The Annals of the World

They had not gone far, but that some few scouts came in (for the rest were killed by the enemy) telling them, That there were huge forces, who courageously marched on towards them: at this Crassus was astonished, and all the army was stricken with fear; and Crassus at the first following Cassius his advice, set his battle wide, but presently changing his mind, he contracted his forces, and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius, the other to his son C. Publius, and he himself led the battle in the midst. As soon as they came to the river Balissus, most of the Commanders persuaded him to encamp, and to lodge there all night; and in the mean time, to send to see what forces the enemy had, and how they were armed. This advise also Crassus rejected, because his son, and some of his Horse men, much desired to fight: and so he commanded them that would eat and drink, should do it standing, keeping their ranks: which before it could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march, not fair and softly, until the enemies were in view.

Surenas shown not his whole body at the first, neither the brightness of their arms, but set them in a convenient place for a terror to the Romans, whom they endeavored with their lances to make break their ranks: but as soon as they saw the depth of the battle, and that the soldiers kept their ranks, they retired: and when as they seemed to be in disorder, before the Romans perceived it, they had on every side environed them. But when Crassus commanded his light Horse men to assail them, they had not marched far, but they were ill entertained with a shower of darts, and were driven to retire to the force of the armed men; which gave the first beginning of fear and tumult, especially they seeing the force of the weapons that brake through all, and the greatness of the wounds.

The Parthians being thus sundered from them, began to shoot with their darts on every side upon the whole body of the army, that no dart fell in vain; and with so great force, that it made either an horrible wound, or most commonly death; and with so great constancy, that they did not cease from shooting even when they fled: and indeed the Romans were in hope, that when these darts were spent, that then they should come to handy-blows: but when they knew that there were many Camels laden with darts, from which they that had first spent their darts took a compass and fetched others; then Crassus began to faint, perceiving that there would be no end of their shooting, until they were all killed with their darts: whereupon he commanded his son to endeavor by all means to join battle with the enemy, before they were wholly compassed about.

Young Crassus therefore taking with him 1300 Horse, (a 1000 whereof he had received from Caesar) and 500 Archers, and eight Ensigns of the next footmen who had Bucklers, gave a charge upon the Parthians; who fleeing on purpose, withdrew him a good way off from his father: then turning about, they thrust them thorough with their darts on every side, Publius himself (whom Orosius commends as a most choice young man, [ lib. 6. cap. 13. and Eutropius, in lib. 6.] as a most famous and excellent young man) because he could not use his hand that was pierced thorough, commanded a gentleman to thrust him thorough the side. Censorinus a Senator and Orator is said to have died in the like manner. Megabacchus a man valiant both in body and mind, thrust himself thorough, as did the rest of the Nobility: the rest getting to an Hill, were killed in fight by the Speares of the Parthians. There are but 500 said to be taken prisoners.

They, having cut off Publius his head, marched towards Crassus, who expected the return of his son, during which time the enemy did not press so hard: but whenas messenger came upon messenger, that Publius was clean lost, unless he were immediately succoured with a very strong party; he intended to march with the whole army; when as the enemies came upon him, with a terrible noise, being grown more fierce by reason of the victory, bringing the head of his son upon a Spear. That spectacle brake the hearts of the Romans, notwithstanding Crassus endeavors to hearten on his men, to extort from the enemy the joy they had received, and to revenge their cruelty: the battle is renewed, but seeing the Romans were on every side again wounded with their darts, many of whom died miserably; for those who desperately, that they might escape the darts, came upon the enemy, were with great Lances forced into a narrow compass, with which at one thrust they struck thorough two bodies: until the night appoaching, the Parthians retired, bragging that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoan his son.

That same night Octavius and Crassus called together the Centutions and Soldiers; for Crassus being overwhelmed with sorrow for the public and his own private loss, kept himself in the dark with his head covered: whereas the fear of what was to come forced the rest of the army to advise about flying, the army in all places began to dislodge without any sound of Trumpet: but whereas those that were weak perceived themselves to be forsaken, there was great tumult and confusion, and all the Camp was filled with howling and lamentation: the • fear and astonishment seized upon those that marched, because they thought the enemy would be raised by this noise, and come and set upon them: and indeed the enemy did know that they were removing, but neglected to pursue them; three hundred light-horsemen, under their Captain Egnatius late in the night came to Carrae, and calling to the watch, commanded them to tell Coponius the Governor, that Crassus had had a great fight with the Parthians; but said not a word more, and marched hastily to the Zeugma. Coponius by the confusednesse of the speech supposing that no good news was told him, presently armed his men, and meeting Crassus who marched slowly by reason of his wounded men, he received him with his army into the City.

As soon as it was day, the Parthians go to the Romans Camp, and there put to death 4000 that were left there. Many also their Horse men took up as they were wandering in the plain: among these there were four cohorts, whom in the same night Vargunteius a Liutenant lead, and had lost their way by night: these getting to an hill, the Parthians compassing them in, killed them all in fight, except twenty Soldiers: who breaking through the midst of the enemy, came safe to Carrae. Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius. [ lib. 6. cap. 13.]

Surenas being uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae, or fled to some other place, sends certain men to Carrae, that he might know the truth, under a color of making a league with the Romans, if they would yield up Mesopotamia: which when the Romans approved of, because all things were in a desperate condition with them, and demanded time and place for the meeting of Crassus and Surenas. Surenas understanding that the enemy was shut up in Carrae, the next day he came before it with his whole army, and exceedingly straitening the Town, commanded the Romans, That if they would have any truce, that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius prisoners. Hereupon the Romans exceedingly lamented, that they were so cheated, and casting off all hopes of any aide from the Armenians, they thought how they might escape by flight.

This council was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians, yet Crassus declared it to Andromachus, the most perfidious of all men, whom also he took to be his guide in his march. Whereupon the Parthians knew all their councils, by the treachery of Andromachus, and because it is neither the custom, nor safe, for the Parthians to fight by night; but Crassus went out by night; and least the enemy should be too much behind them that fled. Andromochus led them, someone way, some another, and at last brought them into deep bogs, and places that were full of ditches: there were some who suspected Andromachus his often turnings, and would not follow him; for Crassus retired to Carrae, and from thence with 500 men, took his way into Syria. Others having gotten faithful guides, took the way of the mountains, which they call Synaca, and before day, were retired into a safe place, and those were almost five thousand men, over whom Octavius, a valiant man, was Commander.

But the day overtook Crassus, who was entangled in those difficult places and bogs, by the treachery of Andromachus, he with four cohorts of legionary Soldiers, and a few Horse men, and five Lictors, having gotten out of those fastnesses with great pains, the enemy even now approaching, he fled to another hill, within twelve furlongs from Octavius, not so fortified, nor so steep for Horses: but being under the Synaca, and joined to it with a long neck that stretched through the midst of the whole plain, so that Octavius could not but see the danger that Crassus was in: and therefore he first, with a few others came to his aide, and the rest chiding one the other followed him, and beating the enemy from the hill, received Crassus into the midst of them, and covering him with their Targets, spake nobly, That no weapon of the Parthians could touch the body of their General, till they had killed them that defended him to the last man.

Wherefore Surenas seeing the Parthians not so courageous as they were wont to be, and that it was a dangerous thing to fight with desperate men, especially they fighting from an higher place; and if perchance night should overtake them, that then the Romans could not be taken, they keeping the mountains, but that they would go to the Armenians, and so might be a means of renewing the war, (as Dio saith) he plotted another treachery and falsehood: he let some prisoners go free, who had heard some Barbarians say on purpose, That their King was not altogether averse from making peace with the Romans, that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be, if it could be effected by his means. In the mean while, the Barbarians forbare to fight: and Surenas with some noble men, came near the hill with his bow unbent; and holding forth his right hand, invited Crassus to make a league with him: and told him, That he had had experience of the force of the Parthians; yet now, if he would, he should have experience of his humanity. Crassus did not assent unto him, whom for good cause he had reason to be afraid of, as who saw no reason of this sudden change.

But the Soldiers demanded peace even with reproaches to Crassus; he endeavored by entreaties and reason to persuade them, that they would hold out but the rest of the day, and that at night they should march through mountainous places, and that they would not break off the hopes of a safety that was so near them: but when they began to mutiny, and beating of their harness, began to threaten him: being affrighted, he went towards the enemy, but turning about to his own men, he said, Yea, if Octavius and Petronius, and all you Roman Commanders that are here with me, see, what violence is upon me, yet, if ever any of you shall come off safely, tell, that Crassus was deceived by his enemies, and not delivered up by his own citizens. Which he might seem to have said, as it were trying by this friendly speech if he could asswage their obstinate minds, whilst he provides for their honor, but Octavius and the rest staid not on the hill but went down with him: the Lictors that would follow him for his honors sake, Crassus himself forbad.

The first who came from the Barbarians were two mongrel Grecians, who dismounting from their horses worshipped him, and saluted him, in Greek, desiring him that he would send some before to see if Surenas and the rest that came to parly, whether they came unarmed, he presently sent two Roscii that were brothers, whom Surenas stayed, and coming on horseback, whereas Crassus was a foot, he commanded an horse to be brought to him, and that he should go to the rivers side to write the articles of the peace, because the Romans were not very mindful of their covenants, and withal gave him his right hand, and when Crassus sent for an horse, he told him there was no great need, for the King, saith he, giveth you this, presently there was brought him an horse with a golden bridle, upon which the grooms mounted Crassus and following him behind lashed him, then Octavius first took hold of the bridle, and after him Petronius one of the Colonels, and then the rest of the Romans came about him to stay the horse, and to take him from them that pressed upon Crassus on every side.

And whereas at first they were justling and thrusting one the other, at last they came to blows. Octavius drew his sword and killed a groom one of the Barbarians, another kills Octavius, striking him behind; Petronius had no weapon, but being struck upon his coat of maile lighted from his horse, and had no hurt, but Promanaethros or Manarthes by name a Parthian killed Crassus, or as others will have it, cut of his head and right hand, as he lay dead. Dio leaves it in doubt, whether he were killed by his own men, least he should come alive into the enemies hands, or whether he was slain by the enemies. Livy relateth lib. 106. that he was taken, and making resistance, least he should suffer anything being alive, was killed: himself being allured to a parly, had upon a sign given by the enemy, come quick into their hands, if the resistance of the tribunes, had not moved the Barbarians to prevent the flight of the general: as Florus saith in lib. 3. cap. 11. and Sextus Rufus following him, in his breviary to Valentinian the Emperor. Crassus himself being allured to a parly, might have been taken alive, but by the resistance of the tribunes he escaped, and whilst he sought to fly was killed.

This Surenas the General of the Parthians took Crassus by treachery, and killed him at Sinnaca a city of Mesopotamia [ Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 747.] although he had rather have taken him alive. [ Orosius lib. 6. cap. 13.] Velleius Paterculus saith that he was killed with most part of the Roman army. [ lib. 2. cap. 46.] Pliny saith, that all the Lucanian Soldiers were killed with him, of which there were many in the army. [ lib. 2. cap. 56.] Jornandes writes, that they lost eleven legions almost, and their General also. [ De regno. succession. ] it is said that the number of those that were slain were 20000: and of those that were taken alive by the enemy 10000; as it is in Plutarch. Appian affirms, that of an 100000 scarce 10000 fled into Syria. [ lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 438.] that these things were done in the month of June, Ovid shows in lib. 6. Fastorum. in the middle of Summer ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) saith Dio in lib. 40. of his histories: where also he addeth, that the Parthians at this time recovered all their country again that lay within the river Euphrates.

The remains of the Roman army shifting each man for himself, being scattered by flight into Armenia, Silicia, and Syria, did scarce afford a man alive to bring the news of the overthrow. [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 11.] as soon as this overthrow was known, many provinces of the East had revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome, unless Cassius gathering together a few soldiers of them that fled, had quitted Syria that began to grow proud with great virtue and moderation [ Oros. lib. 6. cap, 13.] this is that Cassius who would not accept of the command that the soldiers offered him at Carrae in mere hate to Crassus, and Crassus also himself willingly yielded to it considering the greatness of his loss; yet now being compelled by necessity, took upon him, the government of Syria. [ Dio, lib. 40.] he was also the treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria within the command of the people of Rome, and was also the same C. Cassius, who together with Brutus, afterwards killed Julius Caesar. [ Vellei. Paterc. lib. 2. cap. 46. together with 56. & 58.]

Surenas sent the head and right hand of Crassus to Orodes, into Armenia: and he spread a report by messengers of his own, at Seleucia, that he brought Crassus alive having dressed up one Gaius a captive who was very like him, and so made a ridiculous show, which in disgrace they calied a triumph. [ Plutarch. ]

In the mean time Orodes was reconciled with Artabazes, or Artarasers the Armenian, having betrothed his sister to his son Pacoras: and there they made feasts and revels, in which were many Greek yerses sung: for Orodes understood the Greek tongue, and was a Scholar: and Artavasdes also had written Tragedies, and Orations, and Histories: there as Jason the Tragedian of Trallis was singing some verses out of the Bacchis of Euripides, concerning Agave, Syllaces came into the dining room, and threw the head of Crassus before them, which Pomaxaethres, or Maxarthes, rising from supper, took to himself, as though it did more belong to him than the other. [ Id. ]

Among other indignities, some report, that the Parthians poured melted gold into the mouth of Crassus, insulting also over him in words; amongst whom is Florus; whose words concerning this matter are these, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the King, and made sport for him, nor that unfitly; for they poured melted gold in at his open mouth, that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of gold, while he was alive, his dead and bloodlesse carcass might be burnt with gold: like to which both Sextus Rufus hath in his Breviary, and Jornandes who follows him.

Surenas not long after, suffered a punishment worthy of his perjury, being killed by Orodes who envied his honor, [ Plutarch, in Crasso. ]

At Rome M. Cicero was made Augur in the room of young Crassus, who was killed in the Parthian war, [ Id, in Cicerone. ]

Crassus the father being dead at that time, one head of Varro his three-headed faction is cut off, and a foundation laid of the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar: for Crassus being killed who was above them both, it remained to Caesar, that he might become the greatest, to dispatch him that was above him, [ Plutarch, in Caesare & Pompeio. ]

During an interreguum there was a decree of the Senate made, [Year of the World 3952] that neither any Consul nor any Praetor should have by lot any foreign province till after the fifth year of his Magistracy: which also a little after was confirmed by Pompey, [ Dio. lib. 40.] who by the Interrex Servius Sulpitius on the V. Kalend of March in an intercalary month (about the beginning, namely of the Julian December) was created Consul. [ Ascon. Pedian. in orat. Milonian. ]

The Parthians invaded Syria, but with no great army, because they thought the Romans had there neither Soldiers nor General; wherefore Cassius easily repulsed them, [ Dio. lib. 40.]

Cassius coming to Tyrus, [The Julian Period. 4662] arrived also in Judea, [Year before Christ 52] when at his first entrance he took Tarichaea, and led from thence about 30000 Jews prisoners. He put to death also Pitholaus, because he had entertained Aristobulus his faction, which he did at the persuasion of Antipater, who could do very much with him: for Antipater, seeing he was in great credit with the Idumaeans, sought by curtesies and familiarity the friendship of others who were in power: especially he joined in affinity to him, the King of the Arabians, to whole custody he committed his children during the war that he had with Aristobulus: but Cassius having forced Aristobulus the son of Alexander to be quiet by conditions, removed his camp to Euphrates, to keep the Parthians from passing over, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12.]

M. Marcellus, [Year of the World 3953] and C. Sulpitius, [The Julian Period. 4663] being Consuls, [Year before Christ 51] the league is renewed with the Rhodians: in which it is provided, that one people shall not make war on the other, but send mutual aides one to the other. The Rhodians also swore, that they would have the same enemies that the Senate and the people of Rome should have, [ P. Lentulus apud Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 15. cum Appian. lib. 4. Bell. civil. pag. 627, 630.] and by this means Posidonius Apameensis, who had a School at Rhodes, seems to have come to Rome, M. Marcellus being Consul, as we read in Soudas [ in voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] a very noble Philosopher, Mathematician, and Historian: a Sphere of whose making Cicero in lib. 2. of his divination, maketh mention of. If any body should carry this Globe into Scythia or Britain, which of late our familiar friend made, whose each turning performs the same in the Sun and Moon and the other five Planets, as is done in the heaven each day and night: who in that barbarity would doubt, but that this was a most exact Sphere?

Whereas by the decree of the Senate, and by the law Pompey made the year before, none could obtain any either Consular or Praetorian province, unless he had been Consul or Praetor five years before. M. Calphurnius Bibulus, who had been Consul seven years before, and M. Tullius Cicero who had been Consul eleven years before, and yet had never been sent into any province, had by lot, Bibulus Syria, and Cicero Silicia: concerning Syria, Dio is witness, lib. 40. and of Silicia, Cicero himself, lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 2. which he wrote being now designed Proconsul to Appius Pulch • r, the Captain General, whom he was to succeed (for the army had given him the title of Captain General, because he had commanded well in the wars in Silicia) in which he signifieth that it happened both against his will, and beyond any thought of his, that he should necessarily go to command in his Province by the decree of the Senate. But Cicero had for his Liutenants, his brother Quintus Tullius, C. Pomponius, L. Tullius, and M. Anneius: his Quaestors were L. Messinius and Cn. Volusius.

Plutarch relates in the life of Cicero, that he had in his army 12000 Foot, and 2600 Horse. He himself saith, That he had the name only of two Legions, and those very thin. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15.] which army was scarce able to defend one Town, as M. Coelius wrote to him. [ Ibid. lib. 8. epist. 5.]

On the XI. Kalend of June (which as the year was then accounted at Rome, fell upon the sixth day of the Julian March,) Cicero, going into his Province, came to Brindisi, there he met with Q. Fabius, the Lieutenant of Appiu • Claudius Pulcher, whom he was to succeed; who told him, that he needed a greater force to command that Province: and almost all were of opinion, that the Legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied out of Italy; which the Consul Servius Sulpicius positively denied to yield to: but yet there was such a general consent of the Senate, that Cicero and Bibulus should suddenly be dispatched, that he was sain at last to yield, and so it was done. [ Ibid. lib. 3. epist. 3.]

Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey, on the seventh of the Julian March, a little after noon, there happened an horrible eclipse of the Sun, of ten parts and an half, concerning which Dio saith, [ lib. 40.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the whole Sun was eclipsed, and Lucan, [ lib. 1.]

Cicero loosing from Brindisi, came to Actium, the XVII. Kalend of July, (the 29 day of the Julian March) and then taking his journey by land, came to Athens on the VII. of the Kalends of July, (the eight day of April) [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 9. & 10.] whenas the day before he came thither, Memmius (who was condemned for unlawful bribery for an office, and was then in banishment) was gone to Mytilene. [ Ibid. epist. • 1.]

In the month of the Julian April, Ptolomaeus Auletes died, concerning whom M. Coelius in an Epistle to M. Cicero, written from Rome on the Kalends of August (the 15. day of the Julian May) [ lib. 8. ad familiar. epist. 4.] whereas C. Marcellus was chosen Consul for the next year. News was brought, and it is accounted for certain, that the King of Alexandria is dead. He left his heirs, of his two sons the eldest, and of two daughters, she also that was the eldest: and that this might be so, Ptolemy in the same Will, did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods, and by the league that he had made with them at Rome. The copy of his Will, (one whereof was sent to Rome by his Ambassadors, that it might be laid up in the Treasury, and another, after the same example) was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria. [ Caesar. lib. 3. Commentar. Bell. Civil. ]

Wherefore in this Testament it was commanded, that his eldest son Ptolemy, after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, should be married to Cleopatra his eldest daughter, and that both of them should possess the Kingdom, but so notwithstanding that they should be under the tuition of the people of Rome. [ Dio. lib. 10.] concerning which Cleopatra speaks to Caesar. [ in Lucan. lib. 10.]

The copy of this will being brought to Rome, seeing because of public employments it could not be put in the Treasury, it was deposited with Pompey, [ Caesare, lib. 3. B • ll. civil. ] who as Eutropius relates, was made Tutou • to the new King by reason of his young years, [ lib. 6.]

M. Cicero having stayed those ten days at Athens, the day before the Nones of July (the 19 of the Julian April) departed from thence, [ lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 8.] on which day loosing from the Haven Piraeum, he was carried by a certain wind to Zotera, which kept him there till the Nones. the VIII of the Ides (the 25 day of April) he came to the Village of Cios, from thence to Gyaros, from thence to Scyaros, from thence to Delos, [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 12.] The XI. Kalend of August (the 5 day of the Julian May) he came to Ephesus: sailing the slower by reason of the weakness of the Rhodian barks. Thither came to him an incredible multitude; and the Grecians very willingly offered themselves unto him, as if he had been the Praetor of Ephesus, [ id. epist. 13.] but the Praetour of the Asiatic Governments (which were separated from the province of Silicia) was Q. Thermus who was then at Ephesus: with whom Cicero conferred concerning a business of his Liutenant M. Anneius, who had a controversy with the Sardineans, and unto whom, both for him and for others, he afterwards writ many Epistles, [ lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.] but that P. Silius was Praetor of Bithynia at that time, is gathered out of the 13 Book, [ ad familiar. epist. 61.]

P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus, returning to Rome from his Embassy, a very learned man; Cratippus also came thither from Mitylene to see and salute Cicero, who was at that time the chiefest of all the Peripatetics: as Cicero himself witnesseth in the preface to Plato his Timaeus, translated into Latin by himself.

Leaving Ephesus, Cicero went to Tralli, in a very dry and dusty way, [ lib. 5. ap Attic. epist. 14.] The VI. Kalend of August (the 10 day of the Julian May) he came to Tralli, where there met him L. Lucilius with letters from Appius Pulcher, [ lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 5.] by which he understood among other things, that a mutiny of the soldiers was appeased by Appius, and that they were all paid even to the Ides of July, [ lib. 3. ad. Attic. epist. 14.]

The day before the Kalends of August (the 14 day of the Julian May) Sulpitius and Marcellus being Consuls, Cicero came to Laodicea, into a province (undone and even overthrown by Appius) from which day the yearly Magistracy, committed to him by the Senate, began to be reckoned, [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15. 16, 20, 21. cum lib. 3. ad familiar epist. 6. & lib. 15. epist. 2. & 4.] But whereas Cicero understood by the Cypriot Ambassadors who came to meet him at Ephesus, that Sceptius the Governor of Appius in Cyprus besieged the Senate in their Senate-house in Salamine with some Troops of Horse, that he might famish some of the Senators: what day he first entered the province he sent letters, that the Horsemen should immediately depart the Island, [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

When as he saw by reason of the time of the year, he must presently go to the army, having stayed three days at Laodicea, (whilst the money was received which was owed him from the public exchange) the III. None of August (the 17 of the Julian May) he made a journey to Apamea: and there tarried four or five days, three at Synnada, and five at Philomelium: in which Town when as there was a great concourse of people, he freed many Cities from most grievous tributes, and heavy usuries and great debts, [ lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 5. & lib. 15. epist. 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist 15, 16, 20.]

Appius Claudius, whereas by the law Cornelia (of Cornelius Sylla the Dictatour) there were thirty days granted for one to depart the province after the coming of a Successor: in those days sat in judgment at Tarsus, in which Cicero did the like at Apamea, Synnada, and Philomelium, [ lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 6. & 8. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16, 17.]

M. Bibu • us the Proconsul, about the Ides of August (the 25 of the Julian May) departed from Ephesus by shipping with a very prosperous gale into Syria his province, [ lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 3.] whom when the Senate had permitted to raise soldiers in Asia, he would make no muster, [ ibid. epist. 1.] for the Auxiliaries of the Allies were through the sharpness and injuries of the government of the Romans, either so weakened, that they could help them but little; or so alienated from them, that there was little to be expected from them, neither did anything seem fit to be committed unto them. [ Ibid. ]

Whereas before the coming of Cicero into the Province, the army was scattered through a sedition, five Cohorts, without any Lieutenant, without any Colonel, yea without any Centurion, stayed at Philomelium, the rest of the army was in Lycaonia.

Cicero commanded his Lieutenant, M. Anneius, that he should conduct those five Cohorts to the rest of the army: and having rallyed the whole army in one place, that he should encamp at Iconium in Lycaonia: which when he had exactly done; Cicero came into the Camp the VII. Kalends of September. (the seventh day of the Julian June.) Seeing that in some days before, according to the decree of the Senate, he had got together a good band of Soldiers newly raised, and good store of Horse, and Voluntary Auxiliaries of free people, and of Kings their Allies. [ Ibid. epist. 4.]

Dejotarus the son, who was declared King by the Senate, took with him into his Kingdom Cicero's sons, whilst M. Cicero made war in the Summer quarters. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 17, 18.] Plutarch delivers, [ in lib. de Stoicorum repugn antiis. ] That Dejotarus the father, that he might settle the Kingdom upon this one son, put to death all his other sons: but of both the Dejotari, father and son, who both reigned together; Cicero makes mention in the XI. Philippicho, with great commendation of them both.

Pacorus, the son of Orodes, King of the Parthians, with whom was married the sister of the King of the Armenians, with great forces of the Parthians, and a great band of other. Nations besides: passing over the Euphrates, made war in the Province of Syria. [ lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 18.] but indeed Orsaces was General, Pacorus only bearing the name of General, for he was not yet past 15 years of age. [ Dio. lib. 40.]

The Parthians being thus gone into Syria, and having reduced under their power all places that lay in their way, came as far as to Antioch, with an hope of winning also the rest: for neither did the Romans keep that Province with a just army: and the people hardly enduring the domineering of the Romans, did incline to the Parthians, as to their neighbors and familiar friends. [ Dio. ibid. ] Also the Proconsul Bibulus was not yet come into the Province: for whereas that Province was appointed to him but for a year, as it was to Cicero, it was reported, that for this cause he came so late into the Province, that it might be late ere he departed it. [ Cicero, lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16. & 18.]

Cicero, in the III. Kalends of September, (the II. of the Julian June) mustered his army at Iconium. [ lib. 3. ad Attic. epist. 19.] The Kalends or III. of the Nones of September, the Ambassadors that were sent from Antiochus, the King of the Commagenians, came to the Camp at Iconium; who first brought Cicero news, That great forces of the Parthians began to pass the Euphrates: and that it was said, That the Armenian King would make an invasion upon Cappadocia. Which news when it was brought him, although there were some that thought, that there was not much credit to be given to that King; yet Cicero was much troubled, both for Syria, and for his own Province, and indeed for all Asia. Wherefore he thought it fit that the army should be conducted through Lycaonia, and the Country of the Isaurians, and through that part of Cappadocia, which joined to Silicia. [ lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4.]

Wherefore after he had stayed ten days at Iconium, he dislodged his army, and encamped at the Town Cybistra, in the farthest part of Cappadocia, not far from Mount Taurus. That Artavasdes the Armenian King, whatsoever he intended, should know that the army of the people of Rome was not far from their borders, and that he and the Parthians might suppose themselves shut out of Cappadocia, and so he should defend Silicia that bordered upon them, and keeping Cappadocia, might hinder any new devises of the neighbouring Kings; who though they were friends of the people of Rome, yet durst not be openly enemies to the Parthians. [ lib. 5. ad. Attic. epist. 20. & lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 2. & 4.]

Cicero sent his Horse from Cybistra into Silicia, that the news of his coming being declared to the Cities in that part, the minds of men might be the more confirmed to him: and that he might quickly hinder what was done in Syria. [ lib. 15. ad familiar epist. 2.]

There he took special care for the service that was enjoined him by the Senate, That he should defend Ariobarzanes, the King of the Cappadocians; and provide that both he and his Kingdom might be in safety: and whereas the King himself, with his brother Ariarathes, and some of his fathers ancient friends came to the Camp to the Proconsul (where he stayed three or four days, as is gathered out of lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2.) and complained of treasons that were laid for his life, and desired that some horse and foot of the Roman army, might be a guard for him: Cicero exhorted his friends that they should defend with all care an diligence, the life of their King being taught by the lamentable example of his father; and exhorted the King, that he should learn to reign by preferring his own life, from whom he was certainly assured that treason was plotted against him, them he might use at his pleasure: that he might punish those that there was necessity to punish, and free the rest from fear, that he should use the guard of the Roman army more for terror to those that were in fault, then for contention: and that it would come to pass, that all, when they shall know the decree of the Senate, should understand, that he would be a guard to the King, wheresoever there shall be any need, concerning whom in the end (of that second epistle) to the Consuls and Senate, Cicero saith that he was more careful to certify them, because that in King Ariobarzanes there were such tokens of virtue, wi • fidelity, and good will towards them: that they did not seem without good cause to give him such a charge of his preservation.

Cicero settled in great favor and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom Ariobarzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaeus, and whereas there would great war be raised in Cappadocia, if the priest of the Comanians; whom as Hirsus confirmeth in his book [ de bell. Alexandrin. ] was accounted the next after the King in majesty, command and power, by the consent of that nation) should defend himself by arms, as was thought he would do; he being a young man, and provided with horse and foot, and money, and allyes also who would fain see some innovations. Cicero brought it so to pass, that he departed the Kingdom; and so the King obtained the Kingdom with honor, without any tumult, or war, the authority of his court being more confirmed unto him. [ ibid. epist. 4.] although he in another epistle thought, that there was nothing more pilled than that Kingdom, nothing more poor than that King. [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1.]

And after this manner was the Kingdom of Ariobarzanes preserved with the King himself. [Cato. in epist. 5. lib. 15. ad familiar.] and Cappadocia is reconciled to his obedience without arms, and with much good liking. [Plutarch. in Ciceron.] concerning whom this Cicero brags of himself to Atticus. [lib. 5. epist. 20.] Ariobarzanes lives and reigns by my means, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by the by, by my advice and authority: and because I kept myself 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 free from access to them that lay in wait for him and not only so but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , free from bribes I preserved both King and Kingdom.

In the mean time Cicero knew by many letters and messages, that Cassius (Bibulus being yet absent out of Syria) was with an army at Antioch, and great forces both of the Parthians, and Arabians, were come to Antioch; and there that a great body of horse, which had passed into Silicia, were all killed, by those troupes of horse he himself had sent thither, and by a Praetorian cohort, which was in garrison at Epiphania: and that the Parthians were in Cynhestica a part of Syria, that was next to Silicia: when therefore he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from Cappadocia, not far from the borders of Silicia; he left Cylistra of Cappadocia, (when he had encamped five days) and conducted the army into Silicia; and in the borders of Lycaonia, and Cappadocia, the XIII of the Kalends of October (the 30 day of the Julian June) he received letters both from Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus a governor of the Arabians, who were accounted friends of the Roman common-wealth, declaring that Pacorus with a great body of Parthian horse was passed Euphrates, and encamped at Tyba: concerning which he presently wrote to the Consuls, and Senate. [ lib. 15. ad familiar. ep. 1. 2. & 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 18. & 20.]

A rumour of the coming of Cicero, both encouraged Cassius, who was in a manner besieged in Antioch, and cast a fear upon the Parthians, they departed therefore from Antioch before the coming of Bibulus being happily driven back by Cassius: who also pursued them in their retreat from the town, and did execution upon them. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 20. 21. & lib. 2. ad familiar. ep. 20.] which history Dio thus declares more fully.

When the Parthians were put by the hopes of taking Antioch, Cassius stoutly repulsing them, (for they are very awakeward at the storming of places) they marched towards Antigonia: the suburbs of which city are planted with trees, and so they neither durst, not could come near it: they intended to cut down the trees, and to clear the place of the wood, that they might more boldly set upon the city on that side: but when this would not fadg neither, both because it was a business of great labor; and time was trifled away in vain, and Cassius also licked up any stragglers, they retreated from Antigonia, intending to set upon another place: in the mean time Cassius having placed ambushes in the way they were to pass, shown himself to them with a few, to draw them to pursue him, then he turned upon them. [ Dio. lib. 40.] where Orsaces the great commander of the Parthians received a wound, whereof he died a few days after. [ Cicero, lib, 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

In Justin, [lib. 42. cap, 4.] this story is not so truly written. Pacorus being sent to pursue the remains of the Roman army, after he had achieved many enterprises of Syria, he was called home again as mistrusted by his father: in whose absence, the army of the Parthians that was left in Syria, was with all the captains thereof slain by Cassius the treasurer of Crassus.

Livy declares that C. Cassius the treasurer of M. Crassus slew the Parthians, who had marched into Syria. [ lib. 108.] Velle • us, that he with great success routed and overthrew the Parthians, that came over into Syria. [ lib. 2, cap. 46.] Sextus Rusus in breviario, that he with great admiration fought against the Persians, (for so he calls the Parthians) who made an irruption into Syria, and utterly destroyed them being driven beyond Euphrates: [ Eutropius in lib. 6.] that with singular valor, and great virtue, he restored the state when it was even lost, so that be overcame the Persians in divers battles; to which may be added that of Orosius [ lib. 6. cap. 13.] concerning the same Cassius. He overcame in battle, and slew Antiochus, and his great forces: and by way drave out the Parthians that were sent into Syria, by Orodes: and were entered as far as Antioch, and killed also their general Orsaces, and that of Cicero, in the 11. Philippick, he did many gallant things, before the coming of Bibulus the chief commander; whereas he utterly routed the greatest commanders and great forces of the Parthians, and freed Syria, from an horrible invasion of the Parthians: for it deserves no credit, that which is added concerning Cassius in the 14. Chap. of the Jewish History, which being set forth in Arabic, carries the title of the second book of the Maccabees, he passing over Euphrates, conquired the Persians, and brought them under the obedience of the Romans: he also reduced to their obedience, those 22 Kings that Pompey had subdued: and brought under their obedience whatsoever was in the countries of the East. for we have already heard out of Orosius [ lib. 6. cap, 6.] how Pompey bragged that he had made war with twenty two Kings.

The day before the Kalends of Octob. (the 11. day of the Julian July) the Senate being called together into the temple of Apollo made a decree, that into Silicia and into eight other provinces should henceforward be sent Propraetours, who formerly had been Praetours at Rome, but yet never had any command in any province. [ lib. 8. ad familiar. ep. 8.]

Cicero marching with his army by the straits of Taurus into Silicia, came the III Nones of October (the 16 day of the Julian July) to Tarsus. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 20.]

On the Nones of October, (the 18. day of the Julian July) on the same day were read in the Senate, the letters of Cassius, declaring his victory; wherein he wrote, that of himself he had finished the Parthian war: as also the letters of Cicero, declaring the Parthian tumult, whereupon there was little credit given to Crassus his letters. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.] and the same day Cicero went from Tarsus towards Amanus: [ lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 8.] which mountain belonged both to him and Bibulus, and it divides Syria from Silicia, by the separation of the waters, and full of everlasting enemies. [ Ibid. lib. 1. epist. 10. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

The next day (the 19. of the Julian July) he encamped in the plain of Mopsuestia; from whence he wrote the eight epistle [lib. 3. ad familiar.] to Appius Pulcher, (whom he succeeded in the Proconsul-ship) in which may be read this. If you ask concerning the Parthians, I think there were none; those Arabians that were, who were habited like Parthians, are said to be all returned, they deny that there was any enemy in Syria: for when Cicero was come to Amanus, he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch, and that Bibulus was at Antioch; and from thence he certified Dejotarus who was in all hast coming unto him with a great army of horse, and foot, and all his forces: that he saw no cause why he should come out of his Kingdom: and that he would immediately send letters and messengers to him, if by chance any extraordinary matter should fall out. [ lib, 15, ad familiar. epist. 4.]

But when Cicero considered that it did extremely concern both provinces, to settle Amanus, and to take away a perpetual enemy from that mountain, and go to some other parts of Silicia, and when he was gone about a days journey from Amanus, and had encamped at Epiphania: the IIII Ides of October (the 23 of the Julian July) when it began to grow towards evening, he marched with his army in all hast; so that at the III. Ides of October, as soon as it was day, he went up the Amanus. [ ibid. ]

Having marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries, over which he himself with his brother Quintus his Lievetenant commanded some, others his Lievetenant, C. Pomptinus, and the rest M. Anneius and L. Tullius commanded; and came suddenly upon them before they were aware: many were killed, many taken, and the rest were scattered. Fugerana (or rather Erana) which was not like a village but a city, because it was the principal town of Amanus: and also Sepyra, and Cerminoris (or Commoris) which both stoutly and a long time made resistance, Pomptinus keeping that part of Amanus, from break of day till ten of the clock, were taken, and a great multitude of the enemy slain, six Castles well fortified were taken by their sudden coming; and more burnt; when they had done this Cicero encamped at the foot of the Amanus, at the altars of Alexander, by the river Issus, in which place Darius was overcome by Alexander, there he spent four days, in destroying the relics of Amanus, that belonged to his Province, and in wasting the Country: and for the obtaining of so just a victory, he was called by the army Imperator, or Captain General: and so having spoiled and wasted Amanus on the sixth day he departed from Amanus. [ Ibid. cum. lib. 2. epist. 20. lib. 5, ad Attic. epist. 20. Plutarch in Ciceron. ]

In the mean time Bibulus coming to Amanus, he began to look for a lawrel in a mustard tree, and gape after the vain name of Captain General; but he had a great loss, for he wholly lost his prime Cohort, and a Centurion of the Vauntguard, a Noble man, one Asinius De • to, a kinseman of his own, and all the rest of the same Cohort: and Sextus Lucilius, a Colonel (the son of T. Gravius Coepio, a rich and renowned man) [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Silicia, which was inhabited by the Eleuthero-ciles, cruel and fierce men, and who were provided of all things for defense; who seeing they never had obeyed their Kings, entertained at this time fugitives, and were daily in expectation of the coming of the Parthians: he set upon Pindenissa, a Town of theirs, that was seated in a steep and well fortified place, the 57. day before the Saturnalia, (the XII. Kalend of November, on the first of the Julian July) he compassed it about with a Rampart and a Trench; and kept them in with six Castles, and very great Brigades: he assaulted it with a Mount, Engines and a most high Tower: he made use of many archers, and great store of Engines for battery: as Cicero himself signifieth in an epistle to M. Caelius Rufus chosen Edile, which was written on the 25. day of the siege (the 25. of August) [ lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 10.] and also in his letters to M. Cato, [ lib. 25. epist. 4.] and to Pomponius Atticus. [ lib. 5. epist. 20.] all written after the taking of the City.

With great pains and preparation, [Year of the World 3954. a.] but without any nouble or charge of the Allies, many of his men being wounded, but the army safe, Cicero made an end of this business. Upon the very day of the Saturnalia (the XIIII. Kalend of January, or the 26. day of the Julian September) the Pindenissenses by main force were at his mercy; all the City being either beaten down, or burnt: he granted the whole spoil of it to his Soldiers, except the Horses; the slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia. He took hostages from the Tibareni, who were next neighbors to the Pindenessenses, and alike wicked and audacious as they. After this he sent his army to their winter quarters; over which he set his brother Quintus, that the army should be quartered in those places that were taken from the enemy, or that were not well quieted. [ Ibid. ] And so he having settled his affairs for the Summer, appointed his brother Quintus to command in the Winter Quarters, and over Silicia, [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.] and as he intended the Summer months to prosecute the war, so the winter months to sit in judgment. [ Ibid. epist. 14.]

Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Silicia, as is gathered out of the Epist. [ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 21. compared with lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 9.]

The son of Orodes the King of the Parthians, came into Cyrrhestica, a Country of Silicia, in which also the Parthians wintered. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

Cicero sent Q. Volusius, a trusty man, and wonderful free from bribery, into Cyprus, to tarry there a few days; that those few Roman Citizens, which had business to do there, should not say they had not right done them: for it was not fit that the Cypriots should be called to judgment out of their own Island. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.]

Cicero being entertained in the Cities of Silicia with great admiration, on the Nones of January (or the 13, day of the Julian October) went from Tarsus into Asia: Wherefore passing over Taurus, in the sixth month of his command, which way soever he went, he brought it so to pass, that without any violence, without any reproach, but only by his authority and advice, the Grecian and Roman Citizens, who had kept in their corn, did promise great store to the people, for the easing of the famine, (which raged much in that part of Asia, seeing there was no harvest.) [ Ibid. ]

Dejotarus, whose daughter was betrothed to the son of Artavasdes (the King of Armenia) whose aids Cicero had made great use of, came to Laodicea, to live with the young Cicero's; and brought him news, that Orodes intended to come into those parts, with all the Parthian forces at the beginning of Summer. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20, 21. cum lib. 6. epist. 1.]

At Laodicea, from the Ides of February, (the 29 day of the Julian November) to the Kalends of May (the 26 day of the Julian February) Cicero kept Court for that part of Asia that belonged to him, from the Ides of February, for Cibara, and Apamea: from the Ides of March, for Synnada and Pamphilia. Many Cities were freed from their debts, and many were very much eased: all of them using their own laws and judgments, having obtained liberty to do so, were greatly revived. [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. lib. 6. epist. 2.]

At Rome there were processions decreed by the Senate, [Year of the World b.] for Cicero, [The Julian Period. 4664] because he had conquered in Silicia; [Year before Christ 50] L. Emilius Paulus, and C. Claudius Marcelius being Consuls. [ lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 11. lib. 8. epist. 11. lib. 13. epist. 5, 6, 13. & lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 1.]

C. Cassius, who had been M. Crassus his Treasurer, being about to depart, after the Parthian war out of Syria, commended M. Fabius to Cicero, then being at Laodicea, [ lib. 9. ad familiar. epist. 25. & lib. 15. epist. 14.] to whom Cicero wro • e back, congratulates him both for the greatness of the actions that he had done, and also for the opportunity of the time, because that he was to depart out of the Province with great favor, and commendation of the Province: he adviseth him to make hast to Rome, where by reason of his late great victory, he tells him that his coming will be very famous.

Cicero commended to Quintus The • mus, the Praetor of Asia, his Lieutenant M. Anneius, whose wisdom, virtue, and fidelity he had tried in the war against the Cilices, who was to go for the deciding of a controversy he had with the Sardinians: and desired him that he might be sent back before the Kalends of May, at which time he intended to go into Silicia. [ lib. 13. ad Familiar. epist. 55. 57.]

P. Cornelius Dolabella, who a little after was married to Tullia, the daughter of Cicero, accused both of treason and bribery for his office, Appius Claudius Pulcher, when he was demanding a Triumph at Rome, for the good service he had done in Silicia; and as soon as Dolabella came before the Tribunal, Appius entered into the City, but laid aside the demand of a Triumph: at langth Q. Hortensius, and M. B • utus defending him, he was quitted from each crime. [ lib. 8. ad Familiar. epist. 13, 16. lib. 3. epist. 10. 11, 12, lib. 6, ad Attic. epist. 6. & lib. de claris Oratoribus. ]

The Horsemen that were left by Gabinius in Italy, killed two sons of M. Bibulus, the Proconsul of great towardliness. [ Caesar. lib. 3. de. Bell. Civil. Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 1.] Cleopatra the Queen sent the murderers in bonds to Bibulus, that he might punish the murderers at his own pleasure: but he presently sent them back to Cleopatra, without any hurt done them: saying, That the authority of punishing them belonged to the Senate, and not to him. [ Valer. ibid. Seneca ad Marcian. ]

Cicero thought of going into Silicia, on the Nones of May, [ lib. 2. ad Familiar. epist. 13. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2.] but he came not to Tarsus before the Nones of June, (the second day of the Julian April.) There many things troubled him: a great War in Syria, and great robberies in Silicia. [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 4.]

Going from thence, when he was encamped by the river Pyramus, Q. Servilius sent him letters from Tarsus, which were written from Appius Claudius Pulcher, dated at Rome the Nones of April (the first day of the Julian February) in which he signified that he was quit of Treason. [ lib. 3. ad Familiar. epist. 11.]

When Syria was in a flame with the Parthian war, and there was great fear at Antioch, and Bibulus, for all his great sorrow, (for the murder of his sons) took all the care of the war; although there was great hopes in Cicero and in his army: yet it is reported that Bibulus should say, That he had rather suffer anything, than seem to have need of the help of Cicero: and whereas he wrote to Thermus, the Praetor of Asia, concerning the Parthian war; yet he never wrote to Cicero: although he knew that the greatest part of the danger of the war belonged to him. Notwithstanding, his Lieutenants sent letters to Cicero, that he should come to their aide. [ lib. 2. ad Familiar. epist. 17. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 5.]

And indeed Cicero had but a weak army of his own, yet he had good Auxiliaries of the Galatians, Pisidians and Lycians: yet he thought it his duty, to have his army, as near as he could to the enemy, as long as he should command in that Province according to the decree of the Senate: and whereas the term of his charge that lasted but a year, was almost out; he agreed with Dejotarus, that the King should be in his Camp with all his forces, [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1. & 5.] concerning whom Cicero saith, in the XI. Philippick, I and Bibulus were both Captains General, in near and neighbor Provinces; we were both oft helped by that King, with Horse and Foot.

The Parthians kept Bibulus besieged, [Year of the World c.] [ Caesar. in Bell. Civil. lib. 2.] who kept himself within a Town extremely well fortified, and full of men, as long as the Parthians were in the Province, [ Cicero, lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 19.] and never set foot out of the Town, as long as the Parthians were on this side the Euphrates. [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 8. & lib. 7. epist. 2.]

But the Parthians left Bibulus but half alive, [ lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2.] by an incredible felicity departing out of Syria. [ Ibid. lib. 6. epist. 6. lib. 7. epist. 1. & lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.] For Bibulus had set the Parthians one against another; for having entered into friendship with Ornodophantes, a Noble man, who was an enemy to Orodes, he persuaded him by messengers that went between them, that he should make Pacorus King, and that by his aide he should make war upon Orodes. [ Dio. lib. 40.]

Bibulus in his letter he wrote to the Senate, concerning the things that he had done, that that he and Cicero had done together, he attributes to himself alone, that that Cicero had done alone, that he ascribes unto himself; but that that he himself had done alone, that he makes common between them: as Cicero complains in an epistle that he wrote to Salust his Treasurer. [ lib. 2. ad. familiar. epist. 17.] where also he notes as a mark of a poor, malicious, jejune, and vain spirit, that he styled not Ariobarzanes King, but the son of King Ariobarzanes, (whom the Senate itself called King, and commended him to Cicero) and when as he that had done no great matter, endeavored to obtain a Triumph, Cicero also thought it would be a disgrace to him, not to obtain the same; seeing Bibulus his army had their hopes in Cicero's army: he also by the advise of his friends, began to think of a Triumph. [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7, 8. lib. 7. epist. 2,]

The fear of the Parthians being now removed, Cicero withdrew all Garrisons, which were good and strong, that he had provided for Apamea and other places. [ lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.]

Whereas about the III. Kalend of August (the 26. day of the Julian May) the term of his office, which was to last but a year, was almost at an end, and somebody was to be left by him at his departure, who should command according to the decree of the Senate; Cicero preferred to the government of the Province, which was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war, C. Caelius Caldus, who was newly sent to him from Rome to be his Treasurer, (in the room of C • . Volusius) a Noble young Gentleman indeed, but one that wanted both gravity and continence. [ lib. 2. ad. familiar. epist. 15. & 19. cum lib. 6. Attic. epist. 4. & 6.]

The III. Nones of August, (the 29. day of the Julian May) his annual commands being now ended, he went by ship to Sida, a City of Pamphilia. [ lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 12.] From thence he went to Laodice, the utmost bound of the Province: and there he commanded his Treasurer Messinius to stay for him, that he might leave his accounts according to the Julian Law, in the Province, in the two Cities of Laodicea and Apamea. [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 7. & lib. 5. epist. 20.] but of the prey (of the Mount Amanus) he touched not a penny, but left it wholly, as also of his yearly stipend, which was designed unto him, to the value of a 1000; Sestertia (his Cohort grumbling at it, who thought it ought to be distributed among them) to the Treasury; taking security also of all the public money at Laodicea; that it might be safely returned to him and the people, without any danger of carriage. [ lib. 7, ad Attic. epist. 1. lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.]

The Senate decreed a very large procession of 20 days, by the persuasion of Cato, to M. Bibulus, as soon as they had received his letters: [ lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2. & 3.] But the Legions which the Senate had decreed, should be sent into Syria, by Marius (who was to succeed Salust in the Treasures office there) were detained: the Province being now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. [ lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.] But there was a Decree of the Senate made, that there should be sent to Bibulus for the Parthian war, one Legion from Cn. Pompey, and another from Julius Caesar. Pompey, of those Legions that he had with him, granted none; but yet he commanded them that were Commissioners in that business, that they should demand that Legion from Caesar, that he had lent Caesar. Caesar, although he made no doubt but that his adversaries intended that he should be left without any Legions, sent back to Pompey his Legion: and also gave another out of his one number, that he might satisfy the Decree of the Senate: therefore these two Legions were furnished, as though they were to be sent against the Parthians: but seeing there was no use of them for that war, the Consul Marcellus fearing they should be again restored to Caesar, kept them in Italy, and gave them to Pompey. To what purpose these things tended, although Caesar knew well enough, yet he determined to suffer all things, because he saw here was offered him no absurd pretence of keeping those Legions by him that he had already, and of raising more. [ Caesar. commentarior. de Bell. Civil. lib. 1. Hirtius, de Bell. Gallio, lib, 8, Plutarch in Pompeio. & Dio, sub fine, lib. 40.]

Cicero persuaded Q. Thermus the Praetor, who was to depart out of Asia, that he would leave a noble young Gentleman, his Treasurer, Governor of that Province, (which was C. Antonius; as Pighius shows in his Annals, Tom. 3. pag. 431.) [ lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 18.]

Cicero laid up with the Publicans at Ephesus, all the money which lawfully came to his share, which was, 22000 Sestertiums. [ lib. 5. ad familiar. epist. 20.] and being very much hindered by the Easterly winds, on the Kalends of October (the 25 of the Julian July) he sailed from Ephesus, [ lib. 6. ad, Attic. epist. 8.] and landed at Rhodes, [ Plutarch in Cicerone. ] for they young Cicero's sake, [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2, ad familiar. epist. 17.] and there he heard of Hortensius his death. [ initio Bruts, sive, de claris oratoribus. ]

Cicero, the winds being against him, the day before the Ides of October, (the seventh day of the Julian August) came to Athens. [ lib. 14. ad familiar. epist. 5. lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 9.]

The motions of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey approaching, the Sun, a little after his rising, on the 21 day of the Julian August, was eclipsed almost two parts, to which it may seem that that of Petronius, concerning the Prognostics of this war is to be referred.

Bibulus departed out of Asia, as Cicero shows in the eighth epistle of the seventh book to Atticus, dated the V. Ides of December; or the first day of the Julian October.

On the Kalends of January, (falling on the 22 day of October) on which C. Claudius Marcellus, and L. Cornelius entered upon the Consulship: there was a Decree of the Senate made, That Caesar should dismiss his army before a certain day, and if he did not, that he should seem to do it against the Common-wealth; against which Decree, when as M. Antonius, and Q. Cassius, the Tribunes of the people, had in vain interceded; it was made the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey [ Caesar, commentar. lib. 1. de Bell. civil. Cicero. in Philippic. 2. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 9. Dio. lib. 41, init. ]

The day before the Nones of January, (the 25 of October) Cicero came to the City; where was given him such a mutiny, that nothing could be more honorable: but it fell upon the very flame of the civil discord, or war rather. [ lib. 16. ad familiar. epist. 11.] but he entered not the City. A full Senate amid these troubles, earnestly demanding a Triumph for him: which Lentulus the Consul, that he might make his courtesy seem the greater, deferred. [ Ibid. cum lib. 7. epist. 1. ad Attic. ] And whereas the Senate decreed a Triumph for him; he said, he had rather, if there were a peace concluded, follow Caesar's Chariot. [ Plutarch in Cicerone. ] but the discord increasing, not only deferred, but clean took away both his and Bibulus his Triumph also. [ Vid. lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 2. & lib. 11. epist. 6.]

On the VII. Ides of January, (the 28 day of October) there was a Decree of the Senate made, That the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes of the people, and all Proconsuls that were in the City, (amongst whom Cicero was one) should do their endeavor, that the Common-wealth should receive no damage; and immediately the Tribunes of the people, who had interceded against that decree of the Senate, fled out of the City, and went unto Caesar. [ Caesar, comment. Bel. Civ. l. 1. Cicero, ad familiar. l. 16. ep. 11. Dio. l. 41.]

In the next day, the Senate being called without the City, Pompey also being present, Provinces were decreed for private men: two of them were for the Consuls, the rest the Praetors had. Syria fell to Scipios share. [ Caesar, ut supra. ] This was Metellus Scipio, who had married his daughter Cornelia, the widow of Publius Crassus, who was slain by the Parthians, to Pompey this year, (that is two years before he was put to death) and had been his Colleague three years before in the Consulship: [ Plutarch in Pompeio. Dio. lib. 40.] but that Sextius, or Sestius, succeeded Cicero in the Province of Silicia, is gathered out of lib. 5. ad familiar. epist. 20. compared with lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 7. and that Sextilius Rusus was sent the first Quaestor, with pretorian authority into Cyprus, which was henceforward separated from Silicia, is gathered out of lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 481. and that the three governments of Asia (Cibyra, Synnada and Apemea) were taken from the Province of Silicia, and were given to the new Proconsul of Asia, P. Servilius Sigonius gathers out of the 67. epistle of the same book. [ de antiquo jure provinciarum lib. 1. cap. 11.]

On the same day, the VIII. Kalend of March, (the 11. of the Julian December) on which the Feralia were celebrated, (as we may see in the inscriptions of Gruterus, pag. CXXXIII.) Caesar came from Corsinium to Brindisi after noon, and Pompey from Canusium in the morning, [ lib. 8. ad Attic. epist. 22. & lib. 9. epist. 2.] when Autumn was already past. [ Dio. lib. 41.]

Pompey sent his father in law Scipio, and his son Cneus, from Brindisi into Syria, to provide a fleet. [ Plutarch in Pomp. ] concerning whom Cicero, in the first epistle of the ninth book, [ ad Atticum ] written the day before the Nones of March, (the 23. of the Julian December) Scipio goeth into Syria, either according as his lot fell, or for the honor of his son in law, or flieth an angery Caesar.

The VII Ides of March (the 26 of Decemcer) Caesar came to Brindisi, and encamped before the walls; as himself shows in an epistle to Oppius, and Cornelius Balbus. [ lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 16.]

On the XVI Kalends of April, (as it is in the 10 epistle of the 9 book ad Atticum: not the IIII Kalends of March: as it is in Lipsius in the 31 epistle of the century to the Germans and Frenchmen) on which the Liberalia were celebrated, (as appears in the marble records in Gruters inscriptions, pag, CXXXIII) which there fell upon the 3 day of the Julian January, Pompey went from Brindisi with all the forces that he had, to Epirus, on which very day of the Liberalia, or Dionysia, his sons were overcome in Spain at the battle of Munda, four years after that their father was said to go to the war, [ Plutarch. in Caesare, ] to wit, on the same day on which Pompey the father, leaving Italy, made the seat of the war in Greece; not on which he fled from the city to make war, as by a mistake it is written by Orosius, [ lib. 6. cap. 16.]

The next day Caesar entered Brindisi: and there made an oration, and so marched towards Rome; being willing to be at the city before the Kalends, [ lib, 9. ad Attic. epist. 18.]

From thence Caesar dismissed Aristobulus into his own country of Palestine, that he might do something against Pompey. [ Dio. lib, 41.] Josephus relates that he sent Aristobulus having freed him from prison into Syria; giving him also two legions, that he might the more easily keep the province in order, yet both of them were frustrated of their hopes, Aristobulus being poysened by the Pompeians, and buried by the Caesarians. [ Joseph. lib, 1. bell. cap. 7. & lib. 14, Antiquit. cap. 13.]

Alexander also the son of Aristobulus, was beheaded at Antioch by Scipio, according to Pompey's letters, being first publicly accused of what he had done against the Romans: but Ptolemy Mennaeus the governor of Chalcis, which is seated in mount Libanus, having sent his son Philippio to Askelon to the wife of Aristobulus; sent for her son Antigonus and her two daughters; the youngest of which named Alexandra Philippio fell in love with and married. [ Id. ibid. ] Pompey having gotten a years time to provide forces in (which free from war, and at idleness from any enemy) gathered together a great fleet out of Asia, and the Islands Cyclades, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bithynia, Syria, Silicia, Phoenicia, and Egypt: and took care that a great navy should be built in all places, he exacted also great sums of moneys from Asia, Syria, and all Kings, Governor, Tetrarchs and the free people of Achaia, he compelled also the societies of those provinces which fell to his share, to pay unto him great sums of money. [ Caesar. bell. civil. lib. 3.] It is reported that 60 ships sent him out of Egypt from Cleopatra, and Ptolomei who was then but a child King and Queen of Egypt, he had also auxiliaries out of Ionia, archers out of Crete, darters out of Pontus, and horsemen out of Galatia: Commagenians were sent from Antiochus, Cilicians and Cappadocians, and some from Armenia the less, Pamphilians also and Pisidians, came to him. [ Appian. bel. civil. lib. 2. pag. 458. & 472.]

M. Cato being sent into Asia by Pompey, to be an help to them that gathered the fleet and soldiers together, carried along with him his sister Servilia, and a son that Lucullus had by her: where whenas he had made the Rhodians to be of Pompey's party, he left Servilia and her son with them, and returned to Pompey, who was well furnished, very strongly both with land and sea forces. [ Plutarch in Catone minore. ] and he had an intention to set the whole world in an uproar both by sea and land, to stir up barbarous Kings, and to bring cruel nations being armed into Italy. [ Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 8, epist. 11.]

Pompey also went about to draw to his party, Orodes himself the King of the Parthians, although after the death of the Crassi, he was accounted amongst the enemies. Orodes promised him his assistance, if Syria might be granted unto him; but he not obtaining Syria, he brought no forces. [ Dio. lib. 41.] although otherwise the Parthiwere of Pompey's party: both by reason of the friendship they had contracted in the Mithridatick war, and also for the death of Crassus, whose son they heard was of Caesar's side; whom they doubted. not, would revenge his fathers death if Caesar got the conquest. [ Justin, lib. 42. cap. 4.]

Pompey made use of a great fleet which he had provided from Alexandria, Colchis, Tyre, Sidon, Andros, (or rather Arados) Cyprus, Pamphilia, Lycia, Rodes, Byzantium, Lesbos, Smyrna, Miletum, Coos, to intercept provisions from Italy, and to seize upon the provinces from whence the corn came. [ Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 9. epist. 11.]

Pompey's son was Admiral of the Egyptian fleet; of the Asiastick, D. Laebius and C. Triarius; of the Syriac C. Cassius; of the Rhodian, C, Marcellus, with C. Pomponius, of the light ships, and the Achian fleet, Scribonius Libo, and M. Octavius, but over the whole business at sea, M. Bibulus was set and commanded all, for he was chief Admiral. [ Caesar. Bell. Civil. lib. 3.]

Julius Caesar being created Dictator after eleven days, [Year of the World 3956. a.] himself and Servilius, Isauricus, being declared Consuls, resigned up his Dictatourship. [ Caesar init. commentar. lib. 3. Bell. Civil. Plutarch in Caesar. & Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 457.]

From this first Dictatorship of Caesar, the Macedonians of Syria began their account of the time of the Caesar's, (of which there is mention made in an old stone, in the inscrip. of Gruter. pag. CCLXXVII. 3.) deduced from the 24. day of the Julian September, (on which we have shown in another place, that the Solar year of the Macedonians began.) from which day, not only the Macedonian, but also the Roman Emperors began their Indictions, or the circle of 15. years: and the Antiochians their account, (which being divided by 15. always showeth the Indictions of the Emperonrs) although the form of the year being afterwards changed, and the Macedonian month conformed to the Italian, the Antiochians refer the beginning of their account, and the rest of the Eastern people, the beginning of their Indictions, to the beginning of their new year, and have brought it from the 24 of September, to the Kalends of September: but whatsoever is said concerning the original of the Indictions, (which they commonly refer to the times of Constantine) it ought to be without controversy, that the head of the Antiochian account is to be fetched from the September of the year of the Julian Period, 4665.

In the end of the year in which Marcellus and Lentulus were Consuls, Pompey being made General of the Romans, and the Senate which were in Ephesus with him, bestowed honors on Kings, and people that had deserved well of them, as Lucan speaks in his fifth book.

And after the same manner he avers, that the kingdom of Egypt was at this time confirmed upon Ptolemy, being but then a lad: whither are to be referred those words of Pothinus the Governor of Ptolemy, concerning Pompey, in the same Author in the eighth book.

About the Winter Solstice, Caesar sent messengers to the army, that they should meet him at Brindisi: he himself departed from Rome; in the month of December, not expecting the next Kalends of the beginning year, in respect of his office: thus Appian, [ lib. 2. pag. 458. Bell. Civil. ] supposing that at that time there was the same account of the Roman year, as was in his own time. Whereas the Kalends of January, on which Caesar was to begin his second Consulship, answered to the 11 day of the Julian October. With the like error Florus affirms, [ lib. 4. cap. 2.] that Caesar took shipping to go to the war, although it were in the midst of Winter: and likewise Plutarch in Pompeio writes, that Caesar came to Brindisi, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and in Caesar, that he departed from thence, in the time of the Winter Solstice, in the beginning of the month January, which he saith answereth to the Athenian Posideon: and indeed Caesar himself in the third book of his Commentaries of the civil war, confirmeth, That he set sail on the day before the Nones of January with seven Legions, and the day after landed at the Ceraunia; but that was not the Julian January, on which in the time of Plutarch the Athenian Posideon fell, but which the • alse account of the Roman year did then use: whereas the Nones of that month (on which Caesar landed at the Ceraunia) answered to the 15 day of the Julian October: and that Winter was approaching, and that thereupon Pompey marched out of Epirus into his winter quarters to Apollonia and Dyrrachium, Caesar himself shows also afterwards: but by no means that it was Winter, that is, the height of Winter.

Pompey, having provided great store of corn out of Thessalia, Asia, Egypt, Crete, Cyrenia, and other Countries, he intended to winter in Dyrrachium, Apollonia, and in all the sea Towns, that he might hinder Caesar from passing the sea (although it was all in vain.) [ Caesar. Bell. civil. lib. 3.]

Scipio •• Governor of Syria, the father in law of Pompey, having received some loss about the Mountain Amahus, declared himself Captain General: which having done, he laid great sums of money upon the Cities and the Tyrants, and also from the Publicans of the province he exacted the tribute of two years; and borrowed of them also the money of the following year, and commanded the whole province to provide him Horsemen. All which Forces being gathered together, having left the Parthians who were bordering enemies behind him, he with his Legions and Horsemen marched out of Syria: and when as there was heard some mutterings of the soldiers, that they would go against an enemy, but not against the Consul, and their fellow Citizens, he brought the Legions to their winter quarters into the richest Cities, as Pergamos, and gave huge bribes, and to confirm the soldiers to him, he gave them the plundering of the Cities, [ id. ibid. ]

In the mean time, the money that was laid upon the Cities, was most cruelly exacted: and moreover many things were generally for covetousness; pole-money was laid both upon bond and free: money was also demanded for making of pillars and doors, for soldiers and mariners, for arms and engines, and carriages: and if anything could be found out that had a name, this was sufficient for the gathering of money. There were Governors with command appointed, not over Cities and Castles, but also Villages; and he that did anything most outrageously and cruelly, he was accounted the Man, and the best Citizen. The province was full of Lictors and Commanders, and was stuffed with petty Governors and Exactours: who besides the monies that were commanded, served also their own private gain; they said, That they were expelled from their own houses and country, and that they wanted all things necessary, that they might cover their business with some honest pretence. To these exactions were added also great usuries, (which for the most part happen in war) in which things they said, that the prolonging of a day was giving them as much: whereupon the debt of all the province was much multiplied in these two years; and no less were monies exacted for this cause upon the Roman Citizens of the province, but upon all guilds, and every and each city was certain monies exacted: and they told them that they borrowed these monies by the decree of the Senate, [ Ibid. ]

Moreover at Ephesus, Scipio commanded the money that of a long time had been laid up there, to be taken from the Temple of Diana: but when he came into the Temple, having also many of the Senators with him whom he had called together for that purpose, he received letters from Pompey, that Caesar had crossed the sea with the Legions; and he should with all speed make haste to him with the army, and set all things else aside. As soon as he had received these letters, he dismisseth them that he had called unto him, and begins himself to prepare for his march into Macedonia, and a few days after he went; and this business saved the money at Ephesus, [ Ibid. ]

In the mean time, Pompey had in his army besides the Roman and Italian Legions, and two which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be raised, and archers out of Crete, Lacedemon, Pontus, Syria, and other cities, to the number of 3000 of slingers, six coho •• s, two of mercenaries, 7000 horsemen, of which horsemen Dejotarus brought 500 Galatians, Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia; 500 French and Germans, which Gabinius had left at Alexandria for a guard for King Ptolemy, and the son Pompey had brought with the Fleet. Tarcundarius, Castor, and Donilaus, sent out of Gallogrecia 300. one of them came along himself, the other sent his son. Antiochus the Commagenian on whom Pompey had bestowed great rewards, sent 200. among which were many archers on horseback, and with Scipio were expected two Legions that should come out of Syria, [ Id. ibid. ]

After the coming of Caesar into Epirus, there were many months passed, and winter came on apace; neither were the ships nor legions that were left at Brindisi, come unto Caesar: but there M. Antonius, and Fusius Calenus, having gotten a fair South wind, hoysed sail, and brought with them three Legions of old soldiers, and one newly raised, and also 800 horsemen unto Caesar: whose passage, whenas Q. Coponius, who commanded the Rhodian Fleet at Dyr • achium, strived to hinder, a tempest arising so troubled the Fleet, that all of them to the number of 16 except one, were beaten one against another and perished by shipwreck; and a great part of the mariners and soldiers were dashed against the rocks and killed; part were dispersed by the Caesarians, whom Caesar saved and sent home again, [ Id. ibid. ]

In Egypt, the lad Ptolemy by his kindred and friends, expelled out of the kingdom Cleopatra, his wife and sister, [ Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. civil. Livy, lib. 111.]

as it is in Lucan, [ lib. 10.] where we read Cleopatra complaining: for as Strabo declares how she was ejected by the friends of the lad, who had raised a sedition: So particularly this business is attributed by Plutarch in Caesare, to Pothinus: there was then in the Praetorship of the kingdom, an Eunuch that was his governor, by name Pothinus, (as it is read in Caesar) the which also is called by the Greek Writers Potheinus by a truer name. Cleopatra being thus ejected, departed into Syria with her sister, [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796.] that she might there provide herself of an army, [ Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 480.]

Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates King of Pontus, and King of Bosphorus Cimmerius, when he heard that this civil war was begun amongst the Romans (which he hoped would continue long) and that Caesar was not near at hand, out of a desire of regaining all his fathers former possessions, revolted from the Romans; and having committed the government and defense of Bosphorus to Asandrus, he reduced into his power without any resistance considerable, Colchis, and all Armenia, together with the kingdom of Moschis (in which Strabo notes that he spoiled the Temple of Leucothea in lib. 11. pag. 498.) and Dejotarus being absent, he laid to these some Cities of Cappadocia and Pontus, which belonged to the jurisdiction of Bithynia, [ Dio. lib. 42.] and having also taken Sinope, he made for Amisus; but at that time failed of it, [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Pompey sent his wife Cornelia privily into the Isle of Lesbo • , that she should live quietly at Mitylena free from all troubles of the wars, [ Lucan, lib. 5. init. ] with whom also Plutarch in Pompeio, and Dio. lib. 42. relate, that her son in law Sextius, the younger son of Pompey, was sent thither also: when Lucan saith notwithstanding that he tarried in the camp with his father, [ lib. 6. fin. ]

L. Hirtius (otherwise Hirrius) being sent Ambassador to the Parthians (as in understood out of the Commentaries of Caesar, lib. 3. bell. civil.) not only obtained not any aid from Orodes, but was cast into prison by him, against the law of Nations, [ Dio. lib. 42.] namely because Syria was denied him: as hath been above said out of the same [ Dio. lib. 41.]

Pompey having been besieged four months together with huge Works, at Dyrrhachium, was as last utterly overthrown in the battle of Pharsalia, [ Suetonius in Julio Caesare, cap. 35.]

At what time Caesar came into Thessaly, (when the battle was fought at Palaeopharsalum) and a few days after Pompey came likewise, when the corn was even ripe, as Caesar himself witnesseth, [ lib. 3. bell. civil. ] Appian also confirmeth, that at the instant that the fight was, it was the Caesari • s 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , [ Bell. civil. lib. 2.] that it was full Summer, and very hot weather, if we believe Plutarch, [ in M. Bruto. ]

On the same day that the Pharsalian fight was, there was twice at Antiochia heard such a shouting of an army, such sounding of alarms, such rattling of arms, that the whole city run up to the wall in their arms; the same thing happened at Ptolemais, from the vestry of the temple of Bacchus at Pergamos, whither it was lawful for the Priests only to go, there was a great noise of drums and cymbals first began, and went through all the city; also at Tralles, in the Temple of victory, where they had consecrated a statue of Caesar's, a green palm tree was shown in the root, which sprung out of the pavement between the joining together of the stones, to the Syrians also appeared two young men that declared the errand of the battle, and were never seen after. [ Caesar. bell. civil. lib. 3. Julius Obsequens. de prodigiis Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio. lib. 2.]

In the army of Pompey there were almost all Nations that inhabit round about the sea towards the East, Thracians, Hellespontians, Bythinians, Phrygians, Ionians, Lydians, Pamphilians, Pisidians, Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Phoenicians, Hebrews, and their neighbors the Arabians, Cypriots, Rhodians Cretian slingers, and other Islanders, there were also Kings, and Governors, Deiotarus the Tetrarch of the Gallograecians, and Ariarathes the King of the Cappadocians, Taxiles led those Armenians on this side of Euphrates; Megabates the Lieutenant of King Artasias those beyond Euphrates, other lesser Princes helped also according to their power. [ App. bel. civil. lib, 2. pag. 472.] and seeing the greatest part of his army consisted of Asiaticks, who were not used to the wars, he was overcome. [ Dio. lib. 41.] as Petronius also saith.

Caesar, having taken Pompey's cabinet, neither read, nor copied out the Pirates letters, which betrayed the good will of some towards him, or their rancor of minds against Caesar, but in good deed presently burnt them all, least out of the letters he should be compelled to be too severe against any man. [ Pliny lib. 6, 7. cap. 25. fin. Dio. lib. 41. fin. ] he also afterward pardoned the Kings, and people, who had assisted Pompey, not imposing any punishment upon them, but only a pecuniary mulct: for he considered, that indeed he either had none or very small acquaintance with any of them; whenas Pompey had deserved very much at their hands, and much more commended them, than those, that had received favors from Pompey, and yet had forsaken him in his greatest dangers. [ Dio. ut supra. ]

Pompey leaving the camp, fled to Larissa, with very few accompanying him, but entered not the city, although he was invited to it by the citizens; least the Larissaeans should be punished for receiving him, but after he had bid them to seek the victors friendship, he having received necessaries from them, went towards the sea. [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Gaius Cassius came into Silicia, with a fleet of Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cilicians: and having burnt Caesar's ships, after he had heard of the battle that was fought in Thessalia, he departed with his fleet [ id. ibid. ]

The Rhodian fleet, over which C. Coponius commanded as Praetour, after the battle of Pharsalia, deserted the Pompeians and returned home. [ Cicero. lib. 1. de divinatione. ]

L. Lentulus (Crus) who was Consul the former year, and P. Lentulus (Spinther) who had been Consul, and others who had followed Pompey from the flight, coming to Rhodes, were not received either in the town or port; and sending messengers unto them, were commanded against their will to disanchor, and to depart from those places. [ Caesar. bell. civil. lib. 3.]

Caecilius Bassus a man of the order of Knighthood, and of Pompey's party, retired to Tyre; and he hid himself in that place, wherein Merchants used to trade. [ Dio. lib. 47. & Libo. apud Appian. lib. 3. bel. civil. pag. 576.]

M. Claudius Marcellus, being afraid of Caesar went to Mitylenae: and there lived most happily in the study of good arts, (as Seneca relates out of Brutus, in his consolation to Albina:) Cicero in vain persuading him, that he would return from thence to Rome, and demand pardon of Caesar, [ lib. 4. ad familiar. epist. 7. & 8.]

Labienus coming from the Pharsalian flight, brought news of the overthrow of the Pompeian army at Dyrrachium, when M. Ctro was left with 15. Cohorts, and 300. Gallies: whereupon both he and Cicero, and others with them, being suddenly affrighted, took shipping; and looking back to the Town, saw all their ships of burden on a flame, which the Soldiers had burned, because they would not follow them: but Cato passing into Corcyra, (an Island seated under Epirus, in the confines of the Ionian and Adriatic sea) where the fleet was, with those that were of the same opinion: there he took unto him the rest that had fled from the battle of Pharsalia, or otherwise followed that party. From the fight came L. Scipio, the father in law of Pompey, Labienus, Afranius, and many other renowned men: and a little after Octavius also, who keeping the Ionian sea, had taken C. Antonius, joined himself unto them: also Cneus Pompey, (the eldest son of Pompey the Great) who sailing in the Egyptian fleet, had made incursions upon Epirus, his father being overcome, whereas the Egyptians went home, went himself also to Corcyra. This fact of his C. Cassius also, who had vexed Sicly, and others with him imitated, and fled unto Cato, whom they observed to excel others in virtue. [ Cicero, de Divinat. lib. 1. Plutarch in Catone mmore. Appian de Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482. Dio. lib. 42.]

There Cato resigned the command to Cicero, seeing he was but Praetour, and the other had been Consul; which when Cicero (a man as Livy notes in his third book, not bound for the wars) refused, and would needs leave the wars, he wanted but little of being killed; for young Pompey, and his friends, calling him traitor, drew their swords at him: but Cato withstood them, and kept him from being slain, and withdrew him from the Camp. [ Plutarch in Catone & Cicerone. ]

After this the fleet was divided among Pompey's chiefest friends, and Cassius sailed into Pontus to Pharnaces, with an intent to stir him up against Caesar: and Scipio into Africa, having Varus and his forces with him, and the auxiliaries of Juba the Moor. [ Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482.]

Cato himself, conjecturing that Pompey was fled either into Africa, or Egypt, making hast after him, took shipping, and set sails: but yet before he went, he gave leave to all that were not ready to follow him, either of leaving him, or staying with him. [ Plutarch in Catone. ] Lucan in his ninth book, thus describeth his voyage by sea.

This Phycus is a promontory of the Country of Cyrenae, and a Town, which, as the Poet notes, Cato gave the plunder thereof to his Soldiers; but leaving here any further discourse of Cato his navigation, let us turn out speech to the way that Pompey the Great took, and of Julius Caesar pursuing him.

Caesar having tarried two days at Pharsalum, [Year of the World d.] to offer sacrifices for the victory he had gotten, and to refresh his Soldiers that were tired with the fight, the third day he pursued Pompey, [ Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482.] for he thought it was his best way, setting all other things aside, to pursue Pompey, into whatsoever part of the World he had retired himself from the flight, least he should be forced again to raise new forces, and to renew the war again: wherefore he went every day as far with his Horse as possibly he could, and commanded one Legion to follow after him, by lesser marches, [ Caesar, lib. 3.]

Pompey coming to the sea, rested all night in a fishermans cottage; and about break of day, he went into a wherry, and taking with him all the freemen, and commanding all the slaves to go to Caesar without any fear, he departed from land, [ Plutarch, in Pompey. ] concerning whom Lucan in lib. 8.

But as he went in this boat along the shore, he saw a ship of great burden under sail; the Master of it was Peticius a Roman citizen: who knowing Pompey, took him out of the boat into the ship: together with the two Lentuli (who had been Consuls, whom as we have declared out of Caesar, were excluded from Rhodes) and Favonius, (who had been Praetor; out of Velleius, lib. 1. cap. 53.) and all other, as he would himself: and presently after King Dejotarus (who trusting to the flight of birds, which he thought portended happy success to him, came to Pompey, as Cicero shows in lib. 1. de Divinat.) whom they saw posting towards them from land, him they took in also, [ Plutarch, in Pompey. ]

There Pompey stood at anchor one night: and calling unto him his friends at Amphipolis, and having received money of them for his necessary expenses, and knowing that Caesar was coming after him, he departed from that place, [ Caesar, lib. 3.]

Sailing thus by Amphipolis, within a few days he came to shore at the Isle of Lesbos, [ Caesar, & Plutarch, ut supra. Dio. lib. 42.]

He sent for his wife from Mitylenae to sea, where they bewailed together their hard fortune: then she commanded her stufle to be brought out of the Town, and called her maid-servants to come to her: but Pompey refused to come into the Town of the Mitylenians although they came to salute him and invited him into it; but advised them to obey the Conqueror, and to be asraid, for Caesar was merciful, and bountiful: then turning to Cratippus the Philosopher (for he came out of the Town to visit him) he bewailed his misfortune, and disputed with him some things concerning providence; the Philosopher affirming, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by reason of the ill government of the Common-wealth, there was need of a Monarchy: and demanding of Pompey, How and by what token can we believe that you would have used your good fortune if you had overcome Caesar better than he? [Plutarch.]

Being detained there two days by tempest, and taking unto him other light ships, he put all his stuff into four Gallies, which came from Rhodes and Tyre: and sailing along the coast, even to Silicia with his wife and friends, kept along the havens that he might take in fresh water and things necessary, [ Caesar, lib. 3. cum Plutarcho, in Pomp. Appian. pag. 479, 480. & Dio. lib. 42.]

To these we may add what Lucan saith, lib. 8.

There declaring the instructions, with which Dejotarus was sent to demand aid of the Parthians, (which notwithstanding he never performed) the Poet goes on thus describing the navigation of Pompey.

The first Town that Pompey entered, was Attalia of Pisidia: thither some ships came to him out of Silicia, and some soldiers also, and about 60 of the order of Senators: and when he heard news, that his Navy was safe, and that Cato was passed into Africa with a strong party of soldiers that he had gathered together out of the flight: then he began to repent that he had joined battle with Caesar so far from the assistance of his Fleet, but it was too late, [ Plutarch, in Pemp. ] But Lucan relates, that at Selinus in Silicia, Pompey began to advise with Lentulus who was Consul the year before, and with the rest of the Senators, about some safe place, whither he might make his retreat, [ lib. 8.]

Out of Silicia Pompey came into Cyprus, [ Caesar, lib. 3.] where they who came to offer their service to him at Paphos, confirmed unto him, that Cicero had made a very honorable mention of him, [ Cicero, in Philippica. 2.] Here he knew that, by the general consent of all the Antiochians and Roman Citizens that traded there, the Castle of Antiochia was already taken, merely to keep him out, and it was also reported of them, that they had sent messengers to all the neighbor Cities whither any had retired from the flight, that they should not come to Antioch, and if they did, it should be upon peril of their lives: and now there was a report spread about the Cities of Caesar's coming; which when Pompey knew, he set aside his intention of going into Syria, and taking away the money that belonged to the guilds, and also from private persons, and shipping great store of money to defray the charges of the army, and 2000 soldiers well armed (part whereof he took out of the families of the guilds, and part he forced from the Merchants, and whomsoever any one thought fit for this purpose) he sailed to Pelusinm, [ Caesar, lib. 3.]

For Theophanes a Lesbian, and other his friends, persuaded him, that setting all other places aside, he should go into Egypt, accounting it not only near within three days journey, but also rich and powerful, where he might expect aid from the King his pupil; especially seeing Pompey had restored his father to his kingdom by the aid of Gabinius: and that the son was not ungrateful but had sent ships to Pompey against Caesar, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 53. Plutarch, in Pompey. Appian. pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42.] As soon as that opinion prevailed, Pompey and his wife went into a ship of Seleucis, an set sail from Cyprus; some in long ships, and others in ships of burden accompanied him, [ Plutarch. ] to which navigation belongs that of Lucan, [ lib. 8.]

Caesar (that we may return to what he did in the pursuit of Pompey) for want of Gallies, passed the Hellespont in small ships, whom being in a ferry boat, Cassius bearing to Pharnaces with ten beaked ships, met in the midst of the passage: neither did Caesar avoid him, but making towards him, advised his adversary to yield, who being astonished at the admirable fortune of Caesar, and supposing that the sailed against him on purpose; holding his hand to him out of the Gally, humbly demanded pardon of him: and immediately delivered up the fleet to him; which consisted of 70 ships, (if we believe Appian) [ Suetonius. in Julio. Caesar. cap. 63. Appian. pag. 482, 483, Dio. lib. 42.]

As soon as Caesar came into Asia, he granted the Cuidians liberty, in favor of Theopompus, who had collected the fables.] [ Plutarch in Caesare, ] He received into favor the Ionians and Aeolians, and other nations, who inhabit the lesser Asia, who demanded pardon of him by their Ambassadors; [ Appian. pag. 483,] only demanding money of them; which yet he recompensed with another benefit, for he freed Asia from Publicans, which grievously vexed it, and converted part of the customs into a convenient payment of Tribute, [ Dio. lib. 42.] and remitted the third part of the Tribute to all the inhabitants of Asia. [ Plutarch ut supra. ]

T. Ampius having an intent to take away the money out of the Temple at Ephesus, called the Senators of that province, that they might be witnesses of what money he took, but he was fain to fly, being hindered by the coming of Caesar: thus by Caesar's means was the money at Ephesus twice saved. [ Caesar. lib. 3.]

Seeing nobody had anything of certainty to say concerning whither Pompey intended to fly. Caesar taking some part of his voyage alone with M. Brutus, (who being returned unto him from Pomp's party, he esteemed among his chiefest friends) he demanded his opinion: and because they could make no certain conjecture of Pompeyes flight, they thought to take the most probable, and setting all others aside, directed their course for Egypt, [ Plutarch in M. Bruto. ] fearing least he being possessed of that Kingdom, should again rally his forces. [ Dio. lib. 42.] Wherefore he passed to Rhodes, neither did he stay till all his army was come together, but going aboard the Cassian and Rhodian Gallies, with those forces that he had with him, never telling any one whither he would bend his course, he set sails about evening, giving order to all the Captains of ships, that they by night, should follow the light of the Admiralls Gally, and his own flag by day: but being now far from land, he commanded his Captain of his ship, to direct his course for Alexandria, and by sea they were carried thither on the third day. [ Appian. pag. 483.]

Lucan in his ninth book describes this voyage of Caesar, more like a Poet than an Historian, tells how he loitered at Ilium, and places thereabouts, and that loosing from thence, he came into Egypt on the fourth night.

But none openeth the whole business more certainly than Caesar himself, thus writing of himself in the third Commentary of the civil war.

The time of the year that Pompey came into Egypt before Caesar, Lucan thus describeth in lib. 8.

Namely in the end of September, as the year was then accounted, he had read that Pompey came into Egypt; and he knew that in the end of the same month of the Julian year, which was in use in his time, the Sun was wont to enter into Libra; and thereupon, not considering the diverse account of the times, he wrote that Pompey came into Egypt, about the autumnal Solstice; when indeed the sun began to enter into Leo, when as about the beginning of the Dog-days, Nile began to swell: not into Libra, when the river was wont to retire within his banks.

Not far from Pelusium, one of the mouths of Nile, about the Mountain Cassius, which is sited between the borders of Egypt and Arabia, was King Ptolemy by chance at that time, with great forces, waging war with his sister Cleopatra, whom a few months before he had expelled the kingdom, and not far from his Camp was Cleopatra encamped. [ Caesar. lib. 4. cum Pompeio. Appian. pag. 480. & Dio. lib. 42.] Caesar saith that he was but a boy in age, that he was but a boy of middle age, saith Mirtius, [ de bell. Alexandro. ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a very young boy saith Strabo, [ lib. 17. pag. 796.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a very boy, Dio. [ lib. 40.] a young man, Orosius, [ lib. 6. cap. 15.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a very young man, Plutarch, [ in Pompeio. ] nearer a boy then a man, Velleius, [ lib. 2. cap. 53.] Appian [ pag. 480.] writes, that he was at the most but thirteen years old.

Whefore Pompey seeing so great an army upon the shore, durst not go to land, unless he might do it safely.

(as Lucan hath it in lib. 8.) and sent some of his followers to the King, which should humbly declare unto him his coming thither; and entreat him, for the familiarity and friendship with his father, and the benefits confirmed upon himself, that he might be received into Alexandria, and be protected by his strength in this his calamity, [ Caesar. lib. 3. Plutarch in Pompey. Appian. pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42.] but those that went from him, when they had done their message, began to talk more freely with the Kings Soldiers, and that they should perform their duty to Pompey, and not to despise his ill fortune. In this number were many of Pompey's Soldiers, whom Gabinius received out of his army in Syria, & had had him to Alexandria, and the warbeing ended, had left with Ptolemy the father of the lad. [ Caesar. ut supra. ]

The King himself answered nothing: but his friends who had the administration of the Kingdom, Achillas an Egyptian, who was Lord General, and Pothinus an Eunuch, who was Lord Treasurer, began to consult about Pompey; taking into council with them other officers, among whom was Theodorus, either a Chian, or a Samian, a mercenary teacher of Rhetoric, but yet one that was in great authority with the King, as being his Schole-master. [ Livy, lib. 112. Plutarch. and Appian. ut supra. ]

In this Council, some were of opinion, that Pompey was to be received, and others, that he should be kept from entering into Egypt: but Theodorus, bragging of his eloquence and skill in declaiming, declared that both of them were mistaken; for that there was but one expedient, that they should receive and put him to death: adding withal in the close of his speech, that the dead bite nor. [ Plutarch in Pompeio. & in Bruto. ]

His opinion the rest followed induced thereunto through fear, as they afterwards said, least by tampering with the Kings army, Pompey should seize upon Alexandria and Egypt, or contemning his misfortune, as commonly in calamity many of his friends became enemies, publicly answered kindly to them, that were sent unto them from Pompey, and bid him that he should come to the King: but privately they sent Achillas the Kings general, a man of a singular audacity, and L. Septimius a Colonel, who in the wars against the Pirates had a command under Pompey, to kill him. [ Caesar. lib. 3.]

These with Salvius another Centurion and three or four such ministers more went aboard a little ship, and came to Pompey: in the mean while, the whole army stood in battalia along the shore. as it were in honor of his entertainment, the King being in the head of them clad in his robes, also there were espied many of the Kings ships, full of men, that they should be sure not to escape, if they should change their minds: the little ship approaching, Septimius first arose and in Latin saluted Pompey by the name of Imperator: Achillas having saluted him in Greek, wished him to come into that little ship, for that his ship through the greatness thereof, and because the sea was full of shelfs, neither could the gally by reason of the sands in any possibility be brought to land, and that the King desired to see him as soon as he could, all the chief men of those who accompanied Pompey, and all who sailed with him, came unto him, and advised him, that whilst they were out of danger of their weapons, he should set sails back again towards the sea: and he himself considering the army in battalia, and the sleight ship that was sent unto him, and that the King did not come to meet him, nor any of the chief noble men, began to suspect much, nevertheless having saluted Cornelia, which now already had bewailed his death, he commanded two Centurions, and of his free men Philip, and a servant named Scynes, to go aboard the little ship before him, then Achillas helping him with his hand, he himself also entered the ship, and just before turning to his wife and son, spake those Iambicks of Sophocles.

As they sailed there was a dead silence, whereby the suspicion was increased; and holding a book in his hand, wherein he had written the Oration, that he intended to speak to Ptolemy, he began to read it, when they came near the shore: they determined to kill Pompey, before they came to land, fearing least meeting with Ptolemy, he should be safely delivered either by the King himself, or by the Romans, who he had with him, or the Egyptians, (who bare him great good will.) Cornelia with his friends out of the ship, stood in great suspense, beholding the errand: and Pompey began to be in good hopes, because at his landing he saw many of the Kings friends come running to entertain him with honor: but as Philip lent him his hand to help him up, Septimius first came behind him and run him thorough, and after him, Salvius, and Achillas thrust him thorough with their swords: he, when he was there, being in no way either of defending himself, or escaping, with both his hands hid his face with his gown: neither spake he or did anything unworthy of himself, only giving a groan, patiently received all their thrusts. [ Id. ibid. Plutarch. Appian. Dio. ]

His wife and friends which were in the ships, when they saw this, gave a great shriek, which was heard even to the shore, and holding up their hands to heaven, implored the gods that were the revengers of covenant breaking, and in all hast weighing anchor fled. [ Plutarch, & Appian. ] some of these were taken by the Egyptians that pursued them, and some escaped by flight. [ Dio. ] having first sailed as far as Tyre, for they were entertained by the Tyrians in their flight, as Dio shows in lib. 42. Of those that escaped his wife Cornelia, and his son Sextus Pompeius fled to Cyprus. [ Livy lib. 112.] the rest of the Pompeian fleet was taken, and they who were in it most cruelly murdered: and then Pompey the Bythinian (of whom Cicero makes mention in Bruto, or, de claris oratoribus, as one of his own time) was killed, but Lentulus one that had been Consul, was killed at Pelusium. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] namely L. Lentulus the (Consul of the former year;) whom Caesar writes was taken, by the King, and killed in prison. [ bell. clvil. lib. 3.] but Plutarch in Pompeio notes, that he together with Pompey went to Cyprus, and that he came not out of Cyprus into Egypt, till a long time after the burial of Pompey, and a little after that going out was taken at sea, and killed.

Gaius Caesar, and Publius Servilius, being Consuls, Pompey was killed in the 58 year of his age, (complete) the day before his birth-day, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 53.] on that very day on which he Triumphed in former time over Mithridates and the Pirates: [ Dio. lib. 42.] but that he Triumphed for two days together, the III. and the day before the Kalends of October, we have shown out of Pliny, [ lib. 7. cap. 29. & lib. 37. cap. 2.] in his proper place: so that Plutarch wrote not so accurately in saying that Pompey lived 59 years, and that he died the day after his birth day: but that last of September, which was the last of Pompey, this year, as the times were then falsely reckoned at Rome, fell upon the 25 day of the Julian July, according to our account.

The head of Pompey being cut off by Septimius, (as Lucan saith) was kept till the coming of Caesar, in expectation of a great reward; but the body was thrown naked out of the ship, to be gazed upon by all that would. Philip, his freed man, stayed by it till all had satisfied their eyes; then he washed it with sea water, and wrapped it in a coat of his own. When he had nothing present, looking about the shore, he found the broken planks of a fisher boat, but which was enough to burn the naked carcase, and that not whole neither. As he was gathering the planks together, and laying them in order, a grave old Citizen of Rome, who had served under Pompey in his young days, came and helped him to perform the Funeral Rites. [ Plutarch in Pomp. ] That a certain man buried him on the shore, and made a little Monument for him: Appian writes, [ pag. 481.] and that another added this inscription.

We read in Aurelius Victor, [ de viris illustribus, cap. 77.] that the Trunk of his body was cast into Nile, and burnt, and buried by Servius Codrus, who wrote this on his Tomb, HERE LIETH POMPEY THE GREAT, of whom Lucan lib. 8.

For the Poet more rightly seeketh his body in the sea, than Aurelius Victor, in Nile: Seeing that it is manifest out of others, and Strabo also, [ lib. 16. pag. 760.] and Pliny, [ lib. 5. cap. 12.] that Pompey was killed and buried not far from the Cassian Mountain.

This was the end of great Pompey's life, who was accounted the most potent among the Romans, so that he was surnamed Agamemnon, because he also had had the command of a 1000 ships, but then died near Egypt in a little ship, like one of the basest Egyptians: and whereas he from an Oracle a long while before suspected all the Citizens of the Cassian family, he was killed and buried near Mount Cassius, [ Dio. lib. 42.] which mountain is seated not far from the confines of Judea, which he first subjected under the Roman yoke.

They who were with Cato, coming into Cyrene, heard of the death of Pompey, [ Dio. lib. 42.] Cornelia with her son in law Sextus Pompey, being driven thither out of Cyprus: as that of Lucan shows in lib. 9.

He adds moreover, that the son of Pompey (C •• us the elder) who was with Cato, there, learned from his younger brother Sextus, who was with Cornelia, the death of his father; that Cornelia on the shore burnt the relics of Pompey, and by her example the rest of the army making Funeral piles, performed Funeral Rites to the ghosts of them that died in Pharsalia, and that Cato made a Funeral Oration in memory of Pompey.

After this, there being different opinions, those who had no hopes of obtaining pardon from Caesar, remained with Cato: others departing from him, went whithersoever their chance carried them: others went directly to Caesar and obtained pardon, [ Dio. lib. 42.] also Cornelia, a pardon being published, returned safe to Rome, [ Id. ibid. ] and there in the Mount Albanus laid the Relics of her husband that were brought unto her, [ Lucan, lib. 8. cum Plutarcho, in 〈◊〉 . Pompei. ]

The Soldiers of Cato, who were chiefly mariners of Cilitia, whose Captain was Tarcho, being ready to depart from him, being moved with the words he spake unto them, returned to their duty, [ Lucan, lib. 9.]

Cato is admitted by the citizens into Cyrene, whereas a few days before, they had shut their gates against Labienus, [ Plutarch, in Catone. ] Lucan, lib. 9.

when Cato had understood that Scipio the father in law of Pompey was entertained by King Juba, and that Appius Varus, to whom the Province of Africa was given by Pompey, had joined himself unto them with his army, [ Plutarch, ut supra. ]

Caesar after three days being in his pursuit, (for as much as can be gathered out of the epitome of Lucan) came to Alexandria, King Ptolemy being still about the mountain Casius, [ Appian. pag. 483.] and found there that the Alexandrians were in a mutiny about the death of Pompey, he durst not immediately go ashore; but leaving the shore, stood off some time, as Dio hath it, lib. 42, and Lucan, lib. 9.

Then having knowledge of Pompey's death, Caesar went first out of his ship, and heard the shout of the Soldiers, whom Ptolemy had left for a garrison in the town; and saw them come running out unto him, because his bundles of rods were carried before him; for in this all the multitude said that the royal majesty was disgraced, [ Caesar, lib. 3.] concerning which thing also both, [ Dio, lib. 42.] and Lucan. lib. 9. make mention thus.

Notwithstanding Caesar entered Alexandria being in a mutiny without any danger: [ Livy lib. 112.] retiring himself by flight into the palace, but their arms were taken from some of his soldiers, and the rest, as all the ships were coming to shore, went back again. [ Dio. 42.]

Caesar was very angry when Theodorus offered to him the head and seal ring of Pompey: and taking the ring, fell a weeping. [ Livy. lib. 112. Plutarch. in Caesare. ] We read in Aurelius Victor. [ de viris illustr. cap. 77.] that the head of Pompey with the ring was presented unto Caesar, by Achillas the captain of Ptolemyes guard, being wrapped up in an Egyptian covering; and he caused it to be burned with many and most precious odors, neither did he refrain from weeping, and concerning the head that was offered him by the captain of the guard, thus Lucan. lib. 9.

but of the tears, that he, and Dio will have to be but dissembling ones thus and of the burial of the head he thus brings in Caesar commanding: But he commanded the head to be buried in the Suburbs, and there dedicated a Temple of Nemeses. [ Appian. pag. 484.]

And that he might the more show his good affection towards Pompey, he kindly entertained his friends and familiars, who were taken as they wandered in that Country by the King, and bound them unto himself by favors that he did them: and he wrote to his friends at Rome, that the greatest and most pleasant fruit that he took of his victory was, that he daily saved some Citizens that had opposed him. [ Plut. in Caesare. ]

Caesar, before his army came unto him, for want of his own company, gave himself to idleness; curtuously entertaining all he met: and walking about to see the City, admired the beauty thereof, and stood to hear many of the professors of wisdom; which his leisure got him favor and good account with the people of Alexandria. [ Appian. Bell. civil. pag. 483. fin. pag. 484. init. ] Thus Lucan tells that he visited the Temples, and the Cave wherein the body of Alexander the Great lay.

Caesar delivered over to Cn. Domitius Calvinus the government of Asia, and the neighbor Provinces, [ Hirtius, in lib. de bello. Alexandrino. ] and commanded him, that taking the armies that were in Asia unto him, he should make war upon King Pharnaces. [ Dio. lib. 42.] But when Caesar observed that there were many seditions daily raised at Alexandria, by reason of the great concourse of the multitude, and that many Soldiers were killed in diverse places of the City, he commanded the Legions to be brought to him out of Asia; which he had gathered together out of Pompey's Soldiers; for he himself was necessarily kept there by the eastern winds, which are most contrary to them that sails from Alexandria, [ Caesar. lib. 3.] for those are northern winds, which cease blowing about the end of the Julian August: as we may see both in the Ephemerides of Geminus and Ptolemy, and also in Pliny, [ lib. 2. cap. 47.] and Columella, [ lib. 2. de re rustica. ] from whence the error of Lucan is discovered, who delivered in lib. 8. that Pompey came into Egypt in the time of the autumnal equinoctial: and in his ninth book he referred, that toilsome march of Cato with the Legions, through Africa the desert, (concerning which Livy, lib. 112.) after he heard of the death of Pompey, to be undertaken by him, to the winter that followed this equinoctial.

For when deparing from Cyrenae, he assayed to cross the Syrts with his fleet, he, by a tempest, was cast upon the marshes of Tritonis: Sexus Pompeius being left with part of the forces in the more fruitful places of Africa, that Cato intended to march by land, the sea being now impassable by reason of storms, to seek the King of Mauritania, as he thus declares:

Which also Plutarch in the life of Cato affirmeth, writing that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in winter time this march by land was undertaken by him.

But his army was miserably afflicted in the country of the N • samones, which is near the Syrts, with the winds driving the sands, and sometimes with vehement thirst, and a multitude of serpents of divers kinds that they met with: and Cato co • ming to • he temple of Jupiter Ammon, being advised by the persuasion of Labio to consult with the oracle concerning his future fortune, refused to do it; and at length, having wandered two months through the sandy deserts of Africa, he came to Leptis: and there spent the winter. [ Lucan. lib. 9.] which being ended, he had his soldiers to seek, who were not much less than 10000 men. [ Plutarch. in Catone. ]

Caesar, (that we may return to him, being detained at Alexandria, by the eastern winds) spent his time in Egypt, in getting of money, and deciding the controversy between Ptolemy and Cleopatra. [ Dio. lib. 42.] for of that vast sum of money that was owed unto him by Ptolemy Auletes the father of the young King, he there exacted some part for the defraying of the charge of his army. [ Plutarch. in Caesare. ] which exactions the Egyptians, who above all other nations are most superstitious worshippers of a multitude of gods, took so much the worse, because Caesar did not hold his fingers from those things that were dedicated to their gods. [ Dio. lib. 42.] although in this he was cozened by the Kings ••• ours; that he received but little money, they themselves craftily robbing their own temples: that they might by this show that the Kings exchequer was empty, and that they might stir up the people unto an hatred of Caesar. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] for the increasing of which, the Eunuch Pothinus, a man who was in greatest authority, did both speak and act many things in public: for he gave the soldiers old and musty corn, telling them, that they should be content, because they were fed at another bodies cost: and commanded also that his own supper should be served up in wooden and earthen dishes, reporting that Caesar had taken away all the gold and silver plate, for the payment of the debt. [ Plutarch. ut supra. ]

But Caesar supposed that the controversies of the King and Queen did belong to the people of Rome, and to him because he was Consul; and the rather to belong to his office, because in his former Consul-ship, there was a league made with Ptolemy the father of them both, wherefore he declares unto them, that it was his pleasure, that both King Ptolemy, and his sister Cleopatra should dismiss their armies; and rather try their controversies by law before him, than between themselves by arms. [ Caesar. lib. 3.]

The death of Pompey was not believed at Rome, until that afterwards his seal ring was sent thither; on which three trophies were engraven, (or as Plutarch will, a Lion holding a sword,) but then the Romans strove who should pour most honors upon Caesar: giving him power to do with the Pompeians as he would himself, that he should have authority to make war and peace with whomsoever he would, although he had not reported it to the people; that he should be Cousul for five years together, that he should not be Dictatour for six months space only, as it was wont to be, but for an whole years time, that he should have triou • itian authority all his life time, that he should fit with the tribunes, and determine of anything to be done together with them: which was never granted to any formerly. [ Dio. lib. 42.

Caesar having accepted of these honors, although he was out of Italy, yet immediately entered upon the Dictatourship, [ Id. ibid. ] So that Josephus rightly begins his principality from hence; assigning unto it three years and an half, [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17.] and in Syria, as the Antiochians seem to reckon the times of the Caesar's from his first Dictatourship, so the Lacedemonians from this second Dictatourship; for Eusebius in his Chronicle at the second year of the Empire of Probus shows, that the Laodicean account was later than the Antiochenian, but only one year.

Velleius Patercules saith, [Year of the World 3957. a.] that the King, and those by whom he was governed, attempted Treason against Caesar, [ lib. 2. cap. 54.] which Suetonius affirms of King Ptolemy himself, [ in Julio, cap. 35.] and Eutropius, [ lib. 6.] and Plutarch, of the Eunuch Pothinus; by reason of which treasons that were privily laid for him, he began to feast whole nights in his own defense: and whenas Pothinus would tell him, that now it was time to leave off, and to follow his great affairs, & that afterwards he might return again: He answered him, that he did require to advice of any of the Egyptians: he sent for Cleopatra privately out of the country, [ Plutarch, in Caesare. ]

For Cleopatra, having hitherto pleaded her cause before Caesar by the mediation of other men, as soon as she knew his nature, that he was given to the love of women; by private messengers complained unto Caesar, that she was betrayed by her friends, and that she desired that she herself might plead her own cause before him, [ Dio. lib. 42.] which being granted, she only took one of her friends with her, one Apollodorus Siculus, and going aboard a light ship, she sailed to the Palace as soon as it was dark, and seeing she could by no other means hide herself, she laid herself a long in a mattresse that was solded up, which Apollodorus tied up with a cord and carried up through the gate to Caesar, [ Plutarch. ] Lucan thus describes her bringing in to Caesar, in lib. 10.

Cleopatra falling at Caesar feet, demanded her part of the kingdom; the woman was exceeding beautiful, and her beauty was much increased by this, that such an one did seem to suffer so great an injury, as also the hatred of the King himself, who had murdered Pompey, not for Caesar's sake, and would have done the like to him if he could have found the means, [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2.] but when Caesar saw Cleopatra, and heard her speak, he was immediately so become her slave, that as soon as it was day, he sent for Ptolemy to come to him, and mediated a pacification; there becoming Cleopatra's advocate, whose judge he was before: which thing, and because he saw his sister within with him before he was aware of it, so inflamed the lad with anger; that he ran out to the people, crying out that he was betrayed, and took his Crown and threw it to the ground, [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Hereupon arose a great tumult, Caesar's soldiers took Ptolemy and carried him in: but the Egyptians were all in commotions, and unless Caesar being stricken with fear had gone out unto them, and from a safe place promised them, that he would do whatsoever they would themselves, they at the first onset, had seized upon the Palace, which they introded both by sea and land: for the Romans, who thought they had been amongst their friends, had no means to make resistance, [ Dio. lib. 42.]

After these things, Caesar together with Ptolemy and Cleopatra, going out into the people, rehearsed in a writing the testament of their father: in which it was commanded, that after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, that they two should be married together, and should hold the kingdom in common: but so, that they should be under the protection of the people of Rome: Caesar added moreover, that it was his part, who now was Dictator, and had all the power of the people of Rome, both to have a care of the children, and to see their fathers will executed. Wherefore he gave the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemy and Cleopatra; and gave Cyprus to Arsinoe, and Ptolemy the younger, for he was in such a fear at this time, that he would willingly have given anything of his own, rather then have taken any away that belonged to the Egyptians: and after this manner was this tumult appeased. [ Id. Ibid. cum Caesar. lib. 3. Livy, lib. 112. & Plutarch in Caesare. ]

King Dejotarus coming to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, Caesar Lieutenant in Asia, desired him, that he would not suffer Armenia the less, his own kingdom, nor Cappadocia, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes, to be possessed and spoiled by Pharnaces: which unless they were freed from, they could neither do as they were commanded, nor pay the money that they had promised to Caesar. Domitius immediately sent messengers to Pharnaces, that he should depart out of Armenia and Cappadocia; which denunciation, he thought would be of greater power, if he came nearer those Countries with his army; wherefore he went to the Legions, and of the three that he had with him, he took the XXXVI, and the other two he sent into Egypt, unto Caesar, who had written to him for them: to this XXXVI. Legion, he added two more that he had received from Dejotarus, many of whom he had disciplined and armed after the Roman fashion, and an hundred horse, also he took as many of Ariobarzanes. He sent also P. Sextius to C. Plaetorius his Questor, to bring to him a Legion that he had gathered together of Soldiers raised on a sudden: and Q. Patiscus, into Silicia, to bring more aids, all which forces, by the command of Domitius, with all speed met at Comana. [ Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrino. ]

In the mean the Ambassadors return an answer from Pharnaces, that he was departed from Cappadocia, that he had recovered Armenia the Less, which he ought to to keep as belonging to his father, and furthermore, that the whole business of that King should be referred to Caesar himself, for he would do whatsoever he should appoint: but yet he departed out of Cappadocia, because he could more easily defend Armenia, that was near his own kingdom, then Cappadocia, that lay further off: which when Domitius knew, he still continued in that mind, that he should depart from that kingdom also, for he had no more right to Armenia than to Cappadocia, neither was his demand just, that the whole business should remain entire until Caesar coming, for that was, to be entire, to be as it had been before. Having given him this answer, he marched with the foresaid forces into Armenia: in the mean time, Pharnaces sent many Embassies unto Domitius, to treat of a peace, and offered him great presents: but Domitius constantly refused them all, and answered the Ambassadors, that he did not account anything more deer unto him, then to recover the dignity of the people of Rome, and the kingdom of their allies. [ Id. ibid. ]

Caesar carrying on the war of Alexandria, Dejotarus did what he could for Caesar's profit, and furn • shed Cn. Domitius his army, both with lodgings, and strengthened him with his own forces; as Cicero confirmeth in an oration that he made in his behalf.

In Egypt, the Eunuch Pothinus, who had the oversight of all the Kings treasure, and of the whole kingdom, fearing least he should be punished for the former sedition of the Egyptians, of which he was the chief ringleader, was the beginner of a new and difficult war. He first complained amongst his own friends, that the King was called to plead his cause: and then to others whom he had an intention to draw to his party, he cast a suspicion, that Caesar indeed, for the appeasing of the tumult, had given the kingdom to both, but that in process of time, he would give it to Cleopatra alone; and solicited Achillas by letters and messengers, who was Commander in chief of all the Kings forces, having provoked him by his own, and puffed up with, promises from the King, that he should in privacy lead all the Kings army, both Horse and Foot from Pelusium to Alexandria. [ Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. Civil. Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar's forces were in no wise so great, that if he must be forced to fight without the Town, he durst trust to them: the only thing that he was to do, was, to keep himself in his fastnesse within the Town, and to know what Achillas intended to do. He wished the King to send some of his most confident friends, as Ambassadors to Achillas, and of chiefest authority about, that he should declare his intention. Dioscorides and Serapion, who had been Ambassadors at Rome, and had been in great authority with his father, were sent from the King, and came to Achillas: whom he, as soon as they came within sight, before he knew what they came for, commanded to be taken and killed: one of whom having received a wound, was taken away by his own men for dead, and the other was killed. Which being done, Caesar brought things so to pass, that he got the King within his own power; supposing that the name of the King would be of great authority among his own Country men: and that this war might seem to be undertaken rather by the outrage of a few private men and thieves, there by the advice of the King. [ Caesar. ibid. ]

The forces that Achillas had with him, seemed not to be contemned, neither for their number, nor for the nation they were of, nor for their want of skill in Soldiery, for he had 20000. in arms: these consisted of the Soldiers of Gabinius, who now were accustomed to the life and licentiousness of the Alexandrians, and had unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome. Hither came also a company of Thieves and Robbers that were gathered together out of the Province of Syria and Silicia, and the neighbor Provinces. Moreover, there met here many that were condemned persons, and banished men, and all Roman fugatives were sure of life and entertainment at Alexandria; so that but giving in their name, they were listed among the Soldiers: and if any one were apprehended by his master, he was taken away again by a concourse of Soldiers; who did defend the violence of their companions, because they were in the same fault, for fear of their own danger: these were wont according to the old fashion of the Alexandrian army, to demand the Kings friends to be put to death, and to plunder rich men's goods, for to increase their pay, and to besiege the Kings Palace, to banish some, and to recall others from banishment: there were also 2000 Horse, many of whom had served a long time in the wars of Alexandria. [ Id. ibid. ]

Achillas trusting to these forces, and despising the fewness of Caesar's soldiers, having seized upon Alexandria, attempted by an onset to break into Caesar's house; but Caesar, having disposed his Co • orts in the passes, sustained the assault. They fought at the same time at the Haven, and indeed there was the greatest fight of all: for at the same time, the enemy brought their forces about, and fought in many passes, and endeavored also with a great multitude to seize upon the long ships: fifty whereof being sent to help Pompey, when the battle in Thessalia was ended, returned home: they were all Gallies with either three or five oars on a bank, well rigged and furnished with all tackling for sailing: besides these, XXII. there were which were always wont to be at Alexandria, for a guard to it, all covered (or rather beaked) which if the enemy had seized upon, Caesar's fleet being gone away, they had had the Haven, and the whole sea at their command, and had kept Caesar from all provisions, and any aides coming unto him. Wherefore this business was acted with the greatest contention that might be, seeing that Caesar saw that his chief business consisted in the dispatch of this business, and they their safety: but Caesar got the better, and burnt those ships, and the rest that were in the arsenal, because he could not defend them with so few a party as he had. [ Id. ib. ]

as Lucan hath it in his tenth book,

When this fire had seized upon part of the City, it burnt 400000 books that were laid up in the houses adjoining, a singular monument of the care and industry of their ancestors, who had gathered together so many and so great works of famous wits. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] Livy said, that here was a famous work of the glory and care of those Kings: as it is in Seneca, [ in lib. de Tranquillitate animi, cap. 9.] where the same number of books is said to be burned: yet A. Gellius [ lib. 5. cap. 17.] out of the agreeing (as he speaks) credit of old monuments, and Ammianus Marcellinus [ lib. 22.] relate, that there were 700000 burned; and indeed when at the end of the Alexandrian war, the City was plundered by the Soldiers: but Plutarch in Caesare, saith, that in the beginning of this war, the flame increasing by the arsenal, that the Library was burned: and Dio in lib. 42. confirmeth, that the store houses, and granaries, and library, were burned together with the arsenal.

After the firing of the fleet, Caesar presently at the Island Phatos (which with a narrow neck of land of 900 paces long, and a bridge being joined to the city makes the haven) the enemy being employed in the fight, landed his soldiers out of the ships, and placed a garrison there, by which he brought it to pass, that corn and aides might be brought unto him by shipping. [ Caesar lib. 3.] whereupon Lucan speaking of Pharos taken by him. lib. 10.

In other parts of the town they fought so, that neither of them had the better; neither of them giving ground by reason of the straitness of the places, and but few killed of either side: Caesar having taken the most necessary places, fortified them by night in that side of the town, there was a little part of the palace, into which they at the first brought him to dwell, and a theater that joined to the house, which was in manner of a cittadell, and had a way to the haven and arsenall, these fortifieations he daily increased, that they might be to him instead of a wall, and that he might not be forced to fight but when he would himself. [ Caesar. lib. 3.]

Whereas the Egyptians fearing least Caesar being now Conqueror in the fight at sea should seize upon the haven of the city, thy with a rampart cast up barred his entrance, only leaving a little space: he himself also stopped that space sinking ships of burden filled with stones: and shut up all power from the enemies ships, of going out of the haven; whereby it came to pass, that with less trouble he could fetch all things necessary for himself, and water also (for Achillas, had taken all water from him, by cutting up the conduits.) [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar sent into all the neighbor countries, and called for aids from thence. [ Caesar. lib. 3.] and sent for the whole fleet out of Rhodes, and Syria and Silicia: and bid them bring archers out of Crete, and horsemen from Malchus, the King of the Nabathaeans: and commanded that there should be engines for battery, and corn, and supplies brought unto him. [ A. Hirtius de bell. Alexandrin. ] he certified Domitius Calvinus of his danger, and desired him by all means, to send supplies to him as soon as possibly he could, and that he would come nearer Alexandria through Syria. [ id. ibid, ] but Mithridates of Pergamos a man of great nobility, in his own country, and of knowledge, and valor in the wars, and in great esteem, credit, and friendship with Caesar, was sent into Syria and Silicia, to hasten on the supplies. [ id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 14. cap, 14. & Dio. lib. 42.]

In the mean while Gammedes an Eunuch, steals away Arsinoe who was but carelessly kept, and carried her to the Egyptians: who making her Queen, they fell more heartily to the war, than before, because they had gotten one of the race of the Ptolemyes, to be the commander. [ Dio. lib. 42.] concerning whom Lucan. lib. 10.

and Caesar himself about the end of the commentaries of the civil war. The young daughter of King Ptolemy, hoping after the vacant possession of the Kingdom, conveyed her self out of the palace to Achillas, and commanded in the war together with him: but immediately there began a controversy to arise between them concerning the chief command, which thing increased much briberies among the soldiers: everyone striving to get their good wills by damages to themselves.

Whilst these things are done among the enemies, Pothinus the Kings governor, and administrator of the Kingdom in the behalf of Caesar, whereas he sent messengers to Achillas, and advised him, that he should follow the business and not desist, the messengers were appeached and apprehended, and he himself put to death by Caesar. [ Caesar. ibid. ] who from henceforward kept the young King openly in strict custody, and by this did the more exasperate the minds of the Egyptians. [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Whilst these things were done in Egypt, Domitius Calvinus marched against Pharnaces, with great and continual marches, encamped not far from Nicapolis, (a city of Armenia the less built by Pompey; in which Pharnaces having already seized upon it dwelt himself) about seven miles distant, where when as in vain Pharnaces had laid ambushments for him: the next day Domitius moves nearer, and brought his camp even to the town: and Pharnaces set his men in battalia, after his own custom and fashion, the next night Pharnaces, having intercepted the messengers who brought the letters to Domitius, concerning the Alexandrian affairs, whereby he knew of the danger of Caesar, and the recalling of Domitius, he accounted it as good as a victory, if he could but linger out the time: but Domitius, whenas he should have been more moved with the danger of Caesar than his own, brings his soldiers out of the camp, and prepares to fight, having placed the XXXVI Legion in the right wing, the Pontick in the left, and the Legions of Dejotarus in middle battle, and when both armies being in battalia came to fight, the Pontick Legion was almost wholly lost, and a great part of Dejotarus's soldiers killed, and the XXXVI Legion retreated into the mountains, having not lost above 250 men, notwithstanding Domitius rallyed up the relics of his scattered army, and by safe journeys through Cappadocia, winter now approaching, returned into Asia. [ Hirtius cum Appian. lib. 2. de bell. civil. pag. 484. & Dion. lib. 42.]

The Caesarians and Alexandrians, strove earnestiy one against the other, with fortifications and works, Caesar eudeavoured most of all that that part of the city which a fen had made the narrowest, he might shut it from the other part of the city; by works, and rampires, hoping that, first, the city being divided into two parts, his army might be commanded by the same council, and same command: and also, that if they were in any danger, assistance might be brought him from the other part of the city; but especially, that he might be abundantly furnished with provision and water, both which the fen plentifully afforded, the Alexandrians sent messengers into all parts of Egypt to press men, and brought into the town all sorts of engines, and weapons: and did many other things, that are reckoned up by Hirtius in his commentaries of the Alexandrian war.

Seeing that the number of the enemy increased, Caesar began to take advice concerning an agreement between them: and commanded that Ptolemy being placed where he might be heard of the Egyptians, to tell them, that there was no wrong done unto him, and that there was no need of war; and that they should compose a peace, and that he would take care, that the conditions should be kept, but they suspecting that he was made to do this on purpose by Caesar, went on still with their war, [ Dio. lib. 42.] and said that Caesar must in all hast be expelled, who being now shut up by tempests by reason of the time of the year, could not receive any helps from beyond the seas. [ Hirtius. ]

In the interim the dissention between Achillas the general of the old army, and Arsinoe the younger daughter of Ptolemy (Auletes) increasing, and both plotting, and counterplotting against each other; whilst Achillas aimed at the Empire, Arsinoe, by the means, and assistance of Ganymedes the Eunuch her foster father; prevented his design; by her own possessing it, and put to death Achillas: pretending he would have betrayed the fleet. And when he was sent out of the world and out of the way, she alone enjoyed the whole Empire, Ganymedes being constituted General of the army. He, when he had undertaken the charge, augmented the soldiers pay, and acted in all things with the like care and discretion. [ Hirtius & Dio. ]

Whereas Alexandria was almost all digged under ground, and had vaults that reached to the river Nile, by which water is brought into private houses, that it might sink by little and little and become potable; Ganymedes having stopped those vaults, and all the parts of the city, in which the Caesarians were besieged: so that by reason of the saltness of the water in the neighbor houses, they all seemed to be brought to the last cast, and began to think of flying; but that advice being not liked, Caesar commanded that wells should be digged in the night, and great store of fresh water being found; all the laborious engines of the Alexandrians became of no use. [ Hirtius. ]

In that two days the XXXVII Legion, of those soldiers of Pompey that yielded themselves, being shipped by Domitius Calvinus with corn, arms, weapons, and engines, came to the shoares of Africa a little above Alexandria: for the other legion which was sent by him through Syria by land, came not to Caesar: but those ships, the East wind continually blowing, stood at anchor, and could not come into the haven, of which when Caesar was certified, he took shipping and commanded his fleet to follow, but took no soldiers with him, least he should leave the forts void of men, to defend them: and when he was come to a steep place called Chersonesus, and had set some Mariners ashore for fresh water, some of them were intercepted, who certified them, that indeed Caesar was in the fleet, but yet that he had no soldiers in the ships: wherefore they rigged their whole navy, and met with Caesar returning with the Legion of Domitius: and although Caesar would not fight that day, yet a Rhodian ship, which was placed in the right wing, far from the rest, was set upon by four covered ships of the enemy, and some open ones, which Caesar being forced to assist, happily got the victory, and if the night had not broken off the fight, he had been master of the whole fleet of the enemy. [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Although the Egyptians had received this loss, yet they were again confirmed by Ganymedes, so that although they had lost an 110 long ships in the haven and Arsenal, yet they fell earnestly to work to repair their fleet: and to that end having gathered together all the ships, from all the mouths of Nile, and from the private arsenalls that belonged to the King, in few days, beyond the opinion of all men, they made a fleet of 22. Gallies, with four bancks of oars, and five with five banks, besides many lesser and open ones: and having furnished them with Soldiers, fitted them for fight. [ Id. ] and having opened the entrance of the Haven, and placed their ships in the rode, very much troubled the Romans. [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar had nine Rhodian ships, (for of ten that were sent, one was lost in the voyage on the Egyptian shore) eight Pontick, five Lycian, twelve out of Asia: of these five were with five oars on a bank, and ten with four: the rest were under this burden, and many were open. With these Caesar sailed about Pharos, and stood over against the enemies ships: there were shelves between the two fleets with a very narrow passage, and they both a good while expected which should first cross the passage, because they who first crossed, might easily be oppressed by the whole multitude of the enemies, before the rest could pass and come to the fight: but the Rhodian ships demanded that they might have the first passage, and by singular skill, so sustained the whole fleet of the enemy, never turning their sides to them, that they made a free passage for the rest to pass, and to come to the fight. [ Hirtius. ]

The Caesarians got the victory, having lost never a ship: there was of the Alexandrians one Gally with five oars on a bank taken, and one with two on a bank, with all the soldiers and mariners, and three sunk; the rest fled to the Town of Pharos that was near them, which the Citizens defended from the forts and buildings which were over them, and kept the Caesarians from coming near. But from thence immediately they were outed by the industry of the Romans, and lost both the Town and Island, and many of their men: but whenas the Island was joined to the continent by a double bridge, one of the which being forsaken by the enemy, the Romans easily became masters of: whereas on the other, through the rashness of some they were distressed, and being put to rout, fled to their ships, part of them having gotten to the next ships, were sunk by them multitude and weight of the men, part making resistance, and doubting what to do, were killed by the Alexandrians: and some having gotten to the ships that were at anchor, escaped safe: a few swam to the next ships. Caesar retired into his own ship, whither when a multitude that followed would have broken in upon him, he suspecting what would happen, cast himself out of the ship, and swam to those ships which were farther off; and from thence sending boats to help them who were in danger, saved some of them: but his own ship being overloaded with the multitude of soldiers, perished together with all the men, [ Id. ]

But here is not to be passed over in silence, that which is pretermitted by Hirtius, but remembered by Suetonius, [ in Julio, cap. 64.] and by Orosius who follows him, [ lib. 6. cap. 15.] concerning Caesar: that by swimming he escaped to the next ship, holding up his left hand, that the commentaries should not be wetted: which very thing concerning the commentaries being preserved, is also related by Plutarch [ in Caesare, ] and by Dio, [ lib. 42.] But Appian, [ lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 523.] tells the Story thus. That he being enclosed alone upon the bridge by the enemy that pressed upon him, he cast off his purple coat, and leaped into the sea: and the Kings soldiers pursuing him, he swam a long time under the water, only lifting up his head by fits, until swimming to an only ship, and by holding up his hands unto them, is known and saved. And although Suetonius writes, that he held his soldiers coat in his mouth, drawing it after him, that the enemy should not get it; yet Florus, [ lib. 4. cap. 2.] together with Plutarch saith, that he left it in the waves, either by chance, or of purpose, that the enemies pursuing him, they might shoot at that with their darts and stones: and that the Egyptians having gotten the coat, fixed it to a Trophy, which they had set up for their putting the enemy to flight, as if they had taken the General himself: and this is delivered by Appian, [ lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 484.] and Dio, [ lib. 42.]

In this fight there were lost of the Legionary soldiers, about 400. and few more of the soldiers that belonged to the Fleet and mariners. The Alexandrians in that place built a Castle, and strengthened it with sorts and many engines of war; and, taking the stones out of the sea, they made use of it more freely for the sending out of their ships, [ Hirtius. ]

In the mean while, Mithridates of Pergames gathered in all haste, great Forces out of Syria and Silicia, both by the extreme good will of the Cities, and his own diligence, [ Id. ] but at the first, he coming alone to Ascaion, from thence sent for Antipater the Governor of Judea to come unto him; who brought with him 3000 soldiers, and brought it to pass by his persuasion, that Hyrcanus the High Priest, and other Governors joined their Forces together: as Strabo relates out of Hypsicrates, (an Historian of the Phoenicians) [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.] for he agreed with the Princes of the Arabians, that they also should come to his aid: and by his means especially, with great earnestness, there came to Caesar's assistance I amblichus the Governor, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who inhabited in Mount Libanus, and almost all the Cities of Syria, [ Joseph. ibid. cap. 14.]

Whenas the Alexandrians saw that the Romans were the more provoked by the loss they lately received, and that they were confirmed as well by losses as by prosperous successes; they sent Ambassadors to Caesar, that he would let their King go free, and come to them, for that the multitude were ready thorough the lingering of the war, to do whatsoever the King would have them to do: and if by his means, they should become Caesar's friends, they would easily yield. Caesar although he knew that the fidelity both of the King, and Alexandrians was to be suspected, yet he would let him go; both because by his coming, the enemies strength would not be increased, and the war against him would be more glorious: but withal he advised him, to look to his kingdom, and to perform the fidelity that he owed to himself, and the people of Rome: he dissembling his joy by his tears, desired that he might not be let go; but being dismissed by Caesar, he eagerly pursued the war against him, [ Hirtius, & Dion. ]

Whereas the Alexandrians, having received this General, found themselves no more strong, or the Romans the weaker, and the soldiers daily mocking at the age and weakness of the King, were greatly grieved, neither saw how they could help themselves; and there were reports that there were great aids coming to Caesar by land out of Syria and Silicia (which yet Caesar heard nothing of) they determined to intercept the provisions which were brought to the Romans by sea: wherefore having rigged their shipping, and disposed them in convenient places about Canopus in the channel, they lay to watch for the provisions, [ Hiritus. ] and because the soldiers that Caesar had sent for out of Syria were now approaching, they guarded all the shores, and did much damage to those forces of them; they indeed which happened upon Africa side, brought some help unto Caesar, but at the mouths of Nile, the Egyptians, having made many fires, as if they had been Romans, took many by this deceit; so that the rest durst not come thither. [ Dio. ]

Whereupon Caesar commanded his fleet to be rigged, over which Tiberius Nero was Commander: there went in this fleet, the Rhodian ships, and in them Euphranor, but his wonted happiness in fight here forsook him: for when they came to Canopus, and both fleets stood facing one the other, and Euphranor, according to his custom, had begun the fight, and had bilged and sunk one of the enemies ships, and following the chase of the next too far; his own side coming but slowly after him, he was compassed about by the Alexandrians: and thus he alone, who had done valiantly in this fight, perished alone with his conquering Gally: but yet the enemies being overcome in fight, Tiberius Nero caused, that his own party might safely sails to land [ Hirtitus cum Dione. ]

About the same time Mithridates of Pergamos coming out of Syria, by land, when Egypt rejoined to Syria, brought great forces to Pelusium, [ Hirtitus ] but endeavoring to go into the mouth of Nile, which is at Pelusium, against the stream, seeing the Egyptians had stopped by night the entrance with their shipping, was carried into the ditch; and having transported his ships thither, (for it doth not reach so far as to the sea) he went into Nile with his ships: and on a sudden, setting upon them, who guarded the mouths of Nile, both from sea, and from the river, both at one time, he freed the mouths themselves, and set upon Pelusium, both with his fleet and land forces. [ Dio. ] For this Town being seized upon by Achillas with a strong Garrison, by reason of the convenience of the place, (for all Egypt is thought sufficiently fortified from any access by sea to it by Pharos, and by land to Pelusium by two bars) being compassed about on a sudden with great forces, they within sloutly defending it with a strong Garrison of men, but through the greatness of those forces, which he supplied with sound men, in the places of them that were wounded and weary, and the constancy and perseverance of the opposition, he reduced it within his power, the same day that he assaulted it; and then placed a Garrison of his own. [ Hirtius. ] There Antipator did notable service; for having broken down a pane of the wall, he was the first that gave entrance to the rest to break in. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 14.]

The Eyptian Jews which inhabited that Country called Onias, would not suffer M • thridates and Antipater to march unto Caesar, but forbad them passage. These Antipater persuaded to be of his party, as being his Countrymen; especially when he had shown them the letters of Hyrcanus the High Priest, in which they were invited to be friends unto Caesar, and to provide him victual and necessaries for his army. [ Joseph lib. 14. cap. 14.] But Asinius (to wit, Trallianus, a writer of the civil war) writeth, that Hircanus himself, the High Priest, invaded Egypt with Mithridates; as Josephus hath related out of Strabo, [ ibld. cap. 15.] for which also those words of Caesar concerning Hyrcanus seem to make, inscribed on a brazen table by him in favor of Hyrcanus, [ ibid. cap. 17.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . In the last Alexandrian war, he came to our aid with 1500 soldiers, and being sent by me to Mithridates, he surmounted all those of his company in valor.

The Jews, the inhabitants of the country of Onias, through the authority of Antipater, and Hyrcanus willingly submitted, which when they that inhabited about Memphis heard, they also sent for Mithridates unto them; and he going thither, joined these also to his party. [ Joseph. lib, 14. cap. 14.]

When King Ptolemaeus had notice that Mithridates approached near the place which is called Delta, from the likeness of the Greek letter, which also was not far from Alexandria, and knew that he must pass the river Nile; he sent great forces against him, by which he might either be overcome, or so kept back, that he should not join himself with Caesar: those forces which could first get over the river at Delta, and meet with Mithridates began the fight, making all hast to prevent them that followed that they should share in the victory, whose charge Mithridates with great prudence sustained, having intrenched his camp after the Roman manner, but when he saw them carelessly and proudly to come up even to his fortifications, he made a general sally, and killed a great number of them, insomuch as, unless the rest had hid themselves by the knowledge of the places, and partly had retired themselves into the ships, by which they passed the river, they had been totally overthrown, who after they were a little recovered from their fear, joined themselves with them that followed, and began to set upon Mithridates again. [ Hirtius ]

The battle was fought about the place, that is called the Jews tents, Mithridates commanded the right wing, and Antipater the left; Mithridates his wing began to waver, and likely to be routed, but that Antipater in very good time marching along the river side with his forces, who had already discomfited his enemies, came to his rescue, and forced the Egyptians who had even gotten the victory to fly, who so hotly pursued them that fled, that he became master of the enemies tents, he also made Mithridates partaker with him of the booty, whom in pursuit of the enemy he had left much behind him, Mithridates lost 800 of his men: Antipater but 50 (or 80, as it is in Josephus lib. 1. bell. cap. 7.) but Mithridates certified Caesar of these things: ingenuously confessing that Antipater was the cause of the victory and their preservation. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.]

Almost at the same time also King Ptolemy marched out to surprise Mithridates, [Year of the World b.] and Caesar to rescue him, [The Julian Period. 4667] the King took the quickest passage by the river of Nile, [Year before Christ 47] where he had a great fleet ready rigged. Caesar would not take the same passage, least he should be forced to fight with his fleet, [ Hirtius ] wherefore weighing anchor by night, as though he hastened to one of the mouths of Nile, and carrying many lights in all his ships, that by so much the rather he might seem to bend his course that way, at the first went forth with his fleet: but afterwards putting out his lights failed back again; and sailing about the city, he arrived at a peninsula that joined to Africa and landing his soldiers, fetched a compass about a fen, [ Dio. ] and met with the Kings forces, before he could set upon Mithridates; and being conqueror received him safe with his army. [ Hirt. ]

The King had seated himself with his army, upon the higher ground, in a place that was naturally fortified: Caesar was about seven miles distant from him, and there was a river between, in passing of which he must needs fight with the Alexandrians, that being gone over, and a great many of the Alexandrians, that strived to hinder his passage being slain, Caesar encamped but a small distance from the Kings camp, the next day Caesar for to get a village, with all his forces set upon and won a Castle, which the King had fortified in the next village, not far from his camp, and had joined it to his camp by out works: his soldiers pursued the Alexandrians that fled from thence, even to their camp, and came up to their fortifications: and began to fight stoutly at a distance, but they were wounded with darts from diverse places, they behind them fought from the river, in which were many ships that were well stored with slingers and darters. [ Hirt. ]

Caesar when he perceived that his men could not fight more fiercely, and yet could do no good by reason of the difficulty of the places; he observed that the highest place of the Camp was left by the Alexandrians, because it was naturally well fortified, and that they had come down into the place where the battle was, partly to see, and partly to fight; he therefore commanded his cohorts to fetch a compass about the Camp, and to seize upon that highest ground: he gave Casulenus the command of these, an excellent man both for valor, and knowledge of military affairs: whither as soon as they were come, there being but a few to defend the Fort, and Caesar's soldiers fighting stoutly, the Alexandrians being frighted both with the shouting and fighting of their adversaries, began to be in a general rout; with whose disorder the minds of the Romans were so encouraged, that almost on all sides they had taken the whole Camp; but yet they first took the highest place of the Camp: from which running down, they slew a great multitude in the Camp: which danger the Alexandrians flying, by heaps cast themselves over the Rampire, on that side that joined unto the river, the former of whom being overwhelmed with great violence, the rest had the easier escape. [ Hirt. ]

It is certain that the King himself fled out of the Camp, and that he was received into a ship, and that he perished there, the ship being sunk with the multitude of them, who swam to the ships that were nearest, [ Idem Livy, 112. Dion. lib. 42. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] his body wallowed in the mud, and rolled to the bank of Nile, was known by the golden cuirace which he wear, (such as the Ptolemeis used to wear, as Julius Capitolinus in Maximinius the younger confirmeth) [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] after the death of his father Auletes he lived 3 years, and 8 months: whereupon there is attributed to his reign by Porphyrius four years, [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 226.]

There were in this battle 20000 men killed, 12000 yielded themselves with 70 long ships; and 500 of the Conquerors side reported to be slain, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] In this battle Antipater was also wounded: whose valiant service Caesar had made use of in his most dangerous advantures, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.]

Caesar in confidence of this great Victory, marched the next way by land to Alexandria with his Horse: and entered that part of the Town as Conqueror, which was held by a Garrison of the enemies: but the whole multitude of the Townsmen, casting away their arms, and leaving the Forts, took that garment in which they were wont to supplicate their Governors, and bringing forth all their sacred things with the religion with which they accustomed to appease the offended and enraged minds of their Kings, they came and met Caesar, and yielded themselves unto him. Caesar taking them into his protection, comforted them, and came thorough the enemies fortifications into his own part of the Town with great shouting of his own soldiers; who did not only rejoice that the battle was successful, but also that his coming was so happy, [ Hirtius. ]

In the Marble Calendar records, [ Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXIII.] at the VI Kalends of April, it is thus noted. HOC DIE CAESAR ALXAND. RECEPIT. This day Caesar recovered Alexandria: but yet as the year was then reckoned at Rome, that day fell on the 14 of the Julian January: then therefore was the Alexandrian war ended; which was managed by Caesar, neither in place, nor time convenient, but in the very winter season, as Suetonius relates, [ in Julio, cap. 35.]

Caesar having conquered Egypt, did not subject it to the dominion of the Romans, but granted it to Cleopatra, for whose sake he had carried on the war: but yet fearing lest the Egyptians being delivered over to the command of a Woman, and lest also he should incite the minds of the Romans against him, both for this thing, and for his too much familiarity with Cleopatra: he gave command that she should be the wife of her brother that was alive, and that they should hold the kingdom in common to them both. This he did, but for colors sake; for indeed the whole kingdom was committed to Cleopatra, for her husband was but a very child, (being but eleven years old; whereupon Strabo saith he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a very youth, [ lib. 17. pag. 796.] but she could do anything with Caesar; therefore under the pretence of marriage with her brother, & of enjoying the kingdom equally with him, she alone commanded all, and used too much familiarity with Caesar also. These things Dio hath related more truly, [ lib. 42.] which Hirtius hath related more mildly in favor of Caesar, thus: Caesar having conquered Egypt, he made those Kings, whom Ptolemaeus appointed by his will and earnestly be sought the people of Rome that they would not alter it; for the King, the elder of the two lads being lost, he delivered over the kingdom to the younger, and to Cleopatra the elder of two daughters, who had remained under his protection and quarters: and Suetonius [in Julio, cap. 35.] having gotten the victory, he granted the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra and her younger brother, fearing to make it a Province, left some time or other having gotten a president of a stirring spirit, it might give an occasion of a new rebellion.

With Cleopatra Caesar many times feasted and sat up till break of day, and sailing with her upon the Nile with 400 ships, he being in the same Gally • with her called Thalamegos, had passed into Egypt as far as Ethiopia, but that his army refused to follow him, [ Suetonius. ibid. cap. 52. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 484.]

Cae • ar at Alexandria, set up a brazen pillar, which contained the liberties that he had granted to the Jews. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17. & lib. 2. contra Appion. pag. 1063.]

Pharnaces being become famous by reason of his successes, whereas he hoped all things would happen to Caesar, as he wished they should, seizing upon Pontus with all his forces, and there being conqueror, and a most cruel King, seeing he thought he should have better fortune than his father had, he conquered many Towns, and plundered the goods of the Citizens of Rome and of Pontus, and ordained for those that were commendable, either for beauty or age, punishments that were worse than death itself, and got Pontus, when there were none to defend it, bragging, that he had recovered his fathers kingdom. [ Hirt. ]

But he chiefly exercised his cruelty upon Amisus, a City of Pontus, which after it had a long time resisted, he won by storm, and put to death all the men that were of age, and gelded all that were under age. [ Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484. Dio. lib. 42.]

Asander, to whom Pharnaces had committed the Government of Bosphorus, to curry favor with the Romans, and in hopes to get the Kingdom of Bosphorus for himself, made an insurrection against his master. [ Dio. ibid. ]

Caesar sent letters out of Egypt to M. Cicero, that he should remain as he was, and that he should retain the name of Imperatour. (for the victory that he had gotten in Silicia) and C. Pansa carrying these letters; Cicero returned his bundle of rods, adorned with Bayes, as long as he thought fit himself. [ Cicero, pro Ligario. ] For after his return out of the Province of Silicia, he had not as yet entered Rome, but had carried his Lictours everywhere about with him, gaping in vain after a Triumph. [ lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 6.] Caesar's letters to Cicero, were delivered the day before the Ides of August, [ lib. 14. ad familiar. epist. ult. ] or the last day of the Julian May.

Pharnaces having seized upon Bithynia and Cappadocia, had a great mind also to win Armenia the Less, and incited all the Kings and Tetrarchs of that Country to Rebellion. [ Plutarch in Caesar. ] He marched also into Asia, in hope of the same success that his father Mithridates had there. [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Appian shows, that Caesar spent nine months in Egypt, [ lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484.] and Cleopatra had either kept him longer there, or accompanied him in his voyage to Rome: but that Pharnaces both drew him out of Egypt against his will, and hindered his speedy marching into Italy. [ Dio. lib. 42.] But Cleopatra was in short time after delivered of a son by him, whom the Alexandrians named Caesarion. [ Plutarch in Caesar. ] That name being imposed on the son by the mother, at the permission of Caesar himself. [ Suetonius. in Julio. cap. 52.] Plutarch in his Antonius seems to intimate, that notwithstanding, she, after Caesar's death, had too much familiarity with his enemy Cneus Pompeius, the eldest son of Pompey the Great.

Caesar brought out of the kingdom Arsinoe, the younger sister of Cleopatra, in the name of whom Ganimedes had a long time most tyrannically reigned, least some new dispensation should arise through seditious men, until time had confirmed the authority of the King: and taking away with him the sixth veterane Legion, he left three others there; that by so much the more, the Kings authority might be confirmed, who could not keep the love of their own Subjects, because they had constantly persevered in Caesar's friendship, neither could they claim any prescription for their authority, being but newly made Kings. [ H • rius, cum. Suetonius. cap. 76.]

Thus, having finished and settled all things, Caesar marched by land into Syria, as Hirtius saith, [ cum Suetonius. cap. 35. in Julio. Plutarch in Caesar. Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] or by shipping, as Josephus writeth, [ lib. 14. cap. 15.] and Hirtius himself afterward confirmeth.

The news of Caesar's departure from Alexandria, came into Italy the III. Nones of July, (the 23. day of the Julian April. [ Cicero ad Attic. lib. 11. epist. 19.] C. Trebonius left Caesar at Antioch, who went from Seleucia Pieria, and in 28. days journey, on the XVI. Kalends of September, (the third day of the Julian June) was in Italy. [ Id. Ibid. epist. 13.] Whence it is gathered, that Caesar was at Antioch, on the XV. Kalends of August, or the sixth day of the Julian May.

Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in the ninth book of his Chronicle, not set forth, noteth, that on the twelf day of the month, Artemisium, or May, there was an edict publicly proposed in the City of Antioch, concerning the Empire of Julius Caesar, and on the 20. of the same month, another edict was sent thither from Julius Caesar, concerning the liberty of the same City; beginning thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Julius Caesar to the Metrapolis of Antiochia, the holy and privileged Assylum, and refuge against the vigor of the Law; and that at length on the 23. day Caesar the Dictatour entered Antioch; whereas that he was at Antioch on the 20 day, that edict publicly set forth, doth clearly signify; and that it should be said, that he rather departed from the City on the 23 day, then that he came thither.

Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, coming unto Caesar, complained unto him of his fathers misfortune, because for taking his part, he was poisoned by the Pompeians, and his brother beheaded by Scipio: and desired him that he would have pity on him, he being cast out from his fathers Kingdom. He likewise accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, that they by force had got the Government, neither did they forbear to offer injuries to himself: and accused them also, that they sent aides into Egypt to Caesar, not so much for good will, but for fear of the ancient enmity, and that they might be freed from punishment for their love to Pompey. But Antipator pleaded his own cause, wiping off his crimes objected against him; and recriminateth Antigonus. He reckoned up also what pains he had taken for Caesar's service in the last wars: and showing the multitude of his wounds, made them the witness of the truth of his words: which when Caesar heard, he declared Hyrcanus High Priest, and offered Antipater what government he himself would demand, and made him Governor of Judea. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 15.]

Caesar also appointed that Hyrcanus and his children should perpetually retain the principality and High Priesthood of the Jews, according to the custom of the Country, and be taken into the number of his friends and allies: and that if there arose any controversy concerning the descipline of the Jews, that the determination should belong to him: Moreover, that he should not be forced to quarter Soldiers in winter, not taxes to be exacted of him: and that there should be a Brazen Table, containing these things, set up in the Capitol, and at Tyre, Sidon, and Askelon, in the Temples, engraven in Latin and Greek letters, and that these decrees should be sent into all places. [ lib. 24. cap. 17.]

Caesar having tarried almost in all the Cities of Syria, that were of any worth, distributed both publicly and privately rewards, to them that deserved well; and took knowledge of, and determined of old controversies, Kings also and Tyrants Governors of the Provinces, and Borderers, (who all came unto him) taking them into his protection, upon conditions imposed upon them, for the keeping and defending of the Province, he dismissed; friends, both to himself, and the people of Rome. [ Hirtius. ]

Caesar took away at Tyre all things that were dedicated to Hercules, because they had entertained Pompey and his wife in their flight. [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Some few days being spent in the Province of Syria, he gave the command of the Legions, and Syria to Sextus Caesar his friend and kinsman, as Hirtius saith: Dio writeth, that he committed all things to the charge of Sextus his Treasurer and Cousin. [ lib. 47.] Appian declares, that there was a Legion left in Syria by him, even when he was thinking of the Parthian war, and the dignity of a president-ship, granted to his kinsman Sextus Julius, a young man. [ lib. 3. Bell. civil. p. 573. & lib. 4. pag. 923.]

Caesar having ordered the affairs in Syria, went into Silicia, in the same fleet that he came in. [ Hirtius, Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 16.] All the Cities of which Province he called unto him to Tarsus: and there, having given order for all things concerning the Province, and the neighbor Cities, he did not stay long there, through a desire he had to go to the carrying on of the Pontick war. [ Hirt. ]

Here he pardoned Tarcondimotus (of whom mention is made formerly, out of the first Epistle of Ciceros fifteenth book, ad familiar.) who had a part of Silicia subject unto him, and had much helped Pompey by sea. [ Dio. lib. 41.]

Antipater, when he had followed Caesar out of Syria, returned into Judea, and in riding his circuit about the Province, he repressed them that were desirous of innovation, both by threatenings and councils: telling them, that if they would be content with their Prince Hyrcanus, they might live happily in their own possessions; but if they promised themselves new hopes, and thought that they should gain much by innovations, they should have him a Master instead of a Governor, and Hyrcanus a Tyrant instead of a King, and Caesar and the Romans most bitter enemies instead of Princes; for that they would not at all suffer anything to be changed, from what they had settled: But whenas Antipater perceived that Hyrcanus was dull and idle, he settled the state of the Province as himself pleased, and truly made Phasaelus his elder son Governor of Jerusalem, and the Countries adjoining: and to Herod his second son, a very young man, he committed the care of Galilee, [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 16, 17.]

We read in Josephus, that Herod was then but 15 years old, [ lib. 14. cap. 17.] Rufious in his Translation, Photios in his Bibliotheca, [ Cod. 258.] Pseudogoronides the Hebrew, [ lib. 5. cap. 3.] and Nicephorus Calistus, [ lib. 1. Ecclesiast. Histor. cap. 6.] retaining the same number; but yet the first describes of Herod's doings, Ptolemeus and Nicholas Damascenus, out of whom Josephus took his, seem to have written not 15, but 25. and that it arose from hence, of the note of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by the easy mistake of the Transcribers: for from this time to the death of Herod, are reckoned 43 years and almost an half: to which 25 years being added, would make 68. and half a year: the other half of which year, if he had lived, he had been 70 years old: Seeing also that Josephus himself acknowledgeth, that when he was sick of his last sickness, that he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , about the 70 year of his age.

Phasaelus had a son born called also Phasaleus, to whom Salampsio the daughter of Herod and Mariame was married, [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7.] he being then but 7 years old when his father died, [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 25.]

Pharnaces intended an Expedition against Asander, who had revolted from him in Bosphorus: but when he heard that Caesar was on his march and hastening into Armenia, being terrified, and more afraid because he inroded himself, than of his army; he sent many Ambassadors to treat of peace, before he was marched too near him, if by any means he might avoid this present danger. He made this his chiefest color, that he had never helped Pompey: he hoped also that he might induce Caesar to some terms of pacification, because he was hastening into Italy and Africa; and that then after his departure, he might renew his intended war: which thing Caesar himself suspecting, courteously entertained his first and second Ambassadors, that he might the rather take him at unawares by reason of his hopes of peace, [ Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar having made long marches thorough Cappadocia, tarried two days at Mazace, and then came to Comana, the ancientest Temple of Bellona in Cappadocia, who was worshipped with so great religion, that her Priest was accounted by the consent of the whole Nation in majesty, command, and power, next to the King (concerning whom, Strabo is to be consulted, lib. 12. pag. 535.) This Priesthood Caesar adjudged to Nicomedes of Bithynia, a most noble man, who was of the race of the Cappadocian Kings, and did but recover his own by an undoubted right, though it was long interrupted, [ Hirt. ] for although he confirmed the possession of the commands which they had received from Pompey to others who had taken part with Pompey against him; yet he transferred the Priesthood of the Comanians from Atchelaus upon Nicomedes, [ Appian. in Mithridaticis, pag. 254.] which Pompey had given to his father Archelaus, the husband of Cleopatra's elder sister, who was slain in Egypt by Gabinius, [ Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 558.]

When Caesar came near to Pontus and the borders of Gallogrecia, Dejotarus the Tetrarch of Gallogrecia, and at that time truly of almost all, which the rest of the Teterarchs did strive to prove was never granted to him, neither by law nor custom; yet without doubt he was by the Senate declared King of Armenia the Less, laying aside his Royal Robes, and not so much as in the habit of a private man, but of a guilty person, came unto Caesar, and being prostrate at his feet, begged of him, that he would pardon him, that he had served in Cn. Pompey's army, and brought for his excuse, that he did it thorough his not knowing of the state of Italy, and that he was forced thorough the necessity of Pompey's armies, with which he was environed. Caesar rejected his excuse; yet he said he would grant him his request, for his former benefits, and for his old acquaintance and friendships sake, and for the dignity and age of the man, and at the entreaty of many of Dejotarus's friends and acquaintance, of whom many came to supplicate in his behalf: He told also, that he would hereafter determine concerning the controversies of the Tetrarchs, and restored unto him his Royal Robes: But yet he commanded the Legion that Dejotarus had of his own men who were trained up in the Roman discipline, and all his horse, to be brought unto him to serve him in the Pontick war, [ idem ] also Caesar fined his old acquaintance Dejotarus in a sum of money; and gave Armenia the less, that was given him by the Senate, but then possessed by Pharnaces, to Ariobarzanes the King of Cappadocia. [ Cicero. in Orat. Philippic. 2. de divination. lib. 1. & 2. Dio. lib. 41.]

Cicero declares in an oration for that King, that Domitius gave the money that was laid upon him, by twice or thrice selling his own private goods at open port sale, that Caesar might make use of it in the war, when also to gain his favor, he thus bespeaks Caesar concerning this matter. What he keeps by your means, he keeps in memory, not what he lost: neither doth he think that he was punished by thee, but whereas he thought, that many things were to be given by thee to many men, he refused not but that you might take some from him, who was on the other side, &c. O Caesar thou hast given all things to Dejotarus; seeing thou hast granted the name of King even to his son: for as long as he retains and keeps this name, he thinks that no favor of the people of Rome, nor any sentence of the Senate made in his favor is diminished.

When Caesar was come into Pontus, he made a rendezvous of all his forces into one place: who were but indifferent in number, or in martial discipline except the VI Legion, which being a vetane he had brought with him from Alexandria, (but through the labors and hazards they had undergone, so diminished of soldiers partly by difficulties both by sea and land, and partly by often skirmishes, that they were under a thousand men,) the rest ware three legions: one was Dejotarus his, and two that were in the battle, that Cnidius Domitius made with Pharnaces. [ Hirtius. ]

Pharnaces being affrighted at the approaching of Caesar, sent Ambassadors to treat of peace: bringing a golden crown to him 200 furlongs off, and very foolishly offering him their Kings daughter in marriage. [ Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 484.] but first of all they begged, that his coming might not be as of an enemy: for Pharnaces would do whatsoever he would command him, but they especially put him in mind, that Pharnaces would send no forces to Pompey against Caesar, whereas Dejotarus who had sent, yet had given him satisfaction. Caesar answered, that he would be very favorable to Pharnaces, if he would do all things as he promised, but he advised, as he was wont, the Ambassadors in mild terms, that they neither should object Dejotarus to him, or too much brag of that favor that they had not sent aid to Pompey. [ Hirt. ] and also accused Pharnaces for this very thing, that he had been wicked and ungratetowards his benefactor. [ Dio. lib. 41. 42.] in conclusion he commanded him, that he should depart out of Pontus, and that he should send back the families of the Publicans; and should restore to him the allies and citizens of Rome, which were in his possession: which if he would do he said he would then receive those presents, which the generals were wont to receive of their friends after a war was happily ended. [ Hirtius. ]

Pharnaces liberally promised all things; and whereas he hoped that Caesar having a mind to hasten to the city (Rome) that he would more willingly believe his promises, he began to go more slowly about his business, to demand longer time for his departure, to interpose new conditions, and in fine to disappoint him. Caesar knowing his erast hastened his business so much the more, so that he would come to fight with him sooner than any one would think. [ idem. ]

As soon as he was come to Pharnaces camp, uttering this speech, Shall not now this Parricide be punished? he mounted his horse, and at the first shout that was given, he put the enemy to flight, and made a great slaughter, being aided with about a thousand horse that followed him, when he first rushed into the battle: thus [ Appian. in bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 485.] and likewise Dio in the 42 book of his history: the same day that he came to the enemy, from his march he went to fight with the enemy, and being sometime troubled with the enemies horse and their chariots, that were armed at length he obtained the victory. Julius Frontinus [ Stratagemat. lib. 2. cap. 2.] notes, that Caesar marshalled his army upon an hill, and that that thing made the victory more easy to him was; because the darts that were thrown from above upon the Barbarians who were below, made them presently fly, and that Dejotarus was in the battle with Caesar against Pharnaces, and that he put his life in danger, Cicero confirmeth in his oration for that King.

This battle was fought about the mountain Scotium, which is not above three miles distant from the City Zela; near which Mithridates the father of Pharnaces overthrew Triarius and the Roman army with a great slaughter, [ Hirtius, Plutarch in Caesar. Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254. Dion. lib. 42.] This mountain Pharnaces (that we may represent the story of this fight more accurately out of Hirtius) having repaired the old Works of his fathers Camp, seized upon it with all his Forces. Caesar, who had pitched his Camp five miles from the enemy, that he might possess the valleys that were next the Kings Camp; the next night, in the fourth watch, with all his Legions, but without any baggage which he left in his Camp, took that very place, in which Mithridates had fought against Triarius.

Pharnaces, as soon as it was day having observed this, drew out all his Forces before his Camp; and either being carried on by the former happiness of that place, or being induced by tokens and ceremonies (which we afterwards heard he did obey, saith Hirtius) or thorough contempt of the fewness of the Roman Forces, a great part of which he had already overthrown under Domitius, he of his own accord in an uneven place inroded the Romans as they were fortifying their Camp, which put a terror into them, being suddenly called from their Works, and not set in battle array: the Kings Chariots that were armed with Sithes did disorder the soldiers that were got in among them; which yet by the multitude of darts were quickly overwhelmed: the main body of the enemy followed these Chariots; and then coming to handy-strokes, in the right wing, where the VI old veteran Legion was placed, the beginning of the victory was on that part; and then in the left wing and the main body were the whole Forces of the King routed: and so many of the soldiers being partly killed, and partly trodden underfoot by their own men, they who might escape by their swiftness, yet having thrown away their arms, and being to pass the valley, could do no good, unarmed and coming from an higher place. But the Romans being encouraged by this Victory, made no scruple to climb up that steep place, and to set upon their Works, and were suddenly Masters of the enemies Camp, those cohorts defending it which Pharnaces had left to guard it, [ Id. ]

Thus Caesar ground as it were to dust Pharnaces in one (and as I may say) not a whole battle, after the manner of lightning, which in one and the same moment, came, hit, and departed: Neither was it a vain brag of Caesar's, that he had overcome the enemy, before he set eye upon him, [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2.] He bragged also that the same day, he came to the enemy, and saw him, and overcame him, [ Dio. lib. 42.] which in his letters sent to Rome to his friend Aminitius or Antitius, was expressed in those three words; VENI, VIDI, VICI. I came, I saw, I overcame, [ Plutarch. in Caesar. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 485.] Within five days after his arrival, and within four hours after he came in sight of him, he vanquished Pharnaces in one only battle, [ Suetonius. Julio, Caesar. cap. 35.] often recounting the felicity of Pompey, whose hap it was to gain his principal honor in the Mithridatick War, of so cowardly a kind of enemies, [ Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 485.]

Pharnaces, the whose multitude of his army being either killed or taken, fled with a few Horse; and unless the invasion of the Camp had given him means of escaping, he had been brought alive into Caesar's hands. [ Hirt. ] But he fled to Sinope with a thousand Horse, [ Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Caesar was over-joyed, that he had ended so great a war in so short a time: and the remembrance of the sudden danger, was the more joyous, because the Victory came so easy out of so many difficulties, [ Hirt. ] Caesar gave the soldiers, all the Kings baggage, and the spoils, although they were very much, [ Id. & Dio. ] and whereas Mithridates had in that place set up a Trophy for the Victory over Triarius; which because it was consecrated to the gods, it was not lawful for him to pull down; he set up one against it for his Victory over Pharnaces, and so obscured, and in a manner threw down that that Mithridates set up. After this, having recovered all things that Pharnaces had taken from the Romans or their Allies, he restored to everyone the things they had lost: except a part of Armenia, which he gave to Ariobarzanes, and requited the calamity that the Amiseni suffered, by giving them their liberty, [ Dio. ] He commanded the sixth Legion to go into Italy to receive the rewards and honors due to them. He sent home the supplies that Dejotarus brought; and left the two other Legions in Pontus with Coelius Vinicianus: and so passing thorough Gallogrecia and Bithynia, into Asia. He took cognizance and determined all the controversies of all those Provinces, and gave laws to Tetrarchs, Kings and Cities, [ Hirtius. ]

As he passed thorough Asia, he collected monies there, which raised great grudging against the Publicans, who secretly exacted it amongst all the people, [ Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 485.] (P. Servilius Isauricus the Coleague of Caesar and Cicero in the Augurship, was Proconsul there; as is gathered out of the 13 book ad familiar. epist. 68.)

Brithagoras, a man of great authority among the Heracleenes in Pontus, who had followed Caesar whithersoever he went, even to this place again, for a business that concerned his countrymen, as Caesar was providing to return to Rome, being worn out with old age, and continual labors, died: to the great sorrow of his country. [ Memnon. in excerptis Photii. cap. 62.]

Caesar made Mithridates Pergamenus King of Bosphorus, (who had carried on the war in Egypt happily, and with great dispatch) who was of the race of the Kings, and had royal education, for him had Mithridates the King of all Asia, taken away from Pergamos when he was but a child, and carried him into his camp, and kept him many years: and so fortified the provinces of the people of Rome, against the Barbarians and Kiugs that were enemies, by putting in a King that was most friendly unto them. [ Hirt. ] concerning whom see [ Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 625.] with Causabons notes, and [ Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

He commanded him also to make war upon Asander; that, being become master of Bosphorus, he might revenge his treachery against his friend, [ Dio. lib. 42.] He also adjudged unto him the Tetrarchy of the Trochmans, in Gallograecia, who bordered upon Pontus and Cappadocia, as belonging unto him by his mothers right; but was seized upon, and in the possession some years before of Dejotarus. [ Cicero in Philip. 2. & lib. de divinat. 2. Hirtius, de bell. Alexand. Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 567. & lib. 13. pag. 625. Dio. lib. 42.]

Then Caesar sailed into Greece and Italy, having raised great sums of money upon any color whatsoever, as he had done formerly: for he exacted that money partly, that had been aforetime promised to Pompey; and partly pretending other excuses, he commanded other sums. He received also from the Princes and Kings, many golden Crowns, as it were in honor of the victories he had gotten; he declared that there were two things, by which Empires were gotten, preferred and increased, soldiers and monies, and that one did help the other, and that if one of them sailed, the other must also fall. [ Dio. lib. 42.]

It seems not that he was at Athens on the Kalends of September, (which fell on the 17. day of the Julian June) for many things are reported to stay him in Asia, especially Pharnaces, saith Cicero ad Atticum. [ lib. 11. epist. 24.] But Pharnaces being so suddenly conquered, (as it is in the Epitome of the 115. book of Livy) and all things so quickly dispatched, he came into Italy sooner than any one could imagine, as Hirtius observes in the end of his book of the Alexandrian war.

But Caesar came to Rome, just at the end of the year, in which he was designed Dictator, (which office had never before been annual) and was declared Consul for the next year. [ Plutarch in Caesar. ]

Pharnaces delivered over Synope to Domitius (Calvinus) who was left by Caesar to prosecute the war against him; and having accepted of peace; and dismissed him with his 1000 Horsemen, he killed their Horses; which their masters took much to heart: and then taking shipping, we read in Appian in Mithridatick, [ pag. 254.] that he fled into Pontus, whereas it should have been said out of Pontus; for Synopa itself was in Pontus: and the same Appian in lib. 2. Bell. Civil. [ pag. 485.] that Pharnaces fled back into the Kingdom of Bosphorus, that was delivered unto him by Pompey.

Herod the Perfect of Galilee, having taken Ezechius, a Jew, with many complices of his thievery, who had wont to make incursions into Syria in troops, and put him to death: which fact of his got him much favor with the Syrians, he then governed the Provice of Syria. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 8. & lib. Antiquit. cap. 17.]

Phasaelus, being stirred up in emulation of his brothers glory, got to himself the favor of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by doing all public businesses in his own person, and yet not abusing his power to the hurt of any: by which it came to pass that Antipater his father was reverenced by the whole Nation, as if he had been King; yet was his fidelity and good will nevertheless to Hyrcanus. [ Id. idem. ]

Caesar undertaking an expedition against P. Scipio, [Year of the World 3958] the father in law of Pompey the Great, M. Cato, and Jula, the King of Mauritania, upon the XIV. Kalends of January, came into Lilybaeum; and from thence on the VI. Kalends of January, taking shipping after four days, came within sight of Africa. [ Hirt. in lib. de Bell. African. ] Now the XIV. Kalends of January, fell at that time upon the 30. and last day of September, of the Julian account, the year before the institution, as the reckoning backwards of the long following year of 445. days, made in the Kalends of January, of the first Julian year will make manifest: which Plutarch and Dio not observing: he indeed hath related that Caesar crossed into Sicilia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , about the winter Solstice, [ in Caesare. ) and the other that he went into Africa, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the midst of winter, [ lib. 43.] but that he went into Africa before winter, even those words of Cicero [ in lib. 2. de divination. ] do sufficiently declare. Caesar, when he was advised that he should not go into Africa before winter, did he not go? nay, if he had not gone, all the forces of his adversaries had made their rendezvous in one place.

Upon the Kalends of January, (falling on the 13. day of the Julian October) Caesar encamped at a Town called Ruspina: the day before the Nones of January, (October 16.) after the third day that he landed in Africa, in a most sharp fight which lasted from five of the clock in the morning, till sun set: he overcame Labienus and Petreius: and the VI, Kalends of February, the sixth of the Julian November, he again beat the enemies army, under the commaud of Labienus and Scipio. [ Hirtius. ]

Dio in his 42 book notes, that Pharnaces, striving by force to enter into Bosphorus, was cast into prison, and put to death by Asander, which is more fully explained by Appian in his Mithridaticks, [ pag. 254.] Thus Pharnaces having gathered together a band of Scythians and Sarmatians, seized upon Theudocia and Panticapeum: and when as he was made war upon by Asander, his Horsemen, being destitute of Horses, and not used so fight on foot, were overcome; only Pharnaces fighting valiantly, being now 50. years old, and wounded, was killed, after he had reigned fifteen years in Bosphorus, as Appian hath it, or rather seventeen years, which are the time that is reckoned from the murder of his father Mithridates.

Caecilius Bassus, of the order of Knighthood, who, flying from the battle of Pharsalia, after Pompey was overcome, kept himself private at Tyrus, whither also some of his own faction came unto him; and getting the favor to himself, both of these and them of Sextus, the Governor of Syria, his soldiers that came at diverse time for a guard of the City. Seeing there was much news brought of Caesar's ill fortune in Africa: he, not being content with his present condition, began to make some innvations: but being apprehended for this by Sextus, before he was thoroughly provided, he said that he only raised forces to help Mithridates Pergamenus, to win Bosphorus, and so was dismissed upon the belief of this. [ Dio. lib. 47.]

The noble men of the Jews seeing Antipater and his sons so highly advanced, both by the favor of the Nation, and by the monies of Hyrcanus, and by the revenues that they received out of Judea, began to stomach him: for now he had contracted friendship with the Roman Generals, and by persuading Hyrcanus to send money unto them, he got to himself the credit of this present; as if he had sent it of his own treasure, and had not received it of Hyrcanus: which when Hyrcanus heard of, yet was he not moved therewith, but rather contented. But the violence and bold nature of Herod, who was desirous of the tyranny, did most of all terrify the Princes of the Jews. For this cause therefore they addressed themselves to Hyrcanus, and now openly accused Antipater: but complaining most of all on Herod, because he had put to death Hezekiah, with many others, without any commission received from Hyrcanus; in contempt of the laws, by which no man suffers, though never so wicked, unless he be first condemned by the Judges. The mothers also of them that were killed, every day did not cease to weary in the Temple with their continual exclamations, both the King and the people, desiring that Herod might be made to give an account of this his doing before the Sanhedrim. Wherefore Hyrcanus moved with these women, commanded Herod to be called before the Council, and to plead his own cause. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17.]

Herod, having ordered the affairs of Galilee as he thought best for himself, being forewarned of his father, that he should not come into the Counsel as a private person, he took with him a moderate, but yet a sufficient guard, least he should terrify Hyrcanus, if he brought too many, nor leave himself unsecured from any danger from the judgment. When Herod therefore presented himself before the Sanbedrim in his royal robes, with his guard in arms, they were all astonished: neither durst any one of them that accused him being absent, speak a word against him, but all of them kept silence, not knowing what to do: then one of the council called Sameas, a just man, and for this cause, not distracted with fear, (yet that old proverb of the Hebrews showeth that he was no hot spirited man, Be thou humble as Hillel, and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 angry as Samai ) rrsing up, not only accused Herod of presumption and violence, but laid the fault upon the Judges, and the King himself, who had granted him so great a liberty: whom he pronounced should afterward, by the just judgment of God, be punished by Herod himself: which the event of the thing proved true, the Judges of that Council, and Hyrcanus, being put to death by Herod when he was King: but Hyrcanus perceiving that the Judges were inclined to condemn Herod, put off the business till the nex day; and privately advised him to shift for himself: and so he departed to Damascus, as though he fled from the King: and presenting himself before Sextus Caesar, having secured his own affairs, he professed openly, That if he were again cited before the Judges, he would not appear: which they took in great disdain, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus, that all these things tended to his destruction. [ Id. ibid. ]

Caesar being in Africa, [The Julian Period. 4668] on the XII. Kalends of April, [Year before Christ 46] (the 21 day of the Julian October) having mustered his army, the next day he brought out all his forces, and set them in battle array: but after he had even long enough invited his enemies to battle, and perceived they were not willing to fight, he brought his forces into their Camp again, [ Hirt. de bell. Afric. ]

Caecilius Bassus related out of the letters that he seigned, that he had received from Scipio, that Caesar was overcome, and dead in Africa, and that the government of Syria was committed to his charge: wherefore with those soldiers he had made for that purpose he seized upon Tyrus, and from thence marched towards Sextus his forces, by whom he was met and overcome, where he received a wound; wherefore he never after attempted anything against him by main force. [ Dio. lib. 47.]

Caesar the day before the Nones of April (the fourth day of the Julinan February) in the third watch of the night, went out of the Town Agar, and marching 16 miles that night, began to fortify Thapsus that day: Where he in a memorable fight overcame Juba and Scipio; after which battle Cato laid violent hands on himself at Utica, [ Hirt. de bell. Afric. ]

Sextus Caesar, having received money, made Herod Governor of Coelosyria: Herod, taking it unpatiently that he was called before the Council, he led an army against Hyrcanus; but by the meeting and entreaties of his father Antipater, and brother Phasaelus, he was withheld from the inroding of Jerusalem, who strrived to appease him, and desired him, that being content to have affrighted them, he should indeed do hurt to none, nor that he should attempt any further against him that had raised him to that dignity: whose advice he obeyed, supposing he had done sufficient for his future hopes, that he had shown to that Nation what power he was of, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17.]

In Africa, Caesar is reported to have seen in his sleep, a great army calling him and weeping: and being moved with this dream, that he immediately put it into his books of Remembrances concerning the building of Carthage and Corinth, [ Appian. in Lybicis. pag. 85.]

Hyrcanus by his Ambassadors desired of Julius Caesar, that he would confirm the alliance and friendship that was between them, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17.]

Caecilius Bassus, sending some of his party to Sextus Caesar's soldiers, who should propound certain hopes to them, so associated them to himself, that having put Sextus to death, his own Legion came over to his side, [ Id. ibid. Livy, lib. 114. Libo. apud Appian. lib. 3. de bell. civil. pag. 576. Dio. lib. 47.] although this story he reported by others after this manner. Sextus being a young man given to his pleasure, very unhandsomely carried about with him the Legion that Julius Caesar had left in Syria. Bassus to whom the care of the Legion was committed reprehending him for this, he sometimes reproachfully rejected: and one afterwards when at his call he but slowly obeyed, he commanded him to be brought by head and shoulders: in this tumult, they came to blows, and when as the army could not endure this insolence, they killed Sextus with their darts: but presently being sorry for what they had done, and afraid of Caesar, they made a conspiracy, that if there was not pardon granted them, and good assurance of it, they would fight it out to the last man; forcing also Bassus to become one of the conspiracy. After this they raised a new company, and accustomed them to the same exercises that they themselves used, [ Appian. bell. civil. lib. 3. pag. 575, 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623.]

Bassus drew unto himself all the army, except a few who had wintered at Apamea, who having gone from thence into Silicia before his coming, he in vain followed thither: and being returned into Syria, he is nominated Praetor, and fortified Apamea, that he might make that the seat of the war: all who were of full age, not only freemen, but servants also, he listed for the war: he coined money, and made arms, [ Dio. lib. 47.]

Caesar having finished the African War on the Ides of June, (the 14 day of the Julian April) took shipping at Utica, and after the third day came to Carales into Sardinia: from thence on the III Kalends of July (the 29 of the Julian April) going by shipping near the shore, on the 28 day after (the 26 of the Julian May) because he was hindered by storms, he came to the City of Rome, [ Hirt. in fin. lib. bell. Africa. ]

Caesar Triumphed at Rome four times in the same month, but some days between: everyone with diverse furniture and provision, [ Suetonius, in Julio, cap. 37.] The furniture of the Chariot for Gaule, was of Citron tree, for Pontus, of Brazell, for Alexandria, of Tortoyseshell, and for Africa of Ivory, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 56.] In the Pontick Triumph amongst the Pageants and Shewes, he carried before him the Title of these three words, VENI, VIDI, VICI. I came, I saw, I overcame. Signifying not the acts atcheived by him, as other Conquerors, but the quick dispatch of this war, [ Suetonius, ut supra. ] In this, the flight of Pharnaces made the people laugh. The Alexandrian Triumph for Egypt was inserted in the middle between the Gallick and the Pontick: and in it the chance of Achillas and Photinus, was very plausible, [ Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 491.] But the chance of Arsinoe the Egyptian being a woman, and at that time accounted for a Queen, who was led among the captives, (which had never happened at Rome before) raised much pity in the people; who yet after the Triumph, in favor of her kindred, was dismissed, [ Dio. lib. 43.]

And her kindred, to wit, her elder sister Cleopatra, and younger brother Ptolemaeus, the husband of Cleoptra, came to Rome this year, being called thither by Caesar. Caesar appointed Cleopatra her lodging in his own house, and sent her away not without great honors and rewards, and cared not at all, although he were ill reported of for it. [ id. ibid. Suetonius. in Julio. cap. 52.] moreover also in the temple of Venus Genetrix, which he built, upon a vow he made, as the battle of Pharsalia was fighting, (which Dio confirmeth was this year dedieated by him) and even by Venus her side, Caesar set up the image of Cleopatra. [ Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 492.]

In Syria C. Antistius (Vetus) and others of Caesar's captains, coming against Caecilius Bassus with both horse and foot forces, shut him up in Apamea: to these the borderers that favored Caesar's party joined themselves, amongst whom also Antipater, as well for the sake of that Caesar that was killed, as of him that was alive, because he was a friend to both: by his sons sent them aid, and seeing they had a long time fought it out with equal advantage, and neither party could get the better of the other, by a truce confirmed by no articles of covenants, they suspended the war, for the providing of other auxiliaries, [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. sin. lib. 14. Antiquit cap. 17. fin. Dion. lib. 47.]

Mithridates Pergamenus again spoiled the temple of L • ucothea (in the country of the Moschi about the river Phases) which was formerly plundered by Pharnaces: [ Strabo. lib. 11. pag, 498.] but as Pharnaces before, so how he endeavoring to seize upon Bosphorns, Asander, (falsely by Strabo called Casander and Lysander) overcame him: and so having removed both of them, he quietly enjoyed the Kingdom of Bosphorus. [ id. ibid. pag. 495. & lib. 13. pag. 625.]

C. Julius Caesar being high Priest, in his third year and in the Consul-ship of M. Aemilius Lepidus, ordered the amendment of the Roman year, using therein the help of Sosigenes in Astronomical matters, and of Flarius a Scribe in ordering the Kalendar, and whereas now there were 23 days intercalated in the month of February; he moreover interposed between November and December, two other intercalary months of 67 days. So that this present year had 15 months, and 445 days. [ Censorinus de dic. natali. cap. 8. Suetonius. in Iulio. cap. 40. Pliny lib. 18. cap, 25. Dion. lib. 43. Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 14.]

The day before the former intercalary Kalends (the 26 day of the Julian September) Cicero made an oration before, [Year of the World 3959] Caesar for Q. Ligatius. [ lib. 6. ad fa • iliar. epist. 14.]

From the Kalends of January, [The Julian Period. 4669] on which Caesar took upon him the fo •• th Consulship, [Year before Christ 45] the year is reckoned of the first Julian ordering, for from thence he appointed the beginning of the year ordained by him. [ Censorin. ut supra. ]

Caesar making war in Spain with Pompey's sons, on the XI Kalends of March won the town Aregna, and was called Emperor, when the Liberalia (called by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Plutarch in Caesare) were celebrated (on the XVI Kalends of April, as is manifest out of the old Kalendar,) he got that memorable victory at the city Munda, in which battle there fell of the Pompeians about 30000 men, with the two generals Labienus and Atius Varus, and almost 3000 that were of the order of Knight-hood: of the Caesarians about a 1000 men, and about 500 wounded, after this young Cn. Pompeius being killed who had taken to himself the ensigns of the Consul and the government, his head was presented unto Caesar as he was marching to Hispales, the day before the Ides of April, and openly shown to the people. [ Author commentariis de bell. Hispaniensi. ]

The day before the Palilia, (on the XII Kalends of May) about evening the news of this victory was brought to Rome. [ Dio. lib. 43.] and the day before the Kalends of May Caesar wrote a consolatory letter from Hispalis to M. Cicero, [ Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 13. epist. 20.] for the death of his daughter Tullia: who after the divorce of her mother Terentia, at P. Lentulus his house died in childbed. [ Ascon. Pedian. in orat. Pisonian. Plutarch. in Ciceron. ] whenas her husband P. Cornelius Dolabella was in Spain with Caesar, as is perceived out of the second Philippick, and the 13 book of th • epistles to Atticus.

Gaius Octavius the grandchild of his sister Julia accompanied Caesar in this war, being then 18 years old, who was always lodged in the same house with him, and •• ways rode in the same coach with him; he honored this lad with the high Priesthood [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 59.]

King Dejotarus being in some trouble, sent Blesanius his Ambassador into Spain to Caesar, who by letters dated to him from Tarracon, bid him be of good hope and good courage. [ Cicero pro Dejotaro. ]

Whilst the war in Syria with Caecilius Bassus is prolonged L. Statius (in Velleius called Staius, and in Appian Sextius) Murcus (falsely by Josephus called Marcus) one that had been Praetour, being sent by Julius Caesar as successor of Sextus, came out of Italy with three companies: and is by Bassus valiantly repulsed. [ Vellei. Paterc. lib 2. cap, 69. Joseph. lib. 1. bel. cap. 8. fin. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. fin. Appian. bell. civil. 3. pag. 576. &. lib. 4. pag. 623,] for the country furnished the army of Bassus, he had also many Princes of the Arabians, who were associated with him in this war, who held many fortified places hard by: amongst these places was Lysias, situate beyond the Lake, which is near unto Apamea, and Arethusa, the country of Sampseranus, and of his lamblychus, (of whom Cicero makes mention in epist. 1. lib. 15. ad familiar) which Princes governed the nation of the Emisseni, Heliopolis and Chalcis also were nigh, which were under the command of Ptolemy, the son of Me • naeus, who also governed Marsya, and the mountainous places of the I • uraeans. [ Strabo, lib. 26. pag. 753.]

Alchaudonius the Arabian (called Alchaedamus by Strabo) the King of the Rhambaean Nomades, who dwelt near Euphrates, who formerly had made a league with Lucullus, but afterwards had sent aids to the Parthians against Crassus, being called to assistance, both by Bassus and his enemies, went into Mesopotamia: but when he was come into a place that was between Apamea, and the Caesarians Camp, before he would give any answer to either party, he proposed that he would help them that gave most, and so joined himself to Bassus, that gave most, and in the fight did much over-powerthe enemy by his archery. [ Idem. ibid. Dion lib. 47.]

On the Ides of September, Caesar made his last Will and Testament in his own house at Laricum, & committed it to the keeping of the chief Vestal Virgin: in it he appointed three grand children of his sisters, his heirs C. Octavius of 3 fourth parts, (not of the half part only, as it is in Livy, lib. 116.) Lucius Pinarius, and Q. Pedius of the other fourth part: he adopted also C. Octavius, into his name and family. He named also many of his murderers for tutours to his sons, if he should chance to have any. He appointed also Decimus Brutus to be one of his second heirs in remainder. [ Suetonius in [Julio. cap. 83.] and M. Antonius, [ Dio. lib. 44. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 4.] if those formermerly appointed, would not take upon them the inheritance. [ Appian. bell, civil. lib. 2. pag. 518.]

In the month of October, [Year of the World 3960] Caesar being now conqueror of all, entered Rome, and gave pardon to all that had born arms against him. [ Vellei. Parcul. lib. 2. cap. 56.] And after he had performed the Triumph for Spain, in the beginning of this month, he quitted the Consulship, and by bringing in a new order of substituting honorary Consuls: he made Q. Fabius Maximus, and C. Trebonius Consuls for three months, [ Dio. lib. 43. cum inscript. Gruteri. pag. CCXCVIII. init. ] the former of whom being Consul, triumphed for Spain, on the III. Ides of October. [ Ibid. pag. CCXCVII.] Whereupon, when as Chrysippus had seen in the Triumph of Caesar, the Ivory Towns carried before him: and a few days after, the wooden ones of Fabius Maximus, he said they were but the cases of Caesar's Towns. [ Quintilian. lib. 6. cap. 4.]

Many and very great honors were by the Senate decreed unto Caesar, amongst which, that he should be perpetual Dictator: [ Livy, lib. 116.] and moreover, that he should be named Emperor, [ Suetonius. in Julio. cap. 76.] not in that sense, in which both before and after, it was given to Generals for any victory they had obtained in the wars; but whereby the highest power and authority in the Common-wealth was signified, [ Dio. lib. 43.] for it was granted unto him, that he alone should have Soldiers, and the command of the Militia, and that he alone should take charge of the public monies, and that it should be lawful for no other to make use of either of them; and that all Magistrates should be subject to him, yea, even the Magistrates of the common people; and that they should swear that they would never insringe any of his decrees. [ Id. ibid. & Appian lib. 2. Bell. Civil, pag. 194.] And from hence, even from this his last return into the City, Velleius Paterculus deduceth, His five months of his principal cessation. [lib. 2. cap. 56.]

Caesar had thoughts of repressing the Getae or Daci, who had made a great inroad into Pontus and Thracia, [ Suetonius. in Julio. cap. 44. Appian. lib. 2. pag. 497.] for the preparation of which expedition, he sent before Octavius, the son of Ariae, his sister Julias daughter, to Apollonia, that he might study there, and learn martial discipline; intending afterward to make him his fellow soldier in the Getick and Pontick war. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 59. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 8. Plutarch. in M. Brut. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 531. Dio. lib. 45.] and thither also came some Squadrons of Pergamos; whom now being very old, he carried with him out of the City thither, [ Suetonius. in Ostavio. cap. 89. cum Strabone. lib. 13. pag. 625.] and thither also came some Squadrons of Horse to him out of Macedonia, with whom he was exercised, where, by entertaining them courteously, he became very gracious with the army. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 531.]

Castor, a young man, incited by his father Suocondarius, (as Strabo calls him) and his mother, the daughter of King Dejotarus, went to Rome to accuse his grandfather: having corrupted the Kings servant and Pysician, one Philip, with hopes and promises, that he should accuse his master, under a feigned crime of treason, as though he would have killed Caesar when he entertained him in his Tetrarchy, to whom the kings Ambassadors Hieras, Blescenius, Antigonus, and Dorylaus, opposed themselves offering to Caesar their own bodies for the safety of the two kings, (the father and son who then reigned together) for him Cicero, in remembrance of their old friendship and familiarity, made an oration in Caesar's house: using this as a preface, that it was so unusual for a king to be guilty of treason, that it was never heard of before, but for this accusation, Dejotarus killed his daughter, together with her husband Cast or Su • condarius (that noble Chronographer) in Gorbrius the palace of Castor himself. [ Strabo. lib. 1 • pag. 568.] concerning all this business famous Vossius (alas! our sometime dear friend) is to be consulted in the last chapter of his first book of Greek Historians.

Upon the Ides of December, Q. Pedius Triumphed for Spain, (the third that was within this three months space,) [ Gruteri, Inscript. pag. CCXCVII. ] in which (as before him Fabius had done) using wooden Pageants and not Ivory, caused much laughter, [ Dio. lib. 43.]

The Parthians being by Caecilius Bassus called to his aid, came, but did not stay long with him by reason of winter, nor did any memorable thing. Thus Dio in [ lib. 47.] notwithstanding by their coming, he was freed from that close siege with which he was straightened by Antistius Velus, as Velus himself confirmeth in his letters to Balbus: concerning which, Cicero thus, [lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 9.] Balbus is here, and very much with me: to whom letters were delivered on the day before the Kalends of January from Vellus, whenas Caeilius was besieged by him, and was even ready to be take • n: that Pacorus the Parthian came with great Forces, and so escaped him, with the loss of many of his men, for which be accuseth Volcatius. So it seems to me that that war is nigh at hand: but let Nicias and Dollabella look to it. As namely to whom the care of the Province of Syria, and of the Parthian War, after the death of Caesar, was committed: when Cicero wrote this Epistle.

At Rome, the day before the Kalends of January, Q. Fabius Maximus the Consul being dead, C. Caninius Rebilus demanded the Consulship of a few Towns, [Id. ibid. cum Plinio, lib. 7. cap. 53. Sucton, in Claudio. cap. 15. & Trabell Pollion. in XXX. Tyrannis.] concerning whom Cicero, to Curtius. [lib. 7. epist. 30. ad familiar.] Know that all the time that Caninius was Consul, there nobody dined: yet there was no hurt done all the time that he was Consul: for he was of wonderful vigilance, as who never took sleep in his Consulship, [ Vid. Macrob. lib. 2. Saturnal. cap. 3. & lib. 7. cap. 3.]

The next day Caesar took upon him his fifth and last Consulship: in which he made an Edict, that thanks should be returned to Hyrcanus the High Priest and Prince of the Jews, and to the Nation of the Jews, for their affection to himself, and the people of Rome: and decreed also, that the same Hyrcanus should have the City Jerusalem, and should wall it about, and govern it after his own will. He also granted to the Jews, that every second year there should a deduction be made out of their rents, and that they should be free from imposition and tributes: as is to be seen in the 14 book and 17 chapter of Josephus his Antiquities. So that the same Josephu • seems to be deceived, who in the former chapter declares, that Caesar being in Syni • , sent letters to Rome to the Consuls, that authority might be given to Hyrcanus to build the walls of Jerusalem that Po • pey had thrown down: and that presently after, Caesar departing out of Syria, Antipater fell to work about it; for that decree of the Senate that he puts down, doth not anything at all belong either to this Hyrcanus, nor • o there building of the walls of Jerusalem: as we have formerly observed at the year of the World 3877. concerning which also Salianus is to be consulted with, at the year of the World 4007 num. 36, 37.

In the same fifth Consulship, in the second Julian year, the month Quintilis is called July, in honor of Julius Caesar, M. Antonius his Colleague in the Consulship preferring this law, because Julius was born on the fourth▪ Ides of Quintilis in this month, [ Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 494. Dio. lib. 44. Censorin. de die 〈◊〉 , cap. 9. M • crab • us, lib. 2. 〈◊〉 . cap. 12.] Whereupon, whereas in the following month of Se ••