The Annals of the World
Herod in the beginning of the third year, after he had been declared King at Rome, coming with an army to Jerusalem, encamped near the City; and presently moving nearer where he thought the walls f • est to be assaulted, he placed his tents before the temple; intending to assail them, where Pompey had done in time past, wherefore having compassed the place with three bulwarks, he erected his batteries, by the assistance of many workmen, and fetching materials from all places thereabouts, and setting fit men to oversee the works, he went to Samaria to solemnize his marriage, with Mariamme the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who was formerly betroathrd to him. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27. fin. ]
After the marriage Sosius came through Pnaenicia, having sent his army through the continent, and thither himself also came having with him many both horse and foot: Herod also came from Samaria, bringing with him no small accession to the old army: for they were about 3000, all the army being come together, there were eleven Legions of Foot, and 6000 Horse, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, (which are not to be reckoned for the least part) placed their camp at the north wall of the City, of this army there were two Generals, Sosius who was sent by Antonius to aid Herod, and Herod, who made war for himself with an intent, that having dispossessed Antigonus an enemy of the people of Rome, he might be King in his room according to the decree of the Senate. [ Id. ibid. cap. 28. lib, 1. bell. cap. 13.]
The Jews being gathered together out of the whole Country, and here shut up within the walls made valiant resistance, boasting much of the temple of the Lord, and wishing well to the people, and saying, that God would not forsake his in their danger, and spoiling all provision that was without the City, both for man and horse; by secret thefts also they made provisions very scarce to the besiegers, but Herod provided well for this, for placing ambushments in convenient places he prevented the thieves, and sending soldiers he fetched provisions afar off, so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all necessaries. [ ibid. ]
By the multitude of the workmen, the three bulwarks were easily finished, it was now summer, and the work went on, being hindered by no untemperatenesse of the weather, he often battered the walls with his engines, and left nothing unassayed, but the besieged fought valiantly, and used all cunning to evade their enemies endeavors, and making often sallies out, they set fire on their works both which were begun, and some also finished, and coming to handy strokes with the Romans they were nothing inferior to them in manhood, but only in martial skill. [ ibid. ]
The Sabbatical year now coming, [Year of the World 3867] brought a famine to the Jews that were besieged, notwithstanding which, they built a new wall for that, that was beaten down by the Engines, and countermined the enemies mines, so that sometimes they came to fight hand to hand under ground, and using despair rather than courage, they held out to the last, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 28.] although Pollio the Pharisee, and Samias his disciple, advised them to receive Herod into the City, saying they could not avoid his being their King by reason of their sins. [ Id. ibid. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1.]
They held out the siege during five months space, for all there was so great an army besieging them, [ Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13.] at length 20 of Herod's choicest soldiers got upon the wall, and then the Centurions of Sosius. [ Id. ibid. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 28.]
The first wall was taken on the 40 day, and the secoud on the 50, and some galleries about the temple were burnt, which Herod slandered Antigonus to have burned, to have brought him into hatred with the people, the outward part of the temple being taken, and the lower City, the Jews fled into the inner part of the temple, and the upper City; and fearing that they should be hindered from offering the daily sacrifices to God, they sent Ambassadors to demand leave that those beasts only might be brought in which also Herod granted, hoping by this means they would leave their obstinacy and submit themselves. [ ibid. cap. 28.]
But perceiving that his opinion failed him herein, [The Julian Period. 4677] and that the besieged obstinately contended to continue the sovereignty in Antigonus, [Year before Christ 37] he gave a general assault, and won the City, [ ibid. ] to wit: on the Kalends of January, of the year of the Julian Period, 4677 on the second day of the month Cislu, which according to the accounts of the Eastern people of the civil year was the third, being the 28 day in which the Jews were wont to celebrate a solemn fast, in memory of the holy roll that was burnt by Jehoiakim, as hath been formerly shown by us, at the year of the Julian Period 4650.
These Kalends of January, by reason of the bad account intercalating received at that time at Rome, till upon the last of December, which ended both the first five years of the Triumviri, and also the Consulship of Claudius and Nortanus, to which this calamity of the Jews is referred by Dio, [ lib. 49. pag. 405.] and the next day M. Vespsanius Agrippa, and L. Cuminius Gallus entered upon their Consulships at Rome, to which the same is referred by Josephus, in the last Chapter of the 14. book of Antiquities, declaring the time that this happened in. This calamity of Jerusalem happened in the Consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus, in the CLXXXV. Olympiad, (to wit in the third year) the third month, on a solemn Fast-day, as if the calamity brought upon the Jews twenty seven years before, had come about again upon the same moment of time, (for the City was taken by him on the same day. ) But yet this interval of time exceeds the true account one year; unless you interpret 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the year after twenty seven, as Mark VIII. 31. it is said, that Christ shall rise again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , after three days; which is more clearly propounded, Matth. XVI. 21. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 on the third day, and that in the II of Mac. XIV. 1, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , after the time of three years, the Interpreters expound it of the third year, in the Catalogue of the Stadionic, of Julius Africanus, Olympiad CXI. the Games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to wit, in the second year of that Olympiad. [ in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. pag. 221.] Yea, even in Josephus himself, that which in the first book of the war, cap. 11. is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the 14 of Antiquities, cap. 23. is expounded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
The City being won, all things were filled with murders: the Roman, being incensed that they had so long continued the siege, and the Herodian Jews endeavoring to extirpate the contrary faction, so that there were continual slaughters through the Porches and Houses, yea, the reverence of the Temple not saving the suppliants: they spared neither age nor sex, nor so much as the children: and although he besought them, and entreated them to forbear, yet none obeyed him, but as if they had been mad, they shown their cruelty without any distinction of age. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. ult. ]
Antigonus coming down from the Town, fell at Sosius his feet; who nothing pitying the change of his fortune, insulting over him, called him, Madam Antigona, but put him in prison, and set keepers over him. [ Id. ibid. ]
When as a multitude of strangers that he had hired, came rushing in, not into the Temple only, but also the Sanctuary; whereof some he rest rained by entreaty, some by threats, and some by force of arms: thinking his victory worse than if he had been overthrown, if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen, were beheld by the profane multitude. He forbad also any plunderings in the City, as much as in him lay; and likewise entreating Sosius, asking if the Romans would make him King of a wilderness, the City being so exhausted with rapines and murders, who answering, That the Soldiers desired the plunder of the City, in regard he had endured the siege: whereunto Herod answered, That he would reward every man out of his own Treasury, and by this means he freed the City from any farther vexation, by performance of his promises, for he bestowed his gifes liberally to the Soldiers, and in proportion to the Commanders, and royally to Sosius, and so Sosius, offering a Crown of gold to God, departed from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus with him prisoner to Antonius. [ Ibid. ]
Herod, making a difference of the multitude of the City, advanced those that were of his faction, and daily put them to death that were of the contrary. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13, lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 1.] Among whom, he also put to death all those judges of the great Sanhedrim, who had accused him of some capital crime before he was King, except Pollio the Pharisee, and his disciple Sameas, whom he highly honored. [ Id. ibid. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1.]
He gathered together all the royal ornaments, and what by collections, and by taking away from rich men, great store of gold and silver, and gave it all to Antonius and his soldiers. He put to death also 45 of Antigonus his chief Noble men, and set watch at the doors, that none of them might be carried out under color of being dead; and what gold or silver soever was found, was all brought to Herod, so that there was no end of these miseries, for the covetousness of the needy Conqueror consumed all their goods. The fields also, by reason of the Sabbatical year, lay untilled, in which it was unlawful to sow. [ Id. lib. 15. cap. 1.]
Of these miserable times, among others were spectators, Zacharias the Priest, with his wife Elizabeth, of the relics of David's stock, Heli and Joseph, Anna also the Prophetess, of the tribe of Aser, and Simon the Just, who received an answer from the Holy Ghost, that he should not see death, till he had seen the Lord's Christ. [ Luke II. 26.]
Antonius, having taken Antigonus, intended to keep him prisoner with him until his Triumph: but seeing Herod was afraid, least Antigonus, being brought to Rome by Antonius, should contend with him before the Senate, for his right to the kingdom: and Antonius heard, that the Nation were ready to innovate, and for hatred to Herod, favored Antigonus, having received great sums of money from Herod, he cut off Antigonus his head at Antioch, having lulled him on with vain hope of life, even unto the last: which being done, Herod was totally freed from fear, the principality of the Hasmonaeans, being taken away. [ Id. ibid. & lib. 14. cap. ult. lib. 20. cap. 8. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13.]
From the beginning of the Priesthood and principality of Antigonu • , to the taking of Jerusalem, are reckoned about two years and seven months, from whence also in the third year of the reign, both of Antigonus, and also of Herod, he is said to be killed by Antonius, in the 52 Chapter of the Jewish History, which is written in Arabic, set forth in the Paris Bible of many Languages: But Josephus attributes to Antigonus but three years and three months, [ lib. 20. cap. 8.] which if they be to be extended to his death, will argue that it was delayed till the month of August of this year: to which, according to our account, from the beginning of the Captain-ship of Judas Maccabaeus, there passed 126 years, and two or three months. Josephus also not disagreeing in the end of his 14 book, where he writes, that the principality of the Hasmonaeans ended, Antigonus being slain, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , after an 126 years. But Herod, in the same Author, [ lib. 17. cap. 8.] allows only 125 years to the government of the Hasmonaeans: which being deduced from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus, are ended in the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod, in which the siege of Jerusalem began.
Now let us see what foreign Writers have delivered concerning the taking of Jerusalem, and the death of Autigonus. Livy seemeth in lib. 128. to have spoken of this History; in the Epitome of which, The Jews are said to be subdued by the Lieutenants of Antonius, for so the old books have it, where the Vulgar read, The Ambassadors of the Jews were killed by Antonius. But of the death of Antigonus, we have this Testimony preserved by Josephus [lib. 15. cap. 1.] out of the books of Strabo the Cappadocian. Antonius having brought Antigonus the Jew to Antioch, caused him to be beheaded; and was supposed to be the first among the Romans, that put a King to death after this manner; thinking that the Jews could not be brought otherwise to admit of Herod for their King: for neither by torments could they be brought to vouchsafe him the name of King, in so high esteem held they the former King. Wherefore it was thought fit to obscure his memory by some ignominious death, and lessen the public hatred they had against Herod. Of whom Plutarch in Anton. He bestowed tetrarchies of great nations upon many private men, and took away kingdoms from many, as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded, with which punishment no King was ever put to death before.
Dio also mentions this History, [lib. 59. pag. 405.] writing thus of Sosius. He conquered Antigonus, who had killed a Garrison of the Romans which was with him; for being overcome in battle at Jerusalem, for it fled thither. The Jews, (a nation of unplacable anger, if it be once stirred) did many injuries to the Romans, but suffered far more: those were taken first by them, who fought for the Temple of their God: and then the rest, upon a Saturday, which day they keep a Festival with so much religion, that those that were formerly taken with the Temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged leave of Sosius, that they might go up to the Temple, and there with the rest offer sacrifice after the custom. Over these ( Antonius ) made one Herod Ling: but Antigonus he put to death, after he had scourged him, and tied him to a post, (which was never done to any King before by the Romans) to wit, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning which the first Excercitation of Causabon upon Baronius, cap. 7. is to be consulted, but that this was done Claudius and Norbanus being Consuls, as Dio intimates, it is true of Antigonus his being overcome, and of the taking of Jurusalem; but by no means concerning the death of Antigonus, which he underwent in the Consulships of M. Agrippa, and Caninius, or Canidius Gallus, which was the next year.
Nothing worthy of memory was done by the Romans this year in Syria, for Antonius spent the whole year in going into, and returning from Italy: and Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antonius, so spent that time, that he thought not how he might offend Antonius by some gallant action, but he might curry favor with him by doing nothing. [ Dio. ibid. pag. 405, 406.] Who nevertheless being returned out of Italy, removed him, and made Plancus Governor of Syria, and in the room of Plancus, appointed C. Furnius, his Lieutenant in Asia. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 749, 753. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371, 372. lib. 49. pag. 402. 403.]
Another great trouble, [Year of the World 3968] after his long mourning, seized upon Orodes, King of the Parthians; namely, which of his 30 sons, he should make King in the room of Pacorus: for many Concubines, of whom he had begotten many sons, besieged the old man's mind everyone for their own children. At last he pitched upon the eldest, which was the worst of them all, and made him King. [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag, 406.] This was Phraates the III. called by Plutarch in Anton. Phraortes, although by the compiler of Appians Parthian stories, which he transcribed word for word out of Plutarch, and by Plutarch himself in the end of his Crassus, he is named Phraates; and likewise by Horace, Ode. 2. lib. 2. speaking of this time.
He having received the Kingdom by treachery, slew his brothers, who were born of the daughter of Antiochus, because they excelled him in virtue, and in blood by the mothers side, and killed also Orodes, because he was angry at it. [ Dio. pag. 404.] for he poisoned him as he lay sick of the Dropsy: which, when as he had voided the strength of the disease by siege, and began to be better, Phraates, letting his poisoning alone, took a shorter course, and strangled him. [ Plutarch in fin. Crasso. ]
After Phraates had killed his father, he put to death all his brothers, and when he saw that all the Nobility hated him for his daily vilanies, he commanded his own son, who was grown upto man's estate to be put to death, that there should be none that might be named King. [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5.]
Seeing that Phraates went about to put the Nobility to death, and committed many wicked things; many of the chief fled from him, some otherwhere, and some to Antonius; of which one was Moneses, a noble and powerful man. [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 406.] This happened, Agrippa, and Gallus being Consuls. [ Dio, ibid. ]
The rest of the Winter, Gellius and Nerva being Consuls, P. Canidius Crassus being left Lieutenant by Antonius, about the Confines of Armenia, led his army against the Iberians; and having overcome their King Pharnabazus in battle, he compelled him to join forces with him: and going into Albania with him, he likewise joined to him, that Nation also which he conquered, and their King Zoberes. [ Id. ibid. ] Who going as far as Caucasus with the conquered Armenians, and the Kings of the Iberians, and Albanians, he was the cause that the name of Antonius grew famous amongst the Barbarous Nations. [ Plutarch in Antonius, Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 501.]
Antonius being puffed up with these successes, and relying much upon Moneses, committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him; promising him the Kingdom of the Parthians, and granting to him the revenues of their Cities that were subject to the Romans, that he should receive them as long as the war lasted. [ Dio. ut supra. ] For Antonius comparing the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles his, and equally his own riches and magnificence to the Kings of Persia, he gave him three Cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. [ Plutarch. ]
Phraates, the King of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive King Hyrcanus, for the nobility of his descent; and drawing him out of prison, suffered him to live in Babylon, where were great store of Jews: they no less honored him then the King and High Priest, and not they only, but also all those of the Nation of the Jews, who were in old time carried beyond Euphrates by the Assyrians (or Babylonians) of whom there were many millions: but after he knew that Herod was made King, he began to cast his hopes another way, expecting favor from Herod, whom he had saved when he was called in question for his life: he began therefore to consult with the Jews, who in duty came to visit him, touching his journey, who with all their wise admonitions, could not withdraw him from the desire of going into his own Country. To this was added the Tetrarchy of Herod, who striving by all means to get the poor old man into his clutches, wrote to him, that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that Kingdom, that they would not envy him the joint power that he should enjoy with his son in law; for now the time was come, wherein he might requite the favors he had done him in being his nourisher and preserver. He sent also Saramala his Ambassador to Phraates himself with great presents; soothing him up, That he should not hinder him from being thankful to him that had deserved so well of him. When therefore he had received Hyrcanus, thus dismissed by the Parthians, and honourably furnished by the Jews, for his expenses for his journey, he entertained him with all honor, giving him the upper hand in all assemblies, and the mote honorable place at all feasts, and calling him father, he thus lulled him on, least he should suspect any treachery. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 2, 3.]
Herod taking care that none of the Nobility should be created High Priest, sent to Babylon for a Priest of base Parentage, whom he was well acquainted with, but yet of the race of the Priests, but derived from those Jews that were carried beyond Euphrates, this man's name was Ananelus (or Hananeel) and to him he gave the High Priesthood. [ Id. ibid. ]
Marcus Antonius refusing all honest and wholesome counsel, sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria, [ Plutarch in Antonio. ] into which she was no sooner come, but she presently thought how she might get it into her possession, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4.] She accused also the Syrian Noble men to Antonius, and persuaded him to put them to death, that she might more easily come to be Mistress of their estates, [ Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13.]
She accused Pausanias the son of Ptolomaeus (Mennaeus) King of Chalcis and Itu • aea, as if he favored the Parthians, and caused him to be put to death by Antonius, ( Id. lib. 14. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411.] in whom for Pacorus is to be read Parthian ) fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes; as is manifest out of Porphyrius, in the Greek Eusebian. of Scaliger, pag. 226. where the name of Lysimachus is falsely put for Lysanias.
Antonius made Amyntas the Secretary of Dejotarus Prince of Galatia, adding to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia, [ Dio. ut supr. pag. 411. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 567.]
Antonius also made Archelaus King of Cappadocia, who was nothing akin to the regal Family, and deposed Ariarathes; whose paternal stock was derived from those Archelai, who had waged war against the Romans, and his mother was that Harlot Glaphyra, [ Dio. ut supr. pag. 411.] and that Antonius was naught with Glaphyra appears, out of that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavianus, [ in Martian. lib. 11. epigra. 21.]
Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, and mother in law of Herod, taking it ill that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was contemned, because that during his life time one called from another place should usurp the High Priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra by a certain Musician, that she would demand the Priesthood of Antonius for her son: but her neglecting this business, Dellius a friend of Antonius, going into Judea upon some occasions, persuaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antonius; for if he should but once see them, he would deny them nothing. Which being sent, Dellius also added, that they seemed to be of Divine, rather than of human race, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 2.] This was Dellius the Historian, of whom mention is made in Plutarch, and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common; as Seneca hath related in his first Swasory Oration: and whom Dio intimates, that Antonius used dishonestly, [ l • b. 49. pag. 415.]
Antonius thinking it undecent to send for a Lady that was married to Herod, and shunning also the jealousy of Cleopatra, wrote to Alexandra that she shou • d send her son under some honest pretence; but adding withal, unless it were troublesome to her: but when these things were afterwards told Herod, he thought it not safe that Aristobulus a young man in the flower of his age, being but sixteen, should be sent to Antonius, who was first the most potent of all the Romans, and also very much given to lusts. Wherefore he wrote back, that if the youth did but step out of the kingdom, all the whole country would be up in arms. The Jews hoping for some innovations under a new King, and by this means satisfied Antonius, [ Joseph. ut supr. ]
In the Sicilian war, Sextus Pompeius was overcome by Caesar Octavianus, and M. Lepidus, waxing proud under confidence of his 20 Legions, and attributing to himself, the whole Victory, was so bold as to oppose himself against Coesar, and to challenge Sicily for himself: but being forsaken by his army, and the Triumvirate taken from him, he was glad to beg his life and goods of Caesar, by whom he was sent into banishment to Circeli, [ Liv. lib. 129. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 79, 80. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 16, & 54. Appian. lib. 5. Dio. 49. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]
Sextus Pompeius, who was but now Master of 350 ships, fled into Asia with six or seven: as Florus relates, [ lib. 4. cap. 8.] although Appian [ lib. 5. pag. 741.] and Orosius, [ lib. 6. cap. 18.] write that there were with him seventeen. He had an intent to flee unto Antonius, because he had saved his mother from the like danger, [ Appian. ibid. ]
Wherefore putting his daughter, his friends, his money, and all his best things into the ships that were left, which were swiftest of sail, Pompeius went away by night, none pursuing him; because he went away privately, and Caesar was continually entertained with troubles from Lepidus, [ Dio lib. 49. pag. 398.] notwithstanding Pompeius being gone from Messana, fearing a pursuit, and suspecting the treachery of his companions, when he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he put out the light that the Admirals ships are wont to carry, and sailed by the coast of Italy, [ Id. ibid. pag. 402.] and when he arrived at the promonto • y of Lacinium, he robbed the Temple of Juno of all its offerings, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747.]
From hence he passed to Corcyra, and thence into Cephalenia; and there he entertained others, who were cast in there by force of tempest: whom having called together, he laid his soldiers habit aside, and told them, that it would come to pass, that if they all stayed together, they could neither sufficiently help one the other, nor long lie hid; but if they were despersed, they might more easily flee, therefore he adv • sed them everyone to shift for himself: which advice when most of them yielded unto, they departed several ways; but he with some that stayed with him, went to Lesbos, [ Dio. pag. 402.] tarrying at Mitylenae, where his father had bestowed him before the Pharsalian battle, and being overcome, received him from thence again, [ Appian. pag. 747.]
When the Parthians were troubled for the flight of Moneses to Antonius, and Phraates for that cause was in a fright; he sent messengers to Moneses to treat of a peace: and persuaded him with great promises to return again: which being known, although, as it was like to do, angered Antonius; yet he did not put Moneses whom as yet he had in his power, to death, (which if he had done, he conceived that none of the Barbarians would ever accept of his friendship) yet using policy against the enemy, he dismissed him, as if by his means he would make peace with the Parthians: and with him also sent Ambassadors to Phraates, who in words should compose a peaee, if the King would restore the ensigns and captives that were alive, which the Parthians had taken in the overthrow of Crassus: for he thought he should take the King unprovided by reason of hopes of peace, [ Plutarch in Antonio, Dio. lib. 49. pag. 406.]
But he himself in the mean while preparing for the war, came to Euphrates: which he supposed was kept by no Garrison; but when he found that there was a strong Garrison there, he changed his course, and intended presently to go into Armenia, to make war upon Artavasdes King of the Medes, being drawn thither by Artavasdes the King of the Greater Armenia who was the others enemy, [ Dio. pag. 407.]
This Artavasdes the King of the Armenians, Josephus calls Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, [ lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. lib. 15. cap. 5.] and Orosius calls Artabanes, [ lib. 16. cap. 19.] whom when Antonius had taken him to be his counselor, and guide, and chief for the management of the war, he then betrayed him, and afterwards brought the Romans into divers calamities, [ Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 524. & lib. 16. pag 748.]
Antonius having sent back Cleopatra into Egypt, he went thorough Arabia into Armenia: where he had commanded both his own forces and the auxiliaries of the Kings to meet him: amongst whom were many friends and allies, and among them that Artavasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia, 6000 Horse and 7000 Foot: and when the soldiers were mustered, there were found to be of the Romans, and of the allies of Italy, 60000 Foot, and the ordinary Horse of the Spaniards and French 10000. and of auxiliaries from other Nations 30000. reckoning the Horsemen and the light-harnessed soldiers. Thus Plutarch; but Velleius Paterculus allows Antonius XIII Legions, [ lib. 2. cap. 82.] Florus, XVI. [ lib. 4, cap. 10.] and Justin, [ lib. 42. cap. 5.] and Livy, XVIII Legions, and XVI thousand Horse, [ lib. 130.]
The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to Euphrates, even to the entering of Atrapatena, (which the river Araxes divideth from Armenia) 8000 furlongs, twice so much more as the right way, by carrying them about over mountains and by-ways, [ Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 524.] and whereas Aetonius ought to have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia, being wearied with a journey of 8000 furlongs, and the spring but now beginning, to have invaded Media, before the Parthians were come out of their winter quarters, he could not away with any delay; being so ravished with the longing after Cleopatra, that he thought rather of a speedy return, than of gaining a victory. [ Plutarch. ]
Therefore when he understood, that the King of Media was gone far from his own Country, to bring aid to the Parthian; he himself in all hast marched with the best part of his horse and foot, leaving part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus, but commanding them to follow him; hoping that at the first onset he should conquer Media. [ Dio. pag. 407.]
Among the carriages that were left, were the engines for battery, which were carried in 300 carts, among which was a ram of 80 foot long, of which if any were broken they could not be mended, for the scarcity of materials in those Countries, that bring forth trees neither high nor strong enough. [ Plutarch. ]
Antonius after he had passed the river Araxes, was beset with miseries on all sides, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and as soon as he came into Atrapatena, he harrased that country, then he besieged Phraata, a great City, in which was the wife of the King of the Medes with her children, when presently he found his error that he had committed, in leaving his engines behind him, and so was fain to raise a mount near the City, which he did but very slowly and with great labor, [ id. ] this was the royal City of the Medes called by Dio Praaspa, and by Strabo Vera, (unless I be deceived) [in his lib. 11. pag. 523.] out of Adelphius, (if it be not Dellius the Historian) who was with Antonius in this expedition, and wrote it, and commanded part of the army, showing that this City was 2400 furlongs from the river Araxes.
The Parthians and Medes, knowing that Antonius did but labor in vain, in assaulting that City that was so well fortified with walls and men, they of a sudden set upon Statianus as he was tired with his journey, and killed both him, and all that were with him, Plutarch reckons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 10000, Velleius Paterculus, nameth two Legions, and took all the baggage and engines of war, Polemo the King of Pontus, and companion of the war, being taken was dismissed for his ransom of money that he gave: and this was an easy matter for the Barbarians to do, because the King of Armenia was not at the fight; who might have helped the Romans; which he not only did not, but departed, not indeed unto Antonius, but into his own kingdom, [ Dio. pag. 407. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 8. Plutarch, in Antonio. ]
Antonius, although he made haste at the first news of Statianus, that he might succor his men, yet he came too late; for he found none but dead men. Wherefore although he was much affrighted with this overthrow, yet because none of the Barbarians opposed him, thinking that they were gone for fear of him, he took courage again, and not long after meeting with them, by the help of his slingers (of which he had great store, he put them to flight, for the slingers darts went farther than the enemies arrows: so that the cuirassecres were not safe from them, but yet by the swiftness of the Barbarian horse there was no great slaughter made. [ Dio. ut supra. ]
Antonius again set upon the assault of Praaspa, in which he did not much endammage the enemy, the Garrison which were within strongly repulsing them, and the enemy that was without hindering them from coming to handy blows, [ id. ibid. ] and whereas the Parthians that came to aid the besieged, threatened the Romans most contumeliously; Antonius being unwilling that his soldiers should loose any of their animosity, he took with him ten Legions, and three Praetorian cohorts, and all his Horsemen, and a forraging: hoping by this means that the enemy would set upon him, and so he should come to a set battle. [ Plutarch. ]
When he had gone a days journey, as soon as he saw the Parthians, wheeling about him, to hinder his return, he commanded the signal of battle to be sounded, yet trus • ed up his tents, as though he prepared not to fight, but for his march, and thus he marched by the Barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon, commanding his Horse, that as soon as they were come together, that the Legions might set upon the enemy, they should begin the charge, the Parthians did much wonder at the well ordered army of the Romans, beholding the soldiers passing by and keeping their ranks, and shaking their darts at them, but not speaking a word: but after the sign and a great shout made, the Horse had given the onset, they resisted a little, although that immediately the Romans had gotten so within them, that they took from them the use of the arrows, then presently, the Legions coming to join, with great shouting and the clattering of the armor, the Parthian horse were frighted, and the Parthians themselves turned their backs before they came to handy strokes, Antonius hoping that now he should overcome them, or at least finish the greatest part of the war, followed the chase very hard, but when his Foot had pursued them 50 furlongs, and his Horse three times so much, and considered the number of the slain, and prisoners, they found they had taken 30, and killed only 80, this did much discourage them; thinking it was hard, if being Conquerors they should kill so few, but being conquered they should lose so many as they had done when the carriages were taken, the next day, as they were returning to their Camp, they met at the first a few of their enemies then more, at last all of them, as if they had not been formerly routed but all fresh men who reviled them and brake in upon them on every side, so that they could not but very hardly and with great labor get to their camp again. [ id. ]
In the absence of Antonius the Medes that were at Praaspa set upon the mount, and put the defenders of it in a fright, for which Antonius being enraged, decimated them that had forsaken the place, and for the rest he gave them barley instead of wheat. [ id. ]
The Forragers that were sent out by Antonius, at the beginning, when the Romans had their provisions near them were sufficient for bringing them in, but afterwards, when they had eaten up all that was near them, that the soldiers themselves were forced to go a forraging: but it came to pass, that if but few were sent, that they only not brought anything, but that the forragers themselves were lost; if many, Praaspa was le • t naked of besiegers, and by the sallies of the Barbarians, many of the Romans were killed, and many engines were destroyed, from whence it came to pass that Antonius his men, who besieged others, suffered the same things that those that are besieged use to suffer, for the Towns-men observed fit times for sallies, and those that were without, by their sudden incursions and quick retreates, did grievously trouble them that remained in the Camp, as often as they divided their forces, but the forragers that went to the villages they never molested, but set upon them unexpectedly as they were scattered in their return to the Camp. [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 408.]
Sextus Pompeius hearing that Antonius was in Media, making war with the Medes and Parthians, intended to commit himself, to his protection at his return, and in the mean time to winter in Lesbos; the Lesbians for the memory of his Father most willingly entertaining and detaining him. [ Id. ibid. pag. 402. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747.]
Antonius protracting the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both parties; for neither Antonius could get any victual, but by the blood and wounds of his own men: and Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure anything, rather than winter in the Camp, and that in a strange Country, wherefore he was afraid, that if the Romans continued in arms, he should be forsaken of his men: the weather growing very cold, after the Autumnal Equinoxial. [ Plutarch. ] He was afraid also, that if the siege were continued, Antonius, either by himself, or else being helped with supplies, would very much incommodate the City; wherefore he suborned some, that should promote the motion of a peace between them, with an hope that it would be easily granted. [ Dio. pag. 408.]
Wherefore the Parthian commanded his men, when they met with the Forragers, to deal more courteously with them, and also to cast in some words of peace; by which means Antonius being persuaded, sent a friend to demand the restitution both of his Ensigns and Prisoners, least he should seem to be content only to depart with safety: to whom it was answered, That he should let those things alone, but if he desired peace and security, he should depart suddenly. [ Plutarch. ] And thus Phraates, sitting on his guilt Throne, and twanging a bow string, after that he had in many words inveghed against the Romans, he promised Antonius his Ambassadors peace upon this condition, That he should immediately withdraw his army. [ Dio. pag. 408.]
When Antonius received this answer, although he was very eloquent, both for civil and military Orations, yet at that time, for shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his soldiers, but made Domitius Aenobarbus supply his place, to spake to the soldiers, and to bid them be of good cheer: and within few days, having trussed up his baggage, he departed, [ Plutarch. ] leaving his works that he had raised, for the assault of Praaspa undismantled, as if he had been in a friends Country, all which the Medes burnt, and cast down the Mount. [ Dio. ut supra. ]
But when they were to return by the same Campaign, where was no wood, a certain Mardian that knew the fashion of the Parthians, who had done very good service for the Romans, at the battle where the Engines were taken, persuaded Antonius, that he should march with his army by the Mountains on the right hand, and that he should not hazard it in the plain and open fields; they being heavily armed, against the multitude of Parthian Horse men, who were all Archers; for that the Parthians did but seek this occasion by fair words, to draw him from the siege, that he would show him a shorter way, and more plentiful for the victualling of his soldiers. These things Antonius related to his Council, dissembling withal, That he little trusted to the peace with the Parthians, yet commending the shortness of the way, and especially the passage through a plentiful Country: he demanded some assurance of the Mardian, who yielded himself to be bound, till he had brought the army into Armenia; and being thus bound, he brought them without molestation for two days together. [ Plutarch. ]
But on the third day, when Antonius little thought of the Parthians, marched securely, in confidence of the peace: the Mardian perceiving the dam of the river newly broken up, and that all the way was drowned by which they should pass, he understood that this was done by the Parthians, by this difficulty to give an halt to the Roman army: he presently told Antonius of this, and bad him to provide against the coming of the enemy. He, ordering his battle, set distances between the ranks, by which those that used darts and slings, might make an excursion upon the enemies, when the Parthians opened their files to compass about and disorder the army: but when the light Horsemen brake in upon them, after the giving and receiving of many wounds, they retired, and again came on, until the French Horse, being reserve, gave them a fierce charge, and routed them so, that they attempted nothing more that day. [ Id. ]
Antonius learning from hence what was to be done, made his army march in a square body, having a strong guard of darters and slingers, not only in the rearward, but also in the flanks; giving also a charge to his Horse, that if the enemy assailed them, they should repulse them; but if they fled, they should not follow the chase too far, and so the Parthians for four days space, having received as good as they brought, began not to be so hot upon them, but taking the winter for an excuse, thought upon returning backagain. [ Id. ]
On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the Captains, a valiant and industrious man, desired of Antonius, that he would give him leave to take some light armed men from the rear, and some Horsemen from the front, as if he would do some gallant act. He by a rash attempt, brake in upon the enemy, with much hazard, whilst they send him aide by small companies: they, as too weak, are cut off by the enemy, until that Antonius came in with the whole strength of the army, and rescued the rest from manifest danger. [ Id. ]
Florus writes, [ lib. 4. cap. 10.] that there were two Legions overthrown by the Parthian darts, Plutarch saith that there sell not less than 3000, and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the Tents, amongst which was Gallus, who was shot through in four places, who afterwards died of his wounds: Antonius was very much troubled to see this, went and comforted them that were wounded: but they cheerfully took him by the right hand, and desired him that he would look to himself and trouble himself no more for them, and calling him their Emperor, told him that if he were well, then they were all safe and in health. [ Plutarch. ]
This victory made the Parthians so proud, who were before weary and in despair, that they lodged all night near the Romans Camp, hoping that they should have presently the plunder of all their money, and the ransacking of their tents, [ Plutarch. ] on which night, a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus his overthrow, came in a Parthian habit to the Roman trenches, and saluting them in Latin, after he had gotten to be believed, informed them what danger was at hand, that the King would come with all his Forces; and advised them, that they should not march that way they intended, but that they should go back again, and take the way by the woods and the mountains, and withal told them, that perchance they might meet with the enemy that way also, [ Florus. lib. 4. cap. 10. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.]
As soon as it was day, many enemies came together, and they say there was not less than 4000 Horse, the King also sending thither his Life-guard, as to a most certain and an assured Victory, for the King as yet was never at any fight. Then Antonius lifting up his hands to heaven, made his prayers to the gods; that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune, that he would lay all the adversity upon his own head, but that health and victory might be to the rest of the army, [ Plutarch. ]
The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard: the Parthians setting upon them, were very much deceived in their expectation; they supposing they came but to pillage and plunder, and not to fight; but being cheerfully received by the Roman darts, thereupon their hearts began again to fail them, [ Id. ]
And as they were going down a certain Hill, the Parthians lay in ambush for them, and overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as hail; but then the soldiers that carried great shields, took in the light-harnessed men into the midst of them, and kneeling down upon their left knee, held their bucklers over their heads, and made a testudo: by which means they defended both themselves and their friends from the enemies arrows, which falling upon the convexity of the shields, slid off by reason of the slipperiness, [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10. Frontino. lib. 2. Stratagem. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 409.]
The Parthians, who had never seen such a thing before, thinking that they had all fallen down by reason of their wounds, or that they would presently all fall; wherefore they cast away their bows, and leapt from their horses, and taking them Spears, they came to kill them with their naked swords: then the Romans rose up again, and at the signal given, widened their body, and making a shout, set upon their enemies in the Front, and with their darts they slew the foremost, and made them all flee: which thing struck such amazement in the Barbarians, that one amongst them used this speech; Go ye Romans, and farewell, fame with good cause terms ye the Conquerors of Nations, who can outstand the Parthian shot, [Florus, Plutarch, Dio, ut supr.]
There were continaul skirmishes between them, which was the cause that the Romans could rid but little way in their march, [ Plutarch. ] and when they marched by break of day, they were always infested with the Parthian arrows; whereupon Antonius deferred his removing until the fifth hour, and so made his own soldiers more confident: through which persuasion the Parthians went from thence, and they marched an indifferent way without any trouble for that day, [ Frontin. lib. 2. Stratagem. cap. ult. ]
The army then began to be troubled with famine, because they were hindered from forraging by their often skirmishing, and they wanted also Mills; which for the most part were left behind, and the beasts were either dead or else employed to carry the sick and wounded men. It is reported that little above a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmes, and barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they were fain to eat roots and herbs, and by chance they fell upon one that being eaten made them mad; and all that eat it did nothing but dig up stones, and remove them, thinking they had been about some serious business: at last they vomitted up a great deal of choler, and died, because they wanted wine, (which was the only remedy,) [ Plutarch. ]
The famine thus raging in the Camp, they began to flee to the enemy, and but that the Parthians slew these runawayes in the sight of the rest, all had a good mind to be going; but the cruelty of the Parthians stopped the revolt, [ Dio. lib. 5. pag 409.]
Antonius (seeing so many of his own soldiers dying, and the Parthians all setting upon) is reported to have often cried out 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I wondering at those 10000 men who under the conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon, and often fighting with their enemies, and yet came home safe, [ Plutarch. ]
And seeing the Parthians could neither break the body of the Romans, no nor their ranks, but that they were often overcome themselves and repulsed, they began again to talk peaceably with them that went to fetch water and forage, and showing them their bows unbent, told them that they were departing, and that they would follow them no more; but that perhaps they might have some Medes follow them a day or two, but that they would not do them any great hurt, only secure some of the remoter villages; and holding them with this talk, they gently took their leave of them: at which the Romans were very joyful; which being told Antonius, he desired rather to march by the champain, than the mountains, because it was said that that way wanted water, [ Id. ]
Whilst he was in this determination, there came to him one from the enemies Camp named Mithradates, a cosin of Moneses, to whom Antonius had given the three Cities; and demanded that some might be sent to him that understood the Syriac or Parthian Language, to whom when Alexander an Antiochian, a familiar friend of Antonius, was come, he declared unto him, that in those mountains which he saw, the Parthians with all their forces lay in ambush, to set upon them as they passed by the plains; and advised them to pass by the mountains, which had no other inconvenience than want of water for one day, whose counsel Antonius following, and having the Mardian for his guide, by night took his journey by the way of the mountains; commanding his soldiers to carry water with them, which many did in their helmets and leathrene bags, [ Id. ]
The Parthians having intelligence of this, contrary to their custom, pursued them by night, and by Sun-rising they overtook the rear ward of the Romans, tired with labor and watching; for that night they had gone 240 furlongs, although they did not think that the enemy would have come upon them so soon; by which they were the more dejected, their thirst also was increased by their fighting; for they were forced to march fighting, [ Id. ]
In the interim the vowwards met with a River cool indeed and clear, but salt and venomous, which immediately did gnaw the guts of them that drank it, and increased their thirst: which although the Mardian forewarned them of, yet they violently thrust them away that would have kept them from drinking of it, and drank freely of it. Antonius also was very urgent with them, and prayed them to forbear but a little, for not far off, there was one that they might drink of, and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven, that the enemy could by no means follow them. He sounded a retreat also, that at least the soldiers might refresh themselves in the shade, [ Id. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10.]
As soon as the Tents were pitched, the Parthians according to their custom departed, and Mithradates returned: and Alexander coming unto him, he told him, that after they had something refreshed themselves, they should all rise, and make haste over the River, for that was the utmost that they would pursue them. Antonius for this gave him great store of gold-plate, of which he took as much as he could hide in his garment, and departed, [ Plutarch. ]
The next days journey was without any molestation, but the following night they themselves made most grievous and dangerous to themselves; for those that had any gold or silver, were killed, and robbed, and the sumpters that carried the Treasure were plundered; and last of all, the household stuff of Antonius himself, as his plate and precious tables, they brake and divided among themselves. Wherefore this tumult and uproar being in the army, for they thought that the enemy had set upon the sumpters to rob them, Antonius called a free man of his, and commanded him to kill him, and to cut off his head, that neither he might not be taken alive by the enemy, nor known when he was dead, [ Id. cum Floro. ut supr. Sexto Rufo. in Breviario. ]
As his friends were weeping about him, the Mardian bid Antonius be of good cheer, for he perceived there was a River near: and others told him that this tumult arose from their own covetousness and doing wrong one to the other. Wherefore Antonius, that he might compose these tumults and disturbances in the army, gave a signal to encamp. And now it began to grow light, and the army to fall in good order again: when as the reareward perceived the enemies arrows, whereupon the signal of battle was given to the light Horsemen, and the Shieldmen coming together as they did before, defended the force of the Parthian arrows, who durst never come near them. And as they marched a little forward, as soon as ever the river was espied by those that went first, Antonius opposing his Horse against the enemy, made all the sick men pass over first: and now both the fear and labor was much diminished in them that fought. For as soon as the Parthians saw the river, they unbent their bows, and bid them a God's name, highly commending their valor: so they passed leisurely over the river, and made much of themselves, not overmuch trusting to the promises of the Parthians. [ Plutarch. ]
Caesar Octavianus, having settled his affairs in Sicily, on the Ides of November entered Rome, out of Sicily in an Oration, as is manifest from the marble triumphal Neords, [ Inscript. Grut. pag. CCXCVII. cum Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 22. Dion. lib. 49. pag. 400. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] and had a golden Statue erected for him in the Rostra, which expressed his lively portaicture with this inscription, For peace restored after continual wars both by sea and land, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 746.] and was then 28 years old: after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
He received also the Tribunitial power forever, by a Decree of the Senate, inviting him by this honor to lay down the Triumvirate; concerning which business he wrote privately to Antonius, by Bibulus. [ Appian. ibid. pag. 747. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]
Antonius his men came to the river Araxes, the sixth day after the battle, which divideth Media (Atropatena) from Armenia: here the passage seemed very difficult, by reason of the depth and rapidnesse of the river; and there was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to set upon them in their passage: but after they were safely passed over, and were entered Armenia, as if they had newly landed from sea, they kissed the earth, and fell embracing one the other with tears of joy. But when they marched through a plentiful Country, they so filled themselves with plenty of victuals, after their long famine, that many began to be sick of Dropsies and Fluxes. [ Plutarch. ]
Here Antonius mustered his army, and found that he had lost 20000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, the half of whom died of diseases, and not in fight against the enemy. [ Id. ] Of the whole army there was not less than the fourth part wanting, of the grooms and slaves a third and scarce any of the baggage remained; yet Antonius called this flight his victory, because he came off alive. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.]
He fled in 21 days 300 miles. [ Livy, lib. 130.] The march continued for 27 days together, from Phraata (or Phraaspa) in which space of time the Parthians were repulsed in fight 18 times: but those 16000 Horse, who were armed after the Parthian manner, and used to fight with them, which Artarasdes brought out of Armenia: the Parthians could not so often repair their battle, being so often beaten by the Romans, if they had had those to pursue them. Wherefore all men egged on Antonius to punish the Armenians: but he took no advice, neither upbraided him with his treachery, but used him with the same honor and courtesy that he ever had done, but all this was because he knew the army was weak and wanted necessaries. [ Plutarch. ]
Antonius, being now no more troubled with enemies, hasted to Cleopatra, he being unwilling to winter in Armenia; and taking a sudden journey in a sharp winter, and continual snows, and hurrying on his soldiers, he lost 8000 men by extremity of weather. [ Livy, lib. 130. Plutarch in Antonio. ] And also as they passed over the Mountains of Armenia, that were covered over with snow, the wounds, of which they received many, extremely troubled them. Wherefore many being dead, and many rendered unserviceable; Antonius, because he could not endure to hear of these things, forbad that any one should speak to him of any such thing. But the King of Armenia, although he were angry with him, and carried revenge in his mind, because he had deserted him; yet he strived to endear him to him, that he might get provisions from him. At length, seeing the soldiers could not endure this journey in winter any longer, he so persuaded the King, what by flatteries and promises, that he would let his army winter in his Country, as if intending the next spring to load his army against the Parthians. [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 310.]
At length, [The Julian Period. 4679] having scarce left the third part of sixteen Legions, [Year before Christ 35] he fled into Syria, (returning to Antiochia, as it is in Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 19.) where being as it were in a manner besotted, he began somewhat more to brag, as if he had gotten the victory, because he got away. [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10.]
He coming down to the sea side with a few company, stayed in a Castle between Berytus and Sidon, (called Leucocome ) and tarried for Cleopatra's coming, for whose absence he pined away: to wear which away, he fell to feasting and quiffing, amids which he would oft rise up and run, to see if she were coming, until at last she came indeed. [ Plutarch. in Anton. ]
Cleopatra brought for the soldiers great store of money and apparel; and some reported, That Antonius took the apparel that she had brought, and gave it to the soldiers, and to the soldiers his own money, as if she had given it. [ Id. ibid. ] Concerning which matter Dio writes thus. Monies were brought him by Cleopatra, of which he divided to every Legionary soldier 35. drachmes, (or pence) and to others proportionably: and when that money was not enough, he made out the rest out of his own treasure, and gave acquittances for that he had received of Cleopatra. He received also much money of his friends, and exacted much of his allies. Which when he had done, he went into Egypt. [ Dio. ut supra. 410.]
Herod being continually molested with the entreaties of his wife Mariamme, that he would restore the High Priesthood to her brother Aristobulus, according to his due: wherefore calling a Council of his friends, he bitterly inveighed against his mother in law Alexandra, as if she had privately wrought treason against his Kingdom, and had endeavored by Cleopatra's means to translate it to the lad; yet notwithstanding, least he should seem to contemn both his piety to her, and the rest of the kindred, he said, he would now restore the Priesthood to her son, to which Ananelus had hitherto been preferred, by reason of his tender years. Alexandra, almost beside herself for joy, and grieving that she was suspected, fell a weeping, and cleared her self of these accusations; and giving him many thanks for her sons honor, promised that hereafter she would be most obedient unto the King. And thus Herod gave the Priesthood to Aristobulus, in the lifetime of Ananelus's, he being then but seventeen years old. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. cap. 2. & 3.]
Sextus Pompeius, when he understood of Antonius ill fortune in Media, and that Gaius Furnius, who at that time was governor of Asia, was no very good friend of his, he tarried not in Lesbos; but beginning to conceive some hopes, that either he should succeed Antonius (if he were once dead) in whole power, or at least should receive some part of it, especially seeing that both out of Sicily, and from other places, many came unto him, (partly in opinion of his fathers glory, and others, because they did not well know how to live else) so that he both took the ornaments of the General, and provided himself for the seizing upon the opposite Continent of Asia, always setting before his eyes, the late example of Labienus, who had over-run it on a sudden. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747. Dio, lib. 49. pag. 402.]
Antonius, when he was come into the Country of his friends, knowing what Pompeius had done, promised, That if he would lay down his arms, he would both pardon him, and be his friend. Pompeius promised he would, and so wrote him word back: but then contemning Antonius, both for the overthrow he had received, and for that he was so immediately gone into Egypt, he went on with his design. [ Dio, ibid. ] But yet making way for both, by sending messengers to Antonius, offered himself to him, as to his friend and ally: but indeed to spy out his doings. In the mean time he sent Ambassadors to the Governors of Thracia and Pontus, supposing, that if he could not obtain what he desired, he might through Pontus fly into Armenia. He sent Ambassadors also to the Parthians, hoping that they would willingly use him for their Captain, in the war that was not yet ended against Antonius, he being both a Roman, and also the son of Pompeius the Great. He also provided ships, and exercised the Mariners, dissembling that he was afraid of Caesar, and that this preparation was for the service of Antonius. [ Appian. ut supra. ]
Antonius, as soon as he heard what Pompeius intended, yet he kept on his way, but sent Marcus Titius, who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him, as General against him, that having received both a fleet and army from Syria, he should with all his power resist Pompeius, if he made any war, but if he would yield himself, he should receive him with all honor. [ Id. & Dio. ibid. ]
Pompeius his Ambassadors that were sent to the Parthians, were surprised by Antonius his Captains, and brought to Alexandria. When Antonius had learned all these things from these Ambassadors, he called the Ambassadors that were sent to him, and brought them face to face: who excused him as being a young man in misery, and fearing he should be repulsed by him, was forced to prove the good will even of Nations that were greatest enemies of the Romans; but if he had known Antonius his mind, there had been no need of all the solicitations and policies. This he believed, as being a man not at all malicious, but well meaning, and generous. [ Appian. pag. 749.]
Octavia being at Rome intended to sails unto Antonius, to which Caesar consented not, as most write, for any respect at all to him, but that he might have an honest color of war against him if he slighted, or m • sled her, [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ] the coming to Athens wintered there. [ Appian lib. 5. pag. 750.]
At this time war brake out between the King of the Medes (Artarasdes) and Phraates the King of the Parthians, and Artabazes or Artarasdes King of the Armenians; he was angry with the Armenians, because by his means the Romans were brought in upon him; and with the Parthian, because he neither received any great matter of the spoils of the Romans, nor any honor at all, and was afraid also that he would take away his Kingdom from him, he sent also Polemo the King of Pontus Ambassador to Antonius, desiring his friendship and alliance, desiring him to come unto him, and promising him the aid of all his forces, which Embassy Antonius took very well, for that only thing which seemed to want towards the overthrowing of the Parthian, which was because he was not strong enough in Horsemen and Archers: he thought now he should have, and yet do more pleasure in the receiving them, than the other did him in giving them, whereupon being puffed up with great hopes, he prepared again to go through Armenia, and having called the King of the Mede to the river Araxes, then to go forward with the war. [ Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio, lib. 49. pag. 411.]
Antonius wrote to Octavia being now at Athens, commanding her to stay there, and advertised her of an expedition that he was about to take; she although she took it ill and smelled out the pretence, yet she wrote to him to know whether he would have those things sent that she had brought him, for she had brought much apparel for the soldiers, and many horse, and much money, and presents for his Captains and friends, and besides all this 2000 choice men all armed, like the Praetorian cohorts, Niger, a friend of Antonius, being sent from Octavia declared unto him, adding withal the deserving commendations of Octavia. Antonius accepted both her own and others gifts, and also the soldiers that she had begged of her brother for this purpose. [ ibid. ]
Cleopatra, fearing least Octavia should draw Antonius from her, seemed to languish for the love of him, making her body so weak by her feminine tricks, as though she could not live if she were deprived of him, by which Antonius being overcome, left off his journey to the King of the Medes, (although news were brought him that the Parthians were in civil wars) and returned again into Alexandria, [ Plutarch. ] and so from thence forward did more and more give himself over to the love and imposture of Cleopatra. [ Dio. pag. 411.]
Antonius summoned Artarasdes King of Armenia into Egypt, as a friend, that having gotten him into his power he might more easily put him to death, but seeing he did not come, suspecting some deceit, he then found other means to deceive him, neither did he openly show his anger against him, least he should provoke him to war. [ Dio. ibid. ]
C. Furnius the Governor of Asia, (whom we read in Plutarch, Antonius, and St. Jersmees Chronicle, to be a man of great authority, and to be the most eloquent among the Romans,) entertained Pompeius coming to him presently, being neither strong enough to repulse him, neither did he know Antonius his mind, but when he saw his soldiers to be exercised, he also mustered them that were of his Province, and sent for Aenobarbus, that commanded the army, that was next him, and called in all hast Amyntas to his aid, who when they came immediately together Pompeius complained that he was accounted for an enemy, at that time whenas he expected an answer from Antonius, by the Ambassadors that he had sent unto him: nevertheless he had a mind to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius a familiar friend of his, hoping that it would be a matter of great moment, if any charge should happen; but the treason being discovered, Curius was put to death being condemned in the consistory of the Romans; and Pompeius also killed Theodorns a freed man of his, who only knew of this business, as if he had been the blabber of it. [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 749.]
Pompeius despairing that Furnius would be received by him, seized upon Lampsacus by treachery; where many Italians lived, being brought thither as a Colony by C. Caesar: which Italians he by great wages enticed to serve under him, and now he had 200 Horse and 3 Legions, when setting upon Cyzicum by sea and land, he was repulsed in both places, for there were there then a very great band of soldiers, who kept the fencer • that were then brought up for Antoniu • : being returned therefore into the haven of the Arhaeans, he there provided corn. [ id. ibid. ]
Seeing Fur • ius would not fight, but always kept near his Camp with many Horsemen; not suffering him either to provide any corn, nor seize upon any Cities; Pompeius set upon his Camp in front, sending also some about, that should do the same in the rear; wherefore when Furnius went out against him, he had his Camp at his back. Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander: for the field was very plashy by reason of much rain that fell. Those that escaped, retreated into a safe place, but unable to provide for a new war: and whenas they received supply out of Mysia, Propontis, and other places; poor men, being exhausted with exactions, for very reward did serve under Pompeius, who was now grown famous for the Victory he got at the Haven of the Achaeans, [ Ibid. pag. 750.]
Seeing Pompeius wanted Horse, and therefore was cut very short in his forraging; he heard that a squadron of Italian Horse were going to Antonius, being sent by Octavia, who wintered in Athens: and therefore presently sent to corrupt them with gold; these the President that was set over Macedonia by Antonius apprehended, and divided the money to the soldiers, [ Ibid. ]
Pompeius having seized upon Nicaea and Nicomedia, he gathered money together in abundance, by reason of the great and unexpected successes, [ Ibid. ]
As Furnius lay encamped near him, at first there came to him out of Sicily, as soon as the Spring began, a Fleet of 70 ships, which only remained of the Fleet that Antonius had lent Caesar against Pompeius; for when the Sicilian war was ended, Caesar dismissed them. Titius also came out of Syria with an 120 ships, and a great army, and all arrived at Proconesus, [ Ibid. ]
Pompeius being much afraid, being not as yet fully provided, chose those places that were most convenient for his fleeing: but being apprehended in Nicomedia, he demanded peace by his Ambassadors, laying the hopes of obtaining it, on the favors that he had formerly done Titius; but Titius absolutely denied to yield to any peace, unless he yielded up into his hands, all his ships and forces, [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 402, 403.]
Wherefore Pompeius, despairing of any safety by sea, having put all his provision of any weight into his ships, set them on fire; and armed his Mariners as being of more use to him on land with others, [ Id. ibid. pag. 403. Appian. pag. 750.]
Herod fearing lest his mother in law Alexandra should seek occasions to raise new troubles, commanded her to keep within the Palace, and to do nothing of her own authority; and she was kept so strictly, that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did; yea even to the expenses of her Table: which servitude she took very heavily, and sent letters to Cleopatra, complaining of her hard condition, desiring her that she would yield her assistance. Wherefore at the command of Cleopatra, that she with her son should flee into Egypt to her, she provided two coffins, wherein she enclosed herself and her son, such as men are put in when they go to be buried; commanding those servants that were privy to the plot, that they should carry them out by night, & bend their course to a ship that was ready provided to carry them into Egypt. This business Aesopus a servant blabbed to Sabbation a friend of Alexanders, supposing that he had known all before: which as soon as Sabbation knew, he who hitherto was an enemy of Herod's, as being suspected to be of the plot in the poisoning of Antipater, took this occasion of being reconciled to the Kings favor by declaring this matter; who dissembling the matter till it was upon execution, surprised her in flight, and brought her back: yet notwithstanding he pardoned her her fault, as not daring to punish her; for he feared that Cleopatra would not be so contented, but would seek any occasion of hatred against him: wherefore under color of a magnanimous spirit, he made show as if he pardoned her out of mere clemency, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 3.]
Cassius Parmensis, Nasidius, Saturninus, Antistius, and other honorable friends of Sextus Pompeius, and his dear friend Fannius, and his father in law Libo also, when they saw that he would not leave off making war with one more powerful that himself, nay not after the coming of Titius, to whom Antonius had committed it; began to despair of him, and therefore covenanting for themselves, they went over to Antonius, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 750, 751.]
Pompeius thus forsaken of his friends, departed into the mid-land Country of Bythinia, intending to go (as was reported) into Armenia: him stealing privately out of the Camp by night, Furnius and Titius, and with them Amyntas pursued, and marching excessive fast, they overtook about evening, they encamped both of them about an Hill, but without either ditch or trench; it being late at night and they weary. Pompeius being in this condition, sent by night 3000 Targatiers, who set upon them either in their beds, or running out from their lodgings, who all fled naked most cowardly. If Pompeius had set upon them with all his forces, or out pursued them as they fled, he might have had an absolute Victory: which when he observed not, he gained nothing by all this, but that he went on whither he was a going into the mid-land Country, [ Id. ibid. pag. 751.]
His enemies being joined together, kept him from forraging, that he was so oppressed with famine, that he was forced to demand a parly with Furnius, in former time a friend of Pompey; the Great, a man of honor and gravity above the rest. Wherefore standing upon the bank of a River that ran between them, he told him that he would commit himself to his protection, upon condition that he might be brought to Antonius; Furnius answered, that this business did not belong to him, but to Titius: Pompeius suspecting Titius his faithfulness, offered again to yield himself, entreating that he might be accepted; which when it could not be obtained, he desired that he might be received by Amyntas: but he told him, that Amyntas would do nothing that might be an injury to him that was to execute the commands of Antonius; and so the parly brake off, [ Id. ibid. pag. 751, 752.]
Furnius his soldiers, thought that for very want of food he would the next day yield himself to Titius; but he according to the custom in Campes, made many fires in the night, and by Trumpeters distinguishing the watches of the night, he privately withdrew himself with his army without any baggage, not so much as telling them whither they were going; for he thought to return to the sea, and to burn Titius his fleet; which perhaps he had effected, but that Scaurus run from him, and told both of his departure, and which way he went; although he knew not what he intended. Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 Horse, whereof he was absolutely destitute. As soon as he came near him, Pompeius his soldiers went over to him, some privately, and some openly. Pompeius being now almost desolate, and being afraid of his own soldiers, yielded himself without any conditions, who formerly had refused the conditions of Titius, [ Id. ibid. pag. 752.]
Dio writes, that he was surprised and circumvented, and taken by Ti • ius and Furnius at Miletum, which is a Town of Phrygia, [ pag. 403.] Appianus saith, that his army was compelled by Titius, to take a solemn oath to Antonius, [ pag. 753.]
Antonius being certified of this business, immediately by his letters commanded Pompeius to be put to death: but a little after repenting him, he commanded him to be saved; but seeing the carrier of the last letters came before him that brought the first; Titius then afterwards receiving the letters concerning his death, and perhaps supposing them indeed to be written last, or knowing the truth would not believe it; he followed the orders of the letters, as they were delivered, and not the sense, [ Dio. pag. 403.]
There are some who report, that it was not Antonius that commanded the death of Pompeius, but Plancus; who being Governor of Syria, was wont in letters of moment to subscribe the name of Antonius, and also to use his seal: either with the knowledge of Antonius, (yet he himself would not write, either by reason of the renown of Pompeius himself, or because Cleopatra favored him for the memory of his father the Great Pompeius) or by his own advice being afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between Caesar and Antonius, or lest Cleopatra should transfer her favor upon Pompeius, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 753.]
And thus was Sextus Pompeius put to death at Miletum, [Id. ibid. Strabo, lib. 3. pag. 141.] L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius being Consuls, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403.] of whom in the epitomy of Livies 132 book, we thus read. Sextus Pompeius, when he yielded himself unto Antonius, but yet raising war against him in Asia, was overcome by his Lieutenants: and in Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 19.] Pompeius fleeing, being often overcome both by sea and land, was taken, and a little after put to death: and in Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 87.] Antonius, when he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius, then also deprived him of life. And more fully in the 97 Chapter. Pompeius fled into Asia, and by the command of Antonius, whose help he implored, whilst he was in disturbance between being a General, and a Petitioner, and now would retain his dignity, and now beg his life, had his throat cut by Titius, by which the envy he had contracted lasted so long, that when as he exhibited Play • s in Pompeius his theater, he was driven out thence with the curses of the people from the Shows that he set forth.
Caesar Octavianus, exhibited Plays on horseback, because of the death of Sextus Pompeius; and setting up a Chariot for the honor of Antonius before the Rostra and Statues in the Temple of Concorde, gave him leave to banquet there with his wife and children, as it was formerly decreed unto himself: for as yet he feigned himself to be his friend, and comforted him concerning the Parthian Expedition, and told him what envy there was risen against him, by reason of the Sicilian Victory, and the honors decreed unto him for it, [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403.]
In the Feast of Tabernacles, [Year of the World 3970] the new High Priest Aristobulus being just now past seventeen years old, being to offer sacrifice according to the Law, being clad in Pontifical attire, came to the Altar, and performed the ceremony with all decency, whose excellent beauty and stature being higher than usually of his age, carrying in his countenance the honor of his linage, turned the eyes and love of all the multitude upon him, everyone calling to mind the worthy and memorable actions of his grandfather Aristobulns: and being overcome with the affection they bare him, they were so overjoyed, they could not contain themselves, but openly prayed for him, and wished him all joy, and that more freely than was fit, under such a King, proclaiming openly both the memory and thanks they owed to that family for all their benefits. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 3.]
As soon as the feast was ended, he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra; and King Herod courteously enticing the young man into a convenient place, counterfeiting to sport with him, after the fashion of young men: and because that place was too hot, they were quickly weary: they left their sport, and went to the fish pools that were near the Court, to take the fresh air at noon time: and at first they beheld some of their friends and servants as they were swimming. At length the young man also, by the persuasion of Herod, went in amongst them; then those to whom this charge was given, ducking him as he was swimming, as it were in sport and jest, holding him under water, never left off till they had drowned him. And this was the end of Aristobulus, in the eighteenth year of his age, and the first of his High-Priesthood, which immediately returned to Ananelus. [ Id. ib. ]
Now when this accident was reported to the women, they were all in an uproar, and did nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow also seized upon the whole City, as soon as the rumour was spread abroad, every house bewailing the calamity, as if it had been their own. But Herod endeavored by all means to make people belive, that this chance happened without his knowledge, not only feigning to be sorrowful, but also tears and grief very like to true grief: and that he might the more comfort the women, he buried the body with a most magnificent funeral; being extremely liberal, both in adorning his monument, and also in perfumes and other precious things. [ Ib. ]
His mother Alexandra, although she was often ready to lay violent hands upon herself, seeing she knew all the treason, yet she repressed her passion, seeming not to be suspicious, as if she had thought that her son had been killed on purpose, until some occasion of revenge might offer itself. [ Ib. ]
Antonius seeking some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Artava • des King of Armenia, [The Julian Period 4680] sent unto him Q Dellius, [Year before Christ 34] and by him demanded, adding also many promises, that there might be a marriage concluded between his daughter and his son Alexander (whom he had by Cleopatra) at length on a sudden, in the beginning of the Spring, he came to Nicopolis, a City in the lesser Armenia, built by Pompeius; and thither he sends for him to come, as though he would make use of both his advise and aide in the Parthian war; but Artavasdes suspecting treachery, did not come. [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 475.]
Alexandra, being incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge, certified Cleopatra by letters of the treachery of Herod, and also of the lamentable death of her son, and she who a long time was desirous to help her, and then also pitying the woman's misfortune, took a particular care of this business, as if it had been her own: neither was she ever quiet from persuading Antonius to revenge the young man's death, telling him it was an unpardonable act, that he that by his help had enjoyed a Kingdom that belonged to another's right, should so insolently rage against the lawful race of the Kings. Antonius being persuaded by these words, after he was come into Laodicea in Syria, he sent for Herod to come before him, to answer to the crime objected against him, of the death of Aristobulus. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4.]
Herod, committing the care of the Kingdom to his Uncle Joseph, commanded him by private instructions, that if Antonius should do him any mischief, he should put his wife Mariamme to death, telling him, that he so loved her, that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself, if any one should enjoy her beauty, yea, though it were after his death. [ Id. ibid. ]
Herod then coming to Antonius, so appeased him with the presents, that for this purpose he had brought from Jerusalem, and so appeased his anger by often conferences; that hereafter Cleopatra's instigations had less weight with him: for Antonius denied that it was fit a King should give an account of his actions, otherwise he would cease to be a King: for having once given him the honor, the free power also was to be permitted unto him. He said also, That it concerned Cleopatra herself, not too much to meddle with other men's governments. [ Ibid. ]
Joseph governing the Kingdom that was committed unto him, conversed divers times with Mariamme, partly upon business, and partly to do her honor, and in their discourses, there was often mention made how much Herod loved her; which discourse was laughed at by the Ladies, especially Alexandra; but he was carried on with such a desire of proving the Kings love to them, that he told them what private command the King had given him; supposing that this was a most certain argument of his love, because he could neither endure to live without her, nor in death be disjoined from her: which words of Joseph, the Ladies did not i • terpret as an indubi • ate sign of Herod's love, as abhorring his tyrannical mind, who though he were dead, yet would seek their life. [ Ib. ]
In the interim their was a rumour spread about the City, that the King was put to death by Antonius, which disturbed all the Court, especially the Ladies. Alexandra also persuaded Joseph, that taking them with him, he should fly to the Ensigns of the Roman Legions, which were there about the City, for a guard under the Tribu • e Julius: so that if at first there should be any troubles about the Court, they might be in security by the favor of the Romans. And moreover it was to be hoped, that Mariamme would obtain anything, if she should once come in the sight of Antonius, and might also recover the Kingdom, and whatsoever belonged to the royal issue. [ Ibid. ]
As they were holding this consultation, there came letters from Herod, that clean dashed the rumour, signifieing what honors Antonius had done him, both in public assembly • , and also inviting him to feasts; and that even during the accusations of Cleopatra: who being desirous of that country, sought by all means to destroy him, that she might usurp that Kingdom: but because Antonius had shown himself just, there was not hereafter any great danger to be expected, and that he should shortly return, having his kingdom and alliance confirmed by Antonius, neither was there any hope left now for the covetousness of Cleopatra, seeing Antonius had granted her Coelosiria, instead of that he had demanded, upon this condition, That she should not hereafter demand Judea, and that she should no more trouble him with this business. [ Ibid. ]
As soon as these letters were received, the intent of flying to the Romans vanished, but yet their resolution was not hid: but as soon as Herod had bro • ght Antonius, some part of the way against the Parthians, (for so he pretended) he returned into Judea, and immediately his sister Salome, and his mother Salome, told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends. Neither was Salome content with this but accused her husband Joseph, as if he had been too familiar with Mariamme: but this she did for an old grudge, because the Queen, a woman of a high spirit, among other women's brabbles, had upbraded her with her obscure birth. [ Ibid. ]
When Mariamme had ascertained to Herod by oath of her chastity, and Herod had told her again how much he loved her; she denied that it was the part of a lover to command, that if he should die, that also his wife should be put to death. Herod supposing this secret could never be known, except she had committed adultery with Joseph, and then wanted but little, but that he had killed her: but being overcome with love, though hardly, yet, restrained himself; but yet he commanded Joseph to be put to death, not so much as suffering him to come into his presence. Alexandra also he cast into prison, as being the cause of all these evils. [ Ibid. ]
In the mean while the affairs of Syria were in disturbance, Cleopatra never failing to whet on Antonius his displeasure against all men, persuading him to take every ones government from him, and to give it to her: desiring that Judea and Arabia might be given to her, being taken from the two Kings, Herod and Malchus, whose destruction she plotted to work: but yet Antonius thought it was unjust to put two such great Kings to death, in favor of an importunate woman. But yet he no more accounted them his friends, but took part of their Country from them, and gave them to Cleopatra. Moreover, he gave her all the Cities that lie between the river Eleutherus and Egypt, Tyre and Sidon only excepted, which he knew were always free Cities, although by her earnest entreaties she endeavored to get these. [ Ibid. cum lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13. & lib. 7. cap. 28.]
Thus Cleopatra, by the bounty of Antonius, enjoyed a great part of Silicia, the Country of Judea, where the balsam groweth, Arabia, Nabathaea, which was Malchus his country, (to wit, all that that lay toward the sea) Ituraea, Phoenicia, Coelosyria, Cyprus, and some part of Crete: which vast gifts of Antonius much offended the people of Rome, as did also the filthiness of Cleopatra, of whom he had gotten twins formerly, to wit, Alexandra and Cleopatra, (whom he named one the Sun, and the other the Moon) and also Ptolomaeus, whom she named Philadelphus. [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411. Livy, lib. 132.] Cleopatra is reported to have understood many languages, so that of herself, without an Interpreter, she could answer either Ethiopians, Trogloditae, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes and Parthians, when as her predecessors, the Kings of Egypt, scarce understood the Egyptian tongues, and some also of them had forgot the Macedonian language. [ Plut. ib. ]
Cleopatra having accompanied Antonius, who was going with his army into Armenia, as far as Euphrates, returneth, and by the way visited Apamea and Damascus, she then came into Judea, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.]
In the third Summer, from that in which Lepidus was cast out of office by Caesar Octavianus in Sicilia, Antonius undertook this Expedition into Armenia, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.] Sextus Pompeius being now dead, [ Appian. lib. 5. pag. 753.] and having again sent Q. De • lius to the King of Armenia to confer with him, he himself in all speed went to Artaxata, [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415.]
Cleopatra being entertained by Herod in Judea, assured unto her that part of Arabia that was granted her by Antonius, and the revenues of Jericho also. This Country beareth Balsom, which being the most precious of all Oyntments only grows there, and also great store of the best Dates, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.] which Balsam, is granted only to the land of Judea, and is only in two Gardens, and both the Kings, one of 20 acres, and the other of less, [ Plin. lib. 12. cap. 25.]
By these means Herod grew into great familiarity with Cleopatra; she sought to allure him to her lust, either through the intemperance of her lust, or else seeking occasion too by this for her treachery: but she, pretended love, yet Herod refused her, and had a consultation with his friends about killing her; but being restrained from this attempt by them, he having appeased Cleopatra by great presents, and all manner of obsequiousnesse, he accompanied her as far as Pelusium. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. & lib. 15. cap. 5.] but yet being afraid both of her, and also of the people of the Jews, he provided that castle as a refuge for himself; laying as many arms there as would suffice for 10000 men. [ Id. lib. 7. bell. cap. 28.]
In Armenia, Anto • ius partly by the persuasion of his friends, and partly scaring him with the greatness of his forces, induced King Artarasdes, being deceived by his many promises, seeing he always shown himself, his friends, both by writings and deeds, that he would come into his camp upon his assurance, when he was apprehended. [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 415. Livy lib. 131. Strabo. lib. 1. pag. 524. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82. Plutarch. in Antonio. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
As soon as ever Antonius had taken him, he carried him about the Castles in which his treasure was, yet not in fetters; in hope that he should have them without any fighting, feigning that he took him captive, for no other cause but to get money, from the Armenians for their freedom and his Kingdom, but all this was in vain, seeing those that kept the treasure, would not obey him. [ Dio. ibid. ]
Those Armenians that were up in arms, made his eldest son Artaxias King instead of Artarasdes or Artabazes that was taken prisoner, [ Id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.] Antonius bound Artabasdes with silver chains, as if it were a base thing for a King to be tied with iron fetters, [ Dio. ibid. ] then by his silver chain he compelled him to confess where the royal treasure was; and having won the Town, in which he told him the treasure was laid up, he took from thence a great mass of gold and silver. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 11.]
After these thing, Antonius partly by force and partly by surrender, reduced all Armenia under his power, [ Joseph. & Dio. ut supra. ] for Artaxias having ventured a battle and being overcome, fled to the Parthians, [ Dio. ] bnt Antonius • ed Artabazes bound, with his sons who were Princes into Egypt, as a present to Cleopatra, and whatsoever was of great value, in that Kingdom. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 5.]
At Rome on the Ides of September, C. Sosius the Proconsul triumphed for Judea: as appears in the marble triumphal records. [ in Inscript. Gruteri. pag. CCXCVII.]
M. Antonius [Year of the World 3971] having obtained for a stricter tie of friendship the daughter of Artarasdes King of Media for a marriage with his son, having left his army in Armenia, he returned into Egypt with his great prey, where entering Alexandria in a chariot, among other captives he led before him Artarasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia, with his wife and children, [ Dio. lib. 45. pag. 415.] at which the Romans were discontented, as if the prime ornaments of their Country, should be communicated with the Egyptians, in favor of Cleopatra. [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ]
Antonius presented Artarasdes with his relations, in chains of gold before Cleopatra, in an assembly of the people, who in a Tribunal all guilt, sat in a chair of gold, the Barbarians neither reverenced her, nor fell on their knees, (though they were often commanded to do so by threats and promises,) but only called her by her own name, and although for this they were thought to have the greater spirits, yet they were the more rigidly handled. [ Dio. ut supra. ]
Antonius feasted the Alexandrians, and having called the people into the shewplace, where the young men exercise themselves, there upon a high silvered Tribunal he set two golden chairs, one for himself and another for Cleopatra, and lower chairs for his children, then making an oration to the people, he commanded that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings, and her son and partner in the Kingdom, namely, Ptolomaeus Caesarion, King of Kings, and gave them Egypt and Cypru • , different from the division that he had formerly made: he told them also that Cleopatra was the wife of Caesar the Dictatour, and that Caesarion was his lawful son, he feigned also that he spake this in love to Caesar, that he might bring into hatred Octavianus, that was not his son born, but only and adopted son, and to the children that he had by Cleopatra, to their daughter Cleopatra, he gave Libya Cyreniaca: to her brother Alexander he gave Armenia; promising also Media and Parthia, and all those Countries that lie beyond Euphrates even to India, when he had conquered them, he gave also to Ptolomaeus (surnamed Philadelphus) Phoe • icia, Syria, Silicia, and all the Country on this side Euphrates to the Hellespont. [ Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415. 416.]
Antonius also brought forth his other sons, namely Alexander in the habit of the Medes, and wearing the Persian attire and bonnets on the head: and Ptolemy in slippers, and cloak, and that, with a Crown about it: for this was the habit of Alexanders successors, and the other of the Medes and Armenians. And as soon as the lads had saluted their Parents, the Macedonians were a guard to one, and the Armenians to the other; for Cleopatra whensoever she came in public, wore the apparel of the goddess Isis, and so gave audience to all her subjects in the name of new Isis, [ Plutarch in Antonio. ] Also she commanded that she should be called Isis and the Moon, and Antonius Osiris and Liber Pater; seeing he was Crowned with Ivy, and wore buskins, and was carried at Alexandria in a Chariot like Liber Pater, [ Velleius, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 421.]
Antonius went as far as the River Araxis, [The Julian Period. 4681] as if he intended to make war upon the Parthians; [Year before Christ 33] but thought he had done enough to have joined in league with Artavasdes King of the Medes: upon which account, Antonius and the Mede promised each to other mutual assistance, the one against the Parthian, and the other against Caesar: and for this cause they changed some soldiers. Antonius also delivered to the Mede, part of Armenia that he had newly seized upon, and received from him his daughter • otape, being very young, to be in time a wife for his son Alexander (born of Cleopatra, to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia, which also Livy confirms in lib. 131.) and also the ensigns that were lost by Statianus, [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 417, 418. Plutarch in Antonio. ]
Peace being thus concluded with the Mede, Antonius gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia, as a reward of the Embassy he had undertaken for the making of a League between them: he also gave the Consulship to L. Clauvius (or Cluvius) who was with him, and took it from him, [ Dio. ut supr. pag. 411. 418.]
Caesar Octavianus, both in the Senate, and to the people, often accused Antonius, incensing the people against him. Anton • us also sent to recriminate him. [ Plutarch. ] Caesar amongst other things, objected against Antonius, that he held Egypt that was not his by lot: that he had killed Sextus Pompetus, whom (as he said) he had willingly let escape: that having treacherously taken Artavasdes and cast him in prison, he had brought great infamy upon the people of Rome. He demanded also part of the spoils; but above all he upbraided him with Cleopatra, and the children that he had had by her, and the Countries that he had given her; and that especially, because he had brought Cae • arion the son of Cleopatra into the family of Caesar, [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419.] But Antonius affirmed to the Senate, that he was acknowledged so by Julius Caesar, and that C. Marius, and C. Oppius, and other friends of Julius Caesar knew this: of whom Gaius Oppius, as if the business wanted a defense and countenance set forth a book, that he was not Caesar's son, whom Cleopatra said was, [ Suetonius. in Jul • o, cap. 52.]
Antonius being in Armenia, commanded Canidius to go to the sea side with 16 Legions; but he taking Cleopatra with him, went to Ephesus, where when his Fleet were all come together, there were eight hundred ships, of which Cleopatra promised 200, and 20000 talents, and provision for all the army during the war, [ Plutarch in Antonio. ]
Antonius by the advice of Domitius and some others, commanded Cleopatra to return into Egypt, and there to attend the event of the war; but she fearing that there might happen a new reconciliation by the means of Octavia, persuaded Canidius by a great reward, that he would speak to Antonius for her, and that he should show him, that it was not just, that she should be sent back, that had brought so great aid to the war, neither that it was for his profit, that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a great part of the naval forces. Which when he had obtained, they gathered together their forces, and sailed to Samos, where they gave themselves over to pleasure: for as it was enjoined to all Kings, Governors, Tetrarchs, Nations, and Cities that lie between Syria, Meotis, Armenia, and Lauria, that they should send or bring all manner of warlike provision, so was it enjoined also that all that could skill to make any good sport, should also meet at Samos: and whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing, this one Island alone resounded with piping, and singing for many days, and all the theater was full of these common players, then also every City sent over for sacrifices, and the Kings strove amongst themselves, who should make the greatest feast, and give the greatest presents, so that it was ordinarily said, What will they do when they are Conquerors in triumph, when as the very preparation for the war is with such sumptuousness? [id. ibid. ]
From hence Antonius sailed to Athens, and there gave himself wholly to see plays and shows, [ ibid. ] he went with a staff of gold, and a Persian sword by his side, a purple robe buttoned with precious stones, and a Crown that a King might enjoy a Queen [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.]
The King of Media using the help of the Romans that Antonius had left with him, overcame the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artax • as the Armenian) that came against him. [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 418.]
Herod duly paid the Tributes of the Countries of Judea and Arabia, [Year of the World 3972] which she had received of Antonius; thinking it was little safe to give her any occasion of ill will against him, but the Arabian, after the exaction of them began to belong to Herod, for some time paid 200 talents yearly, but afterward he grew slow and negligent, and scarce paid half and that very negligently. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.]
Caesar and Antonius mutually accused each other, and mutually defended themselves, partly by letters privately sent, (among which that of Antonius to Caesar was most pe • ulant, mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio, where he saith that he began to company with Queen Cleopatra, whom he affirmeth to have been his wife nine years since) and partly publicly; when Caesar pleaded in public, and Antonius by letters, upon which occasions they often sent Ambassadors one to the other, that they might more fully show their cause to be just, and spy out the affairs of the adversary, in the mean while they got money together, as if it had been for some other purpose, and preparrd themselves for war, as if it had been against certain other enemies. [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419.]
The new Consul at Rome, [The Julian Period. 4682] C. Sosius (who had triumphed for Judea) on the very Kalends of January made a long speech in the Senate, [Year before Christ 31] in the praise of Antonius, and disgrace of Caesar, (Domitius Aenobarbus his Colleague, because he had endured many calamities formerly, meddling with no new business) and was ready to make an edict against Caesar, who was on purpose gone out of the City, if Nonius Balbus the Tribune of the people had not withstood it. [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 419.]
Antonius wrote to Rome that the pa • tition that he had made at Alexandria, the Country between Cleopatra and her children might be confirmed, which letters notwithstanding were not publicly read, Domitius and Sosius the Consuls who most favorred Antonius forbidding it, although Caesar desired that all things might be brought into public; and seeing their opinion was carried in that, Caesar also got this in the Senate, that none of those that were written concerning Artarasdes the Armenian should be publicly proposed; because he both pitied Artarasdes, with whom he privately had consulted against Antonius, and he also envied Antonius a triumph. [ Id. lib. 49. pag. 416.]
The Senate being come together, Caesar sat between the Consuls in the curule chair, environed about with his friends and soldiers, that privately carried their weapons about them, when he at large defended himself, and accused Sosius and Antonius and seeing neither any other, nor the Consuls themselves durst speak a word, he commanded them to meet again at a certain day, and then he would demonstrate unto them the injuries of Antonius in writing, but the Consuls not daring to contradict, nor yet able to hold their peace, they privately before the day came went out of the City, and went unto Antonius, whom also many of the Senators followed, which when Caesar knew, he said that they had free leave from him to go, least he should seem to have been forsaken by them, for some injury he had done them; he gave leave also to any that would go to Antonius that they might safely do it. [ Id. lib. 50. pag. 420, Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17.]
After the departure of the Consuls, Caesar called a Senate, and did and said what he would, which when Antonius heard, he called a Council of his friends, and after many arguments on both sides, he undertook the war, [ Dio. pag. 420.] and commanded a divorce to be declared to his wife Octavia the sister of Caesar. [ Id. ibid. Livy lib. 132. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
Afterwards he sent some to Rome, to put Octavia out of his house, who they say when she went took with her all Antonius his children, which he had by Fulvia except the eldest, who lived with his father: she wept and wailed exceedingly because she seemed to be one cause of the civil war; but the people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antonius, and much more those that had seen Cleopatra, who was not to be preferred before Octavia, neither in beauty nor youth. [ Plutarch. in Anton. ]
But Caesar, when he heard of the sudden and great preparation of Antonius, was much astonished, fearing he should be driven to fight that Summer; for he wanted money extremely, and did vex the people of Italy with exactions, so that it was accounted one of the greatest faults of Antonius, that he prolonged the giving of battle, by which means he gave Caesar time to prepare himself, and to quiet the uproar that was risen about the exactions. [ Ib. ]
King Herod being freed from the trouble of Judea, and having taken Hyrcanium, (a Town which the sister of Antigonus had kept) The Actian war, in the CLXXXVII. Olympiad (which was this Summer) now breaking out, made great preparation for the aiding of Antonius: but he quitted him of this trouble, telling him he had no need of them. But because he had heard both from himself, and by Cleopatra, of the injurious dealings of the Arabian, that denied to pay the tribute imposed upon him; he commanded him to make war upon him. Cleopatra also persuading him that it would be for her profit; for the hoped, that if Herod should overcome the Arabian, then she should be Mistress of Arabia, but if the Arabian overcome Herod, then she should be Mistress of Judea. Wherefore Herod returned home by Antonius command, and there kept his army, with which he presently, being well furnished with Horse and Foot, invaded Arabia, going to Diospolis, where the Arabians met him, and after a fierce conflict, the Jews got the victory. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. lib. 15. cap. 6.
Titius and Plancus, who were chief friends to Antonius, and that had been Consuls, and were privy to all his secrets, being privily envied by Cleopatra, because they were much against his being present in this war, fled unto Caesar, who willingly entertained them; from whom he learned all, both his actions and counsels, and also those things that were in his Will, and where the Will itself was, for they were witnesses to it, and knew the Contents. [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420.] But of Plancus his manners, (who was formerly master of request to Antonius, and afterwards was by him made Proconsul of Asia, and then of Syria) and also of his and Titius his flight. Vellcius Paterculus is to be consulted. [ lib. 2. cap. 83.]
The Testament of Antonius was deposited with the Vestal Virgins, who denied the delivery of it at the demand of Caesar; if he would have it, they bid him come and take it. He went therefore and took it. [ Plutarch in Anton. ] At first he read it privately to himself, and noted some places that were subject to reprehension, but afterward he read it openly in the Senate, and then to the people: many taking it ill, that a man being alive, should give an account of things to be done after his death. But yet though it was counted very unjust, yet those things that were contained in the Testament, were of such nature, that they clean took away all envy from Caesar, for doing this deed: for Antonius by this Testament gave Testimony, That Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the Dictatour; he reckoned the children that he had by Cleopatra amongst his heirs, and bestowed great gifts upon them. Also his Will was concerning his funeral, that his body, although he had died at Rome, should be carried through the Forum, and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. [ Id. ibid. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420, 421.]
These things so enraged everyone against Antonius, that they believed all things to be true that were reported: as that Antonius, if he should get the power into his hands, would give Rome itself to Cleopatra, and translate the Empire into Egypt. Moreover, all men were so angry with him, that not only his enemies and neuters, but they also who were his great friends, very much blamed him: for being astonished at the rehersal of the Testament, and meeting with the suspicious that Caesar had, they all said the same things, [ Dio. lib. 50. pag, 421.]
The late runnaway Plancus, objected many horrible things against Antonius in the Senate. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 1. cap. 83.] Many things also Calvius, or Calvisius, a friend of Caesar's, upbraided him with, as done in favor of Cleopatra, but he was thought that he belied him in many things: but yet Antonius his friends were intercessors to the people for him, and sent one Geminius into Grecia to him, to desire Antonius, Thar he would take heed that the Empire should not be taken from him, and that he should be declared an enemy to the State. Who at supper time being provoked by Cleopatra, told her that all things would go well, if she were once gone into Egypt, but fearing the Queens anger, he was fain to fly as fast as he could to Rome. [ Plutarch in Anton. ]
As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra: the Consulship also (for he was designed Consul for the next year) was taken from him, as all his other power likewise was, which he had committed to the pleasure of women. It is said also that Cleopatra by philters and charms, had so besotted Anton us, that he was not his own man. [ Id. ibid. Dio. p. 421.] for she had so inthralled him, that she made him the overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians, she being called by him Queen and Lady, that she had Roman soldiers in her guard, and all of them had in their bucklers the name of Cleopatra written. She went also into the forum with Antonius, and with him provided for the plays, with him sat in judgment, with him rode the Horse, and in Cities she rode in a Chariot, whilst Antonius followed her a foot with the Eunuchs: to be short, she was so bold, as to hope for the government over the Romans; as if she did at any time, by a great oath, she always swore, as she hoped to give laws in the Capitol. [ Dio. pag. 421. 422.] Wishing also through her womanish desire, to reign in Rome. [ Eutrop. lib. 7.] Of which Horace. lib. 1. Ode. 37.]
If Antonius had been declared an enemy, those also that were with him, except they had come from him, had been accounted enemies likewise: which least it should happen, (for the power of his friends was to be feared) he was not in word declared an enemy, though he was indeed: but impunity and commendations were propounded to them that should forsake Antonius, but war was openly proclaimed against Cleopatra, whom they knew would never forsake him. And it sufficed, that this crime might be objected against him, That he of his own accord had undertaken a war against his own Country, by whom he was never offended, in the behalf of an Egyptian woman, and as if there had now been an actual war; they took their soldiers coats, and went unto the Temple of Bellona: and there Caesar, as if he had been an Herald, performed all those things, by their command, that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans, before the war was begun, [ Dio. pag. 421, 422, ] And added moreover, That now those that were to make war with the Romans, were Macedonian Eunuchs, and Pothinus, and Iras, that trimmed Cleopatra's hair, and Charmium (Nairas and Carmio, Gala saith were Cleopatra's Maides, lib. de Theriaca ad Pisonem) by whom the greatest affairs of Antonius Empire were managed. [ Plutarch. ]
After this, the youth were called earnestly to arms by them both, money was coined, and all things that were necessary for the carrying on the war were in all haste provided: and the preparation for this war was far greater than all the former, by reason so many Nations sent succors to each party. All Italy, France, Spain, Illyricum, both the A • ricks, Sardinia, Sicilia, and other Islands that lay near the foresaid Continents, helped Caesar, [ Dio. pag. 422.] He had of ships for war 250 sail, 80000 Foot, 12000 Horse. Antonius had not less than 500 ships of war, in which were some that had eight or ten banks of oars, furnished sumptuously and fit for a Triumph; a 100000 Foot, and (as Caesar had) 12000 Horse: the Kings that were his subjects and brought him aid, were, Bocchus King of Africa, (that was outed of his kingdom by the Romans) Tarcondemus, (or Tarcondimotus) of the Upper Silicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithradates of Commagena, and Adallas King of Thracia: these were in person in the war. Polemon sent aid from Pontus, Malchus also from Arabia, and Herod the Jew. Moreover Amyntas King of Lyconia and Galatia. Antonius also commanded all from Euphrates and Armenia, even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum, and from Cyrena to Ethiopia, [ Plutarch in Antonio. ] Whereupon all the Countries of the Continent of Asia which obeyed the Romans, namely, both the Thraciae, Grecia, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrenica, with the borders, and all the neighbor Islands, and almost all Kings and Princes, and all that did but border upon that part of the Roman Empire that obeyed Antonius, some in person, others by their Generals, (as it is said) helped Antonius, [ Dio. ut supr. ]
Supplies also were sent to him from the King of the Medes, [ Plutarch. ] which seeing Antonius did not only not send back, but also recalled his own soldiers he had lent the Mede, that King was overcome and taken by Phraates King of the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artaxias) King of the Armenians: and after this manner was Armenia (which Antonius had but newly gotten) lost together with Media, [ Dio. fin. lib. 49.]
Antonius being afraid of the over great courtesy of Cleopatra herself in the preparation of the Actian war, and not taking any meat without assure; she is said by this means to have purged him of this fear; she dipped the uppermost flowers of her Garland in poison, and put the Garland on her own head; and immediately, in the height of their mirth, invited Antonius to drink their Garlands: which Antonius taking from his head, and putting it into the cup began to drink, but with her hand she stopped him, saying, I am she, my dear Antonius, who you provide against by this new care of tasters; Do you think that either occasion or invention is wanting, if I could live without thee? and then calling for a prisoner, commanded him to drink it, who presently gave up the ghost, [ Plin. lib. 21. cap. 3.]
When Herod had routed the greatest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelosyria; Athenio the General of Queen Cleopatra in that Country, who hated Herod, having gotten together a band of the natives, and joining with the Arabians, made a great slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult places (with which the enemy was better accquainted) but the King seeing his men put to the worst, posted on horseback, to bring new supplies; but yet although he made all the haste he could, he came not time enough, but that the Jews Camp was taken by the enemies, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 6.]
From that time, Herod began to make incursions and to prey upon the Arabians, incamping always upon the mountains, and always forbearing to come to set a battle; but yet he got this good by it, that he accustomed his men to labor, and by continual exercise, he prepared himself a way to blot out the infamy of his former defeat, [ Id. ibid. ]
Antonius, intending to direct his course for Italy, and there to carry on the war before his enemies were aware: when coming to Corcyra he heard, that some light ships that were sent out for spies, were at anchor by the Ceraunian mountains; and he suspecting that Caesar was come with his whole Fleet, went back again into Peloponesus, (for it was now at the end of Autumn) and wintered at Patara, sending soldiers into all places, that they might the better guard them, and that there might be a better supply of victual for them, [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 424.]
Caesar also loosing from Brindisi, and having gone as far as Corcyra, thinking to set upon the enemy on a sudden as they were in the road at Actium, but being tossed with a tempest, he was fain to return and missed of his purpose, [ Id. ibid. pag. 425.]
Whilst Herod made inroads upon the confines of Arabia, in the seventh year of his reign (reckoned both here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus, about the month of August of the year of the Julian Period 4676.) the Actian war being now begun, in the beginning of the Spring, Judea was shaken with an Earthquake, as was never the like before, in which were overwhelmed with the ruins of houses 10000 men▪ but yet the soldiers received no damage, because they were in the open fields. This calamity was made much more by the reports, which the reporters knowing the hatred between the two Nations, told the Arabians, That it was a wonder to see how proud they were grown, as if all the Cities of the Jews were overthrown, and the men all dead, so that there were no enemies left. For which cause laying hold of the Ambassadors of the Jews, who in this their affliction came to demand peace, they slew them, and presently prepared for war with all earnestness. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. & lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 7.]
Herod having encouraged his men, and offered sacrifice according to the custom, he in all haste marched with his army over Jordan: and having encamped at Philadelphia, there the fight began about the taking of a Castle that lay between him and the Arabians; in which the Jews got the better, and forced the enemy being dismayed to another fight, where after continual skirmishes the Arabians are put to flight, and what by themselves in flight, and by their enemies pursuing them, they were so trodden under-foot, that they lost 5000 men: the rest being besieged in their Camp, and extremely wanting water, they sent Ambassadors to Herod; whom when he contemned, and was more earnest upon them for offering 50 talents for their freedom, they being burnt up with thirst, came out in companies, and offered themselves to the Jews: and thus after this manner there were 5000 taken within five days. On the fifth day the rest that were in the Camp came out to fight, but despairing of any good success▪ for in the first conflict there fell about 7000. By this overthrow the courage of the Arabians was tamed, and Herod being declared Governor of that Nation by them, returned home with great glory, [ Id. ibid. & lib. 15. cap. 89.]
Hillel a Babylonian of the stock of David flourished at Jerusalem an 100 years before the Jewish account of the destruction of the Temple; as is gathered out of G • m • ra Babylonic. tractat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cap. 1. out of whose multitude of disciples, came Jonathan the son of Uzziel, the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the Prophets, from a difference arising between this Hillel and Sammaius (or Sameas concerning whom was formerly spoken out of Josephus) the Phraisees were divided into two sects: concerning whom, St. Jerome, lib. 3. comment. on Isaiah, cap. 8. v. 14. The Nazarites (such are those that receive Christ, and yet omit not the observations of the old Law) interpret the two houses of Sammai and Hillel, two families; from whom sprung the Scribes and Phrisees. He adds moreover, That Sammai and Hillel, (or their two houses, of which there is so often mention in the Talmuud) sprang not up long before the Lord was born.
Seeing Phraates the King of the Parthians, was become more insolent by the Victory he got of Antonius, and that he dealt more cruelly than before, he was driven into exile by his own subjects: and one Tiridates made King in his room, [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 32. pag. 456.]
A certain Midian persuaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antonius, and by their aid made war there against the Antonians, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443.]
Antonius went to Actium, whither he had appointed his Fleet, and was nothing moved; when he found that almost a third part of his Mariners were starved to death: Well (saith he) the oars are safe, for I will not want rowers, as long as Greece hath any men, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] Whereupon there were pressed by the Captains of the ships, passengers, groomes, harvest-men, young men: and yet neither thus were the ships fully supplied, but that many were empty, [ Plutarch. ]
Asinius Pollio, seeing he had kept himself in Italy all the while after the peace concluded at Brindisi, and had never seen Cleopatra, or after that Antonius was so besotted with the love of her, had ever anything to do with his party, being asked by Caesar if he would go with him to the Actian war, answered; My deserts towards Antonius are greater, his favors towards me are more known, wherefore I will have nothing to do with your difference, but will be the prey of the Conqueror, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 86.]
M. Agrippa being sent before by Caesar, took many ships of burden laden with co • n and arms, as they were coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia, to Antonius his succor: and having passed over the bay of Peloponesus, he conquered Methona that was fortified with a strong Garrison of Antonius his, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and there he killed Bogudes: he observed also which were the fittest places for ships of burden to arrive; and from thence going into divers places into Greece, he very much troubled Antonius, [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425.]
Caesar being encouraged by these means, went from Brindisi with 230 ships having their stems armed, and all his forces, into Epirus having crossed the Ionian Sea, [ Id. ibid. Livy, lib. 132. Plutarch in Anton. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] Where finding his Foot whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian mountains to Actium, he himself seized upon Corcyra that was left without a Garrison, with his ships: which being drawn within the Haven Dulcis, so called from the sweet water, he there stood at anchor. From thence he went with his Fleet to Actium; where the greatest part of Antonius his Fleet was also at anchor, and having seized upon that place where he afterwards built Nicopolis, he there encamped, [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425, 426.]
Antonius, seeing his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day, fearing they would take his ships, he wanting men to defend them, set his Mariners upon the forecastle in arms, and commanded them to hold up their oars on both sides of the ships, as if they had been soldiers; and so keep them in the mouth of the Haven at Actium with the prowes towards the enemy, as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight; by which Stratagem Caesar being deluded returned. [ Plutarch. ]
Marcus Agrippa sailed to L • ucas, and took the Island and the ships that were in it, under the very nose of Antonius his fleet, he seized also upon Patoae, having overcome Q. Asidius in a fight at sea, and after that took Corinth. [ Vellet. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 427.]
Marcus Titius, and Statilius Taurus suddenly set upon Antonius's Horse and routed them; they also joined in league with Philadelphus King of Pap • lagonia. [ Dio. ibid. ]
Cneus Domitius a very gallant man, who alone of all Antonius's party, never called for Cleopatra but by her own name, being extremely hated by the Queen, through great and headlong danger went over to Caesar, [ id. ibid. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84.] for being sick of a fever, he took a little boat and went over to Caesar; which though Antonius took ill, yet contrary to Cleopatra's mind he sent him all his carriage together with his friends and servants, but Domitius, as though he repented of his open treasons died soon after, [ Plutarch. ] but because he seemed to have fled from Antonius, as though he despaired of Antonius good fortune; many followed his example. [ Dion. pag. 427.]
Antonius being now out of hope began to have all his friends in suspicion, of whom among other, he put to death Jamblichus a King of part of Arabia, by torture; and gave command to some that they should tear in pieces Q. Posthumius a Senator, then fearing, least Quintus Dellius and Amyntas the King of Galatia, had sent into Macedonia, and Thracia to hire soldiers, should more esteem Caesar's party; he went towards, as if it were to succor them, if the enemy should set upon them. [ Dio. ibid. ]
In the mean time Sosius hoping that if he should set upon L. Tauresius, who with a few ships kept a guard against Antonius fleet, before the coming of Agrippa, who was Caesar's Admiral, he might do some great matter; early in the morning on a sudden, went against him, taking the convenience of a fog least Tauresius seeing the multitude of his ships should fly, whom having put to flight at the first conflict, he pursued, but by chance meeting with Agrippa, he not only did not overtake Tauresius or received any fruit of his victory, but himself also perished with Tarcondimotus and many others. [ id. ibid. ]
This business and also because himself was overcome, in his return in a battle of Horsemen by Caesar's guard, took Antonius from the opinion of having his Camp over against the enemies Camp; therefore leaving his by night, he went unto the other side of the Ambracian gulf, where his greater forces were encamped, and seeing that now he began to be shut up from provision, he propounded in council, whether they should stay there and bring it to a battle, or leaving that place should protract the war till some other time. [ Id. pag, 427. 428.]
Canidius, who commanded the Legions, and was the cause of Antonius his bringing Cleopatra with him, now changed his opinion, and persuaded him to send her back again, and that he should go into Thracia, or Macedonia, and then try it out by a battle at land, because he was stronger at land, and also he might make use of the new supplies that Dicomes the King of the Getae sent. [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ]
But Cleopatra, and Antonius also, being afflighted at some prodigies, and by reason of them, with the sadness of the army, obtained of her husband, that the war might be then tried by sea, but yet so providing for her flight, that she trussed up her baggage, not as if she intended to conquer, but that if all were lost, how she might more easily fly, but yet they determined not to depart by stealth or as if they fled, least they should strike a fear into the army, but as it were ready prepared for fight, but yet if any would oppose them, that they might by plain force make their way into Egypt. [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 428.]
Velleius Paterculus saith, [ lib. 2. cap. 84.] that King Amyntas, but Plutarch that both he and Dejotarus, revolted unto Caesar, Q. Dellius the Historian also revolted unto Caesar, (to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin. of Horace was written) either being afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra, which he said Glauc • s her Phisiciau told him of; or else keeping his old wont, for he had fled from Dolabella to Cassius, and from Cassius formerly to Antonius; he is called by Messala Corinus, the vaulter of the civil wars. [M. Seneca. in Orat. Suasor. 1. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84. Plutar. in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433.]
Antonius his fleet was twice overcome before the last great battle, [ Vellei. Patercul. ut supra. ] and just as they were going to it, they say, there was a foot Captain, a valiant man, who had fought many battles under Antonius command, and had many skarres on his body, who in Antonius his presence cried out unto him; O noble Emperor, why do you distrust these wounds, and our swords, and put your trust in these wooden sh • ps? let the Egyptians and Phoenicians fight by sea, give us leave to fight by land, where we have been wont either to die standing, or to overcome our enemies. To which Antonius returned no answer, but yet with his hand and countenance, as it were, bidding him be of good courage, he passed by, yet without any great courage himself. [ Plutarch. ]
Of the Egyptian ships, Antonius and Cleopatra only reserved 60. the rest they burnt, because the number of his soldiers, both by overthrows, and running away, was much diminished: then by night they carried aboard all the things they had of most value: and when the masters of the Gallies would only in the fight have taken their oars, and have left theirs sails, Antonius compelled them to carry them with them, and to clap them on their ships, saying it must be done, least any of his enemies should escape him, when as by this means he himself provided to escape. [ Id. Dio. pag. 428.]
Caesar had 200 beaked ships, and 30 without banks; his Gallies for swiftness were like light ships, in which fleet were eight Legions, besides five praetorian Cohorts, Antonius his fleet was 170 ships, which though less in number, yet far greater in burden; for they were in height from the sea ten foot, (or rather banks of oars) saith Orosius, [ lib. 5. cap. 19.] and before him Flotus, [ lib. 4. cap. 11.] We had 400 ships, and the enemy had not less than 200. but what they wanted in number, was made up in bulk, for all they had were from six to nine banks of oars: and moreover, so raised with turrets and docks, that they resembled Castles and Cities, making the sea groan under them, and the wind out of breath to carry them, which bigness of theirs, was itself their bane. But yet Caesar himself in his Comm • ntaries, produced by Plutarch, gainsayeth these things, concerning the number of Antonius his ships, saying, That he took 300 of them. But of the greatness Vegetius [ de re militari lib. 4. cap. 27.] rela • es, which may be reckoned by the banks of oars, that there met together ships of six, and above, banks of oars. Florus saith, that Caesar's ships had not above three banks of oars to six, and none above. But Strabo, together with Plutarch and Dio, positively say, That Antonius had some ships that had ten: concerning which Scaliger is to be consulted, Ad num. Euseb. MCCXXX.
Now because there was a report that Sextus Pompeius was overcome in Sicilia, by reason of the greatness of Caesar's ships. Antonius had built his ships much greater than his enemies; he had indeed some of three banks of oars, but all the rest from four to ten banks. He also built high Towers in them, and put in them multitudes of men, who should fight as it were from a wall. He put all the Noble men he had with him a shipboard, least i • they were at their own command, they should make some alteration, (as Dellius and some others that fled to Caesar had done) he also put aboard some Archers, Slingers, and armed soldiers, [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433.] and so filled his best and greatest ships, from three to ten bank of oars, with 20000 Foot, and 2000 Archers. [ Plut. ]
Caesar seeing the preparation of the enemy, and understanding of his intentions from others, but especially from Dellius, prepares himself also for the fight. [ Dio. pag. 433.] The four first days t • e • ea rose so high, that the battle was put off: the fifth day the sky cleared, and storm ceased, and they came to shock. Antonius and Poplicolus were in the right wing, Caelius in the left, the middle battle M. Octavia, and M. Justeius commanded. Caesar placed Agrippa in the left wing, and kept the right himself. (Thus Plutarch) but yet Velle • us Paterculus before him. [ lib. 2. cap. 85.] Thus the right wing of the Julia • ships was committed to M. Larius, (or Lurius) the left to Arruntius and to Agryppa, the ordering of the whole battle by sea; Caesar was present everywhere, being designed for that place, whither fortune should call him. The command of Antonius 's fleet was committed to Publicola and Sosius. But concerning the Commanders of the land forces of both armies, it is agreed on all hands, that Taurus should command Caesar's forces, and Antonius his forces Canidius commanded.
Antonius being carried about in a swift Pinnas, exhorting his soldiers, encouraging them to fight valiantly, as upon firm land, by reason of the heaviness of their ships, and commanded the masters of the Gallies, that they should receive their enemies charge, no otherwise than as if the ships were at anchor, and that they should keep the straight in the mouth of the gulf. [ Plutarch. ]
They report that Caesar, whilst it was yet dark, going out of his Tent to visit his fleet, throughout, met an asse and his driver, the man's name was Eutychus, the asses Nicon: after the victory was obtained, he put up both their images in brass, in a Temple that he built in the very place where he had encamped. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 96. Plutarch in Anton. ] There happened also, that as he was sacrificing before the fight, a beast had a double liver. [ Pliny, lib. 11. cap. 37.]
Caesar went in a Pinnace to the right wing of Antonius his fleet, wondering that the enemy lay so still in the Gulf, thinking they had lain at anchor, he kept his Gallies back, being now eight furlongs from the enemies: but in the sixth hour, there began a little gale of wind to rise from the sea, and then Antonius his soldiers began to be angry that they were delayed from fighting, trusting to the greatness of their ships, as if they had been invincible, they put forward their left wing, with whom Caesar's men began to fight, as soon as they were come out of the Gulf and Straight. [ Plutarch. ]
Caesar's ships being more yare, and ready for any needs of service, either for charge or recharges or to turn about, but the others were heavy and unwieldy, many of Caesar's set upon each of the other, with darts, and their hacks, and casting fi •• , overcome them; [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.] on the other side Antonius his soldiers, shot with their crosbows from the wooden Towers, darts and stones, they cast also iron grapples on their enemies ships, if they came near them, which if they took luckily, they overcame, otherwise they b • lged their ownships: after this manner therefore was the fight at sea, whenas both sides used divers reasons to stir up the skill and courage of their soldiers, they heard also the cries of those land soldiers that heartened them on crying; Courage. [ Dio. pag. 438. 439. with Plutarch. ]
Agrippa stretching forth one of his wings to compass about the enemy, Poplicola on the other side was forced also to widen his wing, and so was divided from his main body; which being distressed, and fighting with Arran • ius, but yet upon equal terms, Cleopatra that had been long in careful suspense what to do, and now overcome with the expectation of the event of a doubtful battle, gave a sign to her ships, and she in a gally whose poop was of gold, and her sails of purple, and 60 of the swiftest Egyptian ships, hoysed sails amain, and having a prosperous gale they set sails for Peloponesus. Antonius as soon as he saw the ship of Cleopatra under sails, he forgetting all things, imbarked in a gally with five banks of oars, and taking off the ensign from the Admiral gally he followed his flying wife accompanied only with Alexander a Syrian and Scellius. [ Floruss. lib. 4. cap. 11. Plutarch. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 439. 440. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and thus the general, who should punish runawaies, became the desertour of his own army, so that it may be doubted, whether he would have ordered the victory at the disposing of Cleopatra, who directed his flight at her command. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.]
Cleopatra perceiving Antonius coming, lift up a sign out of her ship, and Antonius being come was taken up into her ship, but he neither saw her nor was seen by her, but went and sat down alone in the prow of the ship, and said never a word, clapping both his hands over his head. [ Plutarch. ]
Antonius his soldiers being astonished at the flight of their General, began also to think of flying, and some hoysed sails, other cast the Towers and tacklings of their ships into the sea, that the ships being lightened they might fly the faster, Caesar's soldiers who had no sails, and were not provided for any but for a fight at sea, did not follow them that fled, but setting upon them that were preparing for flight, (for now they were equal to their enemies in number,) compassing about each ships of their enemies, with many of their own, they fought with them as hand, and afar of. [ Dio. pag. 440.] for Antonius's soldiers, valor lasted a long time after their General was gone, and when they despaired of victory, they fought that they might die; Caesar desiring to pacify them with words, whom he could kill with his sword, calls out to them telling them that Antonius was fled, and demanded of them for whom and with whom they fought. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.] at length upon mere compulsion, he commanded fire to be brought out of the Camp, for now there was no other way of getting the full victory, although he had abstained from setting fire on the ships, in hope to get the enemies treasure; yea the Caesarians themselves, seeing they would not help themselves when their ships were on fire, much less hurt their enemies, they sailed to them, and with desire of getting money, endeavored to quench the fire; of whom many perished by the being burned with their ships, and by the grapplings of their enemies. [ Dio. fin. lib. 50.]
Whenas the Fleet of Antonius had long resisted Caesar, and was grievously troubled with the waves that beat full upon the prowes of their ships, they were overcome about the tenth hour: as Plutarch writes; and thus the soldiers when they had long fought for their absent General, at last very unwillingly laying down their arms yielded up the Victory: and Caesar soon gave them life and pardon, than they could be persuaded to ask it; and it was generally granted that the soldiers performed the parts of an excellent General, and the General of a cowardly soldier, [ Velles. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.]
From the fifth hour (as Orosius saith) to the seventh, the battle on both sides went with uncertain hope of conquest: but the rest of the day with the following night, inclined the Victory to Caesar, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] for the fight continued till late at night, so that the Conqueror was forced to lodge aboard all night, [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17.]
The battle at Actium was fought, Caesar and Messala Corvinus being Consuls, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84.] the second of September, from which begins the account of the years of Caesar's Monarchy; as in the beginning of his 51 book Dio observeth, which also in another place he saith was 44 years, [ lib. 55. pag. 590.] wanting 13 days, as much as are between the 19 of August in which he died, and the second of September, but both those days being excluded: after which manner Suetonius [ in Octavio. cap. 8.] Aurelius Victor and Eutropius are to be taken; whenas they say that he alone governed the Common-wealth full forty years.
As soon as it was day, Caesar perfected the Victory: there are 12000 of the conquered reported to be slain, and 6 or 7000 wounded, of whom a 1000 died of their wounds. So Orosius, [ lib. 6. cap. 19.] But Plutarch saith, that there died not of them above 5000, and 300 ships taken; the relics of this huge armado, was carried in the wracks thereof up and down over the whole sea: for the seas being purged with the wind, did daily belck up upon the shoars gold and purple being the spoils of the Arabians and Sabaeans, and a thousand other Nations of Asia, [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 11.]
And this was that famous Sea-fight so much spoken of by the Poets of that time; namely, Virgil lib. 8. Aeneid. Ovid, lib. Metamorphos. 15. Horace Epod. 9. ad Moecenatem, & Propert. lib. 4. Elog. 6. where is that memorable distick.
To which answers that which Messala Corvinus is reported to have said, when he was commended by Caesar (with whom he was Colleague this year in the Consulship • ) that though he was his utter enemy in Brutus his business, yet had done very good service for him in the battle of Actium. O Caesar, you shall always find me of the better and juster party, [Plutarch in fin. Bruti.]
Caesar of the spoils of the enemy, dedicated ten ships to Apollo Actius, from a ship of one bank of oars, to ten, [ Strabo, lib. 7. pag. 325. Dio. lib. 52. pag. 442.]
Caesar sent part of his Fleet in pursuit of Antonius and Cleopatra, who when they could not overtake them, returned, [ Dio. pag. 443.] But some light ships overtook him: which he repulsed; only Lacon a Lacedaemonian, the son of Lacharis who was beheaded by Antonius for theevery, shook a lance at him from the deck of the ship as if he would have thrown it at him; but yet he did not set upon Antonius his ship, but he struck with his beak another Admiral Gally, (for there were two of them) that he turned her round and took her, and another of them which was laden with very rich stuff and carriage, [ Plutarch. ]
After he was gone, Antonius returned to his former silence, composing himself after the same manner: but after he had spent three days thus in the prow of the ship, either stricken with anger or shame, he arrived at Taenarus where Cleopatra's women first brought them to speak together, and afterwards to sup and lie together, [ Id. ]
There arrived also many Merchant ships, and some of Antonius his friends that had escaped by flight, bringing news that indeed the Fleet was scattered, but yet they thought that the land Forces remained whole: where he sent messengers to Canidius, commanding him that with all speed he should retire with the army thorough Macedonia into Asia, [ Id. ]
Many of the army by land knew not of Antonius his fligh; yea when they heard it, it seemed incredible, that he should flee, leaving behind him XIX whole Legions of Foot, and XII thousand Horse; for his soldiers were in desire and hope that he would again appear somewhere else: yea they shown so much fidelity to him, that when his flight was certainly known, yet they stayed seven days, and rejected the messengers that were sent unto them by Caesar, [ Id. ]
Caesar overtook them as they were marching into Macedonia, and without a stroke joined them unto himself, [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 443.] for when it was night, the General Canidius left the Camp, and in all haste fled unto Antonius; then they being destitute of all things, and betrayed by their Leaders, joined themselves to the Conqueror, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 86. Plutarch in Anton. ] who admitted them into his own army, [ Dio. pag. 444.]
Many of the Roman Nobility even then fled to Antonius, but the auxiliaries every one into his own Country: yet they never hereafter waged war against Caesar; bu • both they, and all people who were formerly subject to the Romans, partly presently, and partly afterwards, accepted of conditions of peace from Caesar, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443.]
Caesar having commanded money from the Cities, and taken from them the power over the Citizens, which they usurped in the councils of the people; took from the Kings and Governors, all the Towns they had received from Antonius, except only from Amyntas and Archelaus. He despoiled of their Principality, Philopater the son of Tarcond • motus, (Prince of Silicia) Lycomedes who obtained the kingdom of Pontus in part of Cappadocia, and Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, who had received a kingdom in Arabia, for accusing of Caesar. He gave the Country of Lycomedis to Medius, who was the author of the revolt of the Mysians of Asia from Antonius. He granted freedom to the Cydonians and Lampaeans (in Crete,) because they aided him: and rebuilt the City of the Lampaeans, which was overthrown. The Senators and Knights and other Noble men, who had in any way helped Antonius, many of them he fined in money, many he put to death, and some he pardoned, [ Id. ibid. ]
Among those that he granted life to, was Sosius, who seeing he had often made war against Caesar, was then shrunk away and fled, but being afterwards found out, was let go free: and M. Scaurus, the half brother of Sextus Pompeius, who also was designed to death, yet had his life given him for his mother Murcia's sake. Among them that were put to death, was Curio the son of that Curio whose help Caesar the Dictatour often used: and Aquilles Flori, both father and son, of whom when one only was by Caesar commanded to be put to death, namely upon whom the lot fell, both died; for the son, before they cast lots, offered himself freely to the Executioner, and the father, in a great passion of grief for this business, laid violent hands upon himself, [ Id. pag, 443, 444.]
Cassius Parmensis fled to Athens, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 1. cap. 7.] he of whom Horace makes mention in the 3 book, epist. 4. asking of Albius Tibullus the Poet, whether he means him;
For Caesar then sailed to Athens, and being appeased with the Greeks, he distributed the corn that was left in the war to the Cities that were afflicted with famine, and were despoiled of money, servants, and horses, [ Plutarch. ]
Antonius being to depart from Tenarus into Africa, chose out one ship of good burden laden with great store of treasure, and other rich plate of gold and silver, and gave it nnto his friends, commanding them to divide it amongst them, and to shift for themselves; which they refusing and weeping, he very courteously comforted them, and praying them that they would provide for themselves, he dismissed them; and wrote letters to Theophilus the Governor of Corinth, that he would see them safe, and afford them some hiding place, till they might make their peace with Caesar. This Theophilus was the father of Hypparchus, who was in great authority with Antonius, and the first of his freed men, that revolted from him to Caesar, who afterwards went and dwelt at Corinth. [ Id, ]
Cleopatra, that she might safely sails into Egypt, put Crowns on the prowes of her ships, and commanded those songs to be sung on a pipe, that are usually sung after obtaining a victory. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.]
Having thus gotten a safe passage into Egypt, she put to death many noble men, that were always her enemies: and at that time were grown pert by reason of her overthrow, and from what they had, and taking away all oblations to their gods, yea even from temples, that were not to be come unto, she got huge store of money, she provided also forces, and sought out foreign supplies, and that she might draw the King of Media to her alliance, she sent unto him the head that was cut off from the King of Armenia, (Artarasdes or Artabazes.) [ Id. ibid. ]
She also set upon a bold and great enterprize, for she went about to pass her fleet over the Isthmus which divides the red sea from Egypt, and which is thought to distinguish Africa from Asia, when it is narrowest and so straitened by the two seas, that it is not above 300 furlongs over, that having sent her forces into the Arabian gulf, with great store of money, she might seek out some remote Country by her shipping, and so be free from slavery and war, [ Plutarch. in Antonio. ] but the first ships that were so carried over, and others that were built for sailing into the red sea, the inhabitants of Arabia Pesora burnt at the persuasion of Q. Didius the governor of Syria. [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]
Antonius being come into Africa, went into a desert, wandering up and down only with two friends, namely Aristocrates a Greek Rhetorician, and Lucilius a Roman, [ Plutarch. ibid. ] and when he had sent some to Pinarius Scarpus and the army, which he had then formerly raised for the defense of Egypt, he told them that he would not entertain Antonius, and killed also those that were sent unto him, and put to death likewise some soldiers that seemed to take it ill. [ Dio. ibid. pag. 446.]
When Antonius understood of this revolt, he determined to kill himself; but being hindered by his friends, he went to Alexandria, who being come thither, and thinking that the Legions at Actium remained whole still, (of the loss of which Canidius himself brought him the news) Cleopatra left off her design of sailing into the red sea, and fortified with garrison the mouths of Nile. [ Plutarch. ut supra. ]
But Antonius left the City, and the conversation of his friends, and built him an house in the sea by the Isle of Pharos, by casting a mount into the sea, and there lived as a banished man from all men, saying he would lead the life of Timon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the man-hater, because his condition was like his: because he was abused by his friends and had experience of their ingratitude, therefore he would trust no man, and was angry with all men, and thereupon called his house Timonium. [ Id. ibid. Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 794.]
Herod sending unto Antonius, advised him to put Cleopatra to death, for he said, if that were timely done, he might enjoy her estate, and obtain from Caesar easier conditions of peace. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 10.]
Caesar dismissed the old soldiers of his own and Antonius his army into Italy, giving nothing to any of them, and the rest he sent into several places, but being afraid, least they that were companions of his victory, and were dismissed without any reward, should raise any sedition; he sent Agrippa after them into Italy, as it were upon some other business; and settled the affairs of Greece, as if there were no danger to be expected from those soldiers that were discharged, and being gone into Asia, and settled things there, he expected what Antonius would do. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 444. 445.]
When all people and all Kings denied to send any succor to Antonius and Cleopatra, (although many of them had received great favors from them both;) the Gladiatours a people of most abject condition, who were brought up at Cyzicum by Antonius, for the setting forth of triumphal plays, (of whom formerly mention was made out of Appian, at the year of the Julian Period 4679.) valiantly fought for them, for as soon as they knew what things were done, they determined to take a voyage into Egypt for to bring them aid; and in their passage did not a little incommodate Amyntas in Galatia, and the sons of Tarcondimotus in Silicia, who formerly had been great friends to Antonius and Cleopatra, but had revolted from them, and also Q. Didius the Governor of Syria who forbad them passage, but seeing they were compassed in, and could not pass into Egypt; yet could they not by any means be brought to revolt, although Didius gave them many fair promises, but sent for Antonius to come unto them, thinking that they might the more easily carry on the war in Syria, if they were joined with him, but when that neither Antonius came himself, nor sent any messenger unto them, they against their wills yielded unto Didius, but with this condition that they should not hereafter be Gladiatours. Didius granted unto them Daphne the suburbs of Antioch to dwell in, till he had certified this matter unto Caesar, [ Id: ibid. pag. 447.]
For the suppressing of these Gladiatours, Didius wrote unto Caesar, that there were supplies sent unto him by Herod: of which Caesar in his discourse that he had with Herod; in Josephus lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Because Ventidius hath writ to me that thou hast sent succor to him as against the Gladiatours, which in the 15 of the Antiquit. cap. 10. is thus expressly read. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That Capidius had written unto him, how much Herod had assisted him in the war against the Monarchs of Syria: when as in the former place I have put Gladiatours for Monarchs; So it is clear, that in both places, for Ventidius and Capidius, the name of Q. Didius is to be put out: and from hence rose that news that was brought to Antonius to his house Timonium; that Herod the Jew with some Legions and some Cohorts, was revolted unto Caesar; as Plutarch relates in his life.
At Rome many things were decreed in honor of Caesar for his Victory at Sea; for a Triumph was granted to him for Cleopatra, and a Triumphal arch at Brindisi, and another in the Roman Forum. That the base of the Julian Temple should be adorned with the beaks of ships that were taken. That there should be Plays every fifth year in honor of him. That Processions should be always on his birthday, and on the day the news was first brought: and that the Vestal Virgins, Senate and their wives and children, should go and meet him as he entered the City. That all the ornaments of Antonius should be cast down and demolished, his birth-day also was judged unlucky: and it was provided by an Edict, that none of that family should have the fore name of Marcus, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454.]
Caesar retired into Samos to winter there, [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17.] from whence seeing Antonius had taken away the three great Colossick works of Myron, that stood upon one base. Caesar replaced two of them upon the same base, namely, Minerva, and Hercules; but carried Jupiter into the Capitol, and made a Chapel a purpose for it, [ Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 637.]
There when Caesar took a view of the prisoners, one Metellus an old man was brought forth, with long hair, and otherwise deformed by reason of his habit; and when he by the Cryer was cited by name as he stood amongst the prisoners; his son, which was one of Caesar's Captains, leapt from his seat, and went and embraced with tears, his father whom he yet scarce knew; but then refraining weeping, he said, My father, O Caesar, was an enemy to thee, I a companion, he hath deserved punishment, I a reward; I desire that either you would grant my father his life for my sake, or put me to death together with him. When beginning to pity them, Caesar granted Metellus life, although he was his moral enemy: So that by no gifts he could be persuaded to revolt from Antonius to him, [ Appian. lib. 4. pag. 613.]
Antonius leaving his Sea-cottage which he called Timonium, went unto the Palace; and being there entertained by Cleopatra, he set all the City to rioting and banqueting, and himself to liberality. [ Plutarch. ] He enrolled Caesarion the son of Caesar and Cleopatra, amongst they young men; and to his own son Antyllus by Fulvia, he gave the virile gown, which was of Purple without any embroidery: both that the Egyptians might be more cheerful, in having a man to reign over them, and the rest that should have them for Commanders should be more confirmed, if anything should happen not well to Antonius and Cleopatra, [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.]
Whereupon there was huge feastings and banquettings at Alexandria for many days; but yet they turned this meeting into another nothing inferior to the other in delights, luxury, and splendor, which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or of them that will die together: for the friends of those that would die together, gave in their names, and passed the time in pleasures and in feastings, when it came round to every ones turn, [ Plutarch, ibid. ]
Moreover Cleopatra got together divers sorts of deadly poisons, of each of which that she might make trial, she gave them to condemned persons, she also made experience of beasts, and looked on them as they were put divers to divers persons; this she did daily, and amongst all she found that the biting of the Asp was the only way, for it brought a sleepiness and heaviness upon one without any contraction of the members, or groaning, only with a gentle sweating of the face, and a languishing stupidity of the senses. [ Id. ibid. ]
Yet although Antonius and Cleopatra thus provided for themselves, as if they would make war both by sea and land; yet they no less provided for this, that upon any urgent necessity, they might set sails for Spain, hoping that by their money they might draw it to revolt, or else that they might get into the Red Sea, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.] of whose preparation of flee into the Ocean, Florus also makes mention, [ lib. 4. pag. 11.]
Caesar entered upon the fourth Consulship in Asia, [The Julian Period. 4684] [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 26.] [Year before Christ 30] where he is the sixth time saluted Emperor, and being now the fourth time Consul with Marcus Licinius, Crassus entered Brindisi, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] being recalled into Italy, by letters written by Agryppa from Rome, [ Plutarch. in Anton. ] that he might repress a sedition of the soldiers; demanding rewards, and discharge from service whom (after the victory at Actium) out of the whole number he had sent before unto Brindisi. [ Suetonius in Octavio. cap. 17.]
In passing the seas thither, he was twice tossed with tempests; first between the promontory of Peloponesus, and Aetolia; and again by the Caraunian Mountains. In both places part of his pinnaces were cast away; and also in that ship in which he went, the tackling was rent, and the helm broken. [ Suetonius. ibid. ]
He came into Brindisi in the midst of winter, but went no farther, because the whole Senate (the Tribunes of the people had two Praetors, being left for the government of the City, by a decree of the Senate) with the Knights, and great part of the people, with many others, came to meet him: also those very soldiers, partly through fear (of so great a multitude that were come together, and of Caesar himself, whom Germanicus says in Tacitus, lib. 1. Annal. cap. 42.) That he daunted the Actian Legion, with his look, and partly through hope, many also came thither, being sent for; to some of which Caesar gave money, and to some that had been with him in all his wars, he gave lands also. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445.]
Suetonius writes that he stayed not at Brindisi above 27 days, til he had ordered his business about the Soldiers. Dio saith that he went into Greece again, on the 31 day after he came into Italy; and that by reason of the Winter, the ships being brought over the Isthmus of Peloponesus, he came with such speed into Asia, that Cleopatra and Antonius heard both of his departure, and return at the same time. [ pag. 445, 446.]
Antonius sent Alexas, or Alexander, a Laodicean, who by Timagenes means became known unto him at Rome, and could do most with him of all the Grecians, unto King Herod, to hinder his revolt unto Caesar, who betrayed Antonius, and tarried with Herod. [ Plutarch. ]
Alexandra hoping that Herod should be thoroughly punished by Caesar, who was his enemy, solicited her father Hyrcanus, that he would no longer suffer this affliction of their family, but that he would provide for himself, and reserve himself for better fortunes: She counseled him also, that he should demand protection and entertainment of Malchus, King of Arabia. These persuasions of hers Hyrcanus at first repulsed; but being overcome with the importunity of the woman, always singing the same song of his future hopes, and the treachery of Herod. He sent letters to the Arabian, by one Dositheus, a friend of his, that he should send Horsemen, which should conduct him to the Asphaltick Lake, which lieth distant from the confines of Jerusalem 300 furlongs: this Dositheus was kinsman to that Joseph that was put to death by Herod: his brethren also were put to death amongst others at Tyrus by Antonius: nevertheless, he to curry favor with the King, shown him the letter. Herod giving him first thanks for this, desired of him one courtesy more; which was, That he would now fold up the letter, and new seal it, and give it to Malchus, and receive an answer from him again. The Arabian wrote word back, That he was ready to entertain Hyrcanus, and his family, and all the Jews that were of that faction, and that he would send a band of soldiers, that should conduct him in safety, and should be obedient to his command in all things. After Herod had also received this letter, he called Hyrcanus, and asked him, whether he had any confederacy with Malchus; who denying it, he produced the letters, in the Council of the Sanhedrim, and commanded him to be put to death. Thus are these matters registered in Herod's Commentaries, for they are otherwise delivered by others: to wit, that he was not put to death for this crime, but for some treasons against the King. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 9.]
Antonius and Cleopatra sent Ambassadors unto Caesar into Asia. Cleopatra demanded the Kingdom of Egypt for her children, he demanded that he might lead a private life in Athens, if it would not be yielded to, that it might be in Egypt, through the want and distrust of friends, by reason of their many revolts, Antonius sent Euphroneus, his sons School-master, Ambassador. [ Plutarch in Anton. ] Cleopatra, without Antonius privacy, sent to Caesar a golden Scepter, a golden Crown, and a golden Chair, as it were delivering her Kingdom over unto him, so that if he mo • tally hated Antonius, yet at least he might have some pity on her. Caesar accepted of the presents, accounting them as good omens, but afforded Antonius no answer, and truly openly threatened Cleopatra, and thus answered her, That if she would lay aside her arms and her Kingdom, he would then advise, what was fit to be done with her; but privately he promised her impunity and her kingdom sure, if she would put Antonius to death, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]
Herod having dispatched Hyrcanus posting unto Caesar, and hoping no good from him for the friendship he had shown unto Antonius, had Alexandra in suspicion, lest she taking this opportunity should incite the people to rebel, and fill the kingdom with domestic seditions. Wherefore committing the care of the kingdom to his brother Pheroras, he left his mother Cyproes, and sister Salome, and all his kindred in the Castle of Masada; and commanded his brother, that if anything happened otherwise then well, he should keep the government of the kingdom in his own hands; and for his wife Mariamme, who for some differences could not live with his mother, he placed her in Alexandrion with her mother Alexandra: committing the custody of them to his Treasurer Joseph, and to Sohemus an Iturian, men that had always been faithful unto him, and now set for the keeping of these Ladies, as it were for their honor; but yet he also gave them this command, That if they should certainly know that any sinister mishap befell him, that they should presently put both of them to death, and to the utmost of their power, continue the kingdom for his children, and his brother Pheroras, [ Joseph. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 9.]
Having given these commands, Herod posted to Rhodes, to meet with Caesar there, whither when he was come, he only laid aside his Crown, but for his other Princely Ornaments, he altered nothing: and being admitted into Caesar's presence, with great constancy and magnanimity of spirit, he freely confessed the love he bore Antonius, and also the succors he sent Antonius of corn and money, because that being detained by the Arabian war, he could not bring any succor unto him in person: adding moreover, that he was ready with the same faith to keep friendship with Caesar: which that he would do, Caesar exhorted him, and restoring his Crown to him, exceedingly honored him. And thus beyond all expectation Herod is again confirmed in his kingdom; both by the free gift of Caesar, and also by a decree of the Senate which he obtained for him, [ Id. ibid. cap. 10. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15.] of whom also Strabo, [ lib. 16. pag. 765.] He excelled his ancestors so much especially in familiarity with the Romans, that he was declared King; first by Antonius, and afterward by Caesar, granting the same authority to him. And Tacitus, [Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9.] Augustus being Conqueror enlarged Herod's kingdom that was given him by Antonius.
Herod gave Presents to Caesar himself, and also to his friends above his ability, to show the greatness of his mind. He endeavored also to beg pardon for Alexas, or Alexander the Laodicean, that was sent unto him from Antonius, but he could not; because Caesar had sworn that he would punish him (for he had been the most violent defender towards Antonius of all the machinations that Cleopatra used against Octavia.) Wherefore seeing he relying upon Herod durst come into Caesar's presence, he was presently taken, and carried in fetters into his own country, and there put to death by Caesar's command, (during the life time of Antonius whom he had betrayed,) [ Joseph. ibid. Plutarch, in Ant. ]
Antonius and Cleopatra sent other Ambassadors to Caesar, and Cleopatra by them promised him an huge mass of money, and Antonius put him in mind of the friendship and kindred that was between them, and excused the familiarity that he had with the Egyptian woman; and reckoned up the society that was between them, and the acts that they had done in their youth. Moreover he delivered over to him, Q. Turullius a Senator, one of Caesars murderers, and then his friend, and promised him also, that he would kill himself, if by doing that he might obtain security for Cleopatra. Caesar put Turullius to death, and that in the Isle of Coos (in which he had felled trees for ship-timber, out of Aesculapius his Grove) but neither then afforded he any answer to Antonius, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448.]
In the absence of Herod, his wife Mariamme, and mother in law Alexandra, took it very ill that they were shut up in that Castle as in prison, so that they could neither enjoy their own, nor make use of other men's goods; especially when by her feminine flatteries she had fished out of Sohemus, what Herod had commanded him concerning them: she then began to wish that he might never return home, supposing that she should live a most intolerable life with him; all which she afterwards dissembled not, but openly confessed what it was that afflicted her: for he being returned beyond all expectation, and relating to Mariamme the successes he had, she seemed nor to regard them, and at all the caresses that he made her, she would sigh, so that Herod plainly perceived the hatred of his wife against him, and was wavering between love and hatred towards her, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]
Before Caesar went with his army into Egypt, he went into Syria, as may be understood out of Josephus Suetonius, [ cap. 17.] Plutarch and Orosius.
Phraates and Tiridates contending about the kingdom of Parthia, and demmanding aid of Caesar; he gave them no other answer, than that he would consider of it, Pretending his business in Egypt, whenas indeed he did nothing else, but that by this civil war, both their strengths might be weakened. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456.]
C. Merius a Centurion, who in the war against Antonius had offered one excellent service, was circumvented unawars by an ambush of his enemies, & brought to Alexandria before Antonius, by whom being asked what was fit to be done with him, answered, Command to have my throat cut, for neither can I sufficiently be induced by benefits, nor for fear of death, to leave off to be Caesar's soldier, or begin to be thine; for which virtues sake Antonius pardoned him. [ Valerius Maximus lib. 3. cap. 8.]
Antonius and Cleopatra thought fit that their children should be sent before into the red sea, with part of the Queens treasure. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] they themselves having disposed garrisons about the two corner coasts of Egypt, Pelusium, and Paraetonium, prepared a fleet and forces, for the setting a foot the war again. [ Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.]
Antonius sent a third Embassy unto Caesar, and his son Antyllus with much gold, whom he sent back again, without either granting his Embassy, or giving any answer, only took his gold. But to Cleopatra, as he did at first and second, so now the third time, he propounded many threats and promises. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448.]
And that he might win Cleopatra unto him, he sent unto her Thyreus, or Thyrsus, a freed man of his, a very discreet man, [ Id. ibid. Plutarch in Anton. ] for he was afraid, least Antonius and Cleopatra, being in dispair of pardon, should persist in their intention, and overcome him by their own strength, or else should pass into Spain or Gaul, or that Cleopatra should burn all the treasures that she had heaped into her Sepulcher, as she threatened to do: therefore he sent Thyrsus, who conferred very courteously with Cleopatra, and told her that Caesar was in love with her; hoping that she, that had a mind to have all men in love with her, might be brought to that pass, that having put Antonius to death, she would preserve both herself and her money. [ Dio. ut supra. ]
Caesar marched against Antonius through Syria, and his Lieutenant through Libya. [ Plutarch. ] Cornelius Gallus, being sent by him before, having received four Legions of Scarpas, which were at Cyrenae, for a guard of that place, suddenly seized upon Paraetonium, the prime City of Egypt, that lieth towards Libya, [ Dio. pag. 448. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
Antonius having intelligence of this, although he thought to have gone into Syria, being called thither by the Gladiatorus, yet setting that design a part, he marched towards Parae • onium, hoping that he should easily draw those forces from Gallus unto himself; for he knew that they were well affected towards him, because they had been soldiers together: but if that would not do, then he would win them by force, for he brought with him great forces both by sea and land: but neither could he so much as parly with thems, (for Gallus made all the Trumpetors to sound, so that no body could • ear anything) and beside he received some loss by a sudden sally, and his Fleet also was somewhat incommodated: for Gallus had by night laids chain cross the mouth of the Haven, which lay hid under water, keeping the Port with a guard that was not seen, and suffered Antonius his ships, without any fear, to sails within the Haven in contempt of him; but the chains being drawn up by certain Engines, prepared on purpose, he partly burnt, and partly sunk, the ships being assailed on every side by sea and land, and also from the houses. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448, 449.]
Herod entertained Caesar with all royal magnificence at Ptolomais, as he passed through Syria into Egypt, and shown all hospitality towards his army, giving them plenty of all victual; by which means he was accounted one of Caesar's chiefest friends, and was wont to ride about with him, when he mustered his army: he entertained him also and his friends, with the service of an 150 men, clad in most rich and sumptuous apparel; yea, he also suffered them to want nothing, in their march to Pelusium, through places that were barren, and wanted water; yet they wanted neither wine nor water, with which the soldier was most delighted. He also presented Caesar with 800 talents, yea, he gave them all such satisfaction, that they confessed that he gave them such entertainment, that it was greater than the Kingdom could afford them. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 10.]
Cleopatra by the discourse of Thyrsus or Thyreas believed that Caesar was in love with her, both because she desired it should be so, and also because that by the same reason she had enslaved to her both his father and Antonius: and therefore she hoped for not only pardon and the Kingdom of Egypt for herself, but also the empire of the Romans, [ Dio. pag. 449.] but Antonius took this Thyreus that was extremely honored by her, and whipped him soundly, and then sent him back unto Caesar, writing that he did this being provoked by his insulting pride, who was at that easily provoked by reason of his miseries, and said, If you mislike this, you have Hipparchus my freed man, hang him up, and whip him, that we may cry quittance, from thenceforth that she might wipe off all jealousies and suspicions from him, Cleopatra wonderfully honored him: for whereas she solemnised her birth day but meanly, fit for her present misfortune, she solemnised his birth day, with the greatest splendor and magnificence that could be, so that many that were invited to the feast, and came poor, went away rich. [ Plutarch. ]
Caesar took Pelusium, as it was reported, by force, but indeed by the treachery of Cleopatra. [ Dio. pag. 449.] There was a common report, that this Town was delivered up to Caesar by Seleucus, certainly with her consent: but to clear herself, she delivered up Seleucus wife and children to Antonius, to be revenged of them at his pleasure, [ Plutarch. ] when he being beaten by Cornelius Gallus at Paraetonium, and immediately after at Pharos, (as it is in Orosius. lib. 6. cap. 19.) and was returned to Alexandria.
Cleopatra had store-houses, and monuments built both for sumptuousness and height admirable, which she had joined to Isis her temple, thither had she brought the most precious things of all her royal treasures, as gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and last of all great store of lamps and flax: whereupon Caesar being afraid he should loose snch riches, and that through despair that she destroy and burn them, daily gave her fair hopes, whilst he marched with his army towards the City, [ Plutarch. ] but she privately forbad the Citizens of Alexandria, that they should sally out against Caesar, whenas openly she seemed to hearten them on to go meet the enemy. [ Dio. pag. 449.]
Caesar sat down with his army in the place where they exercise their horses, and Antonius made a sally out and fought valiantly, and routed Caesar's horse, and drove them even to the Camp, and being heighthened with this victory he entered the palace and kissed Cleopatra as he was in his armor, recommending unto her a man that had fought most valiantly, Cleopatra to reward him gave him an armor and headpiece all of gold, which he having received that night fled to Caesar. [ Plutarch. ]
Antonius, casting tickets into Caesar's camp, promised each soldier 1500 Drachmes or pence, these tickets Caesar of his own accord read unto the soldiers, by this means rendering Antonius more hateful, and also recalling them to an hatred of base treachery, and to a declaration, of a cheerfulness to declare for him, whereupon growing exceeding angry that their fidelity was tempted, they so valiautly behaved themselves, that Antonius joining in a battle only of foot men, wi • h them left the field being overcome by them beyond all expectation. [ Dio. pag. 449.] whither I refer also that place of Strabo [ lib. 17. pag. 795.] as one goes thorough the horserace, standeth Nicopolis, which is built near the sea, so that it may be thought not to be less than the City, and is distant from Alexandria 30 furlongs, this place Caesar Augustus adorned, because here he overcame them in fight, that made a sally out against him with Antonius.
Antonius after this by his Ambassadors challenged Caesar to a single duel, who answered, that Antonius had many ways to die: wherefore considering that he could no way more honourably die then in battle, he determined to set up his rest, and to set upon Caesar both by sea and land: and being at supper (as it is reported) he commanded his servants that they should drink and feast themselves heartily, for it was uncertain whether they should do so tomorrow, or should serve other masters, he being dead and gone, where because of this he saw his friends weeping, he told them he would not so lead them out to fight, when he thought not rather to return with victory and honor, then to die a glorious death. [ Plutarch. in Anton. ]
About the midst of that night, when the whole City was in silence, and sorrow, for fear and expectation of the event, it is reported that on a sudden, there was heard swee • music afall kinds of instruments, and a noise of a multitude of people, as at the feasts of Bacchus and Satyr-like friskings and dancings, as if indeed it had been the festivity of Bacchus himself, (whom Dionysius used to feign his father) the noise was so great, and that this company sat down together (being indeed a very great one) almost in the very middle of the City, towards that gate, which led unto the enemy without; and that they passed at length through this gate, and so vanished. [ Id. ibid. ]
Dio reports, that besides this many other prodigies fore-ran the bondage of Egypt, for it rained (as he saith) in those places, in which before there never any drop had fallen, and that not only with water but with blood also, neither did water alone drop from the clouds, but there appeared armies there also: A Dragon of a huge vastness was suddenly seen among the Egyptians, which hissed horribly, there appeared also Commets, and the images of the dead; the statues seemed to be sorrowful, and Apis made a mournful lowing, and shed tears. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445.]
On the Kalends of August, as soon as it was day, Antonius went down unto the Haven to order his Fleet, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] but Cleopatra caused the Fleet to revolt from him, [ Dio. pag, 449.] For Antonius his Fleet as soon as they had rowed near the other Fleet, saluted Caesar's soldiers, and being resaluted, they revolted unto them, and having of all the ships made one Fleet, came in hostile manner against the City; which whilst Antonius beheld, he was immediately forsaken by his Horsemen, who also revolted: his Foot also being overthrown, he retired into the City, crying he was betrayed by Cleopatra to them, against whom for her sake, he had taken up arms, [ Plutarch. ]
Cleopatra, fearing the anger and despair of Antonius, but pretending it was for fear of Caesar, and that she would put herself to death that she did this; fled unto her Monument with one Eunuch and two maids; and sent unto Antonius a message that she was dead. This he believed, and therefore desired his faithful servant Erotes (who had long agone promised that he would do it when necessity required) that he would kill him. Eros drew out his naked sword, as if he would strike him, but his face being from him, he killed himself: who falling at his feet, Antonius said, Noble Eros, who teachest me what must be done by myself, but couldst not endure to do it for me: and run himself into the belly, and fell upon a bed. The thrust was not such as would much hasten his death, for the blood stinted after he was laid, and when he was a little refreshed, he desired them that stood about, that they would thrust him thorough, but they all fled out of the chamber, leaving him crying and tormenting himself. Whereupon there was a great tumult made, which when Cleopatra perceived, she looked out from the top of the Monument; for the gate was so made, that if it were once shut, it could not be opened, only the upper parts of it were not yet finished. She sent also Diomedes her Secretary, to bring Antonius into the Monument unto her; whom as soon as Antonius knew that she was alive, he arose, because he thought he might live; but being in despair of life thorough his much bleeding, he was carried by the help of his servants, as he commanded, to the gate of the Monument, [ Id. Dio. pag. 449, 450. Livy, lib. 133. Flor. lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 793. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
While this was a doing, Dercetaeus one of his Guard, took away Antonius his sword and hid it, and stole away, and running unto Caesar, was the first that told him of Antonius his death, and shown him the sword all bloody. Caesar hearing this news, withdrew himself into the innermost room of the Tent, where he much bewailed Antonius his Kinsman and Colleague, and that had been his companion in many battles, and in the government of the Empire. Then taking his letters, he called his friends together, and read them unto them, and shown them how proudly and importunely Antonius had answered to all his mild and just demands. He then sent Proculeius, commanding, that by all means, if it were possible, to get Cleopatra alive into his hands: for he was afraid to lose the treasures, and also thought that she would be a magnificent ornament to his Triumph, if he could bring her alive, [ Plutarch. ]
In the interim, Antonius was drawn up into the Monument, by ropes that were hung • or pulling the stones up on high, [ Dio. pag. 450.] They say there was nothing more lamentable than this sight; for Antonius being all besmeared with blood, and giving up the ghost, was tied to the ropes and drawn up by the great pains of Cleopatra and the two servants that were with her, they that were below raising him up, and Antonius stretching forth his hands to Cleopatra, lifted himself up as well as he could: as soon as Cleopatra had taken him in, she laid him on a bed, then she tare off her head-tire, and struck her breast, and taring her breast and face with her own hands, she was all of a gore blood, and calling him Lord, Husband, and Emperor: and almost forgot her own miseries in compassion of him. After Antonius had a little appeased her grief, he called for some wine, either because he was a thirst, or because he thought thereby to hasten his death: after he had drank, he advised her, to look to her own affairs, and to save her life if she could without dishonor, and that among all Caesar's friends she should most trust Proculeius: and that she should not lament the miserable change of his fortune, but rejoice for the great good fortune he had had, because he had been the most famous and powerfulest Prince of all men, and that now he being a Roman was not cowardly overcome by a Roman: and now he gave up the ghost, just as Proculeius came from Caesar, [ Plutarch. ]
Caesar sent with C. Proculeius a Knight, one Epaphroditus his freed man: telling them both what they should say and do; but Cleopatra fearing that they would use her hardly, tarried in the Monument; that if by no other means she could procure her safety yet she might redeem her pardon and the kingdom of Egypt from Caesar, by the fear of loosing her money; but Caesar although he desired to get her money, and to take Cleopatra alive, that he might carry her in Triumph, notwithstanding, if he had promised anything upon his honor, that he might not seem to deceive her, he labored, that he might have power to do with her as he would himself, as with a captive, and one reduced to his obedience against her will. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450.]
Cleopatra would by no means put herself into Proculeius hand, but yet had conference with him from the building, he standing without at the door, that was on the plain ground, which although it was so barred, yet the voice might be heard. In this conference she demanded the Kingdom for her children, Proculeius bad her be of good cheer, and refer all things to Caesar. When he had sufficiently ruined the place, he told all things unto Caesar, who sent Gallus again to demand her answer, who when he came to the door, held her in talk on purpose: and in the mean time Proculeius set up ladders, and got in at the window, where the women took in Antonius, and drawing up with him two servants, he immediately went down to the gate, where Cleopatra sat talking with Gallus; who seeing Proculeius, went about to kill herself with a Dagger she had about her: but Proculeius came running, and holding her with both his hands, took the Dagger from her, and shook her clothes, for fear she had some poison hidden about her. Thus Plutarch tells the story, and Dio after this manner,
C. Proculeius and Epaphroditus talking with Cleopatra, propounded very tolerable conditions to her, and of a sudden, before she assented unto them, laid hands on her; but taking away all things, by which she might dispatch herself, yet granting her some days, that she might stay there till she might embalm Antonius his body: then they brought her into the Palace, diminishing nothing, either of her wonted train and honor, that thereby she might be in hope, that she should obtain what she desired, and also that she might do no mischief to herself. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450, 451.] As soon as Cleopatra was taken, an Eunuch of hers, willingly set Asps unto himself, and being bitten by them, fell into a grave, that he had before prepared for himself. [ Id. ibid. pag. 453.]
Caesar at the first approach conquered Alexandria, a most rich and great City. [ Livy. lib. 133. Strabo. 17. pag. 775. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] As he entered Alexandria, he talked with Arius Alexandrinus, a Philosopher, taking him by the right hand, to the end his Country men should honor him the more, when they saw him so honored, [ Plutarch in Anton. ] for Caesar had been his Scholar in Philosophy, and was very well acquainted with him and his two sons, Dionysius and Nicanor. [ Seneca, in lib. de Clement. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 89. Plutarch in Polit. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. & lib. 52. pag. 490. Julian. Caesar. in Octav. ]
Then he went into the show place of exercises, he ascended a Tribunal which was set up on purpose, and commanded the Cityzens, who for fear were fallen on their knees before him, to rise; and in a great Oration, that he might be understood of all, he told them, he freely pardoned all the people, for their great god Serapis his sake, for the greatness of the City, and for his friend Arius his sake: he likewise pardoned all the Egyptians, being unwilling, that so many men should be put to death, that in many thing had done good service for the Romans. [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. Julian. epist. 51. ad Alexand. ]
At the entreaty of Arius, he pardoned many, amongst other Philostratus, who was he readiest Sophister of his time; howbeit, he falsely named himself an Academic, therefore Caesar hated his manners, and rejected his request, he therefore let his beard grow long, and followed Arius in mourning, always repeating this verse,
which when Caesar hard of, that he might rather free Arius from envy, than Philostratus from fear, he pardoned him. [ Plutarch in Anton. ]
Young Autonins, or Antyllas, the elder of the two sons Antonius had by Fulvia, Caesar, although he was betrothed to his daughter Julia, and was fled into a Chapel that Cleopatra had made for his honor, after many and vain prayers, he took from the image of Julius, and killed him. [ Id. ibid. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446, 454. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] As the soldiers beheaded him, Theodorus his School-master, who betrayed him, took from his neck a most gracious Jewel, and sewed it in his girdle, which he denied, but it being found about him, he was trussed up and hanged. [ Plutarch ibid. ] But to Julius the other son of Antonius by Fulvia, Caesar commanded his freed men that they should presently deliver over all things to him, that dying men are commanded by the laws to leave to their heirs. [ Dio. pag. 454.]
The children that Antonius had by Cleopatra, they were very honourably kept with their Governors and train that waited on them, for them Caesar saved and nourished and cherished no less, than if they had been linked in alliance with him. [ Suetonius & Plutarch. ut supra. ]
Of those that favored Antonius, some he put to death, others he pardoned either of his own good will, or at the intercession of friends, [ Dio. pag. 454.] amongst those that were put to death was Canidius, a most bitter enemy always unto Caesar, and unfaithful unto Antonius, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] who died more cowardly, than beseemed one of that profession, which he always followed, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87.] Q. Orinius also was put to death by Caesar's own command, because that he being a Senator of the people of Rome, was not ashamed most basely to be Governor to the Queens spinners and weavers. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
There being found with Antonius many children of Kings and Princes, some in the name of hostages others by false accusations, some of them he sent home, others he joined in marriage together, and some he kept by him, he returned Josape to her father the King of the Medes, who being conquered had fled to him, but yet he did not send back Artaxas his brothers at his entreaty, because he had killed the Romans that were left behind in Armenia. [ Dio. ut supra. ]
When he viewed the tomb (which was of glass as Strabo teacheth lib. 17. pag. 795.) and the body of Alexander the great, which was taken out of the vault, Caesar put a Crown upon it, and strewed flowers over it and worshipped it, and touching the body, it was said he brake off a piece of his nose: and being demanded whether he would see the bodies of the Ptolomees, although the Alexandrians had a great mind he should, yet would he not behold them, saying, he would see a King not the dead, [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 18. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. 455.] and for that very reason would not go to see Ap • s: saying, he was wont to worship gods not oxen. [ Dio. ibid. ]
Many great Kings and Captains desired to bury Antonius, but Caesar would not take it from Cleopatra, by whose hands he was splendidly and magnificently buried, and Caesar suffered her to take as much as she would for his funerals. [ Plutarch. ]
Cleopatra through her much sorrow and grief, (for her breast was troubled with inflammations, and ulcers, through the blows she had given herself,) fell into a fever, which she gladly took for a cover, that she might forbear food, and so die without anymore trouble, she had a Physician whose name was Olympus, to whom she declared the truth of the matter, and used him as a councellour and furtherer to bring her into a consumption, as Olympus himself left in writing, who set out an history concerning these matters, when Caesar smelt out the business, he threatened both her and her children, by which she as by so many engines was overcome and afterwards suffered herself to be cured and dieted as they would themselves. [ Id. ]
Shortly after Caesar himself came to visit her and comfort her, [ id. ] who falling down at his feet, laid baits for his eyes but in vain; for her beauty was beneath the Princes chastity, although he perceived that she intended to stir up affections in him, yet he dissembled it, and fixing his eyes on the ground, said only this, Woman be of good cheer, you shall have no harm done you: nor was life her suit, which was offered her, but her care was for love and a part of the Kingdom. [ Florus. lib. 4. cap. 11. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 451.]
Last of all she delivered to Caesar a breviary of all the treasure she had; and when Seleucus one of her treasurers accused her, that she had suppressed some things and had not told all, she leapt up, and taking him by the hair buffeted him soundly; at which Caesar smiling reproved her, to whom she answered, Is it not a great matter O Caesar, seeing thou vouchsafest to come and visit me in this condition that I am in, and to talk with me, that I should be accused by my own servants, if I have reserved some Jewels, not for myself indeed poor wretch, but that I might present Octavia and thy Lyria, that by their intercession to thee, I might find more mercy and favor from thee. Caesar was glad at this, hoping that now she had a mind to live, declaring unto her that he would both do this for her, and also things beyond her expectation, he departed supposing that he had deceived her, whereas he was of the two the more deceived, [ Plutarch. ]
There was a young Gentleman Cornelius Dolabella, a familiar friend of Caesar's, this man was in love with Cleopatra, and at her desire did by a messenger send her word privately that Caesar was to take his journey by land thorough Syria, and that he was determined to send her and her children into Italy within three days, when she knew this she desired of Caesar that he would permit her last obsequies to Antonius, when having ended her lamentations, she put garlands upon the tomb and kissed it, she then commanded a bath to be provided for her, and having bathed, she feasted sumptuously. [ Plutarch. ]
After dinner she gave Epaphroditus (to whose charge she was committed) to carry to carry to Caesar, in which she begged to him that he would suffer her to be buried with Antonius: this letter was sealed up, that he supposing it might contain some other business, might by the occasion of giving the letter to Caesar, be out of the way. [ Id. Dio. 452.]
He being gone, she shut the doors, only keeping with her two waiting women, Iras or Nairas, and Charmion, who were wont to dress her; one of them could excellently dress her head, and the other pair her nails: then adorning herself with her best apparel she could possible; and in her robes, she set an Aspick to her left arm, (which she had caused to be brought to her, covered with figs, grapes, and flowers, the better to deceive her keepers) by the biting of which, she died as it were in a slumber, [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Plutarch in Anton. Galen. in lib. de Theriaca. ad Pisonem. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 452. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
But those that will highly set out in words, the wit of the woman to deceive, and the suddenness of the Aspick to kill, tell us, That Cleopatra made in her arm a great and deep wound with her teeth, (or some other thing) and put poison into the wound, which she had formerly prepared from an Aspick, which was brought her in a bone; and that after the poison had seized upon the body, she gently ended her life, her keepers not so much as knowing of it. [ Galen. ut sup. Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 795. Plutarch. Dio. pag. 452, 453.] There were only two little pricks found in her arm: and Caesar, which saw her dead body, carried her image with an Aspick fixed to her arm in Triumph. [ Plutarch and Dio. ] Horace speaks of her, lib. 1. Ode 37.
When Caesar had opened Cleopatra's letters, he found straight what was done, and thought at first to go thither himself, and sent thither some in all haste to see what was done. They ran thither in all haste, and found the guard standing and mistrusting nothing; when they had opened the gate, they found Cleopatra dead, lying upon a golden bed, in all her royal robes: of her waiting women, Iras, or Nairas, was fallen dead at her feet, Charmium (or Charmione) half dead, and heavy headed, was trimming of the Diademe that she wore: and when one in anger asked her, Is this well done, O Charmium? she answered, Very well, and becoming one that had sprung from so many Kings, and spake not a word more, but fell down there by the bed side. [ Plutarch. Dio. pag. 453.] But Caesar, having seen Cleopatra's body, tried all means, to see if it were possible to recover her, [ Dio. ibid. ] yea, he brought the Psylli but in vain, to suck out the venom and poison. [ Id. ibid. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
When Cleopatra's life could by no means be recovered, Caesar admired her, and pitied her, very much grieved, supposing he was bereft of the chiefest glory of his Triumph; but yet he commanded her body to be sumptuously and royally buried, and to be laid in the same Tomb with Antonius. [ Plutarch. Dio. pag. 453.] This honor he did unto them both, namely, to bury them in one Sepulcher, and to finish the Tomb that they had begun. [ Suetonius. in Octav. cap. 17.] Her waiting women also by his command were honourably buried. [ Plut. ]
Plutarch writes that Cleopatra lived 39 years, and reigned 22. and so many years indeed these do allow for her reign, after the death of her father Ptolemeus Auletes, Ptolemeus in the Catalogue of the Kings, Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 1. Stromat. Porphyrius in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri, pag. 226. Eusebius in Chronic. and others, which years are only 21, and two or three months. Plutarch writes, that she reigned above 14 years with Antonius. Tertullian in his third book against the Jews, that she reigned 13 under Augustus, reckoning the government of Antonius from the death of Julius Caesar, and of Augustus from his first Consulship, from the death of Alexander the Great, who first founded the Macedonian Empire, to the death of Antonius and Cleopatra, with whom it fell, both in Ptolemeus (as well in the Catalogue of the Kings, as in the third book of his Great Work, as in Cleme • s Alexandrinus, (in lib. 1. Stromat.) are reckoned 294 years, which with us are 293. and a quarter.
And at this time Caesar put an end to the civil wars, as besides Florus, [ lib. 4. cap. 12.] and Velleius Patercuius. [ lib. 2. c. 87.] Dionysius Halicarnassensis also confirmeth, writing in the Proem of his Roman Histories, that he came into Italy, as soon as Augustus Caesar had put an end to the civil wars, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the middle of the CLXXXVII. Olymp. to wit, the third year of it then beginning, for in the month of August, Egypt, was reduced under the power of the Romans, and an end put to their civil wars; the words of the decree of the Senate show, in Macrobius [ Saturnal. lib. 1. cap. 12.] and Censorinus teacheth, that the Egyptians reckoned from that time, in which they came under the power and government of the people of Rome, the years of the Augusti, (not of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Scaliger thought, but of the Caesar's Augusti, who had the dominion over them) [ cap. 21. lib. de natali die. ] which book he saith was written by him in the Philippick year of the Augusti CCLXVIII. (for thus the best Copies have, it not CCLXVII) from the death of Alexander the Great DLXII and of Nabonassar DCCCCLXXXVI. (the beginnings of these years being taken from the first of the vage or moveable month Thoth of the Egyptians) being certainly of the same opinion with Ptolomae • s, who in the third book of his great Syntaxis, saith, that there passed from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, to the death of Alexander. 424 Egyptian years, and then to the Empire of Augustus, 294.
Wherefore that Egyptian Epoch began on the first day of the moveable month Thoth of the year of the Philippick account, beginning from the death of Alexander the Great 293, of Nabonassar 719. and indeed on the first day of the week, as is found in a writing of a certain Jew, set forth at Norimberge, with Messahala, namely, of the month August, in the year of the Julian Period, 4684. on the 31 day; which according to the false account of Leap-year, that that was then used at Rome, was called the 29. day of August. And this was that Epoch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of the years of Augustus, which was accommodated by Ptolomaeus, in lib. 3. cap. 8. of his great Syntaxis, to the moveable year of the Egyptians, by Vetrius Valens, an Antiochian, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lib. 1, to the fixed year of the Alexandrians, and by Theon, an Alexandrian; in the Explication, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to the form of both those years, and seeing that Augustus ruled Egypt 43 years (as Philo shows in his Embassy to Caesar) we find also so many allowed to his Empire, or Monarchy, in Ptolomaeus his Catalogue of the Kings, and Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 1. Stromat.
Cleopatra had sent her son Caesarion, which, as was said, she had by Caesar the Dictator, with a great sum of money through Ethiopia into India. Him his Governor Rhodon persuaded to return, as if Caesar had recalled him to his mothers Kingdom: but as Caesar was determining with himself what he should do with him, they say Arius the Philosopher said unto him,
Therefore Caesar put him to death, after the death of his mother. [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446. 4 • 4.]
The images of Antonius were thrown down, but Cleopatra's were not stirred; for her friend Archibilius had obtained of Caesar for the sum of one thousand talents, that they should not be thrown down when Antonius his were. [ Plutarch. ]
In the Palace there was great store of money found, which was there laid up by Cleopatra, being the spoils of almost all Temples: she exacted also much from them that were guilty of any crime; and two parts of their goods were damanded of the rest also that could not be accused of any crime: then all the Soldiers arrears were paid; Caesar also gave to those Soldiers that were with him, 250 pence a man, that they should not plunder the City. Caesar also paid all his debts that he owed any man, and gave many gifts to the Senators and Knights, that had accompanied him in the war. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455, 456.]
For this part of the year Caesar chose M. Tullius Cicero for his colleague in the Consulship, the son of the Cicero the Orator, who was put to death by Antonius, who rehearsed unto the people, the letters that Caesar sent to Rome, concerning the overthrow of Antonius in the Alexandrian war, (not the Actian, as Appian erroneously wrote,) he read the copy of them in the rostra, where his fathers head had been formerly openly set up, [ Plutarch. in fin. Ciceron. Appian. lib. 4. bell. civil. pag. 619. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. 457.]
This year upon the Ides of September, we learn out of the Marble Table at Capua, that M. Tullius was chosen into the Consulship in the room of M. Licinius, [ in Annal. tom. 3. pag. 495.] and upon the same Ides of September, that Augustus being Consul with the son of M. Cicero was presented with an obsidional Crown by the Senate, as we read in Pliny, [ lib. 22. cap. 6.] for there were many Crowns and Processions decreed for Caesar at that time in Rome. He had also another Triumph granted him over the Egyptians; the day also on which Alexandria was taken, was thought good to be a Festival, and that the computations of the rest of the wars, should take beginning from that. That Caesar should have the power of Tribune all his life time; and that he might relieve any that implored his aid, either within the walls, or without for the space of half a mile, which was not lawful for any Tribune of the people, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457.]
Herod, wavering between love and hatred towards his wife Marrimme, was continually incensed against her by the false accusations of his sister Salome, and his mother Cyros, kindling in him hatred and jealousy against her: and perhaps he had dealt more hardly with her, had not the news come very conveniently, that Antonius and Cleopatra were both dead, and that Caesar had won Egypt, whom in all haste he went to meet, and left his family as it was. At his departure he commended Sohemus to Mariamme, professing that he owed him much respect for the care he had had of her, and gave him also the government of a part of Judea, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]
Caesar built a City in the same place, in which he overcame Antonius, and called it Nicopolis, and allowed the same Plays that he had done for the former at Actium, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 795.]
When he had reduced Egypt into the form of a Province, to the end that it might be more fruitful, and fit to yield corn for the City of Rome; he skowred by the help of his soldiers, all those ditches whereinto Nile overfloweth, and by long time had been choked up with mud, [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 18.] and made also some new ditches, [ Dio. pag. 456.]
Herod meeting with Caesar in Egypt, [Year of the World 3975] in confidence of his friendship, spake freely with him, and was highly honored by him; for he bestowed upon him the 400 Galatians that were formerly of Cleopatra's guard, to be his guard, and restored him part of his Country which Cleopatra had seized upon, and laid to his kingdom Gadara, Hippon, and Samaria; and by the sea side, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppe, and the Tower of Straton: which was no small accession to the splendor of his kingdom, [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. cap. 11.]
The multitude of men in Egypt both in City and Country, and the inconstancy of that Nation, and the carrying of cornin • o the City, and the store of money were the cause, that Caesar durst not commit the Province to any of Senators degree; but also took from the Senators the liberty of going into Egypt; for he so suspected the Egyptians of innovations, that he suffered none of them to be Senators of Rome; he allowed other cities to govern the Common-wealth after their own laws, but he commanded the Alexandrians that they should govern the Common-weath without Senators, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455.]
Arius the Philosopher, as is reported refused the government of Egypt though offered him, [ Julian. ad Themistium. ] therefore Caesar made Cornelius Gallus, one raised from a very mean fortune, Governor of Egypt, being now made tributary: who was the first Roman Judge that ever Egypt had, [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 819. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 66. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sex. Rufus, in brev • ario. ] This was that Gallus of Forum Julium that was the post: whom Virgil in the last Eclogue of his Bucolicks speaks of in that pleasant verse, [ Ammianus, Marcellinus, lib. 17. Hierony. in Chronic. 1.] to whom also there are Erotica (love verses) extant which were dedicated by Parthenius of Nice; whose Poesie also Virgil imitated in his Latin verses, [ Aulus Gellius, lib. 13. cap. 25. Macrob. Saturnal. cap. 17.] and Tiberius also in his Greek Poems, [ Suetonius. in Tiberio. cap. 70.]
Caesar having settled all things in Egypt as he thought fit, came into Syria with his land forces, [ Dio. ut supr, 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] whither also Herod conducted him as far as Antioch, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]
Seeing Tiridates being overcome fled into Syria, and Phraates being Conqueror sent Ambassadors unto Caesar; Caesar gave them both a friendly answer, and did not indeed promise any succors to Tiridates, yet gave him leave to tarry in Syria: and kindly accepted of Phraates his son, and bringing him to Rome, kept him as an Hostage, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 4 • 6.] namely, the youngest son of Phraates, who thorough the negligence of them that kept him, was stolen away: as Justin hath it, [ lib. 42. cap. 5.] but yet referring it to later times.
Caesar departing out of Syria, left there Messala (Corvinus) by whom the Cyzicenian Gladiatours, to whom a dwelling in Daphne the Suburbs of Antioch was granted, being deceived, they were sent into divers places, as it were to be taken into the Legions, and as occasion offered were killed, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]
Caesar made Governor over the Tarsenses in Silicia, a Citizen of them, namely, his School-master Athenodorus the son of Sandon, a Stoic Philosopher; who restored the state of the Common-wealth corrupted by Boethius and his soldiers, who domineered there even unto the death of Antonius, [ Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 674.]
Caesar went into the Province of Asia, and there kept his winter quarters, and settled all the affairs of his subjects, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
On the Kalends of January, Caesar entered upon his fifth Consulship in the Island of Samos, [ Suetonius, in Octavio. cap. 26.] and on the same Kalends all his ordinances were confirmed by oath: and when the letters came concerning the Parthian affairs, it was decreed, That in their hymns he should be reckoned among their gods; That a Tribe should be called Julia from him; That the companions of his Victory should be carried in Triumph with him, and be clad with garments woven with Purple: and that the day on which he entered the City, should be solemnized with public Sacrifices, and be always accounted festival, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457.]
Caesar permitted a Temple to be built at Ephesus and Nicaea, (for those were accounted the most famous Cities of Asia and Bythinia) to the City of Rome, and to his father Julius, and that they should be inhabited by natural Romans: and to foreigners, whom he called Grecians, he gave leave, that to himself (Octavianus) they might build Temples: to wit, the Asians at Pergamos, and the Bythinians at Nicomedia: and permitted to the Pergamenians, that they might solemnize those Plays in honor of his Temple, which they called Sacred, [ Id. ibid. pag. 458.] whither is to be referred that of Tiber • us in Tacitus, [ lib. 4. Annal. cap. 51.] Augustus of most famous memory forbad not a Temple to be built in Pergamos, in honor of himself and the City of Rome.
The next Summer, Caesar crossed over into Greece, [ Dio. ut supr. ] going to his Actian Triumph: whither, he then being at Corinth, there was one of the fishers sent Ambassadors to him from the Island Giaros, to beg a lessening of their tribute: for they were compelled to pay an 150 drachmes, when they were scarce able to pay an 100. such was the poverty of that Island, [ Strabo. lib. 10. pag. 485.]
Upon Caesars entrance into Rome, others offered Sacrifice (as it was decreed) and the Consul Valerius Potitius (who was put in the room of Sextus Apuleius) sacrificed publicly for the Senate and people of Rome, by reason of his coming: which was never done for any before that time, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458.] Caesar kept three Triumphs riding in his Chariot, the Dalmatian, Actian, and Alexandrian, for three days one after the other, [ Livy, lib. 133. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 22.] of which Virgil in 8 Aeneid.
That Caesar brought these three Triumphs into the city on the month of August, the words of the decree of the Senate show, in Macrobius, [ lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.] Not on the eight of the Ides of January, (on which it is manifest he was in Asia) as O • osius would have it [ lib. 6. cap. 20.] on the first day he Triumphed for the Pannonians, Dalmatians, Japydae and their borderers, and of some people of Gaul, and Germany: on the second for his victory at sea at Actium, on the third for the conquest of Egypt, which was the most sumptuous, and set out with greater preparation than the rest, in it was carried in a bed the image of Cleopatra, (with an aspick biting of her arm) pourtraied in imitation of her death, the children also of her and Antonius, were led among the captives, namely Alexander and Cleopatra; who were named the sun and moon. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459.]
Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, the King of the Arabians, being taken in the Actian war, was led in triumph and after put to death, [ id. ibid. pag. 443.] that Cleopatra that was called the moon, and led in triumph, was given in marriage to Juba, (who himself was led in triumph by Julius Caesar,) Caesar gave this Juba who was brought up in Italy, and had followed his wars, both this Cleopatia, and his fathers Kingdom of Mauritania; and gave unto them also the two sons of Antonius and Cleopatra, namely Alexander and Ptolomaeus, but Juba begat of his wife Cleopatra another Ptolomaeus, who also succeeded him in his Kingdom. [ id. ibid. pag. 454. Strabo. lib. 17. 828. Plutarch. in Jul. Caesar. Anton. ]
On the fifth of the Kalends of September, there was an Altar dedicated to Victory in the courthouse, as is found noted in the old marble Kalendar, [ Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXIII.] by which being placed in the Julian Courthouse, and adorned with the spoils of Egypt, Caesar shown, that he got the empire by victory, the temple also of his father Julius he trimmed up with the dedicated things being there hung up, which were also of the Egyptian spoils; he consecrated also many things to Jupiter Capitolinus, Juno, and Minerva, whenas by a decree of the Senate all the ornaments that were hung up there before, were taken away as profane, [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459.] he repaired the Temple either decayed through age, or consumed by fire: and adorned both them and others with very rich gifts, as who brought into the Cell of Jupiter Capitolinus by one donation 16000 pound weight of gold, besides pearls and precious stones valued at fifty millions of sesterces, [ Suetonius. in Octavio. ] so that Rome was so much enriched with the riches of Alexandria, that the price of possessions and other vendible things was raised double, and interest fell from ten to four in the hundred. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458. 459. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]
In this fifth Consulship Caesar accepted of the name of Emperor, not such as was wont to be given after the old custom for some victory, (for that he had often received both before and after) but by which all the whole government was shown, which was formerly decreed to his father Julius and his sons and nephews, [ Dio. lib. 52. pag. 493. 494.] whither also belongeth that inscription, placed this year in honor of Caesar, Senatus Populusque Romanus Imp. Caesari Divi Julii F. Cos. Quinct. Design. Sex. Imper. Sept. Republica conservata. The Senate and people to the Emperor Caesar, the son of Julius of blessed memory, Consul the fifth time, elected the sixth time Imperator the seventh for having saved the commonwealth. [ Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXVI.]
Among the Captives was Diocles Phoenix the son of Artimidorus, the scholar of Tyrannio Amisenus taken by Lucullus, (from whom he also was called Tyrannio) who being bought by Dimantis a freed man of Caesar's, was given to Terentia the wife of Cicero, (who as appears from Pliny lib. 7. cap. 46. and Valerius Maximus lib. 8. cap. 13. lived above an CIII years,) he was manumitted by her, and taught at Rome, and wrote 68 books. [ Soudas in Voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .)
Caesar summoned before him Antiochus the Commagenian, because he had treacherously killed an Ambassador of his brothers, that was sent to Rome, with whom he had a suit in law, this Antiochus he brought before the Senate, and being then condemned, he put to death. [ Dio. lib. 52. pag. 495.]
By the space of an whole year after the return of Herod from Caesar, suspicions daily increasing between him and his wife Mariamme, seeing she neglected her husbands caresses, and moreover always upbraided him with the death either of her grandfather (Hyrcanus) or her brother (Aristobulus) so that Herod could scarce contain himself from striking her, whom when by the noise his sister Salome perceived to be very much moved, sent in the butler, who long before that time was suborned by her, who should tell the King that he was solicited by Mariamme, to deliver unto him a love potion, which whatsoever it was he had by him, hereupon Herod examined the most faithful servant of Mariamme by torture, being assured that she would attempt nothing without him, who not enduring the torments, confessed nothing, but that she was offended for some things that Sohemus had declared unto her, which when the King heard, he cried out, that Sohemus who had ever been most faithful both to him and the Kingdom, would never have spoken of these things, had there not been some more secret familiarity between them, and thereupon commanded Sohemus to be apprehended and put to death, and having called a council of his friends, he accused his wife, for practicing to poison him, and that with such sharpness of words, that they that were present, easily perceived, that the King had a mind she should be condemned, which is done by the general consent of them all: and when as they thought that the execution should not be over speedy, but that she should be secured in some of the Kings Castles, Salome urged on the King exceedingly, that she should be forthwith put to death, for fear there might be some commotion among the people, she being alive and in prison, and thus was Mariamme brought to her death. [ Joseph, lib. 15. cap. 11.]
When her mother Alexandra saw this, and considered that she must look for the same measure at Herod's hands, she, that she might not seem to be guilty of the same crime, began in the audience of all to upbraid her daughter, calling her most wicked and ungrateful towards her husband, and that she deserved such a death, who durst do such an heinous act. Whilst she counterfeited these things, and would seem as though she would pull her daughter by the hair, they that were there much condemned her hypocrisy; but she that was led to her death, vouchsafed her no answer, but refelled the false accusation with a resolute countenance and mind, and underwent her death without fear. [ Id. ibid. ]
She being put to death, Herod began to be more inflamed with love to her, he often called upon her name, and often lamented her beyond all decency; and although he thought to find out delights, as much as possibly, in feastings and drinking, yet it availed nothing. Wherefore he cast off the care of his kingdom, and did so much yield to his grief, that he would bid his servants call Mariamme, as though she were alive. [ Ibid. ]
As Herod was thus affected, [The Julian Period. 4686] there came a plague, [Year before Christ 28] which swept away a great part both of the people and nobility, all men interpreting that this plague was sent for the unjust death of the Queen. Thus the Kings discontents being increased, he at last hid himself in a solitary wilderness, under pretence of hunting; where afflicting himself, he fell into great sickness, which was an inflammation and pain of the neck, so that he began to rave; neither did any remedies relieve him, but rather made the disease more painful, so that they began to despair of him: for which cause the Physicians, partly through the stubbornness of the disease, and partly because that in so great danger, there was not any free election of diet, they gave him leave to eat whatsoever he would. [ Ibid. ]
Herod lying thus sick in Samaria, Alexandra now living at Jerusalem, endeavored to reduce the two Castles of the City into her hands, one that joined to the Temple, and the other that was situate within the City; she therefore labored with the Governors of them, that they would deliver them unto her, and to the children that were between her and Mariamme, least that he being dead, they should be seized upon by others: but they who had formerly been faithful, were now more diligent in their office, both because they hated Alexandra, and thought it a great offense to dispair of the health of their Prince, for these were the Kings old friends, and one of them Archialus the Kings Nephew. Whereupon they presently sent messengers to him, to certify him of Alexandra, and he presently commanded her to be slain. At length he overcame his disease, and was restored to his strength, both of body and mind, but grown so cruel, that for the least cause he was ready to put any one to death. [ Ibid. ]
Of the three numbrings of the people, which Suetonius notes were done by Caesar Octavianus, [ cap. 27.] That the first were made in the lustran, that is, in the year that they reckoned for the beginning of the space of five years, in which he and M. Agrippa were Consuls is manifest out of the Marble Capuan table. [ tom. 3. Annal. Pighii. pag. 495.] In my fixth Consulship, with my Colleague M. Agrippa, I numbered the people, I made another muster, after one and forty years, (to wit, from the Censorship of Cn. Lentulus, and L. Geliius after which the musters were laid aside) in which muster there were numbered of the Citizens of Rome, four hundred thousand, and sixty three thousand, namely, the number of 4063000, for which Eusebius in his Chronicle hath 4164000.
Caesar also exhibited the Plays that were decreed for the victory at Actium, with Agrippa, and in them he set forth a fight on Horseback of Patricians, both men and boys, and those every fifth year, in which space of time they were finished, were committed to the four Collegies of Priests in order, namely, the chief Priests, Augurs, Septemviri and Quindecemviri. [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 496.]
In the CLXXVIII. Olympiad, Thebes in Egypt is rased even to the ground, as is read in the Eusebian Chronicle, to wit, by Cornelius Gallus, whom Georgius Syncellus in his Chronicle out of Julius Africanus, relates, that he overthrew the cities of the rebellious Egyptians, [ pag. 308.] for after he having but a few with him recovered Heropolis which had revolted, he very suddenly appeased a sedition that was raised about taxes, [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 819.] he exhausted the city by intercepting of many of them, [ Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 17.] He erected Statues for himself, almost all over Egypt, and wrote his own acts upon the Pyramids, [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 512.]
Caesar being the seventh time Consul, declared by an Oration in writing and spoken in the Senate, that he would resign his government, and deliver it up to the Senate and people. When he had ended his Oration, all of them in many words desired him, that he alone would take the whole administration of the government upon him: and by all the arguments that they brought to persuade him, he was at last brought to take the government wholly upon him, [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 497. & 503.] which that he did it on the VII of the Ides of January, is manifest, from the Marble Narbon table, [ in Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXIX. ]
When as Caesar had got the Empire confirmed on him by this means, both from the Senate and the people, and yet would seem to be popular, he took upon him indeed, that he would be very careful of the public affairs, because they required the care of one that would be diligent; but he positively said, he would not govern all the Provinces, or, that he would govern them forever, which he had now taken upon to govern: wherefore he restored to the Senate, the weaker Provinces, to wit, because they were the more peaceable: but the stronger Provinces, or where was more danger to be seen, or that had enemies near them, or that were likely to have any new commotions, he kept to himself. He did this under this color, that the Senate might safely enjoy the best parts of the Empire, and he might seem to put himself upon all the labors and dangers; but under this pretence, to make them disarmed and unfit for war; and thus he got both the arms and the soldiers to his party. For this cause Africa, Numidia, Asia, and Greece, with Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicilia, Creta, Libya, Cireniaca, Bythinia, with Pontus adjoining, Sardinia, and Hispania Baetica, were appointed to the Senate: but to Caesar the rest of Spain, all France, and Germany, also Coelosyria, Silicia, Cyprus, Egypt: but Caesar took this government over the Provinces for ten years time, within which time, he promised himself he should easily reduce them; adding this also in a bragging way, like a young man, that if he could reduce them in shorter time, by so much the sooner he would leave off the Empire. He then made Patricians Governors over the Provinces of both conditions. Over Egypt he set a man but of the degree of a Knight, for the reasons above specified. He gave Africa and Asia, particularly to the Senators, and all the rest of the Provinces to them that had been Praetours: but forbad indifferently either of them, that they should receive by lot the Provinces till the fifth year after they had born office in the city, [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 503, 504, 505.]
Upon the Ides of January this distribution of the Provinces was made, as Ovid notes; thus speaking in the first book of Fastorum to Caesar German • cus.
For on the same day, the name of Augustus was given to Caesar Octavianus: which Censorinus in his book de die Natali, shows was done the fourth day after, in these words. On the sixteenth day before the Kalends of February, the Emperor Caesar, the son of him of blessed memory, by the opinion of L. Munacius Plancus, was saluted Augustus by the Senate and the rest of the Citizens; himself being the seventh time, and M. Vipsanius Agrippa the III time Consuls.
Caesar having settled all things, and reduced the Provinces into a certain form, was surnamed Augustus, [Livy, lib. 134.] That that name was given him both in his seventh Consulship, Dio [lib. 53.] and by the opinion of Plancus with the consent of the whole Senate and people of Rome, Velleius, [lib. 2. cap. 91.] confirmeth: of whom Suetonius, [in Octavio, cap. 7.] The opinion of Munatius Plancus prevailed, that he should be rather called Augustus, (though some were of opinion that he should be called Romulus, as if he also had been a founder of the City) not only because it was a new, but also a more honorable name, because also Religious places, and wherein anything is consecrated by the flying of birds are called Augusta, of growing, or from the gesture or feeding of birds, as also Ennius teacheth writing on this manner,
And Florus in the fourth book, it was also debated in the Senate, whether he should be called Romulus, because he had founded the empire: but the name Augustus seemed to be the more holy and venerable, that so, while he now lived on earth, he might be as it were deified by the name itself and title.
Dio hath the like things, who notes that he was called Augustus by the Romans, and by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the splendor of his dignity, and sanctity of the honor greater than human, [ lib. 53. pag. 507. 509. compared with Acts XXV. 21. 25. with the XVII. 23. & 11. Thessal. 11. 4.] to which let that of Ovid be added. lib. 1. Fastorum.
By this means the whole power of the people and Senate, was translated upon Augustus, [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 507.] which name formerly held sacred, and till now such as that not any Governor durst take upon him, so huge a title did he lay to the usurped Empire of the world • and from that day the whole commonwealth and the government thereof began to be and to remain in the possession of one man: which the Greeks call monarchy, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 20.] that the Romans began their Epoch of their August, from the Kalends of January, Censorinus teacheth in his book, de natali die, where he compares the 265 year of this account, with the 283 of the Julian account; as also in the following Chapter, he casts the Consulship of Marcius Censorinus, and Alinius Gallu: upon the twentieth of the Augustan year, falling upon the 38 of the Julian account.
Tralles a City in Asia being overthrown with an earthquake, the place of exercise fell also, which was afterwards rebuilt by Caesar. [ Euseb. Chronic. Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 57.]
A difference arising between Cossabarus the Idumaean, [Year of the World 3978] and his wife Salome the sister of Herod, [The Julian Period. 4658] she contrary to the custom of the Jews, [Year before Christ 26] sent him a bill of divorce, and going to her brother told him, that she preferred her brothers love, before her tie to her husband, for she said that Costabarus had practiced some innovations with Lysimachus, Antipater, and Dositheus building the credit of her assertion from this, because he had privily kept and preserved in security within his Country, Bebas his children, now twelve years from the taking of Jerusalem by Herod, and all this without the privity and good will of the King, which as soon as Herod knew, he sent some to their hiding places, and killed them, and as many as were in the same crime with them, to the end that there should none remain of the kindred of Hyrcanus; but taking out of the way who excelled in any dignity, that he might do whatsoever he would himself, there being none now left to resist him, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]
Hereupon Herod becoming more secure, departed more and more from his Country customs, violating them with strange inventions; and first of all he instituted wrestlings every fifth year in honor of Caesar, for the exhibiting of which he began to build a theater in Jerusalem, and an amphitheatre in the plain, both of them very sumptuous for the workmanship, but clean contrary to the Jewish customs, among whom there is no use of these things, nor any setting forth of such shows, yet he woul • have this solemnity to be enrolled, and to be proclaimed to the Countries about him and also to foreign nations, and by propounding of great rewards, he invited not only those that were skilled in wrestling, but excellent Musicians also, and them that played on instruments: but nothing so troubled the Jews as the trophees, which being covered with armor, they thought to be images, forbidden them by their law, which that Herod might convince them of, he commanded the ornaments to be taken off from them, and shown them that they were mere stocks of wood, which being done all their anger was turned into laughter. [ id. ibid. ]
THE FIFTH CALIPPICK PERIOD BEGINS.
Cornelius Gallus spake many things with much vanity against Augustus. [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 512.] of whom Ovid in lib. 2. Tristium written to Augustus himself.
By reason of his ungrateful and malevolent mind, Augustus noted him with infamy, and forbad him his house, or to live within any of his provinces, he was also accused of thefts, and pillaging the provinces, and of many other crimes, first by Valerius Largus a most wicked man, who was his companion, and fellow commoner with him, and then by many others, who hitherto had flattered Gallus, but had turned all their services to Largus when they saw him begin to rise; and it was decreed by the whole Senate, that Gallus being condemned in judgment should be banished, that his goods should be confiscate to Augustus, and that for this cause the Senate should offer sacrifice, but he not able to bear his grief, and fearing the nobility highly incensed against him, to whom the care of this business was committed, fell upon his own sword, and so by a voluntary death prevented the condemnation: Gallus being thus forced to death by the depositions of his accusers, and by the decree of the Senate, Augustus indeed praised their love towards him in being so displeased for his sake, but withal he wept, and bewailed his own misfortune, that he alone could not be angry with his friends as much as he would himself. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 66. Dio. lib, 53. pag. 512. 513. Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 17. Icrosm. in Chronico. ]
Petronius was made successor to Gallus in the government of Egypt, who sustained the charge of a multitude of the Alexandrians, invading with casting of stones, he being only strengthened with his own soldiers, and having slain some of them, he repressed the rest. [ Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 819.]
Polemo the King of Pontus is taken in among the allies and confederates of the people of Rome, and the first seats in theatres, throughout his whole Kingdom, were given to the Senators. [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 513.] it seems that from him Pontus took the name of Polemoniacus, in Justinian. [ Novella. 8.]
Ten Citizens of Jerusalem, [Year of the World 3979] made a conspiracy against Herod, [The Julian Period. 4689] hiding their swords under their garments, [Year before Christ 25] amongst which one was blind, not for anything that he could do, but to show that he was ready to suffer anything that should happen to the defenders of their country rights, but one of them whom Herod had appointed for the searching out such things, having fished out the business, declared it to Herod, who being apprehended with an undaunted countenance, they drew out their weapons, protesting that not for any private profit, but in behalf of the public discipline, they had undertaken this conspiracy, whereupon they were led away, by the Kings ministers, and put to death by all manner of tortures, and not long after their accuser being hated of all men, was slain by some, and being cut in pieces, was thrown to the dogs, in the presence of many men. Yet did none discover this act, until that after long and wearisome inquisitions made by Herod, it was wrung out by tortures from some silly women, who were privy to the fact, but then were the authors of that murder punished with their whole families. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]
Herod that he might be more secure from the seditions of the tumultuous people, in the 13 year of his reign, (to be reckoned from the death of Antigonus) began to fortify Samaria, which was distant from Jerusalem a days journey, and called it Sebaste (or Augusta) the circuit of it was twenty furlongs, in which he placed a temple of a furlong and half space in the very midst of it, wonderfully adorned, and he brought it to pass, that many of the soldiers that had always helped him, and also of the neighbor nations, came and dwelt there, ( id. ibid. and the beginning of the next chapter) Africanus calls it, in the Chronicle of Georgius Syncellus, The city of the Gabinians, [ pag. 308.] for when Samaria was destroyed by John Hyrcanus, and rebuilt by A. Gabinius and peopled with inhabitants, (as is formerly noted out of Josephus, at the year of the Julian period 4657.) by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 can be understood none other than the colony that Gabinius brought hither, which very thing I am not a little glad that it was observed in like manner by that man of learning and courtesy James Goarus (to whose great industry, the late famous edition of the Georgian Chronicle is beholding.)
Herod also built another fort as a bridle to the whole nation, namely the tower of Straton, also in the great plain, as they call it, he built a Castle, and chose his horsemen by lot to keep it, and in Galilee Gabalus, and Esthmonitis in Peraea, which Castles being so conveniently disposed through the whole Country, he took from the common people all matter of rebellion. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.
Augustus began his ninth Consulship in Tarracon (a City of the hither Spain,) [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 26.] in the third year of the CLXXXVIII. Olympiad, in which the Indians demanded amity with Augustus, as we read in the Eusebian Chronicle: and those Ambassadors were sent from King Pandion, as in the Chronicle of Georgius Syncellus [ pag. 311.] we have found noted out of some Roman tables.
P. Orosius confirmeth that there came to Augustus to Tarracon, Ambassadors of the Indians, from the farthest part of the East, and of the Scythians from the North with presents from both their nations, lib. 6. cap. 21. concerning whom Horace in his secular verse.
And Florus thus lib. 4. last Chapter. The Scythians sent their Ambassadors, as also the Sarmatians desiring friendship, the Scres also, and the Indians inhabiting right under the sun, came with precious stones, and pearls, and dragging also Elephants among their presents: nothing so much spake for them as the length of the journey, which had taken up four years, and yet the color of the men seemed as if they had come from another heaven, [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 21.] He induced: he Scythians and Indians, (nations known only by report) to make suit of their own accord, by Ambassadors, for amity of him and the people of Rome. [ Eutropius. lib. 7.] The Scythians and Indians, to whom the Roman name was unknown, sent presents and Ambassadors to him; to be short Aurelius Victor, increaseth the number of the nations: Indians, Scythians, Garamantis, and Bactrians, sent Ambassadors to him to desire a league.
Amyntus being dead, Augustus did not deliver over the kingdom to his sons, but made it a Province of the people of Rome: and from thence Galatia and Lycaonia began to have a Roman Governor, [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 514.] M. Lollius as Propraetour governing that Province, [ Euseb. Chronic. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sex. Rufus in Breviar. ] but the Towns of Pamphilia, which were formerly given to Amyntus were restored to their own particular jurisdiction, [ Dio. ut supr. ]
In the 13 year of Herod's reign, very grievous calamities befell the Country of the Jews. First there was a continual drought, upon which a famine followed: after thorough this famine by changing their diet, there became sicknesses and the plague. And seeing H