he compelled the priests to translate it into Latin, and to declare it to the people, before the Senate had decreed anything concerning it, [ Dio. lib. 39.] Notwithstanding this was the opinion of the people of Rome, that this name of a pretended Religion was brought in by the ill willers of Lentulus Spinther (the proconsul of Silicia) and yet not so much to hinder him, as that none should have a mind to go to Alexandria for the desire of an army, (which amongst the rest, Pompey did most of all seek to have.) [ Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 4.]
Ammonius Ptolemeis Ambassador, did openly with money oppose the reduction of the King by Spinther: those few that wished well to the Kings cause, would have the matter to be committed to Pompey. The Senate approved the forgery of Religion, not for Religion, but for ill will, and for hatred of the Kings great bribes, [ Id. ibid. epist. 1.] and because they could not tell how to contradict the matter of Religion, there was a decree of the Senate made, that it seemed dangerous for the Common-wealth, that the King should be brought back into his kingdom without a multitude, [ Id. ibid. epist. 2. & lib. 2. ad Quint fra • r. epist. 2. Appian. in Syriacis, pag. 120. & Parthic. pag. 134.]
When Pompey understood of the Oracle, that he demanded that Pompey might come to aide him in Spinthers stead, and there were little tickets found that were thrown about, both in the Market-place, and the Senate-house, that signified so much: whereupon the Kings letter concerning this business being publicly read by Aulus Plautius the Tribune of the people, his Colleague Caninius (falsely by Plutarch called Canidius) propounded a law, that Pompey without an army, and only accompanied with two Lictors, should bring the King in favor again with the Alexandrians: which law, although it did not seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the Senators, partly under color of the charge of the corn, that was already committed unto him, and partly as for color of the safety of Pompey's person (as they pretended to be afraid for him,) [ Plutarch, in Pompeio, Dio, lib. 39.]
But in the Senate concerning this business, there were divers opinions; Bibulus was of opinion, that Ptolemy should be settled in his kingdom without an army, by three Ambassadors, and those to be private men: Crassus, that by three Ambassadors, and those either private men, or men in office. Volcatius, at the proposal of Lupus the Tribune of the people (with whom Afranius, Libo, Hypsaeus, and all the familiar friends of Pompey concurred) that by Pompey: Hor • ensius, Cicero, and Lucullus, that it should be done by Lentulus Spinther; but Servilins denied that he ought to be settled at all, [ Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 1. & 2.]
In the month of February (or the Julian November) C. Cato published a law for the depriving of Lentulus of command; which gave his son occasion to change his garment; as Cicero in lib. 2. ad Quintum fratrem, epist. 5. makes mention: which must be meant of the command of settling of Ptolemy in his kingdom again according to the decree of the Senate granted unto him in his Consulship; for it is manifest out of the Epistles of Cicero written unto him (lib. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow) that he retained after the promulgation of this law, the Proconsulship of Silicia, with the additition also of Cyprus (Cato being now departed from thence) and now made tributary and reduced into the form of a province by the Romans, as Strabo shows at the end of the 14 book.
Ptolemy, seeing he could neither be settled in his kingdom again by Pompey (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, now despai • ing of his return, went to Ephesus, and tarried there in the Temple of Diana, [ Dio. lib. 39.]
Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus escaping from Rome, returned to Jerusalem: a multitude of Jews coming to him again, partly of such as desired a change, and partly for the old love they bare him, he determined to rebuild the Castle of Alexandrion that was dismantled, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11.]
Against him contriving these things, Gabinius, the President of Syria, sent Soldiers, with their Captains, Sisinna (his son) Antonius and Servilius, to keep him from seizing upon Alexandrion, and to take him if they could, for many other Jews resorted unto him for the reputation that he had, and Pitholaus also, the Governor of Jerusalem, left the Roman party, and came to him with a thousand men well armed: and whereas many of that company were not well armed, Aristobulus dismissed them, as unfit for execution. He took only eight thousand armed men (among whom those that Pitholaus brought) and marched to Machaerus. The Romans pursued them, and fought with them; where Aristobulus's party valiently held out a good while: but having lost 5000 men, they were forced to fly. Neer 2000 fled into a certain Mountain, from whence they got away, and provided for their own safety as well as they could. Another thousand with Aristobulus brake through the ranks of the Romans, and fled to Machaerus, and began to fortify the Castle: but not being able to hold out the siege above two days, having received many wounds, he was taken prisoner with his son Antigonus, and brought to Gabinius. [ Id. ibid. ]
Plutarch thus amplifieth the action, giving the whole victory to the honor of Antonius. Being sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebel, he was the first man that got up the wall, of a most strong Castle of his, and so drave him out of all his holds: then joining battle with a few men of his, he overthrew a great army, and put them all to the sword, except a few. Aristobulus also, with his son, was taken prisoner. [Dio. lib. 39.] not very rightly writes, how Gabinius went into Palestine, how he took Aristobulus, (who was fled from Rome, and made some commotions) and that he sent him to Pompey: and that having laid a tax upon the Jews, how he went from thence into Egypt, to settle Ptolemy again in his kingdom.
Tyrannio, teaching in Cicero's house, orderly disposed his Library, using the help of Dionysius and Menophilus, two Book-binders, sent him by Att • cus; [ Cicero, lib. 2. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 4. & lib. 4. ad Atticum. epist 4. & 8.] namely Tyrannio Amisenus, who (fourteen years before) was taken by Lucullus, who became rich and famous at Rome, and got together about 30000 books. [ Soudas in Voc. Tyrannio. ] who caused the books of Aristotle to be transcribed out of the Library of Sylla; from whom it is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the Copies; and that he published those summaries that we have. [ Soudas, lib. 13. pag. 608. Plutarch in Sylla. ]
Valerius produceth witnesses of the assistance of M. Cato, in the administration of the business of Cyprus, [lib. 4. cap. 3.] Epirus, Achaia, the Islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the Province of Cyprus: for when he undertook the charge of bringing away the money, he kept his mind free from venery or bribes, having matter sufficient to be intemperate in both, for the Kings riches were in his own power, and the necessary places of lodging in all his voyage, were the Cities of grace, which were most abounding with delight: And thus Munatius Kufus his faithful companion in that expedition signifieth in his writings.
Cato fearing a tedious voyage, prepared divers Coffers; each of which held two talents, and five hundred drachmes: to each of these he tied a long rope, and fastened at the end a great piece of cork; so that if the ship should miscarry, the cork should show the place: And thus was all the money, saving a little, brought very safe. But Cato had provided two books, wherein he had cast up the accounts of all things that he had gotten: one of the which a free man of his called Philargyros carried with him, who taking ship at Cencrea, was drowned, and all his baggage; the other he himself kept till he came to Corcyra: where, lying in the market place in his Tents, the Soldiers making many fires, by reason of the frost, set the Tents a fire, and so lost that book also: and although the Kings Stewards might easily silence his enemies, and detractours; yet it vexed Cato, because he had not so much kept these accounts for the approbation of his fidelity, but that he might give example to others of being diligent. [ Plutarch in Catone Minore. ]
This Cato with great diligence, carried up the river of Tiber, in light boats, the riches of Ciprus, as if they had been spoils taken from an enemy, and carried in a fleet. [ Florus, lib. 3. cap. 4. Valerius Maximus, lib. 4. cap. 1. Ammian. Marcellen. lib. 14.] which brought more treasure to the treasury of the people of Rome, than any triumph, as Florus affirmeth, [ ut supra. ]
The news of Cato's coming being told, presently all the Magistrates and Priests, together with the Consuls (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus, the father of Marcia, Cato's wife) the whole Senate, & many of the people went to the river side to meet him; so that this bringing of him in, differed little from the show and splendor of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his insolence was observed in this, that he did not come ashore to the Consuls and Praetors that came to meet him, nor stayed his course, but sailed by the shore, in one of the Kings Gallies, with six oars on a banck, neither did he come ashoare, until he came with his fleet, to the place where the money was to be landed. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Plutarch in Catone minore. ] but when he landed, the Consuls, and the rest of the Magistrates, were ready to receive with him all civillities; not rejoicing so much for the vast some of gold and silver, as that the fleet had brought Cato safe home again. [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. ult. ]
The money being carried thorough the Market-place, the people wondered at the treasure, far greater than they hoped for, [ Plutarch. ] he because, having gathered together many slaves, and much money out of the Kings riches, and could not be accused by any one, but had delivered up all things; Cato received not less honor than if he had returned a Conqueror from the Wars: for, many men having suffered themselves to be corrupted with bribes, he caused it to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money, than to conquer an enemy, [ Dio. lib. 39.]
Pliny relates, that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian Expedition, one Philosopher, [ lib. 7. cap. 30.] Cato obtained of the Senate liberty for Nicias the Kings Steward, giving good testimony of his fidelity and diligence, [ Plutarch, in Catone. ] Clodius intended that those slaves that were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian, because he had sent Cato thither; but because Cato withstood it, he could not obtain it: wherefore they were called Cyprian; for Cato would not suffer them to be called Porcian, though some were of that opinion, [ Dio. lib. 39.]
Coldius being angry with Cato, because he had opposed him, calumniated the service that he had done, and demanded an account of his deeds: not because he thought he could accuse him of any unjust act, but because he thought it would make some thing for him, that all the Records almost were lost in the shipwreck. Caesar helped Clodius also in this business, although he was absent, and (as some report) sent accusations against Cato to him by letters, [ Dio. ibid. ] but Cato told them that he had brought as much money out of Cyprus, although he had not received so much as one horse, or soldier, as Pompey had brought from so many Wars and Triumphs, wherein all the World was in combustion, [ Plutarch, in Catone. ]
Cato opposed himself against Cicero, who was very urgent that none of those things that Clodius had done in his Tribuneship, should be confirmed in the Senate, not so much in favor of Clodius, but because that among other acts that should be revoked, his commission also for Cyprus should be one, because the Tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen, [ Plutarch, in Cato • e, & in Cicerone. ]
Phraates the second, being wickedly put to death by his sons, Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians, his brother Mithridates being expulsed out of Media, over which he commanded. Thus [ Dio. lib. 39.] but the sons contending for the kingdom, it seems Orodes was first banished, and after him Mithridates also: But Surenas a rich man, and one among the Parthians next the King in blood and authority, brought Orodes back again from banishment; whose prerogative by birth it was, that he should always crown the new King of the Parthians. He reduced Seleucia the Great under the Kings power; and was the first man that scaled the walls, and overthrew with his own hands them that defended it: and although he was not as yet thirty years old, yet had he gotten a very great opinion for his advice in council, and his wisdom: for they report these things of him; as Plutarch in Crasso, and Appian in Parthicis, [ pag. 140, 141.] but yet the same Appian, both in Parthicis, [ pag. 134.] and in Syriacis, [ pag. 120.] acknowledgeth at another time, that Mithridates was driven out of his kingdom by his brother Orodes: although Justin notes in [ lib. 42. cap. 4.] that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the Parthian Nobility, and that his brother Orodes seized upon the kingdom, the Royal Seat being vacant: althoug very falsely he there makes this Mithridates the same with Mithridates the King of the Parthians, to whom his famous acts gave the surname of Great: seeing that between this Mithridates the Great, and he that was the brother of Orodes, there was a various succession of many Kings among the Parthians: as appeareth out of the very prologue of the 42 book of Trogus Pompeius, an epitome whereof Justin hath given us.
Mithridates being driven out of his kingdom, either by the Parthian Nobility, or his brother Orodes, came to came to Gabinius the Proconsul of Syria, as he was preparing for an Expedition against the Arabians, and wrought so with him, that he should let the Arabians alone, and go against the Parthians, and help to restore him to his kingdom, [ Appian. in Syriacis, pag. 120. & Parthicis, pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39.]
Upon the Ides of May (falling upon the Julian Feburary) the letters of Gabinius were read in full Senate concerning the war that he had had with the greatest Nations and Tyrants of Syria, (under which name, the Princes of Judea, Commagena, Chalcis, Emesa, Thrachonitis, Batanea, and Abilene, are wont to be called) but they were not believed: and the procession, that under that notion he desired might be granted him at Rome, was denied him, [ Cicero, lib. 1. ad Quintum, fratr. epist. 7. Orat. de provincis Consularibus, & in L. Pisonem. ]
When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the King and his sons to Rome, the Senate indeed kept him prisoner, but sent his sons immediately back again into Judea, because that they understood by Gabinius's letters, that he had promised his mother so much for the delivery of the Castles: thus Josephus, [ lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11.] where he further adds, That Aristobulus held the Kingdom and Priesthood three years and six months: which the Arabian Collectour of the Jewish History, (set forth by the same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages) [ cap. 40.] understands it of the space of the former principality; until he was taken prisoner the first time: whereas it seems rather to be understood of that former, and this later, both taken together; so that he reigned three years and three months, before the former captivity, (as Josephus confirmeth in lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8.) and before his second captivity three months also.
M. Cicero, in the Oration that he spake in the Senate, de Provinciis Consularibus, counseled that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose Consulship he was banished) might be recalled, and their Provinces, Macedonia and Syria, might be assigned to the future Consuls; objecting these things among other against Gabinius. He being General in Syria, there is nothing done, but some trucking for money with the Tyrants, compositions, plunderings, thieveries, murders. Being the General of the people of Rome his army being in battle array, stretching out his right hand, exhorted not his Soldiers to gain honor, but cried that all things were by him already bought, or to be bought: but now he hath delivered the wretched Publicans into slavery, to Jews and Syrians, Nations that are themselves born to slavery. And he hath continued in this, That he will not do justice to a Publican, he hath revoked all agreements made between them, without any wrong done by them. He hath taken away all watches, he hath freed them that paid tribute, and many Pensioners; in what Town soever he was, or whither soever he was to come, he forbad any Publican, or Publicans servant, to be there.
Gabinius, when he had afflicted Syria with many mischiefs, and had done more worng to the Province than the Thieves, who were very strong at that time; yet he accounted all this gain that he had gotten, but little, and therefore he set his mind upon the expedition against the Parthians, and made preparation for that voyage. [ Dio. lib. 39.]
Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, being made High Priest of the Comani in Pontus, by Pompey: (as is said at the year of the World 3940.) he there living with Gabinius, he hoped that he should be his companion in the Parthian wars, that he was preparing for; but the Senate would not permit it. [ Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796.]
When Gabinius, leading his army against the Parthians, had passed the Euphrates. Ptolemy came with letters from Pompey, and promised that he would give a huge sum of money to Gabinius and his army, part to be paid in hand, and part when he was restored to his kingdom. That it was 10000 talents that was promised by him to Gabinius, not only Plutarch, but also Cicero confirmeth, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumus; where he reckoneth it up to be 2160000 Sestertiums. Most of the Commanders were against it, and Cabinius himself was in doubt to undertake it, although he would very fain have been fingering those 10000 talents. But Antonius, who was covetous of doing great matters, and desirous to gratify Ptolomies requests, was very ready to egg on, and persuade Gabinius to undertake this war: and although the Law forbad that any Governors of Provinces should go out of the bounds of their own Government, nor undertake any war upon their own head; and also the people of Rome had forbad, being induced thereunto by the religion of the Sibylls verses, that Ptolomaeus should be restored at all; yet by how much the more it was forbidden, by so much • he made the more gain: wherefore leaving off the Parthian affairs, he undertook the expedition against the Alexandrians. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11. Plutarch in Anton. Appian. in Syriac. pag, 120. & Parthic. pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39.]
Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held at that time the Kingdom of Egypt, who having sent for one Seleucus out of Syria, who as he said himself, was of the stock of the Syrian Kings, and called him husband, and made him partner in the command of the Kingdom, and of the war: He was a most fordid man, (as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. cap. 19.) surnamed in contempt, Ptolemaeus Cocces and Cybiosactes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or Changling, he brake open the golden Coffin, that the body of Alexander the Great was buried in, but got no profit by that thievery, for the Queen seeing him so base a man, strangled him within few days, seeing she could no longer endure his sordidness and niggardliness. And whereas there was a husband sought out for her, that should be of royal extraction, that Archelaus the High Priest of the Comani, then being in Syria, and feigning that he was the son of Mithridates: (under whom his father Archelaus had waged war against Sylla and the Romans) was brought to the Queen by some friends: by whom being entertained as an husband, that was fit to govern a Common-wealth, upon the same conditions that Seleueus was, he enjoyed the Kingdom six months, together with her. [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag, 794, 796. & lib. 12. pag. 558. Dio. lib. 39.]
C. Clodius, the brother of P. Clodius by his praetour-ship (which Dio. lib. 39. bare saith he this year) obtained the province of Asia. ( Cicero. ad A •• ic. lib. 4. epist. 14.) whose Q • aestor in that province C. Scribonius Cu • io was; to whom there be many letters of Cicero's extant. [ in lib. 2. ad familiar. ]
By a law made by C. Trebonius the Tribune of the people, [Year of the World 3949] there were provinces appointed to the new Consuls: to Cn. Pompey Spain, and Africa, to M. Licinius Crassus, Syria with the adjacent countries: and moreover power was given to both of them, to take as many soldiers out of Italy, and from their allyes as they would themselves, and to make peace or war with whom they would likewise. [ Liv. lib. 105 Plutarch. Crasso, Pompeto. Catone minore. Appian. bel. civil. lib. 2. pag. 437. 438. Dio. lib. 39.]
Crassus, as soon as he had by lot obtained his province, could not dissemble his joy, supposing that nothing could ever have happened more luckily for him, among his familiar friends he would talk so vainly and childishly, as did not become his age, and wisdom: designing to himself not only the conquest of Syria, and Parthia, but carrying on his vain hopes even to the Bactrians, Indians, and the western ocean, though in the decree made by the people, concerning his government, there was no mention made of the Parthians, yet all men knew that Crassus gaped upon that prey, and Caesar writing to him out of Gaul, commended his resolution, and advised him to go on. [ Plutarch in Crasso. ]
A. Gabinius leaving his son Sisenna, who was very young, with very few soldiers, and the province also over which he was governor, more exposed to the injuries of thieves, went through Palestine into Egypt [ Dio. lib. 39.] against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their King. [ Liv. lib. 105.] in which expedition he made use of his friends Hyrcanus, and Antipator, for all things that were necessary for the war, for Antipator helped him, with money, and arm, and corn, and men, [ Ios. lib. 1. bel. cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 10.]
Whereas they were to pass thorough deep, dry, sandy places, about the fenns and marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the exhalations of Tryphon. M. Antonius being sent before with the horse (whom Gab • nius had made commander of the Cavalry he being as yet very young, [as Appian notes, lib. 5. bell. civil. pag. 676,] did not only win the pass, but took also the city of Pelusium, a very large city. [ Plutarch in Antonio. ] the Jews also who inhabited Pelusium, and were as keepers of the passage into Egypt, being drawn unto his party. [ Joseph. ut supra. ]
The garrison of Pelusium being thus reduced, Antonius made the way safe for the army, and settled in a fair way the victory for the general: but Ptolemy as soon as he was entered into Pelusium, was so inflamed with anger and hatred, that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antonius interceded and would not suffer him. [ Plutarch in Antonio. ]
Gabinius having marshalled his army in two battalions, marched from Pelusium, and the same day discomfited the Egyptians that opposed him. [ Dio. lib. 39.]
Cicero, in an oration that he made at Rome, not only extorted from the ignoble King of the Commagenians, the little town Zeugma that is seated upon the Euphrates but also speaking many things against him, he exposed to the laughter of all men the purple gown, that he had gotten when Caesar was Consul. [ Cicero. lib. 2. ad Quintum Frat. epist. 11.]
Upon the Ides of February (falling upon the Julian November the Tyrians were admitted into the Senate, and against them many of the Syrians, Publicans. Gabinius was extremely vexed; notwithstanding the Publicans were chidden by Domitius because they followed him post. [ Id. ibid. epist. 12.]
About the Kalends of May (falling upon the Julian February) there was a great rumour at Puteoli, [The Julian Period. 4659] that Ptolemy was in his Kingdom, [Year before Christ 55] as Cicero writes. [ ad Attic. lib. 4. epist. 9.] and indeed he was in Egypt, and Gabin • us had taken Archelaus, who came out against him sooner then was thought he would, so that there was no more business to be done, but Gabinius fearing, least having done nothing he should receive less money from Ptolemy, than was agreed upon, and hoping moreover, that because Archelaus was a man both stout, and of good reputation; he should receive more money, and also having received a great sum of money of Archelaus, he let him go, as if he had fled from him. [ Dio. lib. 39.]
M. Antonius after he had done many noble acts, in fights and battles, whereby he shown himself a valiant and wise commander, but especially in one, where he compassed and circumvented the enemy behind, and by that means gave the victory to them that were in the front, for which he was honored with many excellent gifts. [ Plut. in Antonio. ]
The people of Egypt marched out of the walls of the city, under the conduct of Archelaus against Gabinius, and had given command that the camp should be fortified with a rampire and a ditch, they all cried out that that Work should be done with the public money: wherefore their minds being so encrvated with pleasure could not withstand the spirit of the Roman army, [ Valeri • s Maxmus, lib. 9. cap. 2.] Then again Gabinius obtained a victory both by sea and land; for the Alexandrians indeed have minds daring enough, and by nature are heady and rash to speak anything that comes next to mind, but most unapt for war and the labors thereto belonging; although in seditions (which happen often among them, and those very great) they presently fall to murders, and account it a good to be desired, to die, especially in them, [ Dio. lib. 59.]
Gabinius having therefore conquered them, and slain among others in fight Archelaus, he presently was Master of all Egypt, which he delivered over to Ptolemy, [Dio. ibid. Livy, lib. 105. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796.] all which business Cicero toucheth in few words, in his Oration against Piso, speaking of the madness of Gabinius. That vast prey being now spent, that he had drawn from the fort • nes of the Publicans, from the Countries and Cities of the Allies, part of which prey his insatiable lusts devoured, part his new and unheard of luxury, part the purchases that he had made in those places that he had wholly plundered, part barterings, and all for building up this mountain of Tulseuluni: but when the intolerable building was left off for a time, he sold to the Egyptian King himself, his bundle of rods, the ar • y of the people of Rome, the power, and the threatening of the 〈◊〉 gods, the answers of the Priests, the authority of the Senate, the commands of the people, there nown and dignity of the Empire; whereas the bounds of his Province, were as great as he would himself, as great as he could desire, as great as he could buy with the price of my life, yet could he not contain himself within them. He brought his army out of Syria, how durst he carry it out of the Province? He made himself a mercenary soldier to the King of Alexandria, what more vile than this? He came into Egypt, he joined battle with the Alexandrians; When had either the Senate or the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria, what could we expect more from his fury, but that he should send letters to the Senate, of all the famous acts that he had done? But that he sent none, Dio observed, lest he himself might be the accuser of his own villainies.
M. Antonius sought for the body of dead Archelaus (with whom he had had great familiarity and friendship) and gave it royal burial; for which he left a great fame among the Alexandrians, [ Plutarch, in Antonio. ] but in Pontus the son of Archelaus received the Priesthood of the Commani after his father, [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558.]
Gabinius lest at Alexandria some of his soldiers for a Guard with Ptolemy: who afterward came to live after the fashion of the Alexandrian life and licentiousness, and unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome, and married wives, by whom they had many children, [ Caesar, Commentar. de Bell. civil. lib. 3.] to whom belong those of Lucan, lib. 10.
Ptolemy being restored to his kingdom, put to death his daughter the Queen Berenice, [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyr. in Graec. Eusebian. Scaliger. pag. 226.] He also killed many of the rich Noble men, because he had much need of money, [ Dio. lib. 39.]
C. Rabirius Posthumus, a Roman Knight, who being absent had rashly trusted Ptolemy both when he was in his kingdom, and coming to Rome also, and being present when he departed with money both of his own and his friends; that he might recover it, was forced to change the Roman Gown, for the Grecian Coat at Alexandria, and to undertake there the Proctorship and Stewardship for the King; being made the Kings Overseer by Auletes: notwithstanding he was afterwards put in prison, saw many of his familiar friends in bonds, and death always before his eyes; and at last was fain to flee out of the kingdom naked and poor, [ Cicero, pro. C. Rabirio. ]
Whilest Gabinius tarried in Egypt, Alexander the son of Aristobulus seizing again by force upon the Government, made many of the Jews to revolt; and having gathered together a great army, and forraging the Country, put to death all the Romans he could meet with, and besieged all those that fled to Mount Garizim; but Gabinius being returned, sent Antipater, 〈◊〉 his great wisdom, to the rebellions, who reduced many of them to obedience: but Alexander having with him 30000 Jews▪ ventered to meet Gabinius, and fought with him near the mountain Ita • yr, in which fight the Jews lost 10000 men. Then Gabinius having ordered the affairs of the City of Jerusalem by Antipators advice, went against the 〈◊〉 , whom he overcame in one battle. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 11.]
King Mithridates (the son of Phraates the second) being forsaken by Gabinius, did not recover the Parthian Kingdom, by the help of the Arabians, (as it is commonly believed from the false interpretation of the words of Appian, [ in Syriacis, pag. 120.] but retired rather to Babylon, as is gathered out of Justin: which when his brother Orodes had long besieged, and at length, by reason of famine; had forced the Townsmen to yield it up: and Mithridates relying upon the nearness of kindred, willingly, yielded himself unto him. But Orodes taking him rather for an enemy, than a brother, commanded him to be slain before his face, [ Justin. lib. 4 • . cap. 4.]
Gabinius privately sent back Mithridates and O • sanes, men of account among the Parth • ans, who had fled unto him, causing a b • uite to be spread among the Soldiers, that they were fled. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 11.]
Whereas the Syrians complained much of Gabinius, both for other things, and also, because that through his absence, they were grievously infested with Thieves. And whereas the Publicans also complained. That by reason of them, they could not gather the tribute, and so were run much in debt. The Romans angry hereat, determined to have the matter judged, and were prepared to condemn him, and Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius, and was or opinion, that the Sybills Oracles should be read again; persuading himself, that there was some punishment set down for him, that had violated them. But Pompey, one of the Consuls, of his own accord favored Gabinius, as did also Crassus, the other Consul, both that he might gratify his Colleague, and also for the monies sake that Gabinius had sent: and whereas both of them openly defended him, they suffered nothing to be decreed against him, upbraiding Cicero, among other things, with his banishment. [ Dio. lib. 39.]
Pompey, in his second Consulship, dedicated his Theatre, by exhibiting most munificent plays and shows, [ Cicero, lib. 2. de Offic. & lib. 7. ad familiar. epist. 1. Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Pisonianam. ] although it was reported, that this Theatre was not built by Pompey himself, but by his freed man Demetrius, (a Gadarene) out of the money that he had gotten, when he was a Soldier under him; who gave the honor of this work to Pompey, lest he should be ill spoked of, that a freed man of his should get so much money, that he could spend so much, [ Dio. lib, 39.]
Gabinius did not admit the Lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to succeed him in the Province of Syria, but kept it, as if he had received a perpetual magistracy. [ Dio. Ibid. ]
Whereas the Tribunes of the people hindered Crassus, the Consul, from raising any Soldiers, and endeavored to make void the expedition that was decreed him. Crassus runs to arms; the Tribunes of the people, because they saw that their liberty, wanting arms, was but infirm to withstand his actions, left off from gainsaying, but cursed him to the pit of hell: and as Crassus went into the Capitol, to make his accustomed prayers, for a prosperous voyage, they told him what unlucky signs and prodigies had happened. [ Id. ibid. ]
When as Ateius, the Tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus his departure, and many also of the same mind were offended, that he should make war against men that were at peace with them, and confederates. Crassus, seating this, desired Pompey that he would go with him out of the City, for he was of great authority with the common people: for although many were ready prepared to decry and hinder Crassus; yet when they saw Pompey go before him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they held their peace, and made a lane for them. [ Plutarch in Crasso. ]
But Ateius, the Tribune, meeting Crassus, at first by word of mouth withheld him; bidding him go no further: then he commanded a Sergeant to lay hold on him, and carry him to p • ison: but the rest of the Tribunes not permitting it, Crassus got without the walls. [ Id. ibid. cum Dion. lib. 39.] Notwithstanding, Ateius ran to the gate, and there kindled a fire, and as Crassus passed by, he cast in perfumes, and made sprincklings over it, pronouncing horrible curses, calling upon terrible and strange names of gods. The Romans thought these secret and ancient execrations to be of such force, that he that was cursed, could not escape thence, nor he that doth curse any one shall ever thrive. [ Plutarch. ]
That Metellus, the Tribune of the peoplee poured hostle curses upon Cassus at his setting out, Florus writes, [ lib. 3. cap. 11.] and Vellei • s Paterculus, that all the Tribunes of the people generally cursed him. [ lib. 2. cap. 46.] Appian, [ lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 438.] and Dio. [ lib. 39.] do note.
As Lucan speaks in his third book; but that especially P. Arcius pronounced those curses, and setting a token before him, warned him of what would happen, unless he took heed. Cicero confirmeth [ in lib. 1. de divinatione. ] from whose house almost he went into the Province, for he had supped with him, in the Gardens of his son in law Crassippes, [ id. lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 9.] from whence Cicero went unto Tusculanum, about the middle of November, (falling at that time upon the Julian August) and Crassus went his voyage clad in his coat arment. [ Id. lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 12.] and at Brindisi shipped his army. [ Id. lib. 2. de divin. ]
Crassus loosing from Brindisi, when as the tempests had not yet left the seas, lost many of his ships. Having landed his army out of them that were left, he marched by land through Galatia, where he found King Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new City, and jeering him, said, Do you begin to build in the afternoon, to whom the King smilingly answered; Truly me thinks, O General, you go, not against the Parthians in the morning: for Crassus was above 60, and his face made him seem older than he was. [ Plutarch. ]
Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence against the new Consuls, [Year of the World 3950] and many that had been Consuls. [ Id. ad familiar. lib. 5. epist. 8.]
Seeing Crassus had not much to do in Syria, [The Julian Period. 4660] (for the Syrians were quiet, [Year before Christ 54] and those that had troubled Syria, being affrighted with the power of Crassus, did not stir) he undertakes an expedition against the Parthians, without any cause for making war upon them, only he heard they were rich; and he was in hopes that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be overcome. [ Dio • . lib. 40.]
But hearing of the riches of the Temple of Jerusalem, which Pompey had left untouched, he turned aside into Pal • stine, came to Jerusalem, and took away the riches. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 13.]
There was in the Temple a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew pounds, or 750 common pounds; enclosed in an hollow beam of wood, on which they hung the Hangings of the Temple: which were admirable for their beauty and esteem. Eleazar a Priest, who was the keeper of the sacred treasure, only knew of this: who seeing Crassus so greedy in gathering up the gold, and fearing he should take away all the ornaments of the Temple, delivered him the golden beam as a ransom for all the rest, having first bound him by an oath, that he should not stir anything else. Notwithstanding, Crassus took this, and immediately breaking his oath, not only took from the Temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had not meddled with, but all the rest of the gold, the sum of which came to 8000 Attick talents: which vast riches (whereas Josephus was persuaded that it would scarce be believed among people of other Nations) he endeavors to prove out of the Historical writings of Strabo of Cappadocia, which are not now extant, and others, that they were heaped up there in long time, from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia, and Cyriniaca. [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12.]
Crassus having built a bridge over Euphrates, easily and safely passed his army over the river, and was master of many Towns, that of their own accord yielded unto him; [ Plutarch in Crasso. ] for Crassus his coming was beyond all expectation, so that there was scarce any settled Garrison in all Mesopotamia. [ Dio. lib. 40.]
Talymenus Ilaces (or Syllaces) the Governor of that Country, with a few Horse, fought with Crassus, and was overcome, and wounded, and retired to the King, and certified him of the expedition of Crassus. [ Dio. ibid. ]
In the mean time Crassus recovered many Cities, especially those that belonged to the Greeks, and among them Nicephorium; for many inhabitants of the Macedonians and Grecians, who served in the wars under the Macedonians, fearing the tyranny of the Parthians, and putting much hope in the Romans, of whom he knew the Grecians were beloved, very willingly revolted unto them. [ Dio. ibid. ]
Only the Citizens of Zenodotia, whereof Apollonius was Tyrant, killed an hundred Roman Soldiers, whom they had received within their walls, as if they meant to yield unto them. Whereupon Crassus brought thither his whole army, won it, and sacked it, and sold the inhabitants at an outcry. And whereas, besides this one thing, Crassus had neither done against, nor suffered anything from the enemy, yet he suffered himself to be called Imperator, or Captain General, which turned to his disgrace, and to be thought of a low spirit, as if he did not hope for any great matters, seeing he was puffed up with so small a success. [ Id. ibid. Plutarch in Cresso. ]
Gabinius returned into Italy, Domitius and Appius being Consuls, [ Ascon. Pedian. in init. orat. Pisonian. ] and the same being Consuls, there was again judgment given against Gabinius, and that in his absence, for all Pompey stood very earnestly for him, and the opinion of many of the judges were against him, for both Domitius was an enemy to Pompey, by reason of the contention about the demanding of the Consul-ship, because he had taken that magistracy against his good will, and Appius, although he was a kin to Pompey, yet because he was led on by a design of flattering the people, and hoped that if he made any stir, he should be bribed with money by Gabinius; and to that end he directed all his actions; wherefore it was decreed, that the Sybils verses should be read over again, although Pompey was much against it; but in the mean time the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome, and the money wrought so much, that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great matter either being absent, or present: for there was then such confusion at Rome, that where Gabinius had but given part of that money to the Magistrates, and to some of the Judges, with which he had been bribed; they did not only not make any account of their duty, but others also being taught for moneys sake to do wickedly, because they could easily ransom themselves from punishment with money. [ Dio. lib. 39.]
On the XII Kalends of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came into the city: the IV Kalends of October he entered the city by night. [ Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quint. Fratr. epist. 1.] for he was so tormented in conscience for his ugly actions, that it was late e're he came into Italy, and came by night into the city, and durst not go out of his own house for many days together. [ Dio. lib. 39.]
There were those factions that accused Gabinius; L. Lentulus the son of the Flamen, who accused him of treason; T. Nero with divers good men that joined in the accusation, and C. Mummius the Tribune of the people with Lucius Capito: and whenas being accused of treason he appeared by the edict of C. Alsius the praetour; he was almost trodden underfoot by the great concourse and hatred of all the people. [ Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quintum, Fratr. epist. 1.]
On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to have given an account of the number of the enemies, and his soldiers, he was wonderfully astonished in the midst of a great multitude, Appius the Consul accused him of treason, and the names being called he answered not a word: when he would go out he was retained by the Consuls, and the Publicans were brought in: he is accused of all sides, and when he was most of all wounded by Cicero, he could not endure it, but with a trembling voice called him banished man, all the Senate rose against him with a shout, so that they came unto him where he stood, as likewise did the Publicans, with the like shout and violence: the VI Ides of October, Memmius manifestly put Gabinius in an heat before the people; so that Calidius could not speak for him the next day, there was a divination of Cato the praetours house, for the appointing of an accuser against Gabinius, as whether Memmius, or T. Nero, or C. and L. Antonii the sons of Marcus [ Id. ibid. epist. 1.]
There were many accusations against Gabinius, and not a few accusers; the first thing that was debated was concerning the crime of the resetling of Ptolemy: in this plea, almost all the people flocked to the Tribunal, and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially because Pompey was not there, and Cicero had most sharply accused him. [ Dio. lib. 39.] but Cicero himself in 2. and 4. epist. ad Quintum Fratr. denies that he accused him: either, for fear, that he was loath to have any quarrels with Pompey, or because he did not doubt but the business would be done, either without him, or something for his sake, or because he thought it would be an eternal disgrace to him if such an infamous guilty person should escape, if he pleaded against him. I was much delighted (saith he in ep • st. 4.) with this moderation, and this also pleased me, that, when I had sharply spoken both according to consolence and religion, the defendant said, that if he might be in the city, that he would give me satisfaction; neither did he ask me anything and in the ninth epistle All that I did, I did with much gravity, and unity, as all were of opinion. I neither urged it, nor anything qualified it, I was a vehement witness, I did nothing else. In this judgment of the treason, Gabinius had very slow answers, but was ha • ed by all manner of men: Alsius was a sharp and sure enformer; Pompey was very earnest to beg the Judges to favor him, [ Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 3.] Gabinius said that he resetled Ptolemy for the good of the common-wealth, because he was afraid of the fleet of Archelaus, because he thought the sea would abound with Pirates; he said also that he might do it by law. [ id. in orat. pro Rabinio. Posthumo. ] the friends of Caesar and Pompey, were very ready to help him: saying that the Sybils meant another King, and other times: and upon this they stood most, because in the oracle there was no certain punishment mentioned. [ Dio. lib. 39.] the youth of L. Lentulus was incredible for to be an accuser, whom all said was brought in on purpose that Gabinius might overcome, but notwithstanding unless there had been great contention, and entreaties of Pompey, and a rumour of a dictatourship which caused much fear, Gabinius had not answered to Lucius Lentulus, but when the Judges gave their sentence, there were 32 condemned him, and 38 absolved him. [ Cicero. lib. 4. epist. 1. and lib, 3. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 4.]
Dio delivers in the 39. book of his histories, that Gabinius, when he stood the trial for so high crimes, that he gave great sums of money, and when he was absolved, there wanted but little, but that the people had killed the Judges: but that Gabinius was brought to the judgment of the people by Memmius, and exempted by the intercession of Laelius the Tribune of the people, Valerius Maximus [in l • b. 8. cap. 1.] relateth after this manner. A. Gabinius in the great heat of his infamy being subjected to the suffrages of the people by C. Memmius his accuser, seemed as if all his hopes were broken: because the accusation was fully proved, and his defense had but a weak foundation; and those that judged him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him: the Lictor and prison were always before his eyes, whenas in the mean time all were dashed by the intervention of a propitious fortune: for Sisenna the son of Gabinius through the mere impulsion of amazement fell humbly prostrate before Memmius from thence hoping for some aswaging of the storm, from whence the violence of the tempest brake out: whom the insolent conqueror rejected with a stern countenance, and having struck his ring from his finger let it lie on the ground a great while, which spectacle was the cause, that Laelius the Tribune of the people, commanded Gabinius to be dismissed, that we may learn by this example, neither insolently to abuse the success of prosperity, neither that any one ought to be too much cast down by adversity.
Yet notwithstanding did Gabinius escape so; for being quitted of his treason, he was again brought into judgment, both for other causes, and also because he had wrongfully extorted 100000 (either drachmes or pence) from the Province, and so was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was gone from the City to provide corn, (for much corn was spoiled by the overflowing of Tiber) and was then in Italy, made all the haste he could to be present at the judgment; but seeing he came too late, he departed not out of the Suburbs, till the business was finished. He then called the people together without the walls of the City, (because it was not lawful for him to come into the City, he having at that time the dignity of Proconsul) and spake unto them in the behalf of Gabinius, and rehearsed unto them the letters that he had received from Caesar, for the safety of Gabinius; and used much entreaties with the Judges: and he averted Cicero not only from accusing Gabinius, but so wrought him, that he pleaded his cause: but yet all these things did Gabinius no good; for the Judges, partly for the fear they had of the people, and partly because they had not received any great bribes from Gabinius, (who being accused for light faults, did not bestow much costs, and thought surely he should come off free,) condemned him to banishment: from which he was afterwards brought back by Caesar, [ Dio. lib. 39.]
Cicero in the Oration for Rabirius Posthumus acknowledgeth, that he did very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they were made friends, whereas they were great enemies before: in which although his courtesy be commended by Valerius Maximus, [ lib. 4. cap. 2.] yet Dio confirmeth, that Cicero was branded with the name and crime of a Runnagado: and truly Marcus quite forgot what he had formerly written to his brother Quintus, [lib. 3. epist. 5.] I had been undone if I had defended Gabinius, as Pansa thought I ought to have done: although in the Oration for Rabirius, he giveth this account of his doing it. The renewing of our friendship was the cause that I defended Gabinius, neither doth it ever repent me to have enmity mortal, and friendship immortal.
Timagenes the Alexandrian (or as some will the Egyptian) the son of the Kings Banker, who being taken in the war, was brought to Rome by Gabinius, and was redeemed by Faustus the son of Sylla, taught Rhetoric at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the Triumvirs, and set forth many books: [ Soudas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .]
Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Proconsul of Silicia, when he had behaved himself well in the war, was by the army saluted Captain General, [ Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 8, 9.]
Appius Claudius Pulcher, about the end of his Consulship, being by the decree of the Senate designed succeessour to P. Cornelius Lentulus, without a law proposed to the Tribes, went into Silicia at his own charge, [ Id. ibid. epist. 9. & lib. 3. ad Quintum fratr. epist. 2. & lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 16.] whom Lentulus went to meet when he came into the Province, [ Id. lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 7.] after whom Appius undertaking the command, most miserably afflicted the Province, and almost destroyed it, [ Id. ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 16. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]
Whereas Crassus ought to have proceeded with the same force, and making use of the fear the Barbarians were in, with which he had taken the first places of Mesopotamia, to have attempted Babylon and Seleucia, Cities that were always enemies to the Parthians; he was wearied with staying in Mesopotamia, and longing after ease and idleness in Syria, he gave the Parthians time to provide themselves for the war, and occasions of distressing those Roman soldiers that were left in Mesopotamia, [ Plutarch, in Crasso. Dio. lib. 40.]
He having disposed Garrisons in those Cities that had yielded unto him, which were 7000 Foot, and a 1000 Horse, he returned into Syria to winter there. Thither came his son P. Crassus to him from Julius Caesar out of Gaul, who had bestowed upon him such gifts as Generals use to do, and brought with him a 1000 choice horse [ Plutarch. ]
Crassus spending his time in Syria, was more like to a Publican than a General; for he did not spend his time in providing of arms, nor training of his soldiers; but did reckon up the Revenues of the Cities, and for many days was weighing and measuring the treasures of the Goddess of Hierapolis. He also demanded soldiers from divers people, and then for a sum of money discharged them: and these things brought him into contempt. As they were going out of the Temple of the Goddess of Hierapolis the young Crassus sell upon the threshold, and presently his father sell upon him, [ Plutarch. ] Hierapolis is that City which some call Bambyce, others Edessa, and the Syrians Magog: where the Syrian Goddess Atargatis, called by the Grecians Deceto, was worshipped, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 748. Pliny, lib. 5. cap. 23.]
Rabirius Posthumus, was accused before the Judges of treason because he followed Ptolemy to Alexandria, for the money that he owed him, [ Suetonius, in Claudia, cap. 16.] for now Gabinius being condemned of extortion, and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because he was the cause that Gabinius went to Alexandria; because being made the King Dioecetes or overseer, he had taken the coat of Alexandria, and had gathered money out of the tributes imposed by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was pitiful cold weather, as may be gathered out of his oration, which is yet extant.
M. Crassus, his son Publius being killed and the army being discomfited, perished with shame and disgrace, beyond the river Euphrates. [ Cicero. lib. 2. de divinatione ] this discomfiture Dio declares in lib 40. but Plutarch more fully in the life of Crassus, out of whom all that 〈◊〉 read in Appian. de Parthicis, are taken as it were word for word. wherefore it will be worth the labor to set down the principal parts of this most famous history, taken from thence, as Salianus hath done.
Orodes the King of the Parthians, sent Ambassadors into Syria unto Crassus: who should expostulate with him concerning the invasion of Mesopotamia, and demand the reasons why he made war, he sent moreover Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken, or revolted: he himself took an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the son of Tigranes, who reigned there, and was afraid of his own Kingdom, should send any aid to the Romans, [ Dio. ]
The Ambassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria, as he was drawing his forces out of their winter quarters (although F • orus relates that this was done in Mesopotamia, whenas Crassus was encamped at Nicephorium) putting him in mind of the leagues that they had made with Pompey and Sylla: and withal declaring unto him; that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome, that then they would have no peace with the Romans; but if Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain, and had seized upon his cities, that their King would use him more favourably, in consideration of Crassus his old age, and that he would send back his soldiers to the people of Rome: to which Crassus, gaping after the Kings treasures, answered nothing, not pretending any imaginary cause of war but that he would answer them at Seleucia: [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 11. Plutarch Dio. ] then Vageses the chief of the Ambassadors smiling, and strikeing the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left, said, That hairs should sooner grow there, then that he should see Seleucia, and so the Ambassadors returned, telling King Orodes that he must prepare for war.
In the mean while certain soldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia, hardly escaped with great danger, brought him news of the formidable multitude of the Parthians, what kind of arms they use, and their manner of fight, as they had learned by experience: which so much discouraged the Romans, that some of the Captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay, and deliberate in council, concerning the whole business: among which was Cassius the Treasurer of Crassus; the Soothsayers also sought to deter him: but Crassus gave no ear to any of them.
He that chiefly encouraged Crassus was Artabazes the King of the Armenians, who came into his Camp with 6000 Horse, which were said to be the Kings Guard. He promised him also other 10000 men at arms, and 30000 Foot, whom he would pay. He also persuaded Crassus that he should inroad Parthia thorough Armenia, and that he would abundantly furnish his army, and that the march that way would be safer, by reason of the unevenness of the country, and so not so much in danger of the Horse, in which the Parthians did abound. But Crassus neglected this most wise counsel, and thanking the Armenian, sent him back, telling him that he would march thorough Mesopotamia where he had left many good soldiers of the Romans.
Whereupon he came to Zeugma, at the bank of Euphrates; where he neglected the threatenings of many prodigies, which Plutarch and Dio mention. The chief of which was this, as it is noted in Julius Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. How a sudden tempest snatched the Standerd from the Standard-bearer, and sunk it in the water: and how by a sudden darkness of the sky that fell, they were hindered from passing over, yet Crassus would on: and by Florus, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] thus, When the army had passed Zeugma, sudden, whirl-winds threw the Standards into Euphrates, where they sunk. Crassus also neglected the council of Cassius, who advised him, That he should refresh his army in some of the Cities, in which he had a Garrison, until he heard some certain news of the Parthians; or else that he would march along the river to Seleucia, and so the ships would supply him with victual, and would follow the Camp, and that the river would keep the enemy from environing him.
A. Crassus was considering on these things, Augarus, or Abgarus Osroenus withdrew him from this wholesome advice: for he is rightly styled by Dio; who by Florus [ lib. 3. cap. 11.] is called Mazares the Syrian, and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus varying, he is called Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus, and also Abgarus; in Plutarch, he is called Ariamnes, a Captain of the Arabians: although in some Copies of Plutarch, and in those, out of which the Parthica of Appian are taken, he is found to be called Acbarus: this man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pompey's time, but now followed the Barbarians party. And whereas he was of the Parthians side, he made as though he was a great friend to Crassus, and liberally bestowing much money upon him, sought out all his councils, and declared them to the Parthians: and when as Crassus had determined to march to Seleucia, and from thence to go to the City of Ctesiphon; he persuaded him, that he should not take that council, because it would take up too much time, but that he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his Captains (leaving Euphrates behind him, which only could furnish him with victual, and be for a fortification to him.)
He then led his army through a vast Plain, both sandy and wanting water, where also was neither root nor green herb. And now Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent Ambassadors to him, that he could send him no forces, because he had a great war that lay upon him, for Orodes now wasted the Country of the Armenians; but yet very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia, and to join forces with him, that they both together might fight with Orodes: but if he were not pleased to do this, that he should be sure to shun those places that were most convenient for Horse. Crassus angerly rejected this advice, and not vouchsafing to write to the King, told them, That he had no leisure to think upon Armenia, but that in his return he would punish the Armenian for his treachery: but immediately Abgarus, before his treachery was discovered, withdrew himself, when he had persuaded Crassus, that he might compass the enemies in, and route them.
They had not gone far, but that some few scouts came in (for the rest were killed by the enemy) telling them, That there were huge forces, who courageously marched on towards them: at this Crassus was astonished, and all the army was stricken with fear; and Crassus at the first following Cassius his advice, set his battle wide, but presently changing his mind, he contracted his forces, and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius, the other to his son C. Publius, and he himself led the battle in the midst. As soon as they came to the river Balissus, most of the Commanders persuaded him to encamp, and to lodge there all night; and in the mean time, to send to see what forces the enemy had, and how they were armed. This advise also Crassus rejected, because his son, and some of his Horse men, much desired to fight: and so he commanded them that would eat and drink, should do it standing, keeping their ranks: which before it could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march, not fair and softly, until the enemies were in view.