The Annals of the World

•• ilis, M. Brut •• , who was the City Praetor, and was to set forth the Apolli • ari • n Plr • es, after the Caesar was murdered by him, he wrote Nonis Jul ••• , the Nones of July. Cicero, wrote to his friend Articus, [ lib. 16. epist. 1.] I could be angry an whole day: could anything be more base, than for Brutus to write Jul ••• ? and Brutius being • dmonished of this by him, said, that he would write that the hunting that was to be 〈◊〉 day after the Apollinarian Plays, they should set down to be on the III Ides of Q • intilis, [ ibid. epist. 4.]

Caesar rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, which were demolished both at one time, (as hath been formerly said at the year of the World 3858.) by bringing Roman Colonies thither, [ Di • . lib. 43. Strabo▪ lib. 8. pag. 38 • , & lib. • 7. pag. 833.] which concerning Corinth, 〈◊〉 in Cori • thiacis, and Solinus, concerning Carthage, cap. 30.] and Appian at the end of his Lybicorum do so far confirm, that they agree, that between the overthrow and rebuilding of Carthage, there passed an 102 years: which space of time brings us just to this year, on which the Consulship of M. Antonius and P. Dolabella, whom Solinus here nameth, fell. So that Appian less considerately signified, that these Cities were again rebuilt by Augustus Caesar.

At this time a great desire took the people of Rome to revenge the death of Crassus and the army that he lost, and hopes of utterly conquering the Parthians: whereupon this war by general consent was decreed to Caesar, and they very earnestly made preparation for it. And among other things that were done in prosecution of that war, and that both Caesar might have officers enough with him, and also that in his absence, lest that the City should be left destitute of Magistrate, neither if the city should choose them there should be any new stirs again, they intended to appoint magistrates before hand for the whole three years, (for so long they thought that that war might last) half of these Caesar chose, as indeed was by the law granted unto him, (concerning which law Suetonius is to be consulted) and in truth all the rest. [ Dio. lib. 43.]

But minding first to set upon the Ge • ae, or Daci, he sent before him over the Adriatic sea, sixteen Legions, and 10000 horse, and then to make war upon the Parthians, through Armenia the l • s • e, and not to come to a s • t battle, till he had tried what they could do. [ Suetonius. in Iulio. cap. 44. Appian. lib. 2. pag. 497.]

Caesar sent Cornificius to make war in Syria against Caecilius Bassus, and gave unto him the province of Syria. [ Cicero. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 18. 19.] but whilst the Legions were to be conducted to him, the murder of Caesar happened: after which that province was assigned to P. Cornelius Dolabella the Consul, and (as we shall see) old Africa was given to Cornificius [ Cicero. ibid. epist. 19. 21. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 620. 621.]

Caesar committed the charge and command of three Legions that he had left in Alexandria • o Rufinus the son of a freed man of his, who was an old ca • amite of his own. [ Su • ton. • n Iulio. cap. 76.]

On the VII Ka • en • s of February, Caesar entered the City in an Oration from the mount Albanus. [ Inscript. Gruteri. pag. CCXCVII. ] for it was decreed that in the performance of the Latin Feriae he should be thus brought into the city. [ Dio. lib. 44.]

When some had saluted him King, as he was returning from the sacrifice of the Latin Feriae, and going into the city from the mount Albanus, he being offended that the people took it ill, answered them, that he was Caesar and not a King, and when they all held their peace, he went along by them very sad and melancholy, and when one of the company had put a lawrell crown tied with a white ribbon, (which was that that they used to do to their Kings,) upon his statue; Epidius Marcellus and Caesilius Flarus commanded the crown to be untied, and the man to be had to prison, but Caesar grieving that the mention of a kingdom went not on very prosperously, or that the glory of denying it was taken from him, he severely child the Tribun • s, and deprived them of their office. [ Suetonius. in Iul • o. cap. 79. Plutarch. in eodem, Dio. lib. 41. Livy. lib. 116. Appian. lib. 2. bell, civil. pag. 495. 496.]

On the Lupercalia (which the old Calendar shows were celebrated on the 15 day of February) M. Antonius his Colleague in the Consul-ship, being naked, came running amongst those that celebrated the feast, and falling down before Caesar, who sat in the Rostra, in his golden chain, clothed in purple and crowned, and presented him with a diadem, in the name of the people of Rome, which being twice put on his head by him, Caesar took off again and laid in his golden chair, and answered, that Jupiter only was the King of the Romans, and sending the Diadem into the Capitol to Jupiter, demmanded that it should be written in the records: That at the Lupercalia, Marcus Antonius the Consul, offered a Kingdom to Caesar the Dictatour, but he would not make use of it: whereupon he came into suspicion, that this was but a trick between them, and that indeed he did desire the name of King, but that he would fain be forced to take i • , idem • b • d • Cicero. in Philip, 2. 3. 8. 13. Vellei Patercul. lib, 2. cap. 56. Plutarch, in Antonio, Cassador. in Chronico. ]

After this there was a rumour went about, either true or false, (as fables use to be made) That the Priest called Quindecimviri found in the Sybils book, that the Parthians might be overcome by the Romans, if a King were General, otherwise they were unconquerable, and thereupon that L. Cotta, one of the Quindecimviri, should in the next Senate prefer a law, that Caesar should be styled King, and some were of opinion that he ought to be styled either Dictatour or Emperor of the Romans, or any other name that sounded more plausible than the name of Kings: but that of all other nations that were under the command of the Romans, he should positively be styled King. [ Suetonius. Plutarch, Dion, ut supra Appian, pag. 497.] whither also is to be referred that of Cicero [ in lib. 2. de divinat.] We observe the Sybils verses, which she is reported in a fury to have uttered, whose interpreter (L. Cotta) was of late though to speak some false things merely out of men's report, as though that he that we have now for King already, must be called King, if we will be secure.

Caesar provided by all means to get him out of the City as soon he could, where he began to be hardly thought of: but four days before he intended to go, he was stabbed in the Senate. [ Appian. pag. 497.] There was in this conspiracy about 60. Senators and Knights of Rome, as is reported, [ Suetonius. in Julio. cap. 80. Eutrop. lib. 6. fin. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 17.] the chief of which were M. Brutus, and C. Triboniu • , and C. Cassius, and of Caesar's party D • cimus Brutus, [ Livy, lib. 116.] when as therefore Caesar was come into the Senate house, with an intention to advance the Parthian war; there the Senators stabbed him as he sare in the Ivory chair, and he was slain with three and twenty wounds, [ Id. ibid. Florus, lib. 4. Histor. Rom. cap. 2. fin. ] on the Ides of March, in the fifty sixth year of his age. [ Suetonius. in Julio. cap. 81, 88, 91. Plutarch in eodem. & Appian. lib. 2. bell. civ. l. pag. 522.]

Thus he who had fought in fifty set battles, and had killed a thousand one hundred ninety two thousand men in battles, (as Pliny relates. lib. 7. cap. 25.] in that Senate; the most part whereof he had chosen himself, in Pompey's Court, before the image of Pompey himself; so many of his own Centurions looking on, he so fell by the hands of the most noble Citizens, and those too, most of them advanced very much by himself, so that not only none of his friends, but that not so much as any of his servants could come at his body. [ Cicero, lib. 2. de divinatione. ]

P. Cornelius Dolabella, being but twenty five years old, who was by Caesar himself, when he was to go out of the City, designed Consul in his own room, for the rest of the years: whereas he snatched up the fasces, and the consular ensigns, came before them all, and vilely reproached the author of his dignity; and as some deliver, preferred a Law, that that day might be accounted as the birth day of the City. [ Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil: pag. 505, 506. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 58.]

The third day after the murder of Caesar, (as Cicero hath it in his Philippicks) whereas the Liberalia were celebrated, (as is gathered out of the fourteenth book, ad Atticum. epist. 10. & 16.) that is, on the XVI. Kalends of April, the Senate being called into the Temple of Tellus, whereas the Consul Antonius, Plancos, and Cicero had discoursed concerning an act of oblivion, and a peace; It was decreed, that the memory of all injuries might be blotted out, and that a firm peace might be settled among the Citizens, and that Caesar's acts might be ratified, [ Cicero, Philippick. 1. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 58. Plutarch in Cicerone. Bruto. & Antonio. Appian. lib. 2. D • o. lib. 44.]

And upon the very day first of all (as it is in the Philippick 1.) M. Antonius, laying aside all enmities, was willing that Dolabella should be his Colleague in the Consulship, although when as formerly Caesar shown himself, that he had a mind, before he left the City, that he should be Consul, he vehemently opposed it, as Cicero declareth in Philippick 2. and Plutarch in Anto.) For at the first he had determined not to admit him to the Consulship, as being yet too young; but for fear he should make any sedition, he suffered him to be his Colleague. D • o. lib. 44.]

The next day the Senate meeting again, decreed Provinces for the murderers of Caesar; as Creta to M. Brutus, to Cassius Africa, to Trebonus Asia, to Cimber Bithinia, and to Decimus Brutus, Gaul Circumpana. [ Plutarch in M. Bruto. ]

Of these the two former were Praetors of the city, who seeing they thought it unhandsome, ambitiously to seize upon Provinces before the time of their Magistracy was out; and when they also saw it was not safe for them to exercise any jurisdictions in the City, they determined to pass over the rest of the year in Italy as private men: which when the Senate understood, they appointed them to be Overseers for the bringing in of corn into the City, [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 530.] that Brutus should take charge of sending corn to the City out of Asia, and Cassius out of Sicilia, but Cassius scorned this office. [ Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 9, 11, 12.]

Some had a plot, that there should be a private bank raised for them that killed Caesar, from the Roman Knights; and they thought that this might be easily compassed, if the chief of them would bring in their monies. Whereupon Atticus is called upon by Flavius, a familiar friend of Brutus, that he would be the chief in this business: but he that always thought of doing his friend courtesies, without any faction answered, That if Brutus had any mind to make use of his estate, let him use as much as his estate would bear; but that himself would not so much as speak with any about this matter, nor join with them in it, and so the whole plot of the consenters was spoiled by one man's dissent. [ Cornel. Nepos in Vita. Attici. ]

In the Temple of Castor, some letters of the names of the Consuls Antonius and Dolabella were stricken down with lightning: by which Julius Obsequens, in lib. de Prodigiis, saith that their alienation from their country was signified.

The Consul Antonius persuaded his Colleague Dolabella, as one that was an ambitious young man, that he should demand to be sent into Syria, and to the army that was raised against the Parthians: and brought it to pass that the Province of Syria fell to him by the vot • s of the people, and also the Parthian war, and the Legions that were appointed by Caesar for that purpose, together with those that were sent before into Macedonia: and he then of the Senate obtained Macedonia, (thus left naked without an army) [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 530, 531, & 550.]

Cicero fearing Antonius his power, determined at first to go with Dolabella into Syria, as his Lieutenant, [ Plutarch, in Cicerone. ] the IIII Nones of April there was a free Lieutenancy granted him, that he might enter upon it and have it when he would himself, [ Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 12.] But being persuaded by Hirtius and Pansa who were designed Consuls for the next year, he changed his opinion: and leaving Dolabella, he resolved to spend the Summer at Athens, [ Plut. ut supr. ] to take his journey into Greece before the time that the Olympian Games were celebrated, [ Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 24. & lib. 16. epist. 7.] and in this very year, was the 184 Olympiad was celebrated.

Octavius in the sixth month after he was come to Apollonia, having received the news of his Uncles death, passed out of Epirus into Italy, where at Brindisi being received by the army that went to meet him as Caesar's son, without any further delay, he immediately assumed the name of Caesar, and took upon him to be his heir, (and so much the rather, because he had brought with him great store of money, and great forces that were sent him by Caesar.) And so at Brindisi adopting himself into the Julian Families, he henceforth called himself Gaius Julius Caesar Octavius, instead of Gaius Octavius, [ Livy, lib. 117. Julius Obsequens de Prodiglis, Appian. lib. 3. pag. 531, 532. Dion. lib. 45.]

To this very name, no otherwise then to the true son, there came great store, partly of friends, partly of freed men and slaves, and with them of soldiers also, who either carried provision and money into Macedonia, or brought the tributes and other monies that they had exacted from the Provinces to Brindisi; he then being more strengthened and emboldened by the multitude of them that flocked to him, and by the authority of the Caesarean name in great reputation with the common people, he took his journey towards the city, with no contemptible Traine, and which daily increased like a flood, [ Appian. ibid. pag. 532, 533.]

On the XIIII Kalends of May, Octavius came to Naples, and the next day at Cumae he gave Cicero a visit, [ Cicero, lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 10.] of which, thus Cicero himself in an Epistle to Atticus, written X Kalends, [ ibid. epist. 12.] Octavius was with us, very nobly and friendly, his own followers saluted him by the name of Caesar, but Philip would not: for it stood not with the good liking of his mother Atia, and his father in law Philip, that he should take upon him the name of the envied fortune of Caesar: as we read in Velleius Paterculus, [ lib. 2. cap. 60. Succon, Octavie, cap. 8. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 532, 533.]

There met Octavius as he was coming to Rome, a vast company of his friends; and when he entered the city, the Globe of the Sun seemed upon his head, equally bent and rounded like a bow, (as it were putting a Crown upon the head of him that hereafter was to be so great a man) thus Velleius, [ lib. 2. cap. 59. and Julius Obsequens de Prodigiis.] When as he entered the City with a great multitude about him, the Sun being included in the round of a pure and unclouded sky, compassed him about, with the utmost part of the circle, (as the Rainbow is wont to be bent in the clouds) to wit, a circle of divers colors, as is wont to be in the Rainbow, did at that time compass about the Sun; as it is in Seneca, [ Natural. Quaestion. lib. 1. cap. 2. Pliny, lib. 2. cap. 28. Suetonius, in Octavio. cap. 95. Dion. lib. 45. and Oros. lib. 6. cap. 20.]

Octavius calling together his friends, over night commanded them all to be ready the next morning with good store of followers to meet him in the Market-place: where going to Gaius the brother of Antonius the city Praetor, he told him he did accept of his adoption; for it was the Roman custom in an adoption, to interpose the authority of the Praetor: which acceptance being registered by the Scribes, he, immediately from the Market-place, went unto Antonius the Consul, [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 534.] whom the Consul entertained proudly, (but this was not contempt but fear) and scarcely admitting him into Pompey's Gardens, gave him 〈◊〉 to speak with him, [ Velles. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 60.]

The Circensian Plays were neglected which were decreed to be solemnized for the honor of Caesar in the Palilia, (XI Kalends of may) because the news of his Victory in Spain was brought to Rome the day before that day, [ Dio. lib. 44. & 45.] but Quinctus and Lamia wore Crowns there for Caesar's honors sake, [ Cicer, lib. 14. ad A • ticum, epist. 16. & 22.]

When as the murderers of Caesar were sent into the Provinces, that fell to them by lot, (as Dio hath it in lib. 44.) Gaius Trebonius went into his Province by By-ways, [ Cicero, lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 10.] to succeed Q. Philippus in the Proconsulate of Asia, [ lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 73. & 74. collat. with epist. 43. & 45.] With him went Patiscu • , as ordinary Proquestour: but P. Lentulus the son of Puolius Lentuius Spinther was by the Senate sent into Asia as extraordinary in that office, to gather in the trib • te, and to • aise money, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14, 15.]

XI Kalends of June, Trebonius came to Athens, and there finding young Cicero earnestly at his study under Cratippus, he invited them both into his Province of Asia: as he himself tells in his letters to his father, dated the VII Kalends of June, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 16.] to which his father Cicero answers in lib. 15. in the last epist. to his familiars.

IV Nones of June, there was a law made, that the Consuls should take cognizance of those things that Caesar had ordained, decreed, and done, [ Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 16. epist. 18.]

Antonius, after it was committed to him to overs • e and execute those things that Caesar had commanded to be done, what by corrupting the notes, and changing them at his pleasure, did everything as it pleased him, as if it were by the appointment of Caesar, gratifying by this means Cities and Governors, and heaping to himself vast sums of money; for he sold not only fields and tributes, but freedoms also, even of the City of Rome, and other immunities: and that not only to particular persons, but to whole Provinces, and all people; and of these things there were tables hung up over all the capitol, [ Cicero, in Philippica. 2. & lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 1. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 60. Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. lib. 3, pag. 529. Dio. lib. 44.] in one of which, the richest cities of the Cretans were freed from tributes, and it was ordained that after the Proconsulate of Brutus Crete should be no longer a Province, [ Cicero, ibid. ] Antonius also having received a great sum of money fixed up a Register also, as if the law had been made by Caesar, that the Sicilians should be made citizens of Rome, [ Id. lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 12.]

King Dejoratus, as soon as he heard of Caesar's death, recovered all things that were taken from him of his own accord, notwithstanding his Ambassadors being fearful and unskillful, without the consent of the rest of the Kings friends, by a bond given to Fulvia of 100000 Sesterces, got a decree fixed in the Capitol, by which all things were ridiculously feigned as if they were restored by Caesar himself, [ Id. ibid. & in 2. Philippic. ]

When as there were Plays to be set forth to Caesar's Victory the XIII of August (as appears in the old Calendar in Gruterus his inscriptions pag. CXXXIII) and they not daring to do it to whose office it did belong, Octavius set them forth himself, [Suetonius. in Octavio, cap. 10.] And when as he had committed the care for the prepartions for them to C. Matius, a most learned man; who gives this reason to Cicero, [lib. 11. ad familiar, epist. 27. & ad Attic. epist. 2.] not approving it. I have taken care for the Plays that young Caesar made to the Victory of Caesar, but it belonged to my private service to him, and not to the state of the commonwealth: which service yet I ought to perform to the memory and honor of my chiefest friend, although now dead; neither could I deny it at the request of that hopeful young man, and most worthy Caesar.

And hither are to be referred those things in the 45 Book of Dio; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . They did sacrifice with certain processions on a particular day consecrated to him for his Victories: and that it was formerly decreed to have been so, Appian in 2 book of the civil wars, [ pag. 494.] and in lib. 43. Dion himself confirms; that those days should be celebrated with solemn sacrifices on which he obtained his Victories. It seems that the commemoration of all the Victories he had obtained were summed up on this one day consecrated for his victorial Sacrifices: for that of Lucan in the beginning of the seventh book shows, that the day of the Victory of Pharsalia, the most famous of all the rest, was not particularly reckoned among the Feast days.

M. B • utus and Gaius Cassius privately by letters advise Trebonins in Asia, and Tullius Cimber in Bythinia, that they should secratly gather up money, & consider of an army. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 529, 530.] which advice Cimber obeying provided also a navy. [ Cassius. ad Ciccron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 13.] It was that drunken Cimber, whom Seneca relates, in epist. 83. that he made this jest upon himself; Ego quemquam feram, qui vinum ferre non possum? Am I able to deal with any one, who cannot bear Wine.

Caesar Octavianus being nineteen years old, by his own advice, and at his own charge, gathered an army; as he himself shows in the Breviary of his Affairs, engraven in the Ancyran Marble, [ Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXX.) before the day of the XI. Kalends, to wit of October, in which he was entering into his twentieth year of his age; for before the departure of Antonius from the City, (which happened in the following October) he being commended to the Senate by the means of Cicero, and others that hated Antonius, he endeavored to get the favor of the people, and to gather an army, [ Plutarch in Antonio. ] and preparing forces against Antonius, both for his own safety, and the Common-wealths, he stirred up the old Soldiers that were sent into Colonies, [ Livy, lib. 117.] concerning which Florus speaks. Octavius Caesar pitied for his youth, and wrongs, and gracious for the majesty of that name, that he had assumed calling the old Soldiers to arms, he being a private person, then (who would believe it?) sets upon the Consul: thus he, [ lib. 4. cap. 4.] where yet he doth not right in making him but eighteen years old: as neither Dio which writes that he was 18. years old when he assumed the name, and took upon him as Caesar's heir. [ lib. 45. pag. 271.] Neither is it accurately enough said of Seneca, [ lib. 1. de clementia, cap. 9.] That he was newly out of his eighteenth year, or of Velleius Paterculus, That he was entered on his nineteenth year, for Paterculus saith, C. Caesar being e • tread on his nineteenth year; during wonderful things, and attaining the highest by his own advice, had a greater mind for the safety of the Commonwealth, than the Senate had. [lib. 2. cap. 61.] For when he began to provide an army, he was almost out of his nineteenth year of his age; and from that time, even to his death, there is reckoned 57 years, and so many also doth Maximus the Monk, in his computation assign to his government.

Here Antonius being afraid, hath a conference with him in the Capitol, and they are reconciled. The same night in his sleep, his right hand seemed to be struck with lightning: and a few days days after it was secretly whispered unto him, That Caesar sought to betray him; and when he would not belive Caesar that sought to clear himself, their old enmity brake out again. [ Plutarch in Antonio. ]

Antonius supposing that he had need of greater forces, and knowing that the Legions of Macedonia, were the best soldiers, and more in number, (for they were six Legions) and that with them there was a great band of archers, and light harnessed men, and horsemen also, and all in excellent equipage, which seemed to belong to Dolabella, because the Parthian▪ war was decreed to him, when Caesar made preparation against the Parthians. These he thought to draw to himself, because for the nearness they might presently be in Italy, by crossing the Adriatic sea: and when as there was a false rumour spread abroad, that the G • tae hearing of the death of Caesar, wasted Macedonia by their inroads. Antonius demanded an army of the Senate, that he might be revenged of the enemy, saying, That the Macedonian army was raised by Caesar against the Ge • ae, before he determined to set upon the Parthians, and that all things were now quiet towards the bounds of Parthia. At length having agreed to deliver one Legion over to Dolobella, he is chosen General of the Macedonian army. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 541, 542.] He obtained also by a law made by force the change of Provinces, that C. Antonius his brother should challenge Macedonia, which Province fell to Marcus Brutus lot, and the Consul Marcus Antonius should have Gaul Cisalpina, that was assigned to Decimus Brutus, together with the Macedonian army, which was sent before by Caesar to Apollonia. [ Dio. lib. 45. cum Livy, lib. 117. & Appian. lib. 3. pag. 543, 545, 546.]

It was reported that the Legions of Alexandria were in arms, that Bassus was sent for out of Syria, and Cassius was expected, [ Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 13.]

The time of the plays being come, which Critonius the Edile was to set forth; Caesar provided for his father a golden chair and a crown: which thing was ordered by the decree of the Senate to be done forever in all plays: and whereas Critonius • emed that ever he would suffer Caesar to be honored in those plays that he set forth at his own private charge: Caesar was brought before Antonius, as unto the Consul; the Consul told him that he would propose it to the Senate, propose it (quoth he) and in the mean time I will provide the chair: which Antonius being exasperated, forbad; neither content with this, but forbad it also, in the following plays, that Caesar solemnized, and were instituted in honor of their mother Venus, when a Temple in the market-place was dedicated to him, and also the market-place itself: which fact of Antonius was entertained with public hatred. [ Appian. ibid. pag. 543, 544.]

On the VI. Kalends of October, in the Marble piece of the old Kalendar, [ in Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXV. fin. conferred with another whole one. pag. CXXXIII.] it is there marked. VENERI. GENETRI. CIIN. FORO. CAESAR. On that day therefore Octavianus, to gain the people's favor, made those plays, that were instituted for the finishing of Venus Temple, at his own charges, as pertaining to him by reason he came from that stock, and which some, during Caesars life time, had undertook that they would solemnize, but yet neglected them. [ Dio. lib. 45.] which whilst he was setting fourth, Seneca teacheth that a Comet suddenly brake forth, [ in Natural. question. lib. 7. cap. 17. Suetonius. in Julio. cap. 88. & Pliny, lib. 2. cap. 25.] where he relates these words of Octavius himself. In the very days of my Plays there was a Comet seen seven days together, in the North part of the Heaven: it arose about the eleventh hour of the day; it was clear, and conspicious in all lands: the people generally thought that by this star was signified Caesar's soul to be received into the number of the gods: and under that notion was that mark added to the image of his head, that we newly consecrated in the market-place: which is also to be seen in some coins that were stamped after his death, with the inscription DIVI JULII. and signified in that of Virgil, Thy fathers star appeared in the North. [Aeneid. 8.]

The VII. Ides of October, [Year of the World 3961] Antonius came to Brudusium, going to meet four of the Macedonian Legions (of five) that he thought to get to himself by money. [ Cicero. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 23. with Appian. lib. 3. pag. 552. 554. & Dion. lib, 45. pag. 276. edit. Graecolatin. Hannoviensis. ] And which, being granted him by the Senate and people of Rome, against the Getae, he transported into Italy, [ Vellet. Patercul. lib, 2. cap. 61. with Appian. lib. 3. pag. 543, 546. & 556. fin. ]

Thither also Octavianus sent his friends with money, to hire those soldiers for himself. [ Dio. ut supra. ] But he himself posted into Campania, to engage those soldiers that his father had sent into Colonies, to war on his side; and first he drew to his party the old Soldiers of Galatia: then those of Casilinum, which lay on both sides of Capua, and, bestowing upon each of them five hundred pence, (which Appian and Dio, after the custom of the Greeks, render drachmes) he gathered together about 10000 men, but neither well armed, nor marshalled into companies, and marched with them under one Ensign as a guard. [ Cicero, lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8. & Philippick. 3. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 61. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 552, 553.] And upon these was the name of the Evocati first put; because that when they had had leave to serve no more in the wars, they were again called to it. [ Servius Galba ad Ciceron. in lib. 10. ad familar. epist. 30. Dio. lib. 45. pag. 276. & lib. 55. pag. 565.]

In the mean while the four Legions of Macedonia, accusing Antonius for his delay in revenging Caesar's death upon the murderers, without any acclamations conducted him to the Tribunal, as if they would hear an account of this business, before any thing. This silence of theirs he took ill, neither could he contain himself, but upbraided them with their ingratitude, because they did not acknowledge how much better it was to go into Italy, than into Parthia, neither shown any token of thankfulness. He complained moreover, That they had not brought to him some disturbers of the peace, that were sent from that malapert young man (for so he called Caesar) but that he shall find them out; and that he would march with the army to the Province that was decreed him by the Senate, even that fortunate Gaul, and that he would give to everyone, then present, 100 drachmes, or pence. This niggardliness of his in promising, was entertained with laughter; which when he took ill, he was deserted, and the tumult increased. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 554. with Dion. lib. 45. pag. 276. & Cicero. lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8.]

When Antonius had demanded the seditious of the Tribunes, according to the discipline of war, he drew out the tenth man by lot, but neither did he punish them all, but only part of them, thinking to terrify them by little and little. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 554, 555.] Also in the house of his host, in the day of Brindisi, in the presence of his not only most covetous, but most cruel wife Fulvia, he put to death some Centurions, called out of the Martian Legion. [ Cicero. Philippic. 3, 5, 13. Di • lib. 45. pag. 276.]

When those of Caesar's party that were sent to corrupt them, saw that they were more provoked by this deed, they scattered libels about the army, calling 〈◊〉 mind the memory of Caesar, in respect of the Business and cruelty of Antonius, and inviting them to the liberality of the young man: and whenas the Consul had propounded rewards to them that would tell him of them, and punishments to the concealers; he took it ill that none were discovered, as if the army did defend them, [ Appian. pag. 555.]

When Caesar Octavianus came to have office, and had endeavored to assure the people to himself, M, Brutus and Gaius Cassius, both casting off all hope of holding the state of a popular commonwealth, and also being afraid of Caesar, set sails out of Italy, and landed at Athens, when they were magnificently entertained, [thus Dio. lib. 47. pag. 238. 239.] Cornelius Nepos in the life of Atticus writes that they, when Antonsus began to have the upper hand, casting of all care of those provinces that were given them by the Consuls, went into exile: and now both fearing the arms of Antonius, and now again to increase the envy they had against Antonius, they feigned as though they feared, and protested by their edicts, that they would willingly live in perpetual exile, as long as the commonwealth was in peace, neither would they give any occasion of civil war; Velleius Patercu • s tells that they went out of Italy. [ lib. 2. cap. 62.]

When some went to Octavianus his side, and some to Antonius his party, the armies as if they had been set to sale at an outcry addicted themselves to him that would give most. Brutus intended to leave Italy, and through Lucania came by land to the sea at Elea, from whence setting sails he came to Athens, where being scholar to Theomnestas the Academic, and to Cratippus the Peripatetic (the Mitylenian) and together with them following his study, he seemed to give over all business and to live in idleness, whenas notwithstanding he prepared for the war; [ Plutarch. in Bruto. Cicero in Philippic. 10.] declares that the navy of Cassius within few days overtook Brutus.

Brutus Cassius determined by force to invade Macedonia, and Syria as assigned before to them, to Dolabella and Antonius, which consultation as soon as it was detected; Dolabella hasted into Syria, visiting Asia by the way, to gather money from thence. So Appianus [ de bellis civilibus lib. 3. pag. 541,] for he thought (as also before him Florus lib, 4, cap. 7.) that Macedonia was decreed by Julius Caesar (before he was killed by them) to Brutus, and Syria to Cassius, and that there were other lesser granted to them, in the place of those that were afterwards taken from them by the Consuls, to wit Cyrene and the Isle of Cre • e, or as some write both these to Cassius, and Bithinia to Brutus, but that they contemned these and gathered an army and money with an intent to invade Syria and Macedonia. [ Appian. lib. pag. 527. 530, 531. 533. 536. 550, & lib. 4. pag. 622.]

But that Syria was appointed by Julius Caesar to Cornificius, we learn from Cicero and the fourth day after his murder that Crete was decreed by the Senate to Brutus, and Africa to Cassius, we have heard formerly out of Plutarch, whereupon in Philippic. XI. Cicero saith of Brutus. Neither went he into his own province of Crete, but hasted into Macedonia which was another's; and of Cassius he obeyed the law of nature, when he went into Syria, another's province indeed of men would use written laws, but these being violated, his own by the law of nature. Velleius Paterculus confirmeth' that they, both of them, seized upon provinces without any decree of the Senate, or public authority. [ lib. 2, cap. 62.] and of both of them living at Athen, Dio thus writes, [ lib, 47. pag, 339.] when they heard that Caesar increased in strength, Crete and Bithynia (for thither were they sent) being neglected, because they thought that these provinces would stand them in small stead, they set their mind upon Syria and Macedonia, indeed nothing belonging to them, but that at that time they flourished both in men and money.

Dolabella making his journey through Achaia, Macedonia, and Thrace, came too late into Asia, but in Achaia having both foot and horse, he met Vetus Antestius, who having returned from Syria, had dismissed his army, (which he had lately used against Caecilius Bassus) when he had rather undergo any danger than to seem to give either upon compulsion, or willingly any money to Dolabella. [ Dio, lib. 47, pag, 344. & Brutus in lib. Ciceronis ad Brutum epist, 1.]

On the Kalends of November, letters were brought to Cicero from Octavian, wherein he asketh his advice, whether he had best come to Rome, with those 4000 old soldiers, or should keep Capax, and shut out Anthonius from thence, or should go to the three Legions of Macedonia, which came by the way of the Adriatic sea, which because they would not receive the largesse that Antonius offered them, he thought he might get them to himself, [ Cicero. lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8,] Octavius numbered the centuries of Capua, [ epist. 9.] taking his journey into Samnium he came to Cales, and tarried at Theanum, There was a wonderful 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and confluence of the free cities and corporations which came to Rome, with a great band. [ epist, 1.]

Then going forth to the common people, already prepared for this purpose by Canutius the Tribune of the people) he renewed the memory of his father in a long oration to them, and the brave acts that he had done, he spake also many things modestly of himself, accused Antonius, and commended the soldiers that followed him; because they were ready to aid the city, and that they had chosen him for that purpose, and that they should by themselves signify so much to multitudes, and being commended, partly for the goodly equipage he had, and partly for the multitude of soldiers he had with him; he went into Hetrucia for to raise more soldiers there, [ Dio. lib. 45. pag. 276.]

At this time Marcus Cicero dedicates his three famous books of Offices to his son Marcus, having now been a Scholar an whole year to Cratippus, (not now at the first time sent thither, as Dio signifies in lib. 45 pag. 277.) [lib. 16. ad familiares, epist. 11.] and there are yet extant the sons letters to Tiro, [lib. 16. ad familiares, epist. 21.] in which speaking of them that boarded together with him, he saith, I have hired a place for Brutus hard by me, and as much as I can out of my poverty, I sustain his want: Moreover I intended to declaim in Greek before Cassius, but before Brutus, I will do my exercise in Latin. I use for my familiar friends and boarders, those that Cratippus brought with him from Mitylenae, learned men and well approved by him.

Brutus being brought to this want, associated himself (besides Clcero) with other young men that studied at Athens: he sent Herostratus into Macedonia, to get the favor of them that were Captains of the armies; and when he had received news that some Roman ships laded with money directed their course from Asia towards Athens, and that the Admiral was an honest man, and his familiar friend, he went to meet him about the Carystos, he persuaded him to deliver the ships over to him, [ Plutarch, in Bruto. ]

Brutus upon his Birth-day made a great Feast for the Admiral, in which when they came to tippling, they began a health to Brutus's victory, and the liberty of the people of Rome: then Brutus taking a large cup, spake aloud this Verse without any evident cause;

Which exclamation was accounted for an ill omen of his overthrow, when going to fight his last battle at Philippi, he gave his soldiers the word Apollo, [ Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.]

After this Anistius bestowed on Brutus of that money he carried into Italy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 500 Myriads: as Plutarch writes in that place. The Latin Interpreter rendered it 20000 Sestertium's, which sum Brutus himself acknowledges (that Vetus Antistius both promised of his own accord, and gave him of his money,) in an Epistle in which he commends him to Cicero, as Antistius was going to Rome to demand the Praetorship, [ lib. ad Brutum, epist. 11.] We read in Cornelius Nepos in the life of Atticus, that Pompeius Atticus also sent a present of an C. M. Sestert. when Brutus was cast out and left Italy, and in his absence, commanded that 300 should be given him in Epirus.

Cassius and Brutus, parting the one from the other in Piraeera, the one went into Syria, the other into Macedonia, [ Plutarch. ] Cassius that he might keep Dolabella out of Syria, [ Cicero, Philippic. 11.] Brutus that he might get Macedonia and Greece to join with him, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 339.] and without any public authority seizing upon Provinces and armies, pretending that where they were, there was the commonwealth, they received money of those that would deliver it them, that was sent by the Treasurers to Rome from the parts beyond Seas, [ Velle • . Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 62.]

Cassius, having prevented Dolabella, sailed into Asia to Trebonius the Proconsul: and having received money from him, he joined to his party many of those horsemen that were sent before by Dolabella into Syria, (which P. Lentulus brags in his letters to Cicero that he first delivered over to Cassius, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14.] and also many of Asia and Silicia. He compelled also Tarcondimotus and the Tarsenses to join in alliance with him, but the Tarsenses did it against their wills; for they so favored the first Caesar, and for his sake the later, that instead of Tarsus, they called their City Juliopolus, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 342.]

Brutus also after he had received from Apuleius what forces he then had, and in ready money sixteen thousand talents, which being collected out of the payments and tributes of Asia he had received of Trebonius, he came into Boeotia, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632. with Dion. pag. 339.] There he gathered up soldiers, partly of those of the battle of Pharsalia, he found wandering about Thessalia; partly of those that came with Dolabella from Italy, who either were left there by reason of sickness, or that had run away from their Regiments. Moreover, he took from Cinna 500 Horse, which he conducted to Dolabella into Asia, [ Plutarch, & Dio, ut supra. ] Whither also belongs that of Cicero concerning Brutus, Philippick XI. He raised new Legions, and entertained the old: he took to himself Dolabella 's Horse, and that before he was defiled with the murder (of Trebonius) but judged him an enemy by his own sentence only; for if it were not so, how could he take away the Horse from the Consul?

Brutus being thus appointed, under color of service to the Common-wealth, and of undertaking a war against Antonius, without any ado he seized upon Greece, where there were no soldiers at all. [ Dio. ut supra, with Livy, lib. 118.]

From hence he goeth to Demetrius, where he got into his power great store of arms that were provided by the command of Caesar the Dictator, against the Parthian war, which were to be carried to Antonius. [ Plutarch & Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567.]

He came also into Macedonia at the same time, that Gaius Antonins, the Consuls brother was newly come thither, and Q. Hortensius, the Proconsul of Macedonia, was preparing for his departure; but he stood nor much upon this, seeing that Hortensius would presently join with him: and Antonius being forbidden (Caesar now commanding all at Rome) to meddle with anything that belonged to the chief Magistrate, had no forces. [ Dio. ut supra. with Cicero. Philippic. 10.]

There was a muster made in Macedonia, by the great care and industery of Q. Hortensius; the Legion that L. Piso the Lieutenant of Antonius conducted, delivered itself over to Cicero's son, whom Brutus brought with him from Athens, the Horse which was conducted in two bridades into Syria, one whereof left him that conducted them in Thessalia, as it is said, and went to Brutus: the other Cn. Domitius in Macedonia withdrew from the Lieutenant of Syria. [ Cicero. Philippic. 10.]

Brutus hearing that Antonius would immediately march to the forces which Gabinius had at Dyrrachium and Apollonia, and desiring to prevent him, suddenly took his journey through rough ways, and much snow, and far out-went them that carried his dinner: as he came near to Dyrrachium, through the labor and cold, he was taken with a Bulimia, which disease takes them that are wearied with going in the snow; whose necessity being understood, the Soldiers left the guard, and came running with meat and drink to him: for which courtesy Brutus, when the Town was delivered, shown himself kind, not only to them, but for their sakes, to all. [ Plutarch. ] But Q. Vatinius, who commanded in Illyrium that lay near, came from thence, and had seized upon Dyrrachium before, having been an adversary to Brutus, throughout all the civil war. But being contemned of his Soldiers, by reason of his sickness, and they going to Brutus, he opened the gates to him, and delivers up the army to him. [ Dio. ut supra. cum Ciceron. Philippick. 10. Livy, lib. 118.]

When a way lay both open, and not long, for Dolabella into Syria, he brake into Asia, another man's Province, in which there was no suspicion of war, he sending M. Octavius a Senator, but poor, with a Legion, wasted the Countries, and vexed their Cities. [ Cicero. Philippick. 11.]

But neither Pergamos nor Smyrna would receive him, but they afforded him a market-place without the City, as to one that was Consul: and when he in a passion had in vain assaulted Smyrna, Trebonius the Proconsul of Asia, who fortified Cities, for the retreat of Brutus and Cassius, promised that he would let him into Ephesus, and commanded his soldiers that they should immediately follow the Consul thither. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 542.]

After this there were familiar conferences with Trebonius, and embracings also, but false tokens of great kindness in feigned love. [ Cicero, Philippick. 11.] But yet by which Trebonius was deceived, so that he promised Dolabella all courtesies, as affording provision for his soldiers, and lived together without any fear. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

In Egypt, young Ptolemy being 15. years of age, is poisoned by his wife and sister Cleopatra, in the fourth year of his reign, and the eighth of his sister, (from the death of their father Auletes.) [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4. Porphyr. in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 226.]

Marcus Antonius the Consul, being returned from Brindisi to Rome, when he had commanded the Senate to meet the day before the VIII. Kalends of December; and when they neglected to meet on that day, he deferred it till the IIII. Kalends, and then commanded them to meet in the Capitol. [ Cicero, Philippic. 3.]

In the mean time Antonius his Macedonian Legions, mutined as they were going into Gaul Cisalpina; and contemning the Lieutenant that commanded them, many of them revolted to Caesar, [ Dio, lib. 45. pag. 276.] all the Martian Legion, took away their colors, and coming to him, tarried at Asia. The fourth Legion also in imitation of that, L. Egnatuleius the Questor being their Commander, revolted unto Caesar also. [ Id. ibid. Cicero, Philippic. 3, 4, 5, 11, 13. with lib. 11. ad familiar. ep. 7. Livy, 117. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 6. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 556.] Caesar having entertained them, gave them money, as to the former, and so drew many to his party: he got also all Antonius his Elephants, falling upon them by chance as they were driving along, [ Dio. ut supra. ]

Antonius as he was going into the Senate in the Capitol on the appointed day, to complain of Caesar's attempts, in the very entrance of the Court he received news of the revolt of the Legions; by which being terrified, he durst not speak a word in the Senate concerning Caesar, whenas he had intended to propound it to the Senate, and one that had been Consul brought a sentence written, by which he would judge Caesar an enemy, [ Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5. & 13. & Appian. lib. 3. pag. 556.] And on the very same day at evening, there was casting of lots for the Provinces against the next year, among the friends of Antonius, so that everyone might have that Province which was most convenient for him, [ Cicero, Philippic. 3.]

He posted out of the City to Alba, to see if he could bring the soldiers of the Martian Legion who were quartered there, to obedience by words as he thought he might: but when they shot at him from the walls, to the rest of the Legions he sent 500 pence a man, and with what forces he had about him in warlike array, he marched with them to Tibur, and then to Ariminum, in the very entrance of Gaul Cisalpina, having with him three Macedonian Legions, (for the rest were now come) and one of old soldiers, with the auxiliaries that were wont to follow them, besides the Praetorians and young soldiers, [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 556.]

Antonius besiged Decimus Brutus, having shut him up in Mutina, because he would not leave Gaul Cisalpina as being his own Province, [ Id. ibid. pag. 556, 558.] Caesar Octavius sent aid to him, although he was one of Caesar's murderers, yet now doing as the time required, [ Dio. lib. 45. pag. 277.] Octavius had besides those two valiant Legions of Macedonia that came to him, and one of raw soldiers, two other Legions of old soldiers, who though they were not complete, yet were filled up with young soldiers; and when the army would have created him Propraetour, he refused the honor they offered him; yet he engaged the mercenaries to him by a donative, giving to every man of the two Macedonian Legions (that skirmished before him) 500 pence a piece more, and promised 500000 to the conquerors, if there should be any need of an engagement indeed, [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 557, 558.] Cicero speaks of them in his X Philippic. The old soldiers that followed the authority of Caesar first repressed the attempts of Antonius, afterwards the Martian Legion abated his fury, and the fourth routed him.

They at Rome called a Senate on the XIII Kalends of January, when neither of the Consuls were there, (for Antonius had sent Dolabella before into Macedonia, and he himself then sat down before Mutina,) on which day Cicero by his third Philippick Oration persuaded, that those things that Octavianus had done against Antonius might be confirmed, and praises and rewards might be decreed to the Mutinenses, the Martian Legion, the fourth, and to the old soldiers that had revolted unto him; and that not only Decimus Brutus, but all the rest (without taking any notice of that appointing of Provinces that Antonius made by lots) should keep their Provinces, and deliver them over unto none, without a decree of the Senate: and there being a decree made accordingly, he called the people together and declared unto them what was done in the Senate, [ Cicero, ibid. & Phipp. 5, 6. init. cum lib. 11. ad familiar. epist. 6. & lib. 12. epist. 22. Dio. lib. 45. pag. 277.]

On the Kalends of January, [The Julian Period. 4671] on which Hirtius and Pansa began their Consulship, [Year before Christ 43] Cicero in his fifth Philippick Oration, spoken in the Senate, persuaded to make war upon Antonius, and that honors should be decreed to them that defended the Common-wealth against him. The next day there is given to Caesar Octavianus by the Senate, an extraordinary command (as Cicero calls it in the XI Philippick) with Consular ornaments and lictours, and the ensigns of a P • aetour, and that he should together with the Consuls aide Decimus Brutus against Antonius: and it was added, that he should deliver his opinion amongst the Questours and those that had been Consuls, and that he should have authority to demand the Consulship ten years before it was by the law allowed. The Senate also honored him with his Statue all guilt on horseback; which being set in the Rostra, declared his age by an inscription: and by the same decree it was enacted that the money that he had given to the soldiers, he should again receive out of the public Treasury, (because that although he did it as a private person, yet it was for the service of the common-wealth) and that the donative that he had promised to give to the two Macedonian Legions after the victory, should be given them in the name of the common-wealth: and that to those Legions, and to other soldiers that were bired by Caesar, as soon as the war was endeed they should be exempted from going to wars anymore; and should have lands presently divided unto them, [ Cicero, Philippic. 5. & lib. ad Brut. epist. 15. Livy, lib. 118. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 81. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 10. Plutarch. in Antonio. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 359. 360. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 310.]

Although the dignity of Propraetour was granted by the Senate to Caesar Octavianus, which he would not accept of, being formerly offered him by the army, and that he should have the same power in managing the war as the Consuls had, yet there was private command given to the Consuls, that they should withdraw from him the two Macedonian legions, which were most fit to do service, for this was the sum of all their councils, that Antonius being overcome, and Caesar weakened, and all the Caesarians being taken away, the Pompeians should be again restored to the Government of the commonwealth, which thing Pansa the Consul, as he was upon his death bed discovered to Octavian. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 574. 575.]

But when Octavianus found what things had been decreed, he accepted the honors with great joy: and so much the more, because when he had taken upon him the habit and authority of Praetour, as he was sacrificing the first day of his office, the livers of twelve of the sacrifices appeared double, or foulded inwards from the lowest fillets, and it was answered that within the year his command should be doubled, but he took this ill, that Ambassadors were sent to Antonius, and that the Consuls did not go on with the war neither seriously, nor presently under pretext of the winter season, whereupon he was compelled to lie idle all the winter at Forum Cornclis. [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 314. with Julius Obsequens. de prodigiis & Pliny lib. 11. cap. 37.]

The first of all Caesar's murderers that suffered punishment, was Gaius Trebonius who governed Asia by a consular power, being slain at Smyrna, by the treachery of Dolabella, a man most ungrateful towards the merits of Caesar, and partner in the murder of him, by whom he was advanced to the height of the co • sular dignity. [ Cic. Philippic. 11. 12. Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 646. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 542. 543. & lib. 4. pag. 624. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344. Orosi. lib. 6. cap. 8.] • or Dolabela entering Smyrna by night, took the Proconsul, who after he had upbraided him in words, delivered him to the banished man Samiarius, who after he had questioned with him about the public money tortured him by imprisonings, and scourgings, and by the strappado, and that for two days together, afterward▪ he commanded him to be beheaded, and his head to be carried on a spear, and the rest of his body to be dragged, and torn, and cast into the sea, this is the relation of Cicero in Philippic. XI. much to be preferred before that of Appianus who delivers that this murder was committed by the command of Dolabella, when he passed first into Asia, and was now Consul.

Dio writes that he cast the head of him that he had killed before the statue of Caesar Appian relates that it was commanded to be laid in the Praetorian chair, in which he was wont to minister justice, but the soldiers (saith he) and the drudges being angry with him as a partner of the conspiracy, and because he detained Antonius in talk before the doors of the court whilst Caesar was killed, they in divers manners abused the other part of his body, as also making a football of his head in a place that was paved with stones, they so tore it that no sign of face appeared. Strabo affirms, that there were many parts of the city of Smyrna that were overthrown by Dolobella.

Asia being seized upon by Dolabella, P. Lentulus the extraordinary Quaestour, sent with all speed great store of money and great aides to Cassius, that he might seize upon Syria, he himself went into the next province of Macedonia to Brutus, doing his endeavor, that by whom he could soonest, the province of Asia and the tributes might be recovered, which he signifies in two espistles, one publicly to the Senate, and another privately to Cicero himself. [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14. & 15.] when he tells him he could not see his son, because he was gone into the winter quarter, with the horse.

Dolabella carried himself most cruelly in the province of Asia. [ Cicero. lib. ad Brutum epist. 3. 4.] of them that were set forth by the Germans, taking away the Roman tributes, and polling and vexing the Roman citizens. [ P. Lentulus in Cicero lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 15.] he burdened the cities with new exactions of tributes, and hired 〈…〉 L • cians, Pamphilians, Cilicians, by the means of L. Figulus. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

The Rhodians, being afraid concerning the lands that they had in the continent, • a they said themselves] sent two Embassies to Dolabella, and truly after a new example, and against their laws, because the Magistrates forbad it, [ Lentulus ut supra. ] whom notwithwanding Brutus writes was excluded by the Rhodians. [ lib. ad Brutum ut supra epist. 4.]

Aulus Allienus the Lieutenant of Dolabella, went to him after the death of Trebonius [ Cicero. Philippic, 11.] whom he sent into Egypt unto the Queen Cleopatra, who favoring him for the acquaintance he had with the former Caesar, sent four Legions to him by Allienus the remainder of the overthrows of Pompey and Crassus, (or of the number of those that remained with Cleopatra, upon the departure of Caesar) she had a Navy also ready to aide him, which yet could not sails, by reason of contrary winds. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 576. lib. 4. pag. 623. & 626. & lib. 6. pag. 685.]

When as the valiant and victorious army (as Cicero calls it, in Philippick 11. in an Oratian spoken that year) of Q. Caecilius Bassus, a private, but valiant and famous, man, had prevailed sometime in Syria. Q. Marcius (not, as in Appian, Minutius) Crispus the Proconsul, (as Cicero calls him in Philippick XI.) being called by Statius Murcus to his aide, out of Bythinia (which he commanded by the decree of Julius Caesar, and approved by the Senate, although Cimber (as it seemeth, endeavored to hold this Province this year also, by Antonius his lottery) with three Troups of his own, and three of Murcus his Troups, besieged the two Troups of Bassus (called by Strabo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by Appian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for it is manifest out of Cassius his letters to Cicero, that they made but one Legion. [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. & 12.] But Bassus so stoutly sustained the siege of two Roman armies, that he was not subdued, until having obtained what conditions he pleased, he yielded himself. [ Strabo. l • b. 16. pag. 752. fin. ] For when C. Cassius had come with his forces, being called thither by the consent of Murcus Marcius and the army, as Brutus relates in his letters to Cicero. [ lib. ad Brut. epist. 5.] He would not deliver the army over to him: and unless the Soldiers had sent messengers to Cassius, without his consent, he had held Apamea ou • , till it had been taken by assault; as Cassius himself writes to Cicero. [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.]

Cassius raised the siege before Apamea, Bassus and Murcus being reconciled: and having drawn to his party those two Troups that were besieged, and six others that did besiege them, he takes upon himself the Ensigns of a General, and commands them by a proconsular power. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99. Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 9. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 18. Appian. & Dion, ut supra. ]

From this time he took upon himself the title of Proconsul, as appears by the inscriptions of his letters to Cicero, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist, 11, 12.] although Cicero in his letters to him gives him not that title, [ ibid. epist. 7, 8, 9, 10.] as not yet given him by the Senate; however Appian thinks otherwise. [ lib. 3. pag, 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623.]

When Cassius with all these forces had placed his Camp in one place, there fell suddenly a mighty rain, and forces also rushing into the Camp through every Port, confounded and disturbed all things, so that some did presage from these things, his sudden power, and a little after his sudden overthrow should happen. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.]

Cassius being strengthened with these forces, immediately reduced to his obedience all the Cities of Syria, by the fame of those things he did, being Questor, and by the glory of his name, without anymore pains. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag, 339. 343.] And going to the Cities, there he got both arms and soldiers, and exacted very grievous taxes. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 18.] Livy writes that he invaded Syria with three armies, which were in that Province. [ lib. 121.] and Velleius Paterculus, that he brought under his power • en Legions in that Country. [ lib. 2. cap. 69.]

Marcus Brutus having undertaken an expedition against C. Antonius, who kept Apollonia with seven Cohorts, sent public letters to Rome, concerning the things that he had done in Greece and Macedonia, which being rehearsed in the Senate, by the Consul Pansa, and by the X Philippick oration of Cicero there spoken, there was a Decree of the Senate made, that Brutus should hold Macedonia, Illyricum, and all Greece, as Proconsul. [ Cicero. ibid. cum Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567. & lib. 4. pag. 622. & 632.]

The relics of Trebonius being brought to Rome, and the scorns likewise with which they used him being known, the Senate declared Dolabella an enemy to the state, ( Cicero. Philippic. 11. Livy lib. 119. Appian. lib. 2. pag. 566. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 8.] a day also he set for them who were with them, before which if they departed not from his party, that they also should be esteemed enemies. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

The next day when it was disputed in the Senate, concerning the choice of a General, to follow the war against Dolabella, L. Caesar's opinion was, that this war should be committed to P. Servilius contrary to the ordinary course, others thought that the Consuls cast lots for Asia, and Syria, in respect of prosecuting the war against Dolabella: Cicero in his XI Philippick oration, having first fiercely inveighed against Dolabella (in times past his son in law, but with whom a little after his departure out of Italy, there was great heart-burnings) persuaded that this war should be committed to C. Cassius, whose opinion Scaliger doth not rightly propound, in his animadversions upon Eusebius • (at the number MDCCCCLXXIII) as an example of the decree of the Senate concerning the command of Cassius, for that this opinion did not prevail in the Senate, Pansa the Consul eagerly withstanding it, Cicero himself is witness in his letters to Cassius, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 7.] adding also these things in them concerning himself. I promised and also performed it, that you had not expected, nor should not expect our decrees, but that you yourself should defend the commonwealth, and although as yet we heard nothing, either where you were, or what forces you had: yet my opinion was, that all, both of aides and forces which were in those parts were at your command, and I was confident that the province of Asia should by you be recovered to the Commonwealth.

Whenas now it was not known at Rome, that Cassius had possessed himself of Syria, the war against Dolabella was altogether committed to the Consuls, if the present business against Antonins should come to an end, and a charge is also given to the governors of the neighbor nations, that they should take heed that the forces of Dolabella were not increased, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.] and by the Consuls consent the government of Asia is continued to P. Lentulus Spinther, who now commanded them under the title of Proquaestor and Propraetor, as may be seen in his letters to Cicero written after the death of Pansa and Hirtius (which yet he was ignorant of at that time.)

This decree against Dolabella being enacted, there were letters brought from Antonius to Hirtius the Consul, and Caesar the Propraetour, which are related and re • uted by Cicero in his XIII Philippick.

When as the Ambassadors that were sent from the Senate to Antonius for the settling of a peace, could do no great good in it, the whole people of Rome (even those that did not go to the war) put on their soldiers cassockes: and making a general muster thorough all Italy, the armies of A. Hirtius and Gaius Caesar the Proptaetour, were sent against him, [ Cicero, Philip. 6, 10, 13. Livy, lib. 118. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 311, 312.] from the undertaking of which Expedition against M. Antonius, Eusebius and Cassiodorus seem to derive the Principality of Caesar Octavianus, assigning unto it, 56 years and 6 months.

Gaius Antonius was overcome in a battle that was fought by the River Byllis with Cicero's son a Captain of Brutus; and a little after, his soldiers yielded up both him, and themselves to Brutus, and Brutus a long time very honourably entertained Antonius, even so far, that he did not take from him the ensigns of his Magistracy, [ Plutarch in M. Bruto. ]

M. Brutus received three Legions of Illyricum, from Vatinius, whom by a decree of the Senate he succeeded in the Province of Illyricum; besides one that he took from Antonius in Macedonia, and four other, which he himself had gathered up; so that in all, he had eight Legions, and in them many of C. Caesar's old soldiers. Moreover, he had store of horsemen, and light-harnessed men, and archers, and, praising the Macedonians, he exercised them after the Italian manner, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632. 633.]

As Brutus was thus gathering soldiers and money, a certain chance out of Thracia offered itself unto him; Polemocratia the wife of a certain King, her husband being slain by his enemies, she being afraid lest some hurt should come to her son, came to Brutus, and commended her son to him, and delivered her husbands treasure to him: he committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be brought up, until he had leisure to restore him to his fathers kingdom; in these treasures he found great store of gold and silver, which he coined, [ ibid. pag. 633.]

C. Cassius, having seized upon Syria, goeth towards Judea, because he heard that the soldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar, came thither: both those and the Jews also without any great trouble he made of his party, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.] for he circumvented in Palestine Allienus the Lieutenant of Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions, before he was aware of him, and forced him to take his side, Allienus not daring to oppose his four Legions against the others eight: and so he was possessed of 12 Legions in all, more than he looked for, besides some Parthian horsemen, that were archers; for he was in great account with that Nation, ever since the time that he was Quaestor to Crassus, and esteemed by them to be wiser than the General himself, [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623, 624.]

As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought out of Egypt, he wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. 12.] dated on the Nones of March, from the Camp at Tarichaea in Galilee.

After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassa, and Crispus, and the rest that would not serve under him, doing them no injury at all: but to Statius Murcus, he left that dignity entire, that he came to him with, and also committed the charge of his Navy to him. Thus Dio, [ lib. 47. pag. 343.] although it appeareth out of Cassius his own letters to Cicero, that Crispus firmly adhered to him, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. & 12.]

Cassius exacted from Judea 700 talents of silver, (not of gold, as it is read in the 45 Chapter of the Jewish Histories, set forth in Arabic, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many languages.) But Antipater seeing the Common-wealth in trouble, and fearing Cassius his threats, appointed two of his sons to gather part of the money, and Malichus a Jew, that was an enemy of his, to gather another part, and some others another part. But Herod bringing first of all an 100 talents from Galilee, which belonged to his government, was much in Cassius his favor; for it was accounted wise council, to seek to get, even then, the favor of the Romens, at the charge of other men: but under the other Governors, the Cities were set to sale, with the inhabitants; of which, four of the chief were, Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma, for the common people of these Cities he put to port sale: he was also so much enraged, that he was about to put Malichus to death, but that Hyrcanus, sending an 100. talents by Antipater, appeased his fury. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 9. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 18.]

Caesar Octavianus finished the war against Antonius, that was committed unto him, in three months. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 10.] Which war was so well managed by him about Mutina, when as he was but twenty years old; that Decimus Brutus was freed from besieging, and Antonius was forced to forsake Italy by a dishonorable flight, and without his baggage. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 61.] concerning which battle Cecero is to be consulted in his XIV. Philippicks, and Ser. Galba, who was in the battle, in his letters to him. [ lib. 10. ad familiar. epist. 30.] in the beginning of which, he shows that it was fought on the XVII. Kalends of May, so that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to begin the principality of Caesar Octavianus, who have attributed to it 56 years, four months, and one day, as may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus, and Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 10. Stromatum, if the errors of the Printer of him be corrected, which there puts the number of the years, 46 for 55.

A. Hirtius the Consul (the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was managed by Julius Caesar) died in the battle: the other Consul Pansa also, a little after, died of his wounds. [ Cicero. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 25. Dio. Brutus, ibid. lib. 11, epist. 9. Liv. lib. 119. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2, cap. 61, &c.] From whence in this verse, both T • bullus assigns the birth-day. [ lib. 3. Elegye. 5.] and Ovid. [ Tristium. lib. 4. Elegic, 10.]

Both the armies of the slain Consuls obeyed Caesar. [ Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

The Senate shown itself little grateful to Caesar, who alone survived of the three Generals: who in a Tryumph that was decreed to Decimus brutus, being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar, made no very honorable mention of Caesar and his army. [ Livy, l • b. 119. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 62.] Ambassadors also being sent to the army, were commanded to speak to the soldiers, when he was out of the way; but the army was not so ungrateful as the Senate was: for when as Caesar dissembling, bare this injury, the soldiers professed they would not hear any commands, except their General were present, yea, without doubt they had taken the Legions from him, which he had, but that they were afraid openly to decree this, because they were not ignorant of the love of the Soldiers towards Caesar. [ Patercul. ibid. Dion. lib. 46. pag. 317, 318.]

The Tarsenses of their own accord called Dolabella into Silicia, as also them of Laodicea did into Syria. [ Cassius Parmensis. ad Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 13.]

Dolabella being about to leave Asia, sent five Cohorts into Chersonesus, to be seized upon by Brutus, without any great hazard (who had five Legions, very good Horse, and great Auxiliaries) [ Cicero. lib. ad Brutum, epist. 2. dat. 12. or 14. Kalends of May. ] And he himself went out of Asia by land with two Legions; and Lucus Figulus followed him with the navy. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

On the V. Kalends of May, when as there were divers opinions in the Senate, concerning making war upon them, that were adjudged enemies of the State. Servilius, a Tribune of the people, was of opinion that Cassius should make war upon Dolabella, to which Caesar assented; and decreed moreover that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella, if he thought it profitable, and for the good of the Common-wealth; and that he should do what he thought was best for the Common-wealth. But concerning Cassius there was nothing decreed, neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him. [ Cicero, lib. ad Brutum, epist. 5.] The reasons of the delay, of which Cassius himself shows in his letters to Cicero. [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.]

Dolabella coming into Silicia, had Tarsus freely yielded unto him, and overcame also some forces of Cassius his, that were in Egae. [ Dion. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

Cassius was then in Palestine, [Id. ibid.] from whence he wrote his second letter to Cicero, dated the Nones of May from the Camp. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.] In which writing concerning the state of his own affairs, he saith. All the armies that were in Syria I now possess. I made some stop, whilst I paid the Soldiers those things I promised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me. And then exhorting Cicero that he would defend the dignity, both of his Soldiers, and also of the Generals, Murcus and Crispus, he adds. I have heard by letters that were written, that Dolabella was come into Silicia with all his forces; I will go into Silicia, whatsoever I shall do, I will do my endeavor to give you speedy notice of it; I willingly wish, that we may deserve well of the Common-wealth, and so we shall be happy.

As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus practiced Antipaters death, supposing by his death, they should more firmly provide for the security of Hyrcanus his government: whose counsels Antipater having an inkling of, went beyond Jordan and gathered an army, both of the inhabitants there, and of the Arabians: but Malichus being a politick man, denied that he intended any treason, swearing before Antipater and his sons, that never any such thing came into his mind, especially seeing that Phasaclus had a Garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the army at his command: and so was reconciled to Antipater, Murcus being President of Syria, who afterward understanding that Malichus went about to make some innovations in Italy, there wanted but little, that he had put him to death, but spared him at the entreaty of Antipater, [ Josoph. lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 18.]

Cassius and Murcus, having gathered an army, made Herod Governor of all Coelosyria; and delived to him great forces both of Foot and Horse and Ships at sea: and promised him also the kingdom of Judea, after the war was ended that they had had against Antonius and young Caesar, [ Id. ibid. cap. 19.]

Cassius made many Tyrants in Syria. Marion also the Tyrant of the Tyrians being left by Cassius, exercised tyranny in Syria; and disposing Garrisons there, seized upon three Castles in Galilee that confined upon it, [ Joseph. lib. belli. 1. cap. 10. & lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 21.]

A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius the Lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dolabella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus, and that his army was routed: whose Greek Epistle concerning which business, Brutus sent to Cicero, the XVII Kalends of June, [ lib. ad Brutum, epist. 6.] but it was a false report.

For Dolabell • passing out of Asia into Silicia, from thence went into Syria: where being refused to enter into Antiochia by the Garrison that defended the City, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.] he many times • tempted to enter it by force, but was always repulsed with loss. Wherefore having lost about an 100 men, and leaving behind him many sick, he fled by night from Antiochia towards Laodicea. That night almost all the soldiers that he had enrolled in Asia lest him, of whom, some returned to Antioch, and yielded themselves to them, that Cassius had left there to command the City; some came down the Hill Amanus into Silicia, of which number 30 came into Pamphilia, who said it was reported, that Cassius with all his Forces was but four days journey, just at the time when Dolabella was coming thither, [ P. Lentulus, ad Cicero. lib. ad familiar. epist. 15.]

Dolabella having intelligence concerning Cassius his forces, came to Laodicea a City that was his friends, seated in a Peninsula, and where it looked toward the Continent, well fortified, and towards the Sea, having an Haven very convenient for bringing in provision abundantly, and also very opportune for sailing whensoever or wheresoever they would go out. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.] This City he took without any assault, the citizens truly yielding themselves to him, for the love they bare to the former Caesar, [ Dio. l • b. 47. pag. 344.]

At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus his house, Malichus corrupting the Kings Butler, poisoned Antipater, and gathering a band of soldiers, seized upon the Government of the City: but Phasaelus and Herod being grievously incensed, Malichus stiffly denied all things. But Herod had a great mind presently to revenge his fathers death, and to raise an army for that purpose; but Phasaelus thought it better to circumvent him with policy, lest he should seem to be the beginner of a civil war: he therefore accepting of his justifications, made as though he did believe, that he was not conscious of his fathers death, and set himself to furnish the Monument that he had built for his father, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 19.]

Mean while, Herod coming to Samaria, and finding it in a desperate estate, restored the same, and pacified the dissensions that were among the inhabitants; and not long after the feast of Pentecost approaching, he also came into the City of Jerusalem with soldiers: of whom Malichus being afraid, persuaded Hyrcanus not to suffer him to enter: which thing Hyrcanus did, saying, that amongst the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixed multitude of profane men: But Herod making small account of this denial, entered the City by night, and mightily terrified Malichus. Whereupon, according to his wonted dissimulations, he openly bewailed with tears the death of Antipater as his great friend: wherefore it was thought meet by Herod's friends to take no notice of this dissembling, but curtuously again to entertain Malichus: but Herod by letters certified Cassius of his fathers death; and he that very well knew what conversation Malichus was of, wrote back unto Herod, that he might revenge his fathers death, and secretly also gave order to the Tribunes that were at Tyre, that they should be aiding to Herod in his so just undertakings, [ Id. ibid. cap. 19. & 20.]

In Gaul, the IIII Kalends of June, M. Lepidus joined himself with M. Antonius. [ Plancus ad Ciceron. lib. 10. ad familiar. epist. 23.]

D. Lentulus, the Proquestor of Asia, and Propretour extraordinary, when he saw that Brutus foreslowed his coming inro Asia, and that Dolabella was departed out of Asia, he thought it best for him to return as soon as he could out of Macedonia to his office, that he might exact the tribute that was behind, and gather up the money that he had left there, and send it to Rome: but in the mean while, as he was sailing about the Islands, it was told him, that the Navy of Dolabella was in Silicia, ( all. Lycia) and that the Rhodians had many ships furnished, and already launched: wherefore he, with those ships that he had, or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetour of Asia had provided, returned to Rhodes, trusting to the Decrte of the Senate, by which Dolabella was adjudged an enemy, and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians; but so far off was it, that the Proquestors would strengthen his Navy with their convoy, that by the Rhodians, the soldiers were forbidden to come into the City, or Port, or Rode, yea, they were kept from provision of victuals, yea, water itself, and very hardly themselves were admitted into the City, with each his cock-boat. But Lentulus being brought into their City, and the Senate, could obtain nothing of them: of which both in his public letters to the Senate, as in his private to Cicero, be greatly complained. [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14, 15.]

Whilst that Lentulus and Patiscus were detained at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the Lieutenants of Dolabella, knowing of their coming, presently departed from the Navy from Silicia, ( all. Lycia) and fled way in a Gally; leaving their ships of burden, for the gathering together of which▪ they had spent much time. There were of these above an hundred, and the least of them were of 2000 Tuns in burden, which Dolabella had provided for this purpose, that if his hopes of Syria and Egypt were frustrated, that he might go aboard them with all his Soldiers, and all his money, and go directly into Italy, and join himself with the two Antonies that were brethren: therefore Lentulus and Patiscus coming thither from Rhodes, with the ships that they had, took all those ships of burden, and restored them to the right owners. From thence they pursued the Navy that fled as far as Sida, the utmost country of the Province of Asia, whither they knew that some of Dolabella's fleet were fled, and that the rest were sailed into Syria and Cyprus, ( all. Egypt) which being scattered, when Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very great fleet that was ready prepared in Syria, he returned to his office. [ P. Lentul. ut supra. ]

But Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis from the sea coast of the Province of Asia, and from all the Islands they could, got together a fleet: they presently got Mariners together, though the cities were very disobedient: They pursued the fleet of Dolabella, which Lucilius commanded; who putting them in hope that he would yield, yet never slacking his sailing, at last he came to Corycus in Pamphilia, and there burning the Haven kept himself within: wherefore they leaving Corycus, thought it better to come into Cassius his Camp, and because another Fleet that Tullius Cimber had provided the year before in Bithynia, of which Turulius the Quaestour was Admiral, followed them, and so they came to Cyprus, [ Cassi. Parmensis, ad Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 13.]

Concerning the affairs of Dolabella, and of his coming to the City of Laodicea, there are extant two Epistles written to Cicero [ in lib. 12. ad familiar.] viz. the fourteenth from P. Lentulus, from Pamphylia, the fourth Nones of June (not Kalends) as manifestly appears, out of the following Epistle to the Senate, to which that refers us, which was dated at Perga, and the thirteeneth that was afterwards sent from Cassius on the Ides of June from Cyprus. In the first he thus related the straits that Dolabella was in, being received into Laodicea. I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither hath he any place to flee to, nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius hath. The other Epistle of Cassius (if I be not mistaken) Parmensis, who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar, and wrote that taunting letter to Octavianus, mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio. cap. 4. not of Cassius Longinus, who then bare the title of Proconsul of Syria; ef whom also he makes mention in the end of this Epistle: where also we have more exactly represented by him, the condition of Dolabellas Camp in these words. The Tarsenses, very bad allies, and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad, of their own accord sent for Dolabella: from both which cities, by a number of Greek soldiers, he hath gotten a kind of an army; he hath placed his Camp before the city of Laodicea, and hath broken down part of the wall; and so joined his Camp to the Town. Our Cassius with ten Legions, and twenty companies of Auxiliaries, and 4000 Horse, hath his Camp at Palium within twenty miles, and he thinks he may overcome him without once striking stroke; for wheat is now at three tetradarachmes in Dolabella his Camp, and unless he hath gotten some supply by the shipping of Laodicea, he must of necessity shortly perish by famine; but that he cannot supply himself, a great Navy that Cassius hath, which Quintilius Rufus commands, those that I, Turulius, and Patiscus, have brought, will easily perform.

When as Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good power, especially his Navy, following him so suddenly out of Asia, he went to the Aradians to receive from them both money and shipping: in which place being surprised with a few, he brought his condition into great danger; for as he fled, he met with the army of Cassius, and being overcome in fight by him, he retired to Laodicea, [ Dion. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

Cassius, fearing that Dolabella might escape from thence, raised a Rampire two furlongs in length cross the Isthmus, with stones and materials brought from the Villages that were without the City, and from Sepulchers; and by his messengers desired ships from Phoenicia, Lycia, and Rhodes: but being flighted of all of them, except the Sidonians, he engaged in a Sea-fight with Dolabella, in which, after the loss of many ships on both sides, five together with all the Mariners were taken by Dolabella, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

Then Cassius again sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands, and to Cleopatra the Queen of Egypt, and to Serapion that commanded her Forces in Cyprus. The Tyrians and Aradians, and Serapion, without the Queens advice, sent as many ships as they had: but the Queen excusing herself that the Egyptians were troubled both with famine and pestilence, sent no aid at all, [ Id. ibid. lib. 5. pag. 675.] The Rhodians also and the Lycians, denied they would help anything toward the civil wars; for even those ships that they had given to Dolabella, were but to this purpose, to convoy him; but they knew not whether he used them in war or no, [ Id. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

The Tarsenses endeavored to keep Tullius Cimber (who was also one of Caesar's murderers) from passing the mountain Taurus, as he was hastening to Cassius aid: but by and by being surprised with fear, they, leaving the passages, thinking Cimber had great Forces with him, made an agreement with him: but when afterwards they understood the smallness of his Forces, they neither received him into their City, nor supplied him with provision; therefore Cimber thinking it better, to carry his aid to Cassius, than to assault Tarsus, having built a Fort against them, he went into Syria. But the Tarsenses went thither with soldiers, and having seized upon the Castle, they turned their arms against the City Adana, (which being near to them, they always had a controversy with) because they said they favored Cassius his party: of which Cassius being certified, sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345.]

Cassius, having repaired his Fleet as well as he could, after Statius Murcus with the Navy that he had gotten together was come, twice again fought with Dolabella at Sea; the first upon equal loss on both sides, but in the second fight he had much the better: by land also, having perfected his Rampire, he brough the Ram • to the walls. Dolabella being thus shut up from bringing of any necessaries either by sea or land, for very want of provision made a sally, but was presently beaten back into the Town. [ Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Casslus, whenas he could not corrupt with money the watch by night, whom Marsus commanded, corrupted them that kept guard by day whom Quintius commanded, so that whilst Marsus slept by day, he is let in by some lesser ports, the city being taken, Dolabella offered his throat to cut to one of his guard, commanding him that when he had cut off his head, he should provide for his own safety: he did as he was commanded, but withal cut his own throat. [ Appian. ibid. cum lib, 5. pag. 673.] We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca, that Deillias (or Q. De • lias the Historian) was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius, to agree for his own safety, if he should kill Dolabella.

And thus Dolabella was forced to death by Cassius at Laodicea, [ Livy lib. 12. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 752. Vellei, Prtercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Dio. lib. 47, pag. 345. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] with whom Marsus also laid violent hands upon himself. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.] and also M. Octavins the Lieutenant of Dolabella, Cassius afforded them burial, although they cast out Trebonius unburied, and those also that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave them quarter and impunity, neither punished he them of Laodicea anymore, than by imposing a sum of money upon them, [ Dio. ut supra. ] although Appian saith that he plundered both the temples and treasury, and exacted very grievous tribute of the rest, and that he put to death every noble man, so that he brought the city to most extreme misery. [ pag. 625. 626.]

Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella, to take the military oath to him. [ App. ibid. pag. 625.] and then went to Tarsus, and seeing the Tarsenses had already yielded to Rufus, he amerced them in all the private, and public money, and laid no other punishment upon them. [ Dio. ut supra. pag. 345.] but he laid a most heavy tax upon them of 1500 talents, whereupon for want of money, they, when the soldiers violently exacted it, were fain to fell all their public and sacred ornaments, breaking down the pageants and the dedicated things, and when these were not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were free born, first virgins and boys, afterwards women and old men were sold for very little, and after that young men of whom many killed themselves. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Whenas after the taking of Laodicea, the governors came from every place together, bringing Crowns and presents to Cassius: Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder committed on his father Antipater, but he conceiving a suspicion of this thought to make the Phoenicians about Tyre to undertake some greater matters; and because his son was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steal him away privately into Judea: and whilst Cassius was busied in the war against Antonius, to stir the Nation of the Jews to revolt from the Romans, and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the Kingdom for himself: but Herod being politick, having understood of the treachery, invites both him and Hyrcanus with their companion to supper; at which time he sent one of his servants under color to provide for the banquet, but indeed he sent him to the Tribunes, that they might set upon Malichus with their weapons, they mindful of the commands of Cassius, went forth, and finding him near the city on the shore, ran him through and killed him, at which Hyrcanus being astonished, fell in a swoon, and being scarcely come to himself, he asked who killed Malichus, and when one of the Tribunes answered, that it was done by Cassius his command, he said, truly Cassius hath preserved me and my country, in killing him that was a traitor to both, but whether herein, he spake as he thought, or through fear approved the fact, it is uncertain. [ Joseph. lib. bell. cap. 9. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20.]

The day before the Kalends of July, M. Lepidus is judged an enemy of the state, (for entertaining of Antonius) and also the rest that had revolted from the commonwealth; but yet there was power given to come in before the Kalends of September, thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius the kinsman of Lepidus, [ lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 10.] adding this moreover. We had gallantly overcome, had not Lepidus, en • rtained Antonius after he was pillaged, disarmed and flying, wherefore Antonius was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus, he raised war from a commonwealth that was in troubles, but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet.

In the same epistle Cicero showeth that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the camp the Nones of March, in which he s • gnified that he held Syria, and that he prepared for his expedition into Silicia against Dolabella, but of the success of the expedition, and of the mischance of Dolabella, as yet there was no news at Rome: he had written to Caesar of his returning into favor, as in likemanner Brutus had done to the Senate concerning the state of affairs. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.] for Brutus himself also, in his letters sent to Caesar, persuaded him to resist Antonius, and to agree with him, [ id. ibid. pag. 340.] but in his letters to Cicero, he declared another manner of courage, for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar; that there was one thing desired and expected from him, that he would let those citizens live in quiet, whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of. Brutus in a rage wrote thus back again to Cicero; What if he will not, shall we not be? it is better not to l • ve, than to live by his means. I, by my troth, do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that Octavius must be entreated for the safety of one private Citizen, I will not say for the deliverers of the whole World. [lib. ad Brutum. epist. 16.]

The Senate being being certified of the affairs of Cassius, confirmed unto him the government of Syria, (which he then held) and committed to his care the war against Dolabella, (which they knew to have been already ended) [ Dio, lib. 47. pag. 343, 344.] And so all governments beyond sea are committed to the disposal of Brutus and Cassius: and there was a command likewise, that all the Provinces and armies from the Ionian sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to these two: and moreover, appointing all things that they had done, and praising those armies that had yielded unto them, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. cap. 62, cum Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567, 568.]

Octavius, seeing the acts of the Senate manifestly to tend to the advantage of the Pompeian party, and to the detriment of the Caesarians; and thinking it a disgrace to him, that Decimus Brutus, and not he, was chosen General, for the war against Antonius: hiding his discontent, he demanded a Triumph for the victory at Mutina: and being slighted by the Senate, as though he demanded greater matters than were fit for his age; and fearing least that if Antonius should be utterly vanquished, he should be the more slighted, he began to have some thoughts of agreeing with him, according to the advice of Pansa, upon his death-bed. [ Appian, lib. 3. pag. 568.] Which agreement with him was made by M. Lepidus. [ Liv. lib. 119. Oros. 6. cap. 18.]

Between these three therefore there was a society of power begun, by the commerce of letters that passed between them, and mention of conditions made in them: and when Antonius warned Caesar, how great enemies the Pompeian party were to him, and to what an height they were come, and how Brutus and Cassius were extolled by the means of Cicero. He declared unto him, that he would join his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were Commanders of 17 Legions, if he refused his alliance. He said moreover, that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father, then he the death of his friend: and by the advise and entreaty of the armies, there was an affinity made between Antonius and Caesar, the daughter in law of Antonius, being betrothed to Caesar, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 65.] to wit, Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P. Clodius, who was scarce marriagable. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 62.]

When the agreement was made with M. Antonius, M. Lepidus, Octavianus sent 400 Soldiers to Rome, to demand the Consuls ship for him in the name of the army: and when the Senate made some doubt, Cornelius a Ce • tn • ion, the chief man of that message, casting his soldiers coat behind him, and showing his swords hilt, stuck not to say openly in the Court, This shall do it, if you will not do it: and being compelled by his Soldiers, went towards Rome with them. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 26. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 582. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 319.]

Whilest he was in his journey, the Praetors placed guards in divers places of the city, and seized upon Janiculum, with a guard of soldiers they had already in the city, and with two Legions that had come from Africa. But when he was entered the city, the Praetors came down from Janiculum, and yielded both themselves and their soldiers unto him. The Legions of their own accord delivering their Ensigns unto him. [ Appian. ut supra. 584, 585. Dio. pag. 320.] And in the month of August, the Legions that were brought from Janiculum, followed the conduct and protection of Octavian; as it is in the Decree of the Senate in Macrobius. [ lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.]

In the first day of the choosing of Consuls, as Octavian was taking a • gury in Mars his field, there appeared six Vultures to him, and there being created Consul, and speaking to the Soldiers out of the Rostra, there appeared again six, or as some say, twelve Vultures, as there did to Romulus in his Auguries, when he was about to build Rome, from whence he conceived hope that the Monarchy should come to him. [ Juli • s Obsequens, de Prodigiis, Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 95. Appian. 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320.] He being chosen consul, with him, they fled also to Quintus Pedius his colleague; who gave him his portion out of the inheritance of Julius Caesar. [ Vell • i. Patercul. lib. 2. ca. 95. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320.]

Livius faith he was created Consul, when he was but XIX. years old. [ lib. 119,] but Suetonius more freely wrote that he invaded the Consulship in the XX. year of his age [ in Octavio. cap. 16.] and Eurropius in his 7 book, which also Plutarch confirms out of Octavianus his own commentaries, thus writing in Brutus, his army being planted about the city, he received the Consul-ship, being scarce come to man's estate being but twenty years old, as he relates in his own commentaries; that he was made Consul, the day before he was twenty years old, on the X Kalends of October, Velleius Paterculus wrote, [ lib. 2. cap. 65.] but yet Velleius was mistaken in the assigning the day of his entering upon the Consulship, for there wanted an whole month and five days for the full completing of the twentieth year of Octavianus, for neither in the month of September in which he was borne, but in August he first obtained the Consulship, from whence the month Sextilis was called August, as it is man fest out of Suetonius, [ in Octavio. cap. 31. Dion. lib. 55. pag. 552,] and from the decree of the Senate produced out of Macrobius. [ lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.]

And indeed Dio noted that on the 19 day of the month of August, he was both made Consul the first time, and that he died the same day. [ lib. 56. pag. 590.] from whence the observation of the overcurious in Tacitus, [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 9.] arose: that the same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the Empire, and the last of his life, his empire being not ill derived from this first Consul-ship, which he extorted from the Senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 10.] and laid it down at his own pleasure; although in dissimulation he gave thanks to the Senate; and • eigned that he aceounted it a benefit, that those things that he extorted by force, as if they were offered to him of their own accord; and the Senators bragged, that they had conferred these things upon him of their own accord: and this moreover they gave to him, whom they vouchsafed not the Consul-ship, that after his Consul-ship should be ended, as often as ever he went to the army, he should always have precedency of the Consuls, and they commanded the other armies to obey him, whom they threatened to punish, because he had gathered forces by his own private authority, and they added also the Legions of Brutus, for disgrace of whom, and for the repressing of whom, the war against Antonius was committed to him; in short the custody of the city was given to his charge, and it was granted withal, that he should have power, even without any prescript form of law, to do whatsoever he would, [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321.] this power, that he retained during his life, he bare 56 whole years, so that, not without cause Brutus thus gave Cicero this admonition, [ in lib. ad Brutum. epist. 4.] I am afraid, least your Caesar will think himself gotten so high by your decrees, that he will scarce come down again, if he be once made Consul.

Octavianus not being content with the former adoption made by the testament of Julius Caesar, got it to be confirmed by a decree of the people, (which Antonius had hindered the year before) in a full assembly of their wards, and then he took upon him by public authority the name of C, Julius Caesar Octavianns. [ Appian. lib. 3. pag. 586, Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321. 322.]

And presently after by another law newly preferred he absolved Dolabella, (of whose death as yet there was no news brought to Rome,) who was by the Senate adjudged an enemy of the state: and appointed process for the death of Caesar, [ Appian. ibid. ] and that it might be thought, that he did nothing by force, but by law, Quintus Paedius his Col • eague in the Consul-ship made the law Paedia; which decreed that all they, that had any hand in the murder of Caesar, should be banished, and their goods confiscate, [ Livy lib. 120. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Suetonius. in Nerone. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 322.] he appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus, and M. Agrippa, to accuse C. Cassius: who being absent were condemned without any hearing of their cause [ Plu • arch. in M. Bruto. ] Capito the Eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of the Senators order, subscribed to M. Agrippa against C. Cassius, [ Vellei. Patercul. nt supra. ]

Decimus Brutus one of the murderers also of Caesar, being absent was also condemned: by the command of M. Antonius, in the house of a certain guest of his, a noble man, by name Camelius, was slain by Capenus a Burgundian a year and an half after the death of Caesar, [ Livy. lib. 120. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 64. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 588. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] whom although Cicero saith that he excelled in this kind of virtue, [ lib. 11. ad familiar. epist. 21.] that he never was afraid, nor ever disturbed, yet Seneca declares [ in epist. k8. ] that he betrayed a base fear in undergoing death, for the removing of which fear, Helvius Blasio, a man who always loved him, because they were always soldiers together, killed himself, he looking upon him, animating him by his example to endure the taking of his death, [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325.] Camelius sent the head of dead Brutus to Antonius, who when he had looked upon it, delivered it to his friends to bury it. [ Appian. ut supra. ]

He was the next that suffered punishment after Trebonius, for the murder of Caesar, whose murderer he was, when as he was the chiefest of his friends, and he thought it fit, to keep those things that he had received from Caesar, but that Caesar must die, who gave them him; for whilst Caesar lived he was the Master of the Horse, and commanded the farther Gaul. He was also elected Consul by him, in the year next after the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, and Governor also of the hither Gaul, [ Vellei. Patercul. & Appian. ut supr. ]

At the same time also, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by his own servants, because in his anger he had guelded some of them, [ Appian. & Oros. ut supr. ]

M. Brutus, [Year of the World 3962] when he had appeased the army that was like to mutiny by the persuasion of C. Antonius, and had left Antonius himself at Apollonia in the custody of one C. Clodius, he went into the higher Macedonia with the greatest and strongest part of his army, and from thence passed on into Asia, that having drawn them as far from Italy as he could, he might then maintain, them by the help of those that were under his authority. Here in Asia he provided himself of many Auxiliaries, as also of Dejotarus, a man that was now very old, and who formerly had denied aid to C. Cassius, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 340, 341.]

M. Antonius, and M. Lepidus, leaving their Lieutenants in Gaul, went to Caesar into Italy with the greatest and best part of the army, [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325.] whose three armies heing mustered together at Bononia, an Eagle sitting upon the Tent of Caesar, beat two crows that troubled her to the ground, all the army marking it, and presaging, that some time or other there would a difference arise between the Colleagues, and that Caesar would get the Victory of them both, [ Id. lib. 47. pag. 328. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 96.]

These three, at Confluences, about Bononia and M • tina, in a certain little Island that is made by the River Lavinius, had private conference for three days together, and so made peace amongst themselves, that they should jointly order the commonwealths affairs for the space of five years, [ Liv. 120. Florus, l • b. 4. cap. 6. Plutarch, in Cicerone & Antonio. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 589, 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag 325, 326.]

Here by a common decree they appointed these things: That Caesar should deliver over the Consulship to Ventidius for the remainder of the year; and that a new Magistracy of the Triumviri for the avoiding all civil dissensions should be created; and that Lepidus with Antonius and Caesar, should bear the office for five years with consular power. That the Triumviri should forthwith be annual Magistrates for the city for five years. That the Provinces should be so divided, that, Antonius should have all Gaul, as well Togata on this side the Alps, as Comata on the other side; except the Province of Narbon. That Lepidus should have the command of this, together with Spain. That Africa, together with Sardinia and S • cilia should fall to Caesar's share. And thus was the Roman Empire divided among the Triumviri; deferring the division of the beyond sea Provinces, over which Brutus and Cassius commanded. Moreover it was agreed amongst them that they should put to death their enemies, and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen Consul in the room of Decimus Brutus, and that he should have the Guard of Rome and all Italy; and that Antonius and Caesar should carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 326.]

On the third day, the Triumviri entered Rome, everyone apart with his Praetorian cohort, and one Legion. When Publius Titius the Tribune of the people, calling an assembly of the Wards, made a law for the creating a new Magistracy, that the Triumviri for the settling of the common-wealth might govern for five years space with consular authority, [ Appian. ibid. 592, 593. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 328.]

M. Cicero, upon the coming of the Triumviri, went out of the city, being assured, which also came to pass, that he could no more scape Antonius, than B • utus and Cassius could escape Caesar, [ Livius, apud Senecam, in orat. Suasoria. 7.]

M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antonius, and Caesar Octavianus, the V Kalends of December, began the Triumvirate, the same was to continue to the days before the Kalends of January which were to be six in number (or of the sixth year following) as appeareth out of the Colotian Marble. [ in inscription Gruteri, pag. CCXCVIII. ] in which time M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads: and from thence Suetonius [ in Octavio. cap. 8.] and Eutropius, [ lib. 7.] derive the beginning of the Principality of Caesar Octavianus; reckoning almost XII years before the Victory at Actium, from which they begin his Monarchy, to which there were almost 3 months wanting.

The VII Ides of the December of that year, in which Caesar Octavianus substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for Consuls in the room of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Cicero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antonius, as the Author of the Dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms out of the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Ciceros, ascribed to corn. Tacitus. This was the end of his life, who was the first that in peace deserved the Triumph and Laurel of the Tongue, and was the father of Eloquence and Latin Learning, and (as Caesar the Dictatour wrote formerly of him) that he had obtained a Laurel far beyond all Triumphs, by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman Wit, than of the Empire, [ Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30.] concerning whom those things are to be seen, which are in Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 66. Seneca in Suasorus, orat. VII. and Plutarch in the end of his Cicero, ]

Cleopatra, brought no aid to Cassius, although he demanded Auxiliaries of her with threats, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 675.]

Whilst Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola laid plots against him, and in Macedonia his brother Marcus, sending some for this purpose, endeavored to get Gaius Antonius out of his power; wherefore Gaius Clodius that was left Antonius his keeper, when he could not keep him safely, put him to death, using therein his own authority, or by Brutus his command. It is reported, that when Brutus had a great care for the safety of Antonius, after he understood of Brutus his death, took no more care of him: yet he punished not Gellius, although convict of Treason against him; for seeing that Brutus always accounted him amongst the chiefest of his friends, and also knew that Marcus Messala his brother was very near allied to Cassius, he let him alone, [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 341.]

Brutus as soon as he understood the endeavor of M. Antonius and the death of Gaius Antonius, fearing lest there should arise some innovation in Macedonia, went in all haste into Europe, [ Id. ibid. ]

The Triumviri at Rome decreed a Temple to Isis and Serapis, [ ibid, pag. 336.]

When Octavianus had resigned the Consulship, and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the Triumviri created Consul P. Ventidius (Bassa) the Praetor, with one C. Curtinus; as may be understood from the inscription in Gruterus, pag. CCXCVII. out of the Colatian marble; and delivered the Praetorship to one that was Aedile, and afterwards deprived all the P • aetours of their magistracy, which office they were to bear five days longer; and sending them into Provinces, substituted others in their rooms, [ ibid. pag. 335.] whither is to be referred that of Velleius Paterculus, [ lib. 2. cap. 65.] This year saw Ventidius, both Consul and Praetor in that city, thorough which he was led in Triumph to Picencium amongst the captives; concerning whom, being led in Triumph, Valerius Maximus is to be consulted, (lib. 6. cap. 9. and A. Gellius, lib. 15. cap. 4. Plinius, lib. 7. cap. 43.) where also he addeth, That he got his living when he was a young man very basely, by providing mules and coaches for the Magistrates that were to go into the Provinces: whereupon these Verses were commonly written thorough all the ways of the streets.

In the end of the year, those that were newly elected Consuls Triumphed; L. Munatius Plancus for Gaul, IIII Kalends of January, and M. Emilius Lepidus the Triumvir for Spain, the day before the Kalends of January; as appeareth out of the Marble Records of Triumphs, [ in inscr • pt. Gruter. pag. CCXCVII. ] Vid. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 67. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 607.

In the fourth Julian year, [The Julian Period. 4672] there was a day in February falsely intercalated; [Year before Christ 42] seeing that from the February of the first Julian year until that time, there had passed but the space of three years only: which error had continued unto the 37 Julian year; for whereas they ought to intercalate one day, which is made of four quarters, every fourth year being ended before the fifth should begin; the Priests did not intercalate it the fourth year being ended, but beginning; and so the year that was rightly ordered by Julius Caesar, by their negligence was disturbed and disordered, [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 31. Macrobius lib. Saturnal. cap. 14. fin. ]

M. Brutus, having settled all things in Macedonia, went back again into Asia, [ Dio. lib. 47. pag, 341.] and having carried a great army thither, he provided a Fleet in Bithynia, and at Cyzicum: he went by land and settled all the cities, and heard the complaints of the Governors. [ Plutarch, in Bruto. ] He set Apuleius that fled to him from the proscription of the Triumviri, over Bythinia, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 616.]

The Epistles of Brutus, which he wrote in a Laconick style te them of Asia, are extant: which Aldus set forth in Greek, and Ranutius Florentius translated and set forth in Latin, Plutarch recites three of them in his Life: The first whereof to the Pergamenians, is to be seen in the beginning of the Collection already published, another to the Rhodians shall here following be exhibited by us; the third and shortest of all, inscribed in the published Greek Copy to the Bythinians, in the Latin Copy of Ranutius to the Galatians: and in Plutarch to the Samians, is after this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Your council is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow: what do you think will bethe end of these things?

Cassius intended to go into Egypt, having heard that Cleopatra was gone with a great navy to Caesar and Antonius, supposing that by this means he might both hinder and punish; and also desiring to prevent her, being afflicted with famine, and almost without any foreign aide, by reason of the sudden departure of Allienus, with four Roman Legions. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625. cum. lib. 5. pag. 675.]

He hoping that he should have a fit occasion for this enterprize, Brutus recalled him into Syria, by messenger after messenger. [ Id. ibid. Plutarch in M. Bruto. ] And being thus withdrawn from the hopes he had in Egypt, he sent again light Horse men, and not without bribes to the King of the Parthians, and sent Lieutenants also with them, to demand greater aides. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Cassius, leaving his brothers son in Syria with one Legion, sent his Horse men before him into Cappadocia; who suddenly set upon Ariobarzanes, who took away great store of money, and other provision. But Cassius returning from Syria, took pity on the Tarsenses, most miserably oppressed, and quitted them from paying any tributes for the future. [ Id. ibid. pag. 626.] And his affairs being thus settled in Syria and Silicia, he went into Asia to Brutus. [ Dion, lib. 47. pag. 345. fin. ]

After Cassius was gone out of Syria, there arose a sedition at Jerusalem, for Felix, who was left there (by Cassius) with soldiers, in revenge of Malichus his death, set upon Phasaelus, and the people took up arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the Governor of Damascus; and having a mind to help his brother, was hindered by sickness. Notwithstanding, Phasaelus getting the better of Phaelix, first forced him into the Town, and agreeing upon quarter, suffered him to go out: but he was very angry with Hyrcanns, that after the receipt of so many benefits from him, he did favor Felix, and suffered the brother of Malichus to seize upon some Castles; for he held many, and amongst the rest Massada, a most strong piece. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20.]

Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident at the meeting together at Smyrna, in consideration of both their forces there present: for when as they went out of Italy, poor, and without arms, in manner of most abject exiles, who had not so much as one ship rigged, not one Soldier, nor one Town to friend: in a little time they met together with a fleet, and were furnished with Horse and Foot, and money to pay them, fit to fight for the Roman Empire. Cassius desired to have the same honor with Brutus, and to give him the like, but commonly Brutus prevented him, coming often unto him, because he was the elder, and of a body so fit to endure labor as he was [ Plutarch in M. Bruto. ]

Here both of them ordered their councils for the war they were to undertake against the Triumviri. [ Livy, lib. 122.] and truly Brutus opinion was to go into Macedonia, with their joint forces, and to put all upon a general battle; for now the enemy had 40 Legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. On the contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible, and that they would want provision for so great a multitude: the best way was to quell the favorers of the adverse faction, as the Rhodians and Lycians, who were strong at sea, least whilst they were setting upon the enemy, they should come upon them behind them; and this opinion prevailed, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag, 626.] for they heard say that the Triumviri were busy about settling their affairs at Rome, and they supposed they should have work enough, Sextus Pompeius keeping the rode against them in Sicily, that was so near. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346,]

Moreover, then at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the money, of which Cassius had great store: for he declared that he had spent all that he had in providing of a fleet, by which they might have the whole inland sea with their command. But yet Cassius his friends were against his giving him any; denying it was just, that, that we had saved through parsimony, and had gotten together with ill will, should be spent in bribing the Soldiers; yet he bestowed a third part of all things upon him; and so both of them went to their own charge. [ Plutarch, ]

When they, either going about themselves, or sending their Lieutenants, drew to their side, those that were not of the same opinion with them, and got together both men and money, they doing this, all those that lived in those parts, and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came in to them; only Ariobarzanes, and the Rhod • ans and Lycians, although they did not resist them, yet denied to enter into society with them, these Brutus and Cassius had in suspicion, as though they favored the adverse party, because they had received so many favors from the former Caesar; and fearing least in their absence they should raise some stirs, and incite the rest not to keep their promise, they determined first of all to set upon them: hoping that they, to whom, they were superior in power, and on whom they would bestow favors, would easily be brought either by persuasion, or force, into amity with them. [ Dio. ut supra. ]

As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus, and took from him all the Castles that he had seized upon, and himself also in Massada, whom he let go free upon composition, he also recovered three Castles that were seized upon by Masion, the Tyrant of the Tyrians in Galilee, but gave quarter to all the garrison soldiers of the Tyrians; and sent some of them home well rewarded, by this means getting himself the love of the city, and hatred of the Tyrant. [ Joseph. lib. 1. belli. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20. 21.]

The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commanded by the Triumviti; and hopes given them that they should receive something, • or the losses they had sustained, of them also Cleopatra obtained, in respect of the aid she had sent to Dolabella, that her son, by name Ptolomaeu • , whom she said she had by Caesar, and therefore called Caesarion, should be called King of Egypt. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345.]

Brutus demanded men and money of the Lycians, but because Naucrates, an Orator ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) had compelled the cities to a revolt; and they had seated themselves upon some hillocks to keep Brutus from passing ever; first he sent his horse against them, as they were at dinner, by whom there were 600 put to death, afterwards taking some Castles, and smaller Towns, he let them all go free without ransom, that he might get the favor of the nation, but they being refractory, and discontented for the losses they had received, despised his clemency and good will. [ Plutarch. in Bruto. ]

Brutus overcame in battle the common army of the whole nation of the Lycians, and possessed their camp also, entering it with them that fled; and had many cities yielded unto him. [ Dio. lib. 47, pag. 347.]

Then he besieged the most warlike of them, having forced them within the walls of Xanthum [ Plutarch. ] they having levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials, and having well fortified their city, drave the enemy from the fortifications, having also a ditch of fifty foot deep, and broad according to the proportion of the depth, so that standing upon the banck they could use their darts and arrows, as if they had been divided by an unfordable river, whilst Brutus endeavored to get over the ditch, he covered his pioneers with hurdles; and dividing his army in two for to follow the assault by night, and by day; he brought his materials from far, (as it is usually done when the business goeth on heartily,) still urging them on to hasten the work, doing whatsoever was to be done with great earnestness and labor: wherefore although at the first he thought, he should do no good by reason of the strong resistance of the enemy, or at least should not overcome them in many months, yet nevertheless he finished his business within few days, for he assaulted the besieged a far off partly with engines, and near the gate partly with his cohorts, which he continually changed, they being always wearied with fresh men, and wounded likewise yet stood it out manfully, as long as the fortifications held, but they falling, and the Towns being battered with the engines; Brutus perceiving what would come to pass, commanded them that besieged the gate to retreat, which the Xanthian supposing had been done through negligence of the guard, made a sally out by night with torches upon the engines; but the Roman cohorts hasting thither as it was agreed, they presently fled back to the gate: which they that kept it had now shut, least the enemy should break in with them that fled, where was a great slaughter made of them that were shut out. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 633. 634.]

A river ran by the city, this some passed under water and fled, but they were taken again in nets that were let down into the depth, cross the channel; and had bells that hung at the top of them which gave notice when any one was entangled. [ Plutarch. in Bruto. ]

The Xanthians sallyed out again about noon, and beating back the guards burnt all the Engines; and seeing that the gate stood open for the foresaid occasion 2000. Romans rushed in together with the Townsmen, and others also entering in pell mel, the Portcullis fell upon them, either by the Xanthians means, or by the breaking of the ropes, by which it was let down; therefore as many Romans as had broken in, were either beaten down, or shut in, seeing they could not draw it up again without ropes: and being assaulted from above by the Xanthians, they very hardly at length got into the market-place which was nigh, and there they were grievously infested by the Archers; and seeing they had neither bows nor darts, for fear they should be environed, they fled into the Temple of Sarpedon. In the mean time the Romans that were without, were very solicitous for them that were intercepted. Brutus also running up and down, tried all things in all places; and seeing they could not break open the Portcullis, and they had lost their ladders and wooden Towns by the fire, yet some presently made ladders, others brought props to the walls, and used them for ladders; some fastening hooks to withs, cast them upon the walls, and as often as any stook fast, they crept up by them. [ Appian. lib. ut supra. pag. 634.]

The Oenandenses, their neighbors and enemies, and therefore at that time the Allies of Brutus, climbed up the steep rocks, whom the Romans presently imitated with great earnestness, and many fell down, their feet failing them; yet some got over the wall, and opened a little gate, before which was a fortification of sharp stakes set thickly; by the help of these, the most daring got up, and now being increased in number, they went to break the gate open, which had no bars to strengthen it; others also endeavored to do the same on the other side: and seeing that the Xanthians set upon them that were fled into the Temple of Sarpedon, they that both within and without were breaking open the gate, brake it with such furious noise, that they rushed in, in one company, even as the Sun was setting, and gave a great shout, that this might be a token to them that were shut in. [ Ibid. pag. 634, 635.]

The Romans rushing into the Cities, set some houses on fire, the fire first terrified them, before whose eyes these things were done: and to them that were farther off, gave an occasion to think that the City was taken, therefore the neighbors of their own accord, set their own houses on fire, but the greater part killed one the other. [ Dio. lib. 4. pag. 347.] For retiring within their own private houses, they killed every one that was dear to them; they willingly offered their throats to be cut. There being a lamentable cry made at that time, Brutus thought the soldiers were sacking the City, which he forbad by public Criers: but when he was better informed, pitying the generous disposition of these men, born to liberty, he by messengers invited them to peace: whom they beat back with these darts; and having first killed all that belonged to them, and laid them on funeral piles, after they had put fire to them, they cut their own throats. Thus Appian, [ ut supra. pag. 635.] But Plutarch after this manner.

Brutus being afraid least the City should be spoiled, commanded the soldiers, that they should quench the fire, and to help the City; but a great and incredible desperation suddenly seized on the Lycians, which you may well compare to a desire of death: for both free men and servants, both old and young, with women and children, assailed the enemy from the wall, that came to quench the fire. The Xanthians themselves brought reeds, and all combustible matter to set the City on a flame; and having set fire to it, used all the means they could to increase it. After all the City was on a light fire, Brutus being grieved for this, went about the City to help it, and stretching forth his hands to the Xanthians entreated them to spare the City, and to preserve it: but none obeyed him, yea, they themselves destroyed themselves by all manner of ways; not only men and women, but little children also, with great cryings and howlings threw themselves into the fire, and some headlong from the wall, some offered their naked throats, to the naked swords of their fathers, desiring them to kill them. The City being thus consumed, there was one woman seen hanging by a rope, which had her dead child hanging at her neck, and with a firy torch, with which she let her house on fire; which sight appeared so tragical, that Brutus could not endure to behold it, but when it was told him, fell a weeping, and pronouced a reward to the Soldiers, whoever had saved a Lycian. They reckon but an hundred and fifty, which would take quarter. Thus Plutarch.

Appian writes that Brutus got but some slaves, but of free-born, scarce CL. women, and those wanted husbands to kill them; and he adds that Brutus saved all the Temples he could possibly. [ pag. 635.]

Brutus from thence went to Patara, a City which might seem to be the Dock of the Xanthians, where their ships were laid up, and denounced unto them that they should yield unto him, or expect such a destruction as the Xanthians had; but the citizens yielded not to the peace that was offered unto them; for the servants having newly gotten the liberty, and the freemen that were poor having newly all their debts cancelled, resisted the pacification. Therefore Brutus sent the Xanthians that he had taken captive unto them, because they were akin to each other, who by seeing their miserable condition, should exhort them to change their purposes; who seeing they were never the more altered from their stiffness, although he had granted as a gift to every one his kindred, he permitted them the rest of the day for consultation, and so withdrew himself; but yet he the next morning brought his Forces thither again, [ Appian. ibid. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347.] and setting up a cage in a safe place under the wall, he sold the chief of the Xanthians, bringing them out one by one, if by chance this might move the Patarenses; but when they would not yield for all this, having sold a few of them, he let the rest go free, [ Dio. ibid. ]

When also he had taken captive the women of Patara, he let them also go free without any ransom, who having told their husbands and fathers who were of the chief men, that Brutus was a most modest and just man, they persuaded them, that they should yield, and deliver up the Town to him, [ Plutarch. ] and he entering the Town, neither put any to death, nor banished any one: but yet commanded all the public gold and silver to be brought to him; he exacted also every ones particular treasure, propounding a punishment to them that denied it, and a reward to them that brought it forth, [ Appian. pag. 636.]

Here a servant betrayed some gold that was hid by his Master, and shown it to a Centurion that was sent for that purpose; and when they were all brought forth, the Master was silent; but his mother, that she might save her son, followed crying, that she had hid the money: the servant unasked, said that she lied, and that the other hid the money: But Brutus having commended the young man's patience, and the mothers piety, dismisled them both with the gold, but hung up the servant, who against all equity betrayed his Master, [ Id. ibid. ]

At the same time also, Lentulus was sent to Andriaca, which was the dock of the Myrenses, and having broken the chain with which the mouth of the Haven was barred, he went to the Praetor of the Myrenses; whom when Brutus had dismissed, the Myrenses yielded, and paid the money imposed upon them, [ Appian. & Dio. ut supr. ] And after the same manner, all the whole Nation of the Lycians was reduced; and sending Ambassadors to Brutus, promised they would send both men and money to their power, whom they had found so bountiful and indulgent beyond all expectation. For sending home all the free-borne of the Xanthians, he imposed upon the Lycians only, an 150 talents, neither used he towards them any other voilence, [ Plutarch, Appian. Dio. ]

And thus Brutus conquered the Lycians, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] amongst whose Epistles this is reported to be one, to the Rhodians. We have extremely punished the Xanthians, when they revolted from us; for putting them to death even to the little ones, we destroyed the city with fire and sword. To the Patarenses who were faithful to us, we have released their tributes, and granted them their freedom, and to live after their own laws: and we have given them 50 talents towards the rebuilding of those things that were demolished. You have libetty to provide for yourselves, and to see, whether you will be accounted enemies as the Xanthians, or friends as the Patarenses. But in Plutarch this Epistle is much more concise; thus. The Xanthians contemning our bounty, have made their country the Sepulcher of their desperation. The Patarenses who have submiited unto me, want not their liberty in governing their common-weneth; therefore it is in your power, either to choose the opinion of the Patarenses, or the fortune of the Xanthians.

The Rhodian Noble men feared to contend with the Romans, but the common people were in high conceit of themselves, being mindful of the ancient Victories they had of other manner of men. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 627.] They trusted so much to their skill in Navigation, that they went first to Cassius into the Continent, and shown to him the fetters that they had brought, as if they would take many of their enemies alive. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346.]

Cassius, because he had to do with them that were skillful at sea, exercised at Myndus his ships that he had rigged and furnished with soldiers. Thither the Rhodians sent Ambassadors to him, who should entreat him, that neither he would contemn Rhodes who had always revenged the injuries done to her, neither the league that was between the Romans and the Rhodians, by which it is provided in plain terms, that neither people should make war on the other. They sent also Archelaus Ambassador unto him, who had formerly been his Master at Rhodes for the Greek tongue, to demand this of him with more submission; to whom Cassius gave answer, That the league was first broken by the Rhodians, and that he would punish them for it, if they yielded not presently, [ Appian. pag. 626, 627. 630.]

This answer more terrified the wiser citizens; but the people were more moved with the Orations of Alexander and Mnaseas, putting them in mind, with how much greater a Navy Mithridates had inroded Rhodes, and before him Demetrius, two most potent Kings. Whereupon they created Alexander, Prytanis, which is a Magistrate among them of very great power, and made Mnaseas Admiral. [ pag. 627. 628.]

Alexander and Mnaseas, the Commanders of the Rhodians, with 33. choice ships, sails to Myndus, that by this daring, they might put Cassius in fear; and it might by chance be some color of hope, seeing that having overtaken Mithridates near this Town, they saw an happy end to that war. After they had shown their skill in sailing, they went to Cnidus the first day. The next day Cassius his soldiers loosed from shore against them that came from sea-ward. [ pag. 627, 630.]

Here was a sharp fight between them, the Rhodians with their nimble ships, running hither and thither, sometimes ran through the enemies ranks, sometimes about them: on the contrary the Romans trusting to their great ships, as often as they laid hold on any ship with their iron hooks, by being too strong for them they prevailed, as in a fight at land: but because Cassius had the greater number of ships, the Rhodians could not long dally with their enemies, through their swiftness and usual artifices: for whereas they set up them only in front, and then retreated, it did them little good, their enemies still keeping themselves close together. The strokes also of their beaks were of no strength against the heavy ships of the Romans: on the other side, the Roman ships beat those light with a direct assault, until three Rhodian ships were taken, with all the soldiers in them, two being broken, sunk, the rest very much shattered, fled to Rhodes, [ pag. 630.]

With this success the Romans fleet fought with the Rhodian at Myndus [ Ibid. cum Dion. pag. 346.] Which fight Cassius beheld from a Mountain; and immediately after he had repaired his fleet, he went to Loryma, a Castle of the Rhodians on the other side of the Continent: from whence he conveyed over his land forces in ships of burden, under the conduct of Fanius and Lentulus; he himself with 80 long ships furnished, to strike a terror into the Rhodians, both by sea and land, rested himself, expecting if by chance the enemy would leave his fierceness. [ Appian. pag. 631.]

But they boldly met him again, whom Cassius by the help of Statius (Murcus) overcame, conquering their skill by the greatness and number of his ships: and then having lost two ships, they are besieged on every side. [ Id. ibid. Dion. pag. 346.]

Immediately all the walls are filled with Soldiers; who might keep Fanius from assaulting them by land, and Cassius with his Navy by sea, not unprovided for invading the walls: for Cassius thinking that some such thing would happen, did bring with him Towns that were folded up, which were there set up. Thus Rhodes, twice beaten by sea, was now assaulted both by sea and land, unprovided, as in a thing they looked not for, to sustain an assault; by which it appeared, it would in short time come into the power of the enemies, being overcome either by arms or famine: and this was known to the wiser of the Rhodians, there having passed secret conference between them, and Fanius and Lentulus: and seeing that Cassius was suddenly come into the midst of the City with his choicest soldiery, it is believed that some lesser portals were opened to him by Citizens that privately favored him, least the City should be miserably destroyed. [ Appian. pag. 631.]

Here Cassius answered the Rhodians, that called him King and Lord, I am neither Lord nor King, but the killer and avenger of a Lord and King. [ Plutarch. in M. Bruto. ] He sat under a spear for his Tribunal, because he would seem as if he had taken the City by force of arms: and having commanded his army to be quiet, and by his public Criers, threatened death to plunderers; he cited before him 50 Rhodian Cityzens, whom he commanded to be put to death, and other 25 not appearing, he banished. [ Appian. pag. 731.]

There he despoiled the Rhodians both of their ships and money; he scraped together all the gold that belonged either to the Temples or Treasury, yea, he took away all things that were dedicated to the gods, except the Chariot of the Sun. [ Id. ibid. Dio. pag. 246.] Neither was he content with all that, but he took privately from the owner, what gold or silver soever he had: denouncing a punishment by a Cryer, if any one hid it, and propounding a reward to them that told of it, to wit, a tenth part, and to the slaves liberty. At the first some concealed their money, hoping that his threats would go no further than words: but after they saw that rewards were given to discoverers, they desired that the time prefixed might be prolonged: which being granted, some digged up that they had hid in the earth; others drew their money out of wells, and some again brought more than they hid before. [ Appian. pag. 631, 332.] And when as thus he had extorted from private men 8000 talents, and publicly had fined the City in 500 more. [ Plutarch. in M. Brut • . ] He left to the Rhodians remaining nothing but their life. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

This therefore Cassius by a sharp and most prosperous war, took Rhodes, a matter of huge consequence, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] who rejoicing at his sudden overcoming it and the great store of money, left L. Varus at Rhodes with a Garrison, [ Appian. pag. 632.] After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had taken, [ Dio. pag. 346. fin. ] and commanded a tribute of ten years from all the Provinces of Asia, which he exacted without any abatement, [ Appian. 632.]

Then it was told Cassius, that Cleopatra was sailing towards Caesar and Antonius with an huge Navy, and great preparation; she having always before followed that side, for the love she bare to the former Caesar; but then far more eagerly for the fear she had of Cassius: for the invasion of whom, Cassius sent into Peloponesus, Murcus together with one Legion and some Archers in 60 covered ships, to keep the road about the Promontary of Tenarus; but Cleopatra contemning Cassius and Murcus his guard, set sail towards the Ionian Sea: but her Fleet was grievously troubled with a tempest on the coast of Africa, and the tokens of her shipwreck were brought by the waves even into the country of Laconia, and Cleopatra herself fell into a sickness, and so returned home, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632, 636. cum lib. 5. pag. 975.]

Among Brutus's Epistles, there is one concerning the Victories of him and Cassius, as it were sent to the Coans. Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius, a city rather bold, than strong by her own strength. All Lycia is now at our command, partly conquered in war, and partly for fear of suffering extremities: which choice truly was for their profit; for willingly they chose that, which they must have done in a little time after: Choose you therefore whether you had rather serve being forced thereto by war, or rather to be called our friends by receiving us.

Brutus being returned from Lycia into Ionium, he did many memorable works, both in honoring them that deserved well, and in punishing others according to their demerit; and amongst others, Theodorus the Rhetorician, by whose persuasion (as he himself bragged) Pompey the Great was killed, finding wandering in Asia, he put to death, with all manner of torments, [ Plutarch, in Bruto, & Pompeio. ]

Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardes, and as he was coming near there, he went to meet him with his friends: the whole soldiery being ready in their arms, saluted them both Generals: as it is wont to be in great matters between two who have many Captains and Friends, that mutual suspicion and accusations will arise between them. The first thing they did, they two alone went into a private room, and shutting the doors to them, and all men bid w • thdraw, they began amongst themselves first to expostulate, then to argue, and accuse each other: then falling into fear, and to a more free and vehement chiding, their friends wondering at the sharpness of this wrath and contention, feared to what issue this would come, [ Id. in Bruto. ] but all these suspicions, (which each had conceived against other thorough other men's false accusations,) they wisely at length took away. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347.]

M. Favonius was then there, (of whom Cicero makes mention of as a familiar friend to Brutus, lib. 15. ad Atticum, epist. 11.) an imitatour a long while of M. Cato, who was a Philosopher, not so much thorough reason, as by some passionate and mad motion; and placed it amongst the least matters to be Consul of Rome: and with a Cynical kind of harsh language which he used, he aleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many. He then violently thrusting away the porters who forbad him entrance, went into the room where Brutus and Cassius had private conference, with a mimick voice, pronouncing those Verses that Homer saith Nestor used,

and those that follow. This made Cassius laugh, but Brutus thrust him out; calling him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unlearned dog, and adulterous dog; After this difference was ended, Cassius provided a supper, and Brutus invited his friends thither. As they were going to sit down, Favonius came very trim: Brutus protesting that he came unsent for, and bidding him be gone; but he thrusting in, placed himself at the upper end of the Table between them: and there was at the Feast both mirth and good discourse, [ Id. ibid. ]

The next day Brutus condemned in public judgment, and with a note of infamy, L. Pellius, one that had been Praetor, and whose help he had used, being accused of bribery by the Sardians: which deed did not a little touch Cassius, who a few days before, only chastised privately two that were found guilty of the same fault, and absolving them publicly, still made use of them. Whereupon he accused Brutus as too rigidly keeping the laws, and too just, as such a time as he should do but civilly and with humanity: he admonished him again that he should remember the Ides of March, on which they had killed Caesar, who had not so much vexed all men, as a patron of them that did it. [ Id. ibid. ]

Labienus the younger, the son of Titus Labienus, (Caesar's Lieutenant in Gaul, being sent by Cassius and Brutus to demand aid of Orodes, the King of the Parthians, remained there a long time with him, without any notice being taken of him, both because the King had no mind to help them, and also because he durst not deny them. [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371. cum Floro. lib. 4. cap. 9. & Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78.]

Brutus commanded the whole fleet of the Lycians, to set sails for Abydus, whither also he marched with his land forces; to stay there for Cassius his coming out of lonium, that they might both go to Sestos together. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 636.]

When Cassius and Brutus were about to pass out of Asia into Europe, and to transport their army into the opposite continent; an horrible spectacle is said to be shown to Brutus; for in the dead of the night, when the moon shined not very bright, and all the army was in silence, a black image of an huge and horrid body, standing by him silently is said to offer itself to Brutus, his candle being almost out, but he asking without fear, what either man or god he was, the spirit answered, O Brutus I am thy evil Genius, thou shalt see me again at Philippi, and that he should answer undauntedly, Then I shall see thee: Florus relates these things [ lib, 4. cap. 7. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.] Plutarch in the end of Caesar's life, but more fully in the life of Brutus. where he adds that the next morning he told Cassius what he had seen, and that he expounded to him out of the doctrine of the Epicureans, what was to be thought concerning such spectrals.

Antigonus the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus) invaded Judea, [Year of the World 3963] being aided by Ptolomei the son of Mennaeus, and Fabius the governor of Damascus, whom he had made his friend by money, and Masion the Tyrant of the Tyrians, who adhered to him, for the hate he bare to Herod, whom Herod meeting being scarce entered the borders of the Country, drave him from thence, having overcome him in battle, wherefore Hyrcanus honored him with crowns as soon as he returned to Jerusalem, for already by promise he was accounted of as one of the family of Hyrcanus, being to marry Mariamme (in Syriac called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Mary) born of Alexander the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus, and Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus. [ Joseph. lib. belli. 1. cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 21. cum lib. 15. cap. 9. 11.]

At the gulf Melanes, Cassius and Brutus having mustered their army, there were found in it 80000 foot, and Brutus had of French and Lusitanian horse 4000, of Thracian, Illyrian, Parthia, and Thessalian 2000. Cassius had of Spanish and French 2000; 4000 horsemen that were archers out of Arabia, Media, and Parthia, (for Justin confirms that the Parthians sent aides hither, [ lib. 42. cap. 4.] there followed also Kings that were allies, and Tetrarchs out of Gallograecia, who brought 5000 horse besides foot forces. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 840.]

These met with the army of the Triumviri, M. Antonius and Octavianus Caesar at Philippi, a city of Macedonia, (not less famous for Saint Paul's epistle, than for this war:) [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] in like manner on each side there were 19 Legions. Antonius and Caesar had 13, Brutus and Cassius 20000. the Cassi •• s, desiring to tire the enemy out with scarcity of provision, for many days refused the fight; seeing all things were supplied to them out of Asia, and brought near hand by sea, whereas the enemies were in want in an enemies country; for neither the merchants could get anything out of Egypt, there qeing a great famine there: neither would Sextus Pompeius suffer anything to be brought out of Spain or Africa, nor Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus out of Italy, and truly Macedonia and Thessalia, could not long suffice, which then alone maintained the army; on the other side Antonius, that he might hinder the bringing in provision to the enemy behind them out of Thasus, in ten days space, having privately opened a passage in a narrow fen, erected many Castles with trenches on the farther side; which afterward Cassius by running a trench from his camp to the sea through all the fen, rendered unprofitable to him. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 652. 653.]

The fight then being begun, (from which Caesar and Antonius are said to have withdrawn themselves) the wing that Brutus commanded, beating back the enemy, took Caesar's camp; but the wing in which Cassius was, was put to flight and discomfited, and his camp taken by the Antonians; [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 7. Vellei. Patercul. ut supra. Plutarch. in Antonio. ] there fell of the Cassians 8000 reckoning the servants, that followed the camp, whom Brutus called Brigae of Caesar's army Massala Corrinus, who was then present in Brutus camp, and a little after yielded himself to Caesar, saith he thought there were lost twice so many or more. [ Plutarch. in M. Bruto. cum Appiano. lib. 4. pag. 655.]

Cassius having lost his Camp, could not return thither, but went about unto an hill by Philippi, to take a view what should be done, [Appian. pag. 655.] and supposing that the whole army was discomfited, killed himself, [Livy, lib. 124.] with the same sword he had killed Caesar, as Plutarch relates in the end of his Caesar. Although in another he himself, with others also, say, That his head was cut off by his freed man Pindarus: whom from the overthrow of Crassus in Parthia, he had appointed for such a necessity. [Id. in Bruto. & Antonio. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Appian. pag. 655. Dion. pag. 354.] Of whom Valerius Maximus, lib. 6. cap, 8. P • ndarus newly m • numitted by Cassius, now overcome in the war at Philippi, withdraw him from the insulting of his enemies, by cutting off his head at his own command, who withdrew himself from the sight of men, by a voluntary death; so that his dead body could not be found: which of the gods, the revenger of so great a wickedness, bound that right hand with such dullness, wh • ch was enraged in the murder of the father of his Country, that it should come trembling to Pindarus his knees, least he should pay that punishment, which he had deserved, at the will of the pious Conqueror? Truly thou, Deified Julius, hast exacted the revenge due to thy heavenly wounds, by compelling that head was perfidious against thee, to be made a suppliant to the a • d • of a base man, forced by the rage of mind, that he would not retain his life, nor durst end it by his own hand.

Brutus, having delivered Cassius his Corps to his friends, caused it to be privately buried at T • asus, least the army, by the fight of his funeral, should be provoked to mourning, and be dejected. [ Plutarch. in Bruto. Appian. pag. 655. Dio. pag. 354.] Cassius died the very day he was born, [ Appian. ibid. ] and his servant in the evening came to Antonius, with his soldiers coat, and his sword, which he had newly taken from his body; which being brought him, the Antonians took such courage, that they set the army in battle array, as soon as it was day. [ Plutarch ut supra. ]

On the same day that the army of Caesar was overthrown in the field at Philippi, the Marthian Legion, and other great forces, that were bringing to Caesar, by Domitius Culvinus out of Italy, were overcome and discomfited by M • rcus and Aenobarbus in the Ionian sea. [ Plutarch. in Bruto. Appian. pag. 656, 657.] Of which victory Brutus was ignorant for 20 days together; all which time the Soldiers of Caesar and Antonius were miredin the fens of Philippi, and very much troubled with au • umnal showers, that followed after the battle, and conjealed into ice. [ Plutarch. ibid. ] In which time many Germans fled to Brutus: and in like manner Amyntas, the General of Doj • tarus, and Rhascipolis the Thracian, left Brutus his party: which when Brutus suspected, in fear of a greater revolt, he determined to put all upon a general battle. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 355.]

The night before the battle, it is reported, that that ghost cume again to Brutus, in the same manner as before, but spake nothing, and so vanished away: although P. Volumnius, a man given to the study of wisdom, who was then in Brutus his Camp, and wrote other progidies that happened, made no mention of this apparation. [ Plutaroh. in fin. Caesaris, & in Bruto. cum. Appiano, lib. 4. pag. 668.]

At this second fight, not only Antonius was present, b • also Caesar Octavins, though weak and sickly: of whom Ovid touching the things that were done in this Philippick war, in the third book Fastorum.

And in the fifth.

Brutus being overcome in battle, fled to an hill by night: and on the next day he desired of Strabo Aegeates, an Epirote, with whom there was friendship, by reason that they studied Rhetoric together, that he would lend him his hand towards his death: and casting his left arm over his head, when as holding the point of the sword in his right hand, and directing it to his left pappe, where the heart beats, and forcing himself upon a wound, so gave up the ghost, being run through at one thrust. [ Livy, lib. 124. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Plutarch in M. Bruto. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 665, 666.]

And this was the end of Brutus and Cassius in this war, who being the murderers of Julius Caesar their Emperor, by whom they were saved in the Pharsalian fight, afterwards murdered themselves, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 667, 668.] being both of them run through with the swords they had killed Caesar, as Dio affirms in the beginning of his 48. book; and the liberty which they so much desired to see restored, they lost by this murder of Caesar, [ Florus. lib. 4. cap. 7.] although they, in less than two years, had gathered together more than 20. Legions, and about • 0000 Horse, above 200. long ships, and other not contemptible preparations, and had extorted huge sums of money from men, whether they would or not: and being often victors in the wars, they waged with many Cities, and with Nations of the contrary faction, and had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates; and whosoever they made war with, they drew them to their society, and made use of their help which were faithful to them, as of Kings and Governors, yea, of the Parthians, although their enemies. [ Appian. pag, 666, 667.]

Antonius standing by the corps of Brutus, modestly upbraided him with the death of his brother Gaius, put to death by him in Macedonia; but often saying, That he rather imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius, (who was Proconsul of Macedonia) than to Brutus; he commanded Hortensius to be killed upon his grave, [ Plutarch in M. Bruto. & M. Antonio. ] He cast upn Brutus his body his purple soldiers coat of great price, and committed the care of his funeral to one of his free men, whom afterwards he put to death, when he knew he had not burnt that coat with him, and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia. [ Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.] But Octavian sent his head to Rome, that it might be bestowed under Caesar's statue. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 13.] But in the passage from Dyrrachium, a tempest arising, it was cast into the sea. [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 356.]

As many of the Nobility as escaped into Thasus, some sailed from thence, others yielded themselves to the power and mercy of Messala, Corvinus and L. Bibulus; others having agreed for their security with the Antonians: Antonius himself being come into Thasus, delivered up to him whatsoever of either money, arms, provision, or other preparation remained. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 669.]

L. Julius Mocilla, one that had been Praetour, and his son, and A. Torquates, and others that were abashed with the like fortune, went into Samothracia, to whom Pomponius Atticus commanded all things to be supplied out of Epirus. [ Cornel. Nepos. in Vita Attici. ]

Cassius Parmensis, Brutus and Cassius being gone to the war, was left in Asia with a fleet and an army, to exact money, after the death of Cassius, hoping better things from Brutus, chose 30 of the Rhodian ships, supposing he should fill so many with Mariners of the Allies; the rest he burnt, least the City should make some innovations. Having done this, he sets sails with his own, and the Rhodian ships; but Clodius being sent by Brutus, as soon as he saw the Rhodians about to rebel, (for now Brutus was dead) he withdrew the Garrison of 3000 men, and joined himself with Parmenses: to them came Toru • us with many other ships, and money which he had exacted from the Rhodians, before their revolt. [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 671, 672.]

To this Fleet, as in which there was yet some strength, resorted as many as were dispersed thorough Asia for divers affairs; and put into them as many Legionar • soldiers as they could possibly, and made a muster for rowers of bondmen and slaves, and of the Islanders into whose Ports they came. To them came Cicero the younger, and as many of the Nobility as fled from Thasus: So that in short time, there was a great company, and both a fleet and an army not to be contemned, with Leaders also, [ Id. ibid. pag. 672.]

These sailed into the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus, and Cn. Aenobarbus, who commanded great forces, taking Lepidus wth them with another band, who kept Cr •• e with a Garrison of Brutus's: where parting, part remained with Aenobarbus, making a faction of their own, (keeping the Ionian Sea, bringing much damage to their enemies;) part went with Murcus and joined forces with Sextus Pompeius; for joining himself to Pompeius both with that part of the army that was committed to his charge, and a great Fleet, and the relics of Brutus his army, he doubled Pompeius's Forces, [ Id. ibid. cum Velle • . Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 72. & 77. Dion. lib. 48. pag. 361, 368.]

Caesar and Antonius dismissed the soldiers that had served out their time, except 8000 whom they entreated to serve longer under them, and divided them between them, and took one of an hundred of them for their Life-guard: of eleven Legions and 14000 Horse, which were left of Brutus his army, Antonius took six Legions, and 10000 Horse; and Caesar four Legions, and 4000 Horse, [ Appian. ibid. pag. 672. 673.] Moreover it was agreed, that Caesar should give two Legions of his own to go along with Antonius, and that he again should receive two others which were then left in Italy, which were his soldiers under the command of Calenus, [ Id. ibid. pag. 673. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 358.]

Caesar taking this business upon him, that he might repress Lepidus the Triumvir if he should make any stir, and carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius, and divide the lands promised to the old soldiers that were ensigns, returned into Italy; but in his journey fell so sick, that they that were at Rome thought he was dead. Antonius stayed to go about the Provinces beyond Sea, to abate the enemies pride, and to get money for the soldiers as they had promised them, [ Livy, lib. 125. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 74. Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 672, 673. Dio. lib. 48, pag. 357, 358.] for seeing they had promised to every soldier 5000 drachmes, they were to take the greater care to find out and to command money, [ Plutarch, in Antonio. cum Dion. lib. 47. pag. 352.]

Antonius therefore with a great army passing into Greece, at the first shown not himself harsh or rigid to the Grecians; but rejoiced to be accounted a friend of the Grecians, especially of the Athenians, on whose City he bestowed many gifts, [ Plutarch. ]

L. Censorinus being left in Greece, [The Julian Period. 4673] himself went into Asia. [Year before Christ 41] [ Id. ] There he going abou • , and sending others, exacted money of the Cities, and sold their Territories, [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371.] Kings also much haunted his Court, and Kings wives striving amongst themselves in gifts and beauty, offered their service to him. Anaxenor also an harper, Xuthus a musitian, Metrodorus a dancer, and all the Asian comicks and kickshaws crept into the Court; where all things abounded in luxury. At length Antonius being ready to go to the Parthian war, he sent Dellius (the Historian, as Plutarch afterwards calls him, and whom Seneca, in 1 Suasoria, saith, left Cassius and went to Antonius) into Egypt to Cleopatra; commanding her to appear before him in Silicia, to answer for herself, because she was said to have afforded much help and aid to Cassius, [ Plutarch. ]

Apuleiu, who was proscribed by the Triumviri, by delivering Bythinia to Antonius, over which he was made Governor by Brutus, obtained of him to be restored into his country, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 616.]

In Bythinia, Antonius met with Embassies from all Nations; there were also the Rulers of the Jews, to accuse Phasaclus and Herod; as though Hyrcanus reigned only in show; but in truth all the power was in the two brothers. But Antonius highly honored Herod, who was come thither to wipe off all objections, by which it came to pass, that his adversaries were not so much as admitted to speak to him; for this Herod had obtained by bribing him, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 22.]

At his entrance into Ephesus, the women went before him in habits of the Baccharae, and men in the habit of Satires and Panes: all the city resounded with hurrying after Ivy Garlands with instruments of music, flutes and pipes: they called him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Bacchus the bountiful and debonair, [Plutarch. ] He there sacrificed to Diana with all magnificence, as to the Protectour of that place: and absolved the Cassiani upon their petitions, who had fled into Sanctuary there, except Petronius who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar, and Quintus who had betrayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. [ Appian. lib. 6. pg. 683.]

Thither came the Ambassadors of Hyrcanus the High Priest; and of the Jews: to wit, Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Joseph; the son of Mennaeus, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, bringing unto him a Crown of gold; they declared unto him the same Embassy they did at Rome: desiring him, that those Jews that Cassius had taken prisoners, contrary to the Laws of Arms, might, by his letters written to the Provinces, beset at liberty, and that their Country that Cassius had taken from them, might be restored. Antonius thinking they demanded but equity, presently yielded to their requests, and wrote letters to this purpose, both to Hyrcanus himself, and also to the Tyrians, Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians, which are extant in Josephus, [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 22.]

The Grecians and other Nations inhabiting Asia Pergamena, being cited to Ephesu, Antonius declared unto them, what great promises he had made to his 28 conquering Legions, which with those that belonged to them made up; 150000 men and whenas they had given to Cassius and Brutus his enemies ten years tribute in 2 years, he demanded of them that they should give him so much in one year, who complaining that they were exhausted by their former enemies, at length very hardly obtained, that they might pay nine years tribute in two years, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 673. 674.]

Antonius deprived many noble men of their estates, and bestowed them upon Knaves, and flatterers, many begged the fortunes of some that were alive, and had them, and some of those that were dead, he bestowed the goods of a Citizen of Magnesia upon a Cook who had dressed but one supper, (as it is reported) handsomely for him; at last, when he had burdened the Cities with another tribute, Hybreas who agitated the affairs of Asia, was so bold to say, if you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year, you must be able also to make two summers, and then to yield fruits to us twice, and when Asia brought in 200000 talents he said if thou hast not received them, demand them, but if thou hast not that that thou hast received, we are undone; sharply nipping Antonius by this saying; who out of simplicity believing his own servants, was ignorant of many things that were done, [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ]

In like manner other tributes were imposed by the command of Antonius upon Kings, Governors, and free Cities, each according to their abilities. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 674.]

As he was going about the Provinces, L. the brother of Cassius, and as many as had heard of the act of clemency done by him at Ephesus, and were afraid, humbly came and presented themselves unto him, all whom he absolved, except those that were guilty of Caesar's death, to whom only he continued unplacable. [ Id. ibid. ]

The Lycians and Xanthians he freed from tribute, and exhorted them to rebuild their city, to the Rhodians also he gave Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus: which not long after he took from them, as ruling too cruelly over them, but also granted to them of Laodicea and Tarsus, liberty and freedom from tributes, to the Athenians that came unto him, he gave first Tenos; and then Aegina, and also Icos, Cea, Sciathus, and Parepathus, [ ibid. pag. 675.]

Passing by Phrygia, Mysia, Gallograecia, Cappadocia, Silicia, Coelosyria, Palestine, Ituraea, and other Provinces of the Syrians, he laid very grievous tributes on them all, he composed also all-differences of Kings, and Cities after his own pleasure, and particularly in Cappadocia, the business of Sisenna and Ariarathes, Sisenna being preferred to the Kingdom, in favor of his beautiful mother, yet in Syria he took away Tyrants from divers Towns, [ ibid. ] he committed the Government of Cyprus, to Demetrius the freed man of Julius Caesar. [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 381.]

Antonius promised the Tarsenses the command of the university, and preferred Boethus to that office in that place, one as well an ill Poet, as an ill Citizen; yet Antonius approved his Poem that he wrote of his victory at Philippi: but the Tarsenses chiefly preferred him, because he was able on a sudden to speak something concerning any subject, but when the accounts of the expenses to be laid out in the university, were committed to his charge, he was found to have stolen both other things and also the oil, upon which account being accused before Antonius, he answered him, as Homer sang the praises of Agamemnon, and Achilles, and also Ulysses, so have I thine, therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee, but: answered the accu • er, Homer stole no oil from Agamemnon and Achilles, which because thou hast done, thou shalt be punished, nevertheless Boethus, having appeased his anger by some services, kept the Government of the City even to the death of Antonius. [ Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 674.]

Cleopatra, what being brought in by Dellius, and partly trusting in the comeliness of her beauty and behavior, came into Silicia, unto Antonius, [ Plutarch. in Antonio. cum Joseph • . lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 673. & Dion. lib. 48. 371.] the fantasticallnesse of whose coming, is thus described by Plutarch more like a Poet, than an Historian, she was conveyed by a ship all guilt, on the river Cydnus, which runs by the City Tarsus, with purple sails all spread, and the oars all silvered, with music flutes, and pipes, and harps, she lay being curiously dressed under a canopie of clothe of gold, as Venus is painted, boys like to Cupids, stood here and there and fanned her, and her maidens in the habits of Nereides and Graces, stood at the helms, and others plied the oars, all the bancks were filled with most fragrant smells, by reason of the abundance of perfumes, the men from both sides the shore accompanied her from the river, and they that were in the city came to see the sight, so that Antonius was left alone sitting in the Forum, upon his Tribunal, and there went a general rumour, that Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus, for the preservation of Asia, Antonius sent certain men to invite her to supper; but she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her: who that he might just at her coming show his gentleness and courtesy, obeyed her and came.

Cleopatra, when Antonius accused her that she was not at part of Caesar's labors in the last war, objected to him again among other things, both the four Legions that she had sent to Dolabella, and how her fleet was torn with Tempests, and how often Cassius had threatened her, because she had sent no aide to him: he being overcome, began, like a young man, although he was then forty years old, to love her; upon whom a good while agone, he had wontonly cast his eyes, when she was a but a girl; when he being a young man, followed Gabinius to Alexandria, being at that time master of his Horse: and immediately Antonius his ancient industry decaying, all men did nothing but execute the commands of Cleopatra, without respect, either of Human or Divine Law. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 671, 675, 676.]

At the entreaty of Cleopatra, Antonius sent murderers to Miletus, to kill her sister Arsinoe, a Nun of Diana Leucophrine, as Appian relates: [ Ibid. pag. 676.] although Josephus saith that she was killed at Ephesus, as she was at her prayers in the Temple of Diana. [ lib. 15. cap. 14.]

Antonius commanded the Tyrians to deliver to Cleopatra Serapion, the Governor of Cyprus, who had sent aide to Cassius, and now came to beg his pardon: as also the Aradians, another suppliant; who when as Ptolaemaeus, the brother of Cleopatra, being overcome by Julius Caesar in a navral fight, upon the river Nile, and was never seen more, had bragged to the Aradians, that he was Ptolemy. He commanded also Megabezus, the Priest of Diana, the Ephesian, to be brought before him, because he had entertained Arsinoe, as a Queen; but at the entreaty of the Ephesians to Cleopatra, he dismissed him. [ Appian. ut supra, pag. 676.]

In the interim, Fulvia, the wife of Antonius in Italy, that had nothing of a woman in her, but her body, raised great stirs and wars against Caesar Octavianus. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 74.] By which dissention both the affinity between them is broken off, and the Common-wealth is broken into open war: for Caesar seeing he could not endure the insolency of his mother in law, (for he had rather seem not to agree with her, than with Antonius) he made a divorce with her daughter Claudia, whom he sware was yet a Virgin. [ Dion, lib. 48. pag. 359, 360. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 62.]

Hereupon Caesar sent into Phoenicia to Antonius, Cocceius and Cecinna, of whom Cecinna, his Embassy being ended, returned to Caesar; but Cocceius tarried with Antonius. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 707.]

There came an hundred of the most honorable among the Jews to Daphne, near Antioch in Syria to Antonius, now doting on the love of Cleopatra, that they might accuse Phasaelus and Herod; having chosen out for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number, and Messala undertook to defend the young men's cause: Hyrcanus also assisted him, who had betrothed his daughter to Herod. But parties being heard, Antonius demanded of Hyrcanus, which party he thought to be fittest to govern a Common-wealth: when he had answered on the young men's behalf, Antonius who loved them, because he had been kindly entertained by their fathers) made them both Tetrarchs, leaving unto them the government of all Judea, and wrote letters also to this purpose, and clapt fifteen of their adversaries in prison, and would have put them to death, had not Herod interceded for them. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23.]

Then a thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyrus, to Antontus, who being already bribed by the brethren, commanded the magistracy of that place, that they should kill the Ambassadors, as men that made innovations, and that they should aide the Tetrarchs: but Herod and Hyrcanus coming to them at their time without the City on the sea shore, advised them earnestly to withdraw; and admonishing them what danger would ensue, if they followed the suite: but they contemned this advice. Whereupon certain Jews, and the inhabitants of that City, brake out upon them, and killed some, and wounded other some; but Hyrcanus caused the wounded to be cured, and dead to be buried, and the rest took their flight homewards: but whrn the people did nothing but rail against Herod, Antonius in his displeasure slew those that he had in hold. [ Ibid. ]

Cleopatra being returned home, Antonius sent Horesemen to Palmyra, a City seated not far from Euphrates, to plunder it; a light crime being objected against them for color sake; that whenas they lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians, (they being Merchants, carried out of Persia, Indian, and Arabian wares to the Romans) but indeed, that they might enrich the Horsemen: of which when the Palmyreni had an inkling, they carried their goods to the other side of the bank, and placed Archers to keep them off, in which kind of weapon they do excel: but the Horse men finding the City empty, returned without either plunder or bloodshed. Hereupon presently after followed the Parthian war; many Tyrants out of Syria, whom Antonius had expulsed from thence, flying to the Parthians, and inviting them to seize upon Syria. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 676, 677.]

Antonius, [Year of the World 3964] when he had laid grievous tributes on the people, and had thus offended the Palmyren • ; he staid not to settle the troubles of the Province, but dividing his army into winter quarters, he himself went into Egypt to Cleopatra, [ ibid. pag. 677.] leaving Plancas in Asia, and Saxa in Syria, [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371.] to wit Decidius Sava: of whom Cicero makes mention in 13 Philippick, as one of M. Antonius guard, and Livy [ in lib. 127.] as of his Lieutenant in Syria.

This thing gave occasion to many stirs; for they that inhabited the Island Aradus, obeyed not those that were sent to them, for the ex • cting the money, but also slew some of them: and the Parthians whereas before they were in some commotions, then much more made insurrections against the Romans, Labienus, and Paco • us the son of Orodes being their Commanders, [ Dio. ibid. ]

To the Aradians belongeth, that that is read in the Chronicle of Eusebius. Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the Island Aradus, because he too fiercely exacted the tributes. Concerning Labienus, who Livy notes in lib. 127. to have been of Pompeyes faction, thus we read in Plutarch, [ in Antonio.] When the forces of Parthians were in suspense, of which Labienus being created General for the conduct of the Parthians, the Kings Captains being about to set upon Syria, Antonius was drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra. From whence a place that was brought to this purpose by the compiler of the Parthian Story of Appian, [ pag. 155, 156.] is to be corrected: who foolishly insinuates, that Labienus was brought by the Kings Captains to Alexandria: but Dio explains both the Original and Progress of this Expedition after this manner.

After the overthrow of Philippi Labienus, supposing that the Conquerors would pardon none of the adverse party, thought it better to live with Barbarians than to perish in his own country, and therefore stayed with the Parthians: and as soon as he understood of the sloth of Antonius, and his love and journey into Egypt, he advised the Parthians to make war upon the Romans, whose armies partly were cut off, partly received some loss, and the rest disagreed among themselves, and looked every day again as if they would come to a civil war. Wherefore he persuaded the King, that whilst Caesar was detained in Italy by reason of Sextus Pompeius, and Antonius gave himself over to his love in Egypt, he might subdue Syria, and the countries near unto it. He promised him also that he would be the General of this war, and so he might move many Nations to revolt from the Romans, who were offended with them, for the continual damages with which they were afflicted by them, [ Dio. pag. 371, 372.]

When he had persuaded the King by this discourse to make war, having received great forces from hi • and his son Pacorus, he brake into Phoenicia; and setting upon Apamea, but being beaten from the wall, he took the Garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary resignation: those consisted of Cassius and Brutus his soldiers; whom Antonius had chosen into his army, and had left to keep Syria, as well knowing that country: therefore Labienus easily made them of his party, as they that were familiarly acquainted with him; except Saxa, who then commanded them; for he being the brother of Decidius Saxa the Lieutenant of Antonius, and his Quaestor, was the only man that joined not with Labienus, [ Ibid. ]

Labienus overcame his Saxa in a set battle by the multitude and valor of his Horse, and pursued him as he was flying by night out of his Camp. He had before shot ticke • s into his Camp, to draw his soldiers to his party; which thing also Saxa fearing fled. Labienus having overtaken him, killed most of them that were with him: but when Saxa had fled to Antioch, he took Apamea, which no longer 〈◊〉 him, because it was generally reported that he was dead. He also took Antioch, deserted by Saxa, [ Ibid. ]

M. Antonius being splendidly entertained by Cleopatra, wintered in Egypt without his imperial ensigns, either as being in another's government and royal City, or because he would solemnize Festival days in his winter quarters; for setting aside all business, for his country, he wore the Grecian four-cornered Robe, and the white Attic shoe called Phaecusium, which the Athenian and Alexandrian Priests did use. When he went abroad he went only to the Temples, or places of Exercise, or to the meetings of Philosophers, always keeping company with the Grecians, and courting of Cleopatra, for whose sake chiefly he said he undertook this voyage, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 677.]

Being thus given to luxury with Cleopatra and the Egyptians, he lay there idle even to his utter destruction, [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373.] Plutarch describeth at large the luxury of him and his son, relating those things concerning this business that Philotus the Amphissian Physician told his Grandfather Lamprias, who was then at that time at Alexandria following his studies.

Cleopatra departing from him neither by night nor day, played with him at dice, drank with him, hunted with him, and saw him exercising himself in his arms; she accompanied him by night thorough the streets as he was eve • dropping at the gates and windows of the citizens, and talking to them that were within, and rambled with him, clad in the habit of a serving-maid; for he was wont to wear such habit himself; whereupon he returned home oftentimes well jeered, and oftentimes well cudgelled, [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ]

Antonius detained the Ambassadors that were sent to him from the Italian Colonies; either because it was winter, or because he would conceal his counsels. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 701] but in the mean time Caesar Octavianus did besiege the Consul L. Antonius his brother, at Perasium in Hetruria, [ Id. ibid. pag. 689.]

Cn. Domitius Calvinus, [The Julian Period. 4674] and Asinius Pollio being Consuls, [Year before Christ 40] Perusia was taken by Octavian. [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 365.]

Labienus having followed Saza, flying into Silicia, there killed him. [Dio. lib. 48 pag. 372.] Labienus going from Brutus his camp to the Parthians, and leading an army of them into Syria, killed the Lieutenant of Antonius, had very much afflicted the transmarine provinces: saith Velleius Paterculus [lib. 2. cap. 5.] but Florus in his fourth book 9 chapter Saxa ( for thus it is to be read there; not Casca ) the Lieutenant, was beholding to his own sword, that he might not come into his enemies power.

Saxa bein dead, Pacorus subdued all Syria, [ Florus & Dio. ut supra. cum Livio. lib. 127.] Tyrus only excepted, which the Romans that were left, and the Syrians who agreed with, had taken before, and neither by persuasions, nor force could they be reduced under his power, for the Parthians had never a fleet with them. [ Dio, ibid. ]

In the second year (as it is in Josephus, [ lib. 14. cap. 23.] to wit from the coming of Antonius into Syria, in which, Pacorus the Kings son, aed Barzapharnes a ruler of the Parthians seized upon Lysia, Ptolomaeus the son of Mennaeus died, whose successor in the principality Lysanias his son, (whom Dio saith was made King of the Ituraeans by Antonius) was made friends with An Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, a noble man, who could do much with him, reconciling them.

M. Antonius at the beginning of the spring, went against the Parthians, he came as far as Phoenicia, yea he came to Tyre; [ Plutarch. in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 701.] he sailed thither, as if he would bring aid to the City; but seeing all the country about seized upon by the enemy, pretending the war against Sextus Pompeius, he left it; on the contrary, under pretext of the Parthian war he excused himself, that he did not sooner go against Pompey: it so happened, that he neither came to help his allies, under color of Pompey, neither aided he Italy, under color of the allies. [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 372.]

As he was passing by the continent, and sailing by Cyprus and Rh •• s to Asia, he heard of the event of the siege of Perusia: and accused his brother Lucius, and his wife Fulvia. bu • more especially Manius, who was his agent in Italy in his absence, then passing into Greece, he met with his mother Julia, and his wife Fulvia, who had fled out of Italy; and from hence, as he sailed into Italy, he took Sipus. [ Id. ibid. cum Ap. lib. 5. pag. 679. 701.]

Fulvia being dead at Sicyon, her husband Antonius, at the persuasion of his mother Julia and L. Cocceius, being obout to treat of a peace with Caesar, recalled Sextus Pompeius (with whom he had already entered into league,) into Sicily, as it were to provide for those things that they had agreed upon; and he sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bythinia to command there. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 707. 708.] and seeing that Marcellus the husband of Octavia, the most beloved sister of Caesar, although by another mother, was newly dead: for the more firm confirmation of a peace, she is betrothed to Antonius, who although he did not dissemble that he had to do with Cleopatra, yet denied that she was his wife. [ Id. ibid. pag. 709. Livy, lib. 127. Plutarch. in Antonio. ]

Then, dividing the Roman Empire between them, they made Codropolis, a Town of Illyrium, (which seemed seated within the innermost part of the Adriatic gulf,) to be the bound of each ones dominions: so that all the Eastern Countries, as well Islands as Provinces, both of Europe and Asia, even to the river Euphrates, should fall to Antonius his part, and the Western as Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain, and Gaul to Caesar's, for the Provinces of Africa, Lepidus the Triumvir had already received from Caesar, and Sextus Pompeius had seized upon Sicily, [ Plutarch. Appian. ibid. Dio. pag. 374.]

The war against Pompeius sell to Caesar; unless something else did intervene, and to Antonius sell the Parthian war, to revenge the injury done to Crassus: Domitius Aenobarbus (although one of the murderers of Julius Caesar) was taken into league by Caesar, upon the same condition that he was formerly, by Antonius it was added to the league, that it might be lawful, for both the Generals, to muster the like number of Legions out of Italy, upon these articles the last league was made between Caesar and Antonius. [ Appian. pag. 709.]

Caesar and Antonius entered Rome with an Oration, for joy of the peace that was made between them, [ inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXCVII. ] whom the citizens entertained as triumphing; and clad them in a triumphal Robe, and placed them to see the Plays, in Ivory chairs, [ Dio. pag. 375.] and then also was solemnized the Marriage between Antonius and Octavia, who was then great with child: and because the law forbad any woman to marry till ten months after the death of her husband, the time was remitted by a decree of the Senate, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78. Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 710. Dio. pag. 375. fin. ] But Antonius put Manius to death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining on Cleopatra, and because he had been the cause of so great evils, [ Appian. ibid. ]

Asinius Pollio had a son born in his Consulship, whom he called Salonius, from his taking Salonae, a city of Split in Dalmatia: for whom Virgil in his Pollio singing verses upon his nativity, out of the Cumaean or Sibylline Poemes, who dividing the ages of the World by metals, and in the tenth and last age of the World, (in which Sol or Apollo was to rule) foretelling that there should come to be a restoring of all things, pronounced that this year the Golden Age (and with it the Virgin, Erigone, or Astraea, who had left the earth in the Iron Age) should return again. [ Servius in Virgil. Eclogue. 4.] In which description the Poet seems to have inserted those things which either he had heard spoken of by the Jews, whom (Cicero in orat. pro Flacco. saith) that there were many dwelt at Rome about the Aurelian Stayres; or which he had himself read in the books of the Prophets, (which were common in the Greek tongue) written of him.

Pacor • s the King of Parthia his son, having taken Syria, went into Palestine, and deposed Hyrcanus, who was set by the Romans to govern that country, and placed his brother Aristobulus in his room. Thus Dio, [ lib. 48. pag. 372, 373.] ill confounding Aristobulus the father, with Antigonus the son; whenas he himself afterwards always calls this Antigonus the King, and not Aristobulus, [ lib. 48. pag. 382. & lib. 49. pag. 405.] But most fully doth Josephus lay open this whole matter after this manner.

Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, said that he would give to the Parthians a 1000 talents and 500 women, if they would translate the kingdom from Hyrcanus upon him, and would also kill Herod with all that belonged to him: which things although he performed not, yet the Parthians to claim the kingdom for Antonius, marched with their army towards Judea. Pacorus the Kings son by sea, and Barzapharnes by land. The Tyrians shut their gates against him, but the Sidonians and them of Ptolomais, opened their gates to him. He sent a squadron of horse into Judea before him to see what was to be done, and gave command that they should help Antigonus. He that commanded the squadron was the Kings Buttler, and called also Pacorus.

The Jews also inhabiting Mount Carmel, joining themselves with Antonius, and showing themselves ready with him to inrod the enemies country, he began to conceive some hope, that by their help he might bring under his power that part of the country, which is called D • ynos; where having encountered with his enemies, and putting them to flight, he pursued them even to Jerusalem.

Here also they of Antigonus his party, their number very much increasing, set upon the Kings house; Phasaelus and Herod defending it: where in the Market-place there was a fight between them, and the enemies being overcome by the brethren, fled into the Temple: whom they having shut up in the Temple, they appointed 60 men to keep them, placed in the adjoining houses: but these, the people bearing a grudge to the brethren, burnt them with fire. Whereat Herod being angry, killed many of the people: and every hour, one laid wait for another, so that every day some were murdered.

When the day of Penticost was come, there were many thousands of men, as well armed as unarmed, gathered together about the Temple, from all parts of the country, who seized upon both the Temple and the City, except the Kings house; for this Herod kept with a few soldiers, as his brother Phasaclus did the walls. But Herod (being something helped by his brother) assaulted his enemies in the suburbs, forced many thousands of them to flee, some into the City, some into the Temple, and some into a Rampire that was near the City.

In the mean while, Antigonus demanded that Pacorus the General of the Parthians might be admitted to conclude a peace between them. Pacorus being entertained by Phasaelus, persuaded him that he would go as Ambassador to Barzapharnes, laying an ambush for him: he suspecting nothing went; Herod by no means approving this matter by reason of the perfideousnesse of the Barbarians, but advising rather that he would kill Pacorus, and those that came with him. Wherefore Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their Embassy; and Pacorus leaving with Herod 200 Horsemen, and ten whom they call Elutheri, took with him the Ambassadors.

But as soon as they were come into Galilee, the governors of those Towns came out against them in arms; and Barzapharnes entertained them with a cheerful countenance, and bestowed gifts upon them, but afterward laid ambushes for them. Phasaelus was brought with his train to a place near the sea side, called Ecdippon. Where Ophellus, learning from Saramulla, the richest of all the Syrians, that there were ambushes laid for Phasaelus, offered him shipping to shift away: but he unwilling to leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in Jeopardy, expostulated with Barzaphernes, concerning the injury offered to Ambassadors, who swearing that these things were not true, went presently to Pacor • s.

He was no sooner gone, but Hyrcanus and Phasaelus were clapt up in prison, much detesting the perjury of the Parthians, and to Herod also was an Eunuch sent with command, to surprise him if he could get him out of the City. Herod understanding from others what had happened to his brother, taking with him what aide he had about him, and setting the women on Horses, to wit, his mother Cybele, his sister Salome, his wife Mariamme, and the Mother of his wife Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother Pheroras, with their Servants, and the rest of the company, he by night, unknown to his enemies, took his flight into Idumaea.

In the journey, his mother by the overthrow of her Coach, was in great danger of death, that Herod was so astonished, least the enemy should overtake them whilst they stayed there: that he thought to kill himself with his own sword: but being restrained by them that were about him, he went towards Massada, a most strong fortified place, (which is seated in the Country af Arabia, and Palestine) by the nearest way he could possibly: the Parthians first pursuing him, and then the Jews, when he was but 60. furlongs from the City, but both overcome in fight.

After he was come to Ressa, a Village of Idumea, his brother Joseph came unto him; and seeing they brought so great a multitude with them, as without any hired Soldier, the Castle at Massada, whither they were determined to fly, could not hold them, he dismissed the greater part of them, to wit, 9000. commanding them to shift for themselves in Idumaea, giving them victual, but taking unto him the choicest men, and his nearest friends, he entered the Castle, and there disposing of the women, with the rest of their companions, because there was plenty of corn, water, and things necessary besides, he himself went unto Petra, a City of Arabia.

The next day after he was fled from Jerusalem, the Parthians plundered all the goods of the Citizens of Jerusalem, and the Kings house also, only the treasure of Hyrcanus, which was 300 talents remained untouched: a great part also of Herod's substance, especially that that he providently had carried into Idumaea: neither were the Parthians contented with the plunder of the City, but going out of the City, they harrassed the Country also, and rased the rich City of Marissa.

Antigonus, being thus brought back into his Country, by the King of the Parthiaans, received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, that were then prisoners; but he was very much agrived, that the women were got away, whom he had intended to deliver to the Parthians, together with the money that he had promised to give them: but then being afraid, least Hyrcanus, whom the Parthians had then prisoner, should again, by the favor of the people, be restored into his kingdom, he cut off his ears, that so he might be rendered unfit for the Priesthood: the Law forbidding, that any one that wanted any member, should approach unto the Altar. [ Levittic. XXI. 17, 18. &c.]

Phasaelus knowing that he was appointed to be put to death, seeing he could not lay violent hands upon himself, by reason of his chains, he beat out his own brains against a stone; but before he was quite dead, hearing by a woman, that his brother Herod was escaped, he greatly rejoiced that there was left one to revenge his death. But the Parthians, although they missed of the women which they most of all desired, notwithstanding, having settled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus, when they departed, took Hyrcanus along with them prisoner into Parthia. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 11. lib, 14. Antiquit. cap. 24, 25.]

At the same time Labienus took Silicia, and all the Cities seated in the Continent of Asia, (for, for fear of him, Plan • u • , the Lieutenant of Antonius in Asia, had fled into the Island) except Stratonicea, most of them without stroke stricken, but Melissa and Alabanda he took by force: for these Cities, when they had entertained a Garrison from Labienus, on a certain festival day, put to death the Garrison, and revolted. Wherefore Labienus having taken Alabanda, put the Citizens to death, and raised M • lissa, being abandoned by the inhabitants: and although he had a long time besieged Stratonicea, yet could he by no means get the City. At length, when he had gotten their money, and robed their Temples, he called himself the Parthian Emperor, by a clean different reason from the Romans; for he imposed upon himself a name from them whom he led against the Romans, as if he had conquered them, and not his fellow Citizens. [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373.]

Thus the Parthians, conquering for themselves under color of Auxiliaries, Labienus being their Captain, they made excursions from Euphrates and Syria, even to Ionium, but yet more like thieves than enemies. [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9. Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 120. in Parthic. pag. 134, 156. lib. bell. Civil. pag. 709. For the stopping of whose progress, M. Antonius sent into Asia his Lieutenant M. Ventidius Bassus. [ Plutarch. ibid. Appian. pag. 156, & 709.]

Ventidius was come to Labienus, before he knew anything of it, who being terrified with his sudden coming, and destitute of his forces, for he had none with him, but Soldiers gathered out of Asia, and was without the Parthians, and not daring to meet him, he immediately put him to flight, and followed him as he fled with his light harnessed Soldiers, and having overtaken him at the Mountain Taurus, would not let him go any further. [ Dio, lib. 48. pag. 380, 381.]

In that place they lay quiet many days in their Camps, one over against the other, Labienus expecting the Parthians, and Ventidius the Legions: when as in those days that happened to both of them, that both desired to hide. Ventldius, because he was afraid of the Parthian Horse, kept himself on high (for there he had placed his Camp) and the Parthians trusting to their multitude, and contemning those that they had in times past overcome, before they joined with Labienus, early in the morning went towards the hill, and nobly coming out against them, they intended to go even to the top of the hill: and when now they were come up, the Romans running towards them, tumbled them headlong without any great pains. Thus the Parthians being slain partly by the Romans, but the greater part destroyed by their own party in their retreat; seeing that some were flying, when as some were but just come to the hill. [ Ibid. pag. 381.]

Ventidius followed the Parthians that turned their flight, not towards Labienus, but into Silicia, even to the Camp; who seeing Labienus there stood still: but when Labienus had set his men in array; but seeing his men astonished by the flight of the Barbarians, he durst not fight, but by night determined to fly some whither. Ventidius having intelligence of this by some Fugitives, killed many of them in their departure by ambushments; all the rest being deserted by Labienus, he took to himself. [ Ib. ]

Labienus, having changed his habit, fled, and after he had lain hid in Silicia some time, he was sought out, and taken by Demetrius, who then governed Cyprus for Antonius. [ Ibid. ]

These things thus done, Ventidius recovered and settled Silicia, he sent before him Popedius Silo, with Horsemen to the Mountain Amanus, seated in the confines of Silicia and Syria, in those straits, which are called the gates. Silo by no means could get a Castle that was built there; and also he was brought into great danger by Pharnapates, the Lieutenant of Pacorus, who kept that pass, and had been utterly routed, but that Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting, and so brought aide to his own party. He setting upon the Parthians on a sudden, and they also fewer in number, Pharnapates, with many others, being killed, he recovered Syria, now relinquished by the Parthians, without any war, except only Aradus: for the Arabians fearing they should be compelled to suffer punishment for the boldness against Antonius, yielded not to Ventidius, although some time assaulted by him. [ Ibid. pag. 381, 382.]

Herod, not yet assured of his brother Phasaelus his death, went unto Malchus, the King of the Arabians (Nabataeans) who was obliged unto him, for many favors he had done him; being willing to expend 300 talents, to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy: for which cause he carried with him Phasaelus, his brothers son, a child of seven years old, to leave him in pledge with the Arabians. But there met him some that were sent from Malchus, to him; that he should depart from the bounds of the kingdom, for so the Parthians had commanded: but he pretended this by the persuasion of his Noble men, and that he might cozen him of that treasure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody. Which Herod taking very heavily, returned into a certain Temple, where he had left many of his followers: but the next day, when he came to Rh • ocorura, he heard of his brothers death. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 25.]

Malchus repenting of this ingratitude, sent in all hast after Herod, but could not overtake him, for he was gotten far onward of his way, posting to Pelusium, where the Mariners that were to sails to Alexandria, denying him passage; he was by the Magistrates of the place honourably entertained, and brought to Cleopatra the Queen, who could by no means, detain him then, because he was hastening to Rome although the sea was very much troubled with tempests, and the affairs at that time were in no very good condition in Italy, for seeing that it was not yet winter time, (as Salianus hath observed against Tormellus, in the year of the world 4014 num. 26. & 27.) I take that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Josephus concerning a storm at sea, which Herod neglecting, sailed from Alexandria towards Pamphilia, and being tossed with a grievous tempest, he cast over board much of his substance, and scarce got to Rhodes. [ Joseph. ibid. ]

Then met him at Rhodes two of his greatest friends, Sappinas and Ptolomaeus, and finding the City had suffered much in the war against Cassius, he could not be restrained no not by his present poverty, but that he would do something for it even above his ability, he then caused a frigot to be built, and embarking himself with his friends, he arrived at Brindisi in Italy, from thence he went to Rome, and declared unto Antonius those things that had happened to him and his family, and how through these tempests, ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) and continuing all dangers he had retired to him as to his only refuge, and in whom all his hope lay. [ id. ibid. ]

The narration had moved the compassion of Antonius, calling to remembrance also his fathers friendship, but especially the promise of money, if he were made King by his means, and the hatred of Antigonus, as of a man of a turbulent spirit, and an enemy to the Romans: made him more inclined to Herod: Caesar also, partly for that Antipater had been fellow soldier with his father in Egypt; and for other curtesies which he had shown him, and partly that he might gratify Antonius, whom he knew was well affected to Herod, was willing to promote his endeavors, whereupon the Senate being called, Messala, and then Atratinus, brought forth Herod, and after they had praised him, reckoning up the services and good will, that both his father and he had done for the Romans; they accused also Antigonus for ancient crimes, and that but newly in contempt of the Romans, he had received the Kingdom from the Parthians, and when Antonius had declared to the Senate, how much conducing it was to the Parthian war, that was then in hand, that Herod should be made King; Antigonus was declared an enemy, and the Kingly title was devolved upon Herod by their general suffrage. [ id ibid. cap. 26.]

The Senate being dismissed, Antonius and Caesar went out leading Herod between them, and being accompanied with the Consuls and other Magistrates, they went up into the Capitol, to do sacrifice there, and to place there the decree of the Senate, and the new King the first day of his reign, was feasted by Antonius, and after this manner he obtained the Kingdom, in the CLXXXV. Olympiad, (not CLXXXIV. as it is in Josephus) (Domitius Calvinus II. and Asinius Pollio being Consuls, and within seven days Antonius dismissed Herod out of Italy, honored with this unexpected felicity. [ ibid. ]

All the time of Herod's absence, Antigonus assaulted his family in Massada, abounding in all other provision, but only wanting water: so that for this very cause his brother Joseph was determined with 200 of his friends to fly unto the Arabians, for he had heard that Malchus now repented of the ingratitude he had shown Herod; but a shower falling that night, he changed his purpose, for the cisterns being filled with water, they made a gallant sally out, and killed many of Antigonus his men, both in open field, and covert assaults. [ ibid. ]

Ventidius easily recovered Palestine, Antigonus the King thereof being much afraid and exacted great sums of money from all men, but especially from Antigonus, Antiochus (Commagenian) and Malchus the Nabathaean; because they had aided Pacorus. [ Dion. lib. 48. pag. 382.] he came also into Palestine, under color as though it were to help Joseph: but indeed with this purpose to extort money from Antigonus; therefore he encamped near Jerusalem, and drew from him a sufficient sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered, he left Silo there with some part of his forces: who also was to be pleased by Antigonus, least he should raise him some new troubles, till the Parthians as he hoped, would come to his aid. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 26.]

There was in the company of Antonius an Egyptian, one that cast nativites, who told him, that although his fortune was most splendid and great, yet it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar, and therefore persuaded him to get from that young man as far as he could, for thy Genius (said he) is afraid of his Genius; for whereas thy Genius is erect and high when alone, but he coming near, is rendered more remish and lither. [ Plutarch, in Antonio. ]

After these things Antonius being to go to the Parthian war, had all his acts as well past as to come, confirmed by the Senate, he again dismissed many of his commanders, and disposed all things as he would himself, he called some Kings by his own authority, who should only pay a certain tribute, as he made Herod King both of the Idumaeans and Samatitanes, so Darius (the son of Pharnaces, and nephew of Mithridates) of Pontus, Amyntus of the Pisidians, Polemon of part of Silicia, and other Kings of other Nations, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 715.] Then committing the care of his family to Caesar, he departed out of Italy, taking with him Octavia into Greece, of whom he had one son born, [ Plutarch. ] and there he spent many days, [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 380.]

But his army, which was otherwise to winter about him, that he might accustom it to plunder and exercise, he sent against the Parthieni, a Nation of Illyria, in former time greatly affected to Brutus: others against the Dardanians, these also were of Illyria, and were wont to make inroads into Macedonia: others he commanded to stay for him in Epirus, that he might have them all about him; for he had intended his winter quarters should be at Athens. He sent also Furnius into Africa, that he might conduct the four Legions of Sextius against the Parthians, for he had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. These things being thus disposed, he wintered at Athens with Octavia, as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleopatra, [ Appian. pag. 715, 716.]

As he wintered at Athens, the first news of Ventidius's prosperous success were told him; how that the Parthians being overthrown, Labienus and Pharnapates, or Phraates the chief General of King Herod or Orodes, were killed by him. For this Victories sake he made a Feast for the Grecians, and set forth Plays of exercises to the people of Athens, in which he himself would be chief; wherefore leaving at home his Imperial ensigns, he went abroad with the rods that Judges in such exercises used, clad with coats and shoes called Phaecasia; and staving the young gamsters when they had contended as long as he thought good, parted them, [ Plutarch. ]

Antonius was praised at Rome, and processions decreed in his name: but to Ventidius himself, there was no reward decreed by the Senate, because he was not General, but carried on the war under the authority of another, [ Dio, lib. 48. pag. 382.]

The countries of Attalus and Dejotarus, which two were dead, were delivered to one Castor, [ Ibid. pag. 277.]

Herod being returned out of Italy to Ptolomais, having gathered store of soldiers both of hired, and those of his own country, hasted thorough Galilee against Antigonus; being aided by Silo and Ventidius, to whom Dellius (for so his name is to be read, in the 15 book, cap. 2. not Gellius) was sent from Antonius with commands, that they should conduct him into his kingdom: although Ventidius was by chance detained for settling the tumults in divers cities, that the Parthians had raised: but Silo was in Judea, but bribed with money by Antonius. Yet Herod's forces, as he went on, daily increased, and all Galilee, a few excepted, stood for his party, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

As Herod was marching to Masada, because he must of necessity succor his kindred, Joppe would not let him pass: which he must first take from the possession of the enemy, because he would not have behind him any fortification, in his march to Jerusalem: which occasion Silo taking hold on, dislodged his army; whom when the Jews pursued, Herod met with a small band of men, saved Silo, & who fought very cowardly, [ Id. ibid. ]

After Joppe was taken, he hasted to Masada to deliver his kindred from the siege, and his army was greatly increased, many of the country people joining with him: and having discharged his friends from Masada, he approached Jerusalem, in spite of Antigonus who had laid ambushments for him in all convenient places: the soldiers also of Silo following him, and many of the Jews terrified with his power. And when he had encamped on the west side of the City, those that kept the walls on that side, shot at him their arrows and darts: divers also coming out in troops, and beating up their quarters, Herod commanded an Herald to proclaim round about the walls, that he came for the public good, and for the conservation of the City, and that he would pardon all former injuries. On the other side, Antigonus turning his speech to Silo, and the Romans, told them, That it was unjustly done to give the kingdom to Herod, a private man, and an Idumaean; that is, an half Jew: whenas by custom, it ought to be given to the Priests line: and whenas Antonius his men, valiantly shooting from the Towres, had droven the enemy from the walls, Silo being bribed, suborned some soldiers of his acquaintance, who should demand larger provisions, and money to buy them, and should request to be withdrawn into commodius winter quarters. Whereupon the army being troubled and preparing to dislodge, Herod entreated the Captains and soldiers of Silo his army, that they would not leave him now, he being sent both by Caesar and Antonius, and all the rest of the Senate: and presently sending his soldiers into the country, he cut off all occasion of Silo his departure: such store of all necessaries being brought thither, more than any one could hope for. He commanded also his friends that inhabited about Samaria, that they should bring to Jericho, corn, wine, oil, cattle, and other necessaries, that for the future, there might be enough for the soldier, [ Ibid. ]

Antigonus, whe • he knew this, presently sent into the country those that should intercept the victuallers; but Herod taking with him some Cohorts, whereof five consisted of Romans, and as many of Jews, with whom he intermixed some foreign soldiers, and a few Horse, and went to Jericho: where finding the City forsaken of the inhabitants, and 500 that had fled with their families to the tops of the Hills, whom he took and let go again: But the Romans entering the City, plundered it, finding the houses full of all precious moveables. The King therefore leaving a Garrison there, returned, and dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries lately surrendered to him; namely, Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also obtained of Silo by bribery that part of the Roman army should be lodged in Lydda, currying favor with Antonius. Thus the Romans lived in all plenty, and free from bearing arms, [ Ibid. ]

But Herod could not be idle, [The Julian Period. 4675] for sending his brother Joseph into Idumaea, [Year before Christ 39] with a 1000 Foot, and 400 Horse, himself went into Samaria, and there settled his mother and the rest of his kindred, whom he had drawn out of Masada, and marched into Galilee; and there surprised some places that were held by Antigonus his Gorrisons. And when he came to Sephorus in snowy weather, Antigonus his men fled from thence, and he took great store of necessaries. From thence he sent a troop of Horse, and three Companies of Foot, against some thieves that inhabited in caves, to keep them from doing of mischief: they were not far from the Village Arbela. On the 40 day he came with the whole army, whom the enemy boldly met, and made his left wing begin to waver, until he came with the main Body, and succoured them, and forced his enemy that was conquering, to flee, and his own men who were fleeing to stand: and not content with this, he followed the chase as far as Jordan; so that he drew all Galilee to his subjection, except those that inhabited the caves: and giving every man of them a 150 drachmes, and more to the Captains, he dismissed them into their winter quarters, [ Ibid. ]

In the mean time, Silo came to him with his Captains who had wintered with Antigonus, for that he would not maintain them longer than one month; for he had sent to the inhabitants thereabout, commanding them, to spoil the country of all victual, and to flee to the mountains, that the Romans might perish thorough famine: but Herod committed the charge of provision to his brother Pheroras, commanding him to rebuild Alexandrium; who in a short time furnished the soldiers with abundance of all necessaries; and rebuilt again Alexandrium, which was formerly dismantled. About this time Antonius sojourned at Athens, [ Ibid. ]

P. Ventidius, when he heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria, was afraid; whenas neither the Cities were settled, and the armies as yet were dispersed in their winter quarters. Wherefore that he might give a stop to Pacorus, and remedy the slowness of his own Forces, he went to Chaunaeus a certain Governor, one that he was well acquainted with, but one that he knew wished well to the Parthians. Him nevertheless he highly honored as if he had been his faithful friend, and demmanded advice of him in some affairs; so that, yet without any hurt to himself, he would seem to have this opinion of him, that he would make him partaker of his most secret counsels. The business being brought to this pass, he feigned as though he were afraid lest the Parthians omitting their usual passage over Euphrates at Zeugma, should use some lower part of the River: because that there the Champain were fitter for the Parthians, but here the Hill for him; and thus he persuaded Chaunaeus, and by him deceived Pacorus. So that choosing the longer march by the Champain, (by which Ventidius feigned he would not have him come) he gave Ventidius time to collect his Forces. Thus Dio relates the business in the 56 book of Histor. [ pag. 403, 404.] but Frontinus, lib. 10. Stratagem. cap. 1. thus. Ventidius in the Parthian war against King Pacorus, knowing that one Pharneus a Cyrrhestian by birth, who seemed to be one of his allyes, that he told the Parthians, whatsoever was done in his Camp, turned the perfidiousness of the Barbarian to his own profit; for those things he most desired, he dissembled as though he were afraid they should happen, and those he was afraid of, he made as though he desired: for being troubled lest the Parthians should pass Euphrates, before that the Legions could come to him, which he had in Cappadocia on the other side Taurus; he very carefully wrought with the Traitor, that by his ordinary perfidiousness he should persuade the Parthians, that they should pass their army over at Zeugma, both where the cut is shorter, and the channel not so deep; for if they should come that way, he affirmed, that he could make much use of the Hills to evade the archers, but that he was mightily afraid, if they should come into the open field.

Antonius having spent the winter at Athens, with great luxury and pleasure of Octavia, as if he had been clean another man, he returned to the old Roman fashion, and changed his behavior; for now the Lictors were about the gates, and the Captains; and his guards, and all things ordered to make men afraid of him. Ambassadors now had audience, which were deferred for a long time; justice was administered, the ships were launched, and things were in a hurry for the preparation. [ Appian. l. 5. p. 716.] Finally, he took him a Crown from the sacred Olive tree, being to go to the war; and for satisfaction of a certain oracle, he carried with him a vessel, filled from the Mountain Clapsydra. [ Plutarch. in Antonio ]

In Syria, Ventidius sending for Silo to go against the Parthians, commanded him first to aide Herod, and then to bring Herod along with him, and the rest of the Auxiliaries of those Provinces; but Herod, having sent Silo unto him, marched with his soldiers against the thieves that lived in the caves; as Josephus more fully shows in [ lib. 1. Bell. cap. 12. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

Herod made Ptolomeus governor of the Country, but his government happened not well for him; for being invaded by them, who formerly disturbed the Country, he was killed. Which being done, they retired into fens, and unaccessable places, infesting with robberies and inroads all that Country. But Herod being returned, made them pay dear for their thievery; for of these revolters, some he killed, others flying into fortified places, having conquered them, he punished them, and rased their strong holds; and so taking away the authors of the innovations, he fined the Cities in an 100 talents. [ Joseph. ibid. ]

Pacorus coming into Syria, with great forces of the Parthians, left that shorter cut at Zeugma, and brought his army about by the lower way: and whilst the Barbarians join the bridge to those wider bancks, and therefore more unwildy, and bring on their Engines, 40 days are spent: which spacce Vintidius used to gather his forces together, which he received, but three days before the Parthians came: whom when Ventidius had suffered to pass the river, for he did not set upon them in their passage; he brought them into this opinion, That the Romans were effiminate and cowards. Ventidius also, by a dissembled fear, kept himself a long time quiet, and suffered the Parthians a long time to insult, At last he sent part of the Legions against them, as they were in security and jollity: at whose first brunt the Parthians were discomfited and routed. But when Pacorus saw his men flying, he thought that all the Legions had been withdrawn with them, wherefore he set upon Ventidius his Camp, with his main body, as though it had been left without any to defend it: which being seated upon an hill, and the Parthian Horsemen invading, they were ceasily tumbled down the precipice, by a sudden sally that the Romans made. Yet Vintidius lead not out the other part of the Legions into the Camp again, till they were come within half a mile of him; and then made so sudden eruption, that being near them, he made their darts of no use against him, of which there was great use at a distance: by which policy he quickly beat the Barbarians, because carried with a kind of ostentation of confidence, The slingers helped him very much, who exceedingly afflicted the Barbarians with their violent strokes at a distance: yet the Parthians, of whom many armed at all points, fought stoutly; and Pacorus himself valiantly fighting, fell down dead: for whose dead body a few courageously strove, but in vain: to be short, Ventidius slew all the Parthian Horsemen, all along between the river Orontes and Euphrates, making a slaughter of above 20000. neither in any war did the Parthians receive a greater wound. Of them that fled, some that endeavored to get home over the bridge, being prevented by their enemies there perished: others fled into Commagena, to King Antiochus. And thus Ventidius again drave the Parthians within Media, and Mesopotamia, but would not pursue them any farther, fearing the envy of Antonius. [ Livy, lib. 128. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9. Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 751. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78. Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27. A Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Suetonius. Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Plutarch. in Antonio. Jul. Fronton. Stratagem. lib. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 2. Dion. lib. 49. pag. 409. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sext. Ruf. in Breviario. Oros. l • b. 6. cap. 18.]

The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica. [ Strabo, Plutarch, Dio. ] and Pacorus was killed the same day of the year, in which (fourteen years before) his father Orodes had killed Crassus by his Captain Surena. [ Dio. pag. 404. Eutrop. Sext Rufus, &. Oros. ] which was done in the month of June, as Ov • d saith in his 6. lib. Fastorum.

Ventidius making an expedition against those that had revolted, subdued them, [ Plutarch. ] for the Syrians did extremely love Pacorus for his justice and clemency, as never any King the like, [ Dio. pag. 404.] Wherefore, when as Syria expected the event of the war, but doubtfully, Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted, he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken. [ Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 9.]

Ventidius making an expedition egainst those that had revolted, subdued them. [ Plutarch. ] for the Syrians did extremely love Pacorus for his justice and clemency, as never any King the like. [ Dio. pag. 404.] Wherefore, whenas Syria expected the event of the war; but doubtfully, Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted, he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken. [ Id. ib. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9.]

Orodes, who a little before had heard that Syria was wasted, and Asia seized upon by the Parthians, and gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans; when he heard of a sudden, that his son was dead, and his army destroyed, for very grief fell mad: for many days he spake to no man, nor eat anything, but was speechless, so that he seemed to be stricken dumb: but after many days, when grief had loosened his voice, he did nothing but call Pacorus, that he spake with him, and that he stood by him, and then again would with tears bewail the loss of him. [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4.]

At Rome there were decreed for this victory against the Parthians, both processions and a Triumph (but yet he never triumphed) both for his eminency, and also according to the Laws, because it was his Province. There were the same things decreed to Ventidius, because he seemed abundantly to have recompensed the overthrow of Crassus, by the like upon Pacorus. [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 404, 405.]

Ventidius led his army against Antiochus the Commagenian, under color, that he had not given him his servants, but indeed in hope to possess his treasure, of which Antiochus had good store, [ Id. ibid. pag. 404.]

Him he assaulted, being shut up in Samosata, but promising 1000 talents, and that he would be obedient to Antonius, he commanded him to send Ambassadors unto him, (for he was far from thence) to demand peace of him; for this only he would have to belong to him, that all things should not seem to be done by Ventidius alone, [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ]

Antonius commanded Ventidius, that he should send Machaeras to aide Herod with two Legions, and 1000 Horse, [ Joseph. lib. 4. cap. 27.] but yet for both the victories of Labienus, and of Pacorus, which were gotten by Ventidius, Antonius did not only not rejoice, but envied him also, because of his prosperous success by his own conduct; and although there were processions and a Triumph decreed to him, for both the victories that Ventidius had gotten, yet he thrust him from his charge, (the government of Syria) and neither then, nor hereafter, used his help anymore. Thus Dio, although Plutarch hath written, that he was honored by him, and that he was sent by him to Triumph.

Machaeras being drawn by Antigonus, and corrupted with money, against Herod's persuasion went unto him, as if he went to look to his actions; but Antigonus suspecting him, gave him not admission, but drave him from thence with slings: he then perceived that Herod had given him good counsel, and his own error in not following it. Wherefore he retired to Emmaus, and in his march killed all the Jews that came to hand, without distinction of friend or foe, he being angry at those things that had happened. At which fact Herod being sore grieved, came to Samaria, with an intent to go to Antonius; saying, That he had need of other manner of men than those, who did him more hurt than his enemies, whereas of himself he was to subdue Antigonus. But Machaeras overtaking him, entreated him to stay, or if he were determined to go on, at least that he would give him his brother Joseph, that they together might make war against Antigonus. Thus was he, after much entreaty, reconciled to Machaerus, and having Joseph his brother with the army, command him that in his absence, he should put all to the hazard of a battle, but he himself hasted to Antonius, whom he found assaulting Samosata, a city near Euphrates, and brought with him Auxiliaries both of Horse and Foot. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

After he was come to Antioch, he found many there, who desired to repair to Antonius, but durst not venture, because the Barbarians had beset the ways, to whom he offered himself to be their guide, and so came to Samosata to Antonius, having overcome the Barbarians once or twice, when he was entertained by him very honourably and much praised for his valor. [ Id. ib. ]

Seeing the siege of Samosata lasted long, the besieged turning valiant, out of despair of peace. (as it is in Plutarch) Antonius also suspected that his soldiers alienated from him, because he had used Ventidius ignominously, (as Dio hath it) he privately mentioned some hope of peace, that he might with honor depart: and when he could not receive no more than two hostages, and they not noble men, neither the money he had demanded; he granted peace to Antiochus, and was content with 300 talents, yielding also unto him, that he might put to death Alexander, who had formerly fled from him to the Romans. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Plutarch. in Antonio. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

This war being ended after this manner, [Year of the World 3966] he delivered to C. Sosius the gouernmen • of Syria and Silicia with an army, [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 405. Joseph. lib. 14. pag. 27.] who had often very good success in Syria. [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ]

The affairs in Syria being something settled, Plutarch writes, that Antonius returned to Athens; Josephus, that he went into Egypt, Dio that he intend • d to go for Italy, so that he may seem first to have returned to Athens, from thence to have passed into Italy, being called thither by Caesar, and the King returned to Athens to have sailed into Egypt to winter with Cleopatra, for he was sent for by Caesar from Athens, that they might consult together about the war against Sextus Pompeius, whither he came with a few as far as Brindisi; where seeing he found not Caesar at the day appointed, being affrighted with a certain prodigy, he went back again into Grae • ia under color of the urgency of the Parthian war; Caesar not taking it well, that he did not stay for him. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 717. 718. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 385.] Josephus unmindful of his brother Herod's commands, in his absence taking with him his own and five Roman cohorts given him by Machaeras, went towards Jericho, that he might reap the enemies corn now it was ripe, and encamped in the mountains, and because the Roman cohorts were most raw soldiers & unskillful of the art military, because most of them were taken up out of Syria, he being circumvented by the enemies in the midst of those fastnesses, having lost six cohorts, he himself also valiantly fighting was slain; yea Antigonus being master of the dead bodies, was so enraged, that he whipped the dead body of Joseph; although Pheroras his brother offered 50 talents to redeem it, after which the Galileans revolting from their Governors, drowned those that were of Herod's party in the lake, in Idumea, also there were many innovations; when Machaeras fortified Gitta. [ Joseph. lib. 1. cap. 13. Antiquit. 14. cap. 27.]

Gaius Sosius being commanded by Antonius to help Herod against Antigonus, sent with him two cohorts into Judea, [ id. ibid. ] he subdued the Aradians, who had endured a siege but now were worn out with famine and sickness. [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405.]

His brothers mischance was told to Herod at Daphne, the suburbs of Antioch, who expected some such thing by reason of some dreams that he had, wherefore hastening his journey, after he was come into mount Libanus, he took with him 800 men of that place, and leading with him one cohort of the Romans, and came to Ptolaemais; from whence by night he went with the army and passed through Galilee. [ Joseph. ut supra. ]

Here his enemies met him, who were overcome in fight and forced into the castle from which they issued the day before, when Herod assailed by break of day, but being compelled to desist by reason of extremity of the weather, he led his men into the villages adjoining, but upon the coming of another cohort from Antonius, they that kept the fort were dismayed, and forsook it by night: Herod also hasted to Jericho, with an intent to revenge his brothers death, whither when he was come, he made a feast to the noblemen; and after the feast was ended, and the guests dismissed, he retired to his lodging, and the room in which they had supped, being now empty of company, fell down and did nobody any hurt, whereby it came to pass, that all thought Herod to be beloved of God, who had so miraculously preserved him. [ ibid. ]

The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountains, to fight with him, and terrified the Romans, and their forlorn hope with darts and stones chased Herod's soldiers, so that the King himself received a wound in his side. [ ibid. ]

Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria, desiring to seem to have so many forces, as he could make war abroad, but he went against Machaeras; and as touching Herod he had taken five towns, and put 2000 of the Garrison soldiers to the sword, and then having set the Towns on fire he went against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanae. [ ibid. ]

Herod, many coming to him out of Jericho and Judea, when he saw the enemy was so bold as to come to battle with him, fought with them and overcame them: and being inflamed with a desire to revenge his brothers death, he slew them that fled, and followed them even into the village, but the houses being filled with soldiers, and some flying to the tops of the houses, these being overcome and the houses thrown down, yet he found all other places filled with soldiers, all whom being after a miserable manner crushed to death, the rest fled out in companies being sore affrighted, and immediately Herod had gone to Jerusalem, had not the sharpness of the winter hindered him, and put an end to the war, for now Antigonus began to think of flying, and to forsake the city. [ ibid. ]

Herod in the evening, when he had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves, he as yet hot in his armor, went into a chamber being accompanied with only one servant to wash himself, where within were some of his enemies armed, whom fear had forced thither, and whilst he was naked and washed himself, one with a drawn sword run hastily out of the doors, and then another, and likewise a third all armed, they were so astonished, that they were glad to save themselves, without doing the King any hurt; the next day among others he cut of Pappus his head, and sent it to his brother Pherorus in revenge of his brothers death whom he had killed, for it was Pappus who with his own hand had killed Joseph. [ Ibid. ]

At Rome on the V Kalends of December, P. Ventidius for his victory at mount Taurus, and over the Parthains, as we read in marble Kalendars of the triumphs [ Gruterus inscript. pag. CCXCVII.] Thus Ventidius Bassus a man of base parentage came by the favor of Antonius to such height of honor, that he was made Governor of the Eastern Provinces, and triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacorus and the Parthians, who himself was once, and again too, (if we may believe Massurius in Pliny) led in triumph with other captives, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 65. Valerius Maximus lib. 6. cap. 9. Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 43. A. Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Suetonius. Plutar. in Antonio. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Eutrop. lib. 7.] see before in the end of the year of the Julian Period 4671. Spain being now reduced under the power of Caesar Octaviauus by Domitius Calvinus the Proconsul, the Spaniards begins their computation of time from the Kalends of January of this year, as may be understood from others, and also from Eulogius the Arch-bishop of Toledo, in his memorial of the Saints.

In the beginning of the Spring, Antonius arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum, out of Syria (as Dio) or from Athen, (as Appian hath it) to aid Caesar against Sextus Pompeius: of which when he would make no use, Antonius took it ill, yet stayed in the same place; for seeing that he had against his will bestowed so much cost upon the Navy, and had need of Italian Legions • or the Parthian war, he thought to change his fleet for them: and although by the agreement, both of them had power to raise soldiers in Italy; yet it would be very difficult for him, Italy by lot falling to the others share. Wherefore he sent Octavia (who accompanied him out of Greece, who also was then with child, and by whom Antonius had had a second daughter) to her brother Caesar, that she might be a stickler between them: who brought the business to that pass, that Antonius should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently, an 150 ships, (for which Plutarch puts an 100 beaked-ships) for which Caesar promised that he would send to Antonius out of Italy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as it is in the same Plutarch) or 20000 soldiers, (as Appian hath it) Moreover besides the covenants, Octavia obtained for her brother of her husband, 20 small ships, as Plutarch, or ten Galions three oars on a seat, as Appian relates: and Caesar again gave to Octavfa a 1000 picked men for his guard, leaving the choice of them to Antonius, [ Plutrch in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 725, 726. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 390.] and that there might be more tyes of kindred, Caesar betrothed his daughter (Julia) to Antyllus the son of Antonius, and again Antonius betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia, to Domitius (Aenobarous) although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar, and had been proscribed: but these things were but feigned by them, as which they would never do, but only the present occasions required it. [ Dio. ibid. ]

And because the five years time of the Triumvirate was our, they prolonged their power to themselve • for another five years, not caring for the people's consent, [ Id. ibid. Appian. pag. 726, 727.] But Antonius sent back Octavia into Italy, for fear of any danger in the Parthian war: and having commended to Caesar the children that he had both by her, and Fulvia, he went into Syria, [ Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. pag. 727. Dio. pag. 390, 391.]

Cleopatra built a new Library in the same place, where the old one at Alexandria was burnt in Julius Caesar's time, which was called the daughter of the former: as Epiphanius affirmeth in his book of measures and weights: when yet from the 7 year of Ptolomaeus Pniladelphus, in which we have shown at the year of the Julian Period, 4437. that the former Library was built, he ill reckons 249 years to this time, which should end in the year 4686 of the Julian Period, which was one year after Cleopatra's death, and whereas the chief error of the calculation ariseth from hence, that Epiphanius attributes 32 years to the reign of Cleopatra, for 22 which ten superfluous years being taken away, we make the time between the beginnings of the two libraries 239 years, and to this belongeth, that which is read in Plutarch, in Antonio. that it was objected to Antonius by Calvisius, that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamos, in which were 20000 entire books, or single volumes, and Strabo spake of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , possessions, not of libraries that were then extant in his time, [ lib. 13. pag. 624.] (as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of libraries.)