The Annals of the World
In the 13 year of Herod's reign, very grievous calamities befell the Country of the Jews. First there was a continual drought, upon which a famine followed: after thorough this famine by changing their diet, there became sicknesses and the plague. And seeing H • rod had not means enough to supply the public necessity; whatsoever therefore was in the Palace either of gold or silver, he melted all, not sparing anything for the goodness of the workmanship; nay not his own vessels that were for his daily use; having made money of these things, he sent it into Egypt, where at that time under Caesar, Petronius held the government: Who although he was pestered with a a multitude of them that fled to him for the like necessity; yet because he was privately Herod's friend, and desired the preservation of his subjects, he therefore especially gave them leave to export corn, helping them both in the buying, and in the carriages: So that the greatest means of the preservation of the Nation was attributed to him, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12.]
Herod as soon as the corn was come; first of all very carefully divided it to such who could not provide corn for themselves, and then because there were many that through old age or some other debility could not dress it themselves, he appointed them certain Bakers, that they might have always their food ready. And thus he not only by his diligence made the people change their minds that were averse from him, but also got the praise of a bountiful and provident Prince, [ Id. ibid. ]
From the 29 of August (to wit, the third day before the beginning of the Syrian month Elul, or of our September) on the 6 day of the week, begins that Egyptian Epoch, which Albatenius in the 32 Chapter of Astronomical work calls Al • kept (that is, of the Coptitiae or Egyptians) by which he saith, the account and order of the motions of the Stars are cast up from Theons calculations, and to which, from the account Dilkarnaim (or of the Seleucidae, which he begins with the Syrians, from the beginning of Elul or September) he saith there have passed 287 years, for so it is to be read in the Maunscript, not as yet set forth, 387. for in this year, the first day of the month Thoth, both in the moveable year of the Egyptians, as in the fixed year of the Grecians and Alexandrians (as Theon speaketh) was found to fall upon the same day (of August in the Julian account 29.) which cannot happen but after the full Period of 1460. of the Alexandrian years, and of the Egyptian 1641. which exhibits the renewing or Constitution of either year 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : This renewing happened to be made after 1460 years, from a certain beginning of time, namely, the fifth year of the reign of Augustus, saith Theon, in the explication of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to wit, being ended, or five years after the beginning of the Empire of Augustus, which as Theon and Ptolomeus both agree, begins 294 years, after the death of Alexander, or the Philippick account, and from this Philippick account, even to this Constitution, are 299 years. as in the Astronomical Epitome of Theodorus Metochita is truly observed: neither did Panodorus, the Alexandrian Monk intend anything else, who discoursing of this Period and Constitution of 1460 years, falling upon the 29 day of the month August, from the Epoch, of which he wrote that the account, the motions of the stars, and the ecclipses are to be cast up in the Astronomical Calculations: howsoever Georgius Syncellus, a man very unskillful in these matters in his Chronicle. [ pag. 312, 313.] in relating his opinion, clear perverted, because he did not understand, it.
Herod provided for his Subjects against the sharpness of the Winter, [Year of the World 3980] that none should be in danger to want clothing, their cattle being dead, and both wool, and other things falling: and when he had provided for this, he took care also of the neighbor Cities of the Syrians, he afforded them also seed for sowing; and the Castles and Cities, and those of the common people, who had great families, coming to him for succor, he found a remedy for them also: so that to reckon up all the corn that he gave unto those, who were not his Subjects, it was found that there were 10000 cores given, and within the realm 8000 cores: now a core contained ten Athenian bushels. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12.]
Now seeing that Augustus could not celebrate at Rome the marriage of his daughter, and Marcellus, the son of his sister Octavia, by reason of his sickness, he solemnized it by the help of M. Agrippa, he himself being absent. [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 515.]
On the Kalends of January, [The Julian Period. 4690] on which Augustus entered upon his tenth Consulship, [Year before Christ 24] the Senate confirmed by oath that they approved all his acts; and when as he approaced near the City, (from which he had been a long time absent, by reason of sickness) and had promised an hundred pence a man to the people; yet he said, that before he would give it, the Senate should give their assent. The Senate then freed him from all tie of laws, and that he should be of absolute power, and Emperor of himself, as well as the laws, and that he might do all things, or not do according to his own pleasure. [ Id. ib. pag. 519, 515, 516.]
As soon as the corn was ripe for the harvest, Herod dismissed fifty thousand men, whom he had fed in time of the famine, into their own Countries and his neighbors the Syrians: and by this means, he with his deligence, restored the almost ruined estate of his own Subjects, and did not a little relieve his neighbors, who were afflicted with the same calamities. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12.]
At the same time Herod sent aide to Caesar, namely, five hundred chosen men of his guard, whom Aelius Gallus led into the wars into Arabia, where they did most excellent service. [ Id. ibid. ]
This Aelius Gallus (falsely called Aelius Largus in the later editions of Dio.) was of the order of Knighthood, as saith Pliny. [ lib. 6. cap. 28.) and the third governor of Egypt, under Augustus, of whom Strabo makes mention, as of his friend and companion, [ lib. 2. pag. 118.] and writes that, together with him, he saw the Statute of Memnon. [ lib. 17. pag. 816.] This man Augustus sent with part of the Roman Garison which was in Egypt, into Arabia, [ Id. ibid. lib. 2. ut supra. & lib. 17. pag. 819.] that he might make an attempt upon those Nations and places: and moreover the bounds of the Ethiopians, and Troglodytica, which borders upon Egypt, and near to them the Arabian Gulf, which being very narrow, divides the Arabians from the Troglodytae: but yet to take this advice with him, to agree with them if they would themselves, or if they withstood him, he should subdue them. [ Id. lib. 16. pag. 780.]
For this Expedition into Arabia, Aelius built 80 ships, of two and three banks of oars on a side, and some light Gallions, at Cleopatris, which was near to the old ditch of Nile, when as there was no thought of any fight by sea with the Arabians. When he understood his error, he built a hundred and thirty ships of burden, in which he sailed, carrying with him, of the Roman Foot, and of the Allies, ten thousand, with whom were five hundred Jews, and a thousand Nabathaeans with Syllaeus. [ Id. ibid. ]
At that time Obodes was King of the Nabathaeans, a slouthful and idle man, and especially concerning Martial Affairs, (which is a common vice of all the Arabian Kings) not at all careful; for he had committed the government of his affairs to Syllaeus, who was a young man, and crafty. [ Id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 11.] This Syllaeus had promised Aelius, that he would both be his guide, and that he would help him with provisions, and anything he should stand in need of, but yet did all things treacherously, for neither was the march by land safe, nor the voyage by sea without let, but through by-ways and long windings, and places that were barren, and shelves unfit for harbor, being dangerous, either through hidden Rocks, or miry bogges; the sea never ebbing or flowing in those places. [ Strabo. ut supra. pag. 780.]
After many miseries, Aelius Gallus came on the fifteenth day to the territory of Album, the greatest place of trading of all Nabathaea, having lost many of his ships, and some with the men in them, perished not by any war, but by the difficulties of sailing. This was caused by the villainy of Syllaeus, who denied that ever an army could be brought into the territory of Album by land; when as both thither and farther, Merchants pass that Country, with huge store of Camells and men, in a way that is both safe and well furnished with provision, from one part of Arabia Petraea to the other, so that they seem to be an army. [ Id. ibid. pag. 780. 788.] Which Troups of Merchants at this day they call Carvans.
The army of Aelius being come hither, they were seized upon by Stomacaccis and Scelotyrbe, which are diseases incident to that Country, whereof one is as it were a palsy of the mouth, and the other about the hams, arising from the badness of the water and herbs that they drank and eat, wherefore Aelius was forced to stay there a whole Summer and Winter, to refresh his sick men. [ Strabo. pag. 981.]
There was one Zenodorus, who having hired the house of Lysanias, or Territory of Trachonitis, Batanaea, Autanitis, and not content with the profits that arose from thence, maintained the inhabitants of Trachonis, who living in Caves, like wild-beasts, were wont to rob and plunder the Damascens, and was also partaker of their booty: so that the people that inhabited those Countries, were fain to have recourse to Varus, their Governor of Syria, and complained unto him, desiring him, that by his letters he would signify Zenodorus his injuries that he did them, unto Caesar: and Caesar wrote back, that he should take especial care, utterly to root out those thieves. Varro therefore with his Soldiers setting upon the places suspected, clean purged the land from the thieves, and took away the Country from Zenodorus. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 15. and lib, 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.]
Herod built himself a Palace in Zion, building in it two very large and stately houses, with which the Temple itself could in no wise compare, and called one of them by the name of Caesar, and the other by the name of Agryppa. [ Joseph. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 1. bell. cap. 16.]
The XXIX. Jubilee. [Year of the World 3981]
Herod having removed from the Priesthood Jesus the son of Phabes, [The Julian Period. 4691] makes Simon a Priest of Jerusalem, [Year before Christ 23] the son of Boethus of Alexandra, Priest in his room, and took also his daughter Mariamme to wife; that was the most beautiful of that age. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12. & lib. 18. cap. 7.]
The marriage being over, he began to build a new Palace, adjoining also a fair Town to it, which he called Herodion, after his own name, in a placed distant from Jerusalem 60 furlongs towards Arabia, where he had overcome the Jews, when he was thrust out by the arms of Antigonus, [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 25. & lib. 15. cap. 12. lib. 1. bell. cap. 11. & 16.] Pliny makes mention of Herodion, and of a famous Town of the same name, [ lib. 5. cap. 14.]
Gallus departing with his army from Album, a Village of the Nabataeans, went thorough such places, that he was compelled to carry his water upon Camels, which happened to him thorough the malice of the conductours; wherefore after many days he came into the land of Aretus, who was joined in affinity with Obodus the King of the Nabathaeans: but the treachery of Syllaeus rendered this Country hard to be passed; but he passed it in 30 days thorough unbeaten paths, where his food was spelt and dates, and those but a few, and butter instead of oil. The Country that he came into at last belonged to the Nomades, and truly a great part of it was desert; it was called Ararena, and the King of it was Sabus, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 781.]
Sabus was King of Arabia Felix; in which although none came out to face Aelius, yet this journey cost him much labor: for the desertnesse of the Country and the Sun, and the Waters that are naturally infected, did much afflict them, so that the greater part of the army perished. That disease was like none of ours; the head was disaffected, and that being dried, killed many, and those that escaped death, the disease went thorough their whole body into their legs, and there did so afflict them, that no remedy would do any good, unless one drank oil mingled with wine, and anointed himself therewith, which very few could do; for neither of those grow in these places, neither had they brought any plenty with them. Amongst these mischances, the Barbarians also, who at first in every battle always had the worst, and lost some Towns also, now taking occasion by the help of this disease, they set upon the Romans and recover their own, and drive the rest of the Romans out of the Country, [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 516, 517.]
Yet these both first and only of the Romans, carried the war so far in Arabia Felix, even to the famous City Athlula (or Athrula) [ Id. ibid pag. 517.] In that Expedition Gallus overthrew these Towns so named by former Writers. Egra, Annestus Esca, Magusum, Tammacum, Labecia, Mariaba, (that was six miles in compass) and Caripeta, which was the farthest he went, [ Plin. lib. 6. cap. 28.] and had not Syllaeus betrayed him, he had conquered all Arabia Felix, [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 118. fin. ] whose progress and regress in this journey we here set down out of Strabo.
Fifty days being spent in travelling over Ararena thorough impassable ways, he came to the City of the Agrans (or rather Egrans) a peaceable and fruitful Country. Then King Sabus fled, and the City was taken at the first assault. From hence on the sixth day he came to the River; there the Barbarians met him in battle array, of whom there fell 10000. and but two only of the Romans, for they were very cowardly, and used their weapons unskilfully, as the Bow, and Launce, and Sword, and Sling, but for the most part, were Bills with two edges. Then he took the City Asca, that was forsaken by the King: from thence he came to Athrula, which he easily took, and put a Garison there; and having provided corn and dates for his journey, came to Marsyabae, a City of the Rhamanites, who were under Ilasarus. This he set upon, and besieged six days, afterwards being compelled for want of water, he left off his design. He understood by the Captives that he was only six days journey from that part where the Spices grow; but he spent six months in this journey thorough the fault of his guides.
At last, having found out the treachery, being returned another way, he came in nine days to Anagrana, where there was a skirmish; then on the eleventh day to the seven Wells, so named from the thing itself: thence thorough places that were tilled, to the village of Chaalla; afterwards to a Bulwark called Malotha, seated by the River side: after that thorough Desarts where there was not much water, into the village of Negra (or Hygra) which is under Obodas, and lieth by the Sea. In his return he spent but 60 days in all, whereas before he had spent 6 months, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 781, 782.]
Whilst Aelius Gallus waged war with part of the Egyptian army in Arabia, the Ethiopians which dwelt beyond Egypt, being sent by their Queen Candace (a manly woman and blind of one eye) upon a sudden invasion surprised the Garrisons of three Cohorts, which were Syena, Elephantina, & Phillis, and carried them away captives, and overthrew Caesar's Statues. Against these Petronius the Governor of Egypt marched, not with full 10000 Foot, and 800 Horse, against 30000 men, and at first forced them to flee into Pselcha a City of Ethiopia. Then he sent to them to demand the things that they had taken away, and also to know the reason why they had begun this war; and they saying, that they had been injured by the governors, he answered them that they were not lords of the Country, but that Caesar was: then they demanding three days time to deliberate, and in the meantime doing nothing to satisfy him, he marcheth towards them, and forceth them to fight, and presently routeth them; for they were but ill ordered, and as bad armed, for they had great sheilds made of raw ox hides, and the weapons with which they fought were, hatchets, spears, and some had swords. Then some being forced into the City, some fled into the deserts, others into the next Island, who also took the river, among whom were Queen Candaces captains, these he also took, having passed the river by boates and ships, and sent them to Alexandria, and so went to Pselcha and took it, then numbering the multitude of them that were taken Captives, and of those that were killed, it was found that very few escaped in safety, [ Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 820. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 524.]
From Pselcha Petronius came to Premnis, a City strong by nature, and having passed over those hills of Sande, by which Cambyses army was overwhelmed by reason of wind that fell, he took it at the first assault, then he goes forward to Napata (called Tanape by Dio.) where Candaces palace was, and there her son stayed him; she being in a Castle that was nigh, sent Ambassadors to treat of a peace, and restored the statues, and the Captives that were taken from Syena: but Petronius stormed Napata and took it, and overthrew it, her son being put to flight; but whereas he neither could go forward because of the sand and the heat, or conveniently stay there with the whole army, having fortified Premnis with walls, and a garrison and victual for 400 men for two years, he returned to Alexandria, of the Captives having sold the rest, he sent 1000 to Caesar, as he was returned from the Cantabrian war, of whom some died of diseases. [ id. ibid. ]
With these is to be joined that place of Pliny, in the 6 book chap. 29. In the time of Augustus, the Romans entered the country of the Ethiopians, P. Petronius being general, who was of the order of Knighthood, and governor of Egypt; he overcame their Towns, which he only found, in the same order that we shall speak of; Pselchis, Primnis, Aboccis, Phihuris, Cambusis, Attena, Stadisis, where the inhabitants loose their hearing by the noise of the fall of the river of Nile, he sacked also Napata. The farthest that he went from Syena was 870 miles, neither yet did the Romans make an utter desolation.
Phraates the III was restored into his Kingdom by the great aid of the Scythians, of whose coming Tiridates hearing, he flies to Caesar, with a great number of his friends desiring that he might be restored into that Kingdom, promising that Parthia should be subject to Rome, if he would give him that Kingdom, when Phraates knew this he presently sent Ambassadors to Caesar, desiring that he would send him back his servant Tiridates, and his own son, whom he had delivered as hostage to Caesar. [ Just. lib. 42. cap. 5.]
When Tiridates and Phraates Ambassadors were come to Rome, Augustus brought them both into the Senate, and then taking the knowledge of the difference from the Senate to himself, he heard the demands of either party, but then told them that he neither would yield up Tiridates to the Parthians, neither would aid Tiridates against the Parthians, but least they at last, should seem to obtain nothing of their requests, he commanded a very large allowance to be given to Phraates, as long as he would tarry at Rome, and sent back Phraates his son, that in leine of him he might recover the Captives, and ensigns that were lost in the overthrows of Crassus and Antonius. [ id. ibid. Dio. lib. 53. pag. 519.]
Whenas there were mutual grudges began to show themselves between M. Agrippa and M. Marcellus the nephew and son in law of Augustus, because one thought the other to be more respected by Augustus than the other, he, fearing that contentions would grow higher between them if they continued both in one place, immediately sent away Agrippa into Asia, to govern those provinces beyond the sea in his stead. Agrippa left the City, but sending his Lieutenant into Syria, he himself tarried at Mitylenae in the isle of Lesbos [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 518. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 93. Jos. lib. 15. cap. 13. Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 66.]
When Augustus resigned the eleventh Consulship, and made Lucius Sestius the great favourite of Brutus Consul in his room, the Senate decreed these honors to him, That he should be perpetual Tribune of the common people, that he might call the Senate as often as he would, although he were not Consul, that he might make ordinances concerning whatsoever things he pleased, that he should have always proconsulary power, and that he should not lay it down when he came within the walls, or have need to renew it, and that he should always have greater power in the provinces, than the very governors. [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 518. 519.]
Aelius Gallus returning from the expedition of Arabia, [Year of the World 3982] left the village Negra in the Kingdom of the Nabataeans, and in eleven days space wafted his army into the haven of Muris: hence passing Coptum, he came to Alexandria with those forces that were able to bear arms, for he had lost the rest, not in war, (wherein only seven were lost) but by famine, labor, diseases, and the badness of the way. [ Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 782.] Some of his medicinal compositions are related by Galen, [ in lib. 2. de Antidotis, ] among which there is triacle that he gave to Caesar, with which he had preserved many of his Soldiers.
Marcus Marcellus, the Son of Octavia, the sister of Augustus, and the husband of Julia, the daughter of Augustus died. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 93. Dio. lib. 53. pag. 517. & 519.]
Augustus restored to the people Cyprus and Gaul Narbonensis, [The Julian Period. 4692] because they needed not any forces, and for them received Dalmatia. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 523. with lib. 53. pag. 504.]
The dancing of Anticks, and Stage-plays, was first brought up in Rome, by Pylades Cilices, and Bathyllus; Pylades was the first that ever had a Choir to play unto him. [ Euseb. Chronic. cum Scaligeri Collectan. Graec. pag. 390. & Animadversion. pag. 155, 156.]
Herod having now built Sebaste, began to build most magnificently, another City, in a place by the sea side, where the Town of Straton stood, which he called Caesaria, with the addition of an Haven of admirable work, equal in greatness to the Haven Piraetus, all which he finished in twelve years space, sparing neither labor, nor cost. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 16. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. 13.] Whereupon Eutropius speaking of Caesar, saith lib. 7. The name of Caesar was so beloved by the Barbarians, that Kings that were friends of the people of Rome, built Cities in honor of him, and called them Cesarea; as 〈◊〉 Mauritania by King Juba, and in Palestine which is a most famous City.
Herod sent his sons Alexander and Aristobulus (which he had by Mariamme the Asmonaean) to Rome to Caesar, to be there brought up: for whom their lodging was prepared at Pollios his house the great friend of Herod. Caesar entertained the young men very courteously, and gave Herod power to make which of his sons he would heir of his Kingdom, and gave him also Trachonitis Batunaea and Auranitis, [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]
After Herod had received Trachon, [Year of the World 3983] he took guides and went to the Dens of the thieves, restrained their villainies, and gave peace to the inhabitants: but Zenodorus being moved, partly thorough envy, and partly with the loss of his possessions, went to Rome to accuse Herod, but could effect nothing, [ Id. ibid. ]
Herod having saluted his chiefest friend Agrippa at Mitylene, returned into Judea, [ Ibid. ]
Some Citizens of Gadara go to Agrippa to accuse Herod, whom not vouchsafing so much as to hear, he sent them bound to Herod; but Herod spared them, who although he was inexorable towards his own people, yet he willingly contemned and forgave injuries received from strangers, [ Id. ibid. ]
Augustus went into Sicily, that he might settle that, as also all other Provinces even to Syria, [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 524.]
Augustus sent for Agrippa (who he wished had had more patience, [The Julian Period. 4693] because for a light suspicion of harshness under color of the chief office had gone, [Year before Christ 21] leaving all things, to Mitylene) to come to him out of Asia into Sicilia, and commanded him to leave his wife, although the daughter of Octavia, Augustus his own sister; and to marry his daughter Julia the widow of Marcellus, and sent him presently to solemnize the Marriage, and to undertake the government of the City, [ Id. ibid. pag. 525. Velleius Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 93. Suetonius, in Octavio, cap. 63, 66.]
Zenodorus, counting his estate desperate, had farmed out Auranitis a part of his Country to the Arabians for fifty talents yearly rent. This part although it was contained in the grant that Caesar gave Herod, yet the Arabians hateing Herod would in no wise suffer it to be taken from them; Sometimes laying claim to it by intodes and force, and sometimes contending for the right of possession before the Judges. They drew also unto them certain needy soldiers, who according to the custom of wretched men, hope for better fortunes by innovations: which although Herod knew well enough, yet he had rather prevent it by good reasons, than by arms, least he should give occasions of new commotions. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]
Augustus having ordered things in Sicilia passed over into Greece, when he took from the Athenians, Aegina and Eretria, because as some report, they had favored Anthony. [ Dio. ut supra. pag. 525.]
Petronius going with succor prevented Candace the Queen of the Ethiopians, who with many thousands set upon the garrison of Premnis, and having entered the Castle, strenghthened it with much provision; and compelled the Queen to accept conditions of peace, [ Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 821. cum Dion. lib. 54. pag. 524.]
Petronius commanded the Ambassadors that were sent unto him, that if they would demand anything they should go unto Caesar, and they denying that they knew whether there were a Caesar, or where they should meet with him, he commanded some that they should conduct him. [ Strabo. ibid. ]
Augustus having perfected his affairs in Greece, sailed into Samos, and there wintered. [ Dio, lib. 54. pag. 525.]
When as the people of Armenia accused Artabazes or Artaxis, or Artaxias, (the son of Artavasdes, that was taken by the treachery of Anthony, and desired that his brother Tigranes, who was then at Rome, might be their King. Augustus sent to Tiberius, to drive out Artabazes, and to make Tigranes King in his stead. [ Id. ib. pag. 526. cum Tacit. Annal. lib, 2. cap. 3.]
The Ambassadors of Candace coming into Samos, found Caesar ready to go into Syria, and sending Tiberius into Armenia; they easily obtained of him what they desired, and he remitted their tribute also. [ Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 821.]
In the Spring Augustus went into Asia, M. Apuleius, and P. Silius being Consuls, and there, and in Bythinia also, he ordered all things, not therefore making less account of them, because that, as well these as those Provinces, that he had formerly passed through, were accounted to belong to the people, but he took so much care for all things, as if they had been his own, for he mended all things, where it was convenient; and to some he gave money, and on others he imposed new sums, besides their ordinary tribute. But from the Cyzicenians, he took away their freedom, because that in a certain sedition they had put to death some Romans, after they had scourged them. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525.]
Then he went into Syria, in the tenth year after he had been in that Province. [ Joseph, lib. 1. bell. cap. 15.] But in the 17. year of the reign of Herod (from the death of Antigonus) [ Id. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.] where he despoiled the Tyrians and Sidonians of their liberty, because of their factions. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525.]
Zenodorus had solemnly sworn to the Gadarenes, that he would never leave off to do what possibly he could that they might be freed from the jurisdiction of Herod, and be annexed to Caesar's Province. Hereupon many of them began to exclaim against Herod, calling him cruel and Tyrant, complaining unto Caesar of his violence and rapines, and for violating and rasing their Temples: with which Herod being nothing terrified, was ready to answer for himself: but Caesar used him courteously, and not at all alienated from him for all this tumultuous multitude. The Gadarenes therefore perceiving the inclinations of Caesar and his friends, and fearing by certain conjectures, that they should be delivered into Herod's hands. The next night after the meeting, some of them cut their own throats, others for fear of torments, brake their own necks, some also drowned themselves in the river: and thus whereas they seemed to fore judge themselves, Caesar immediately absolved Herod. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]
Zenodorus also having his bowels burst through much blood that came from him, ended his life at Antioch in Syria. [ Id. ib. ]
Augustus gave the Tetrarchy of Zenodorus to Herod. [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526.] Certainly no contemptible part, which being seated between Galilee and Trachona, contained Ulatha Paneada, and the neighbor Countries, he made him also one of the Governors of Syria, and commanded the Governors of that Province to do nothing without his advice. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.]
Herod begged a Tetrarchy of Caesar, for his brother Pheroras, on whom he also bestowed 100 talents, out of the revenues of his own Kingdom, to the intent, that if he should happen to die, Pheroras estate might be assured, and not subject to Herod's children, [ Id. ibid. ]
Claudius Tiberius Nero was sent by Augustus, his father in law, with an army to visit and order the Provinces that were in the East; where having shown all experiments of the chiefest virtues, he entered Armenia with the Legions; and having reduced it under the power of the people of Rome, he delivered the Kingdom to Artavasdes. Whereupon the King of the Parthians being terrified, with the fame of his great name, sent his sons Hostages to Caesar, this Velleius Paterculus, the great flatterer of Tiberius. [ lib. 2. cap. 94.]
All Authors else mention, that Tigranes, the son of Artavasdes, was at this time made King of the Armenians: for Artavasdes, being led captive into Egypt by Cleopatra, and Antony, his eldest son Artaxius (whom Dio here calls Artabazes, by his Fathers name) enjoyed the Kingdom of Armenia: to whom Archelaus and Nero, having expelled him by force out of the Kingdom, now made his younger brother successor; (called by Velleius, after his fathers name, Artavasdes, but by all others Tigranes) Thus Josephus [ lib. 15. cap. 5.] relates the story; meaning by the name of Archelaus, the King of Cappadocia, and by the name of Nero, Claudius Tiberius, although he were not yet adopted by Caesar, to whom part of that Narration in Horace belongeth. [ lib. 1. epist. 12.]
Yet Dio affirms that Tiberius, or this Claudius Nero, Artabazes, or Arsazius, being put to death by the Armenians, before his coming, did nothing that was answerable to his preparation: [ lib. 54. pag. 526.] Although concerning this business, he boasted that he had done everything by his own virtue, and especially, because there then were decreed sacrifices, for it: which also that place of Tacitus seems to favor. [ lib. 2. Annal. cap. 3.] Artaxias being slain by the treachery of his nearest friends, Tigranes is made King of the Armenians, and brought by Tiberius Nero into the Kingdom. Who leading his army into the East, restored the Kingdom of Armenia to Tigranes, and put the Crown on his head in the Tribunal, as Suetonius hath it in Octavia. [ cap. 9.]
Suetonius adds in the same place, that Tiberius recovered the Ensigns that the Parthians had taken from M. Crassus, when also the Parthians, at Augustus demand, restored the military Ensigns, they had taken away from Marcus Crassus, and M. Antonius; and moreover, offered hostages, as it is in the same Suetonius in Octavio. [ cap. 21.] For when Augustus came into Syria, for the composing of the state of affairs in the East; Phraates, who had performed nothing as was agreed, fearing least Augustus should make war upon Parthia, sent back to him the Roman Ensigns, both which Orodes had taken, at the overthrow of Crassus, and which his son had taken, when Antonius was put to flight, he delivered also all the Captives that were in all Parthia, that were gathered up of the army of Crassus, and Antonius, except a few, who had killed themselves for shame, and some that tarried privately in Parthia. These things Augustus •• ceived, as if he had conquered the Parthian in war. [ Livy, lib. 139. Florus, lib. 4. cap. ult. Strabo. lib. 2. pag. 288. & lib. 16. 748. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 91. Justin. lib. 42. cap. ult. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 21. & Cassiodorus in Chronico. ]
Eutropius writes that the Persians, or Parthians, gave hostages to Caesar, which they never did before to any, and by delivering the Kings children for hostages, that they merited a firm league, with a solemn procession, writes Orosius. [ ut supra. ] And Strabo confirms, that Phraates, in the end of lib. 6. committed his sons, and his sons sons to Augustus Caesar, and desired with all reverence to deserve his friendship, by delivering hostages to him. And Justin confirms in the end of his 42 book, that his sons and Grand-children were hostages to Augustus: butyet Tacitus warns us in the beginning of the second of the Annals, that he shown all duty and reverence to Augustus, and sent part of his children, for the strengthening of their friendship, not so much for fear of him, as for distrusting the disloyalty of his own Subject, for this was the business.
Thermusa, an Italian woman, whom of a Concubine he made his wife, thinking to get the Kingdom of the Parthians, for Phraates her son, whom she had born to the King, when she was yet his Concubine, persuaded the King her husband, with whom she could do anything, to send his lawful begotten children in hostage to Rome. [ Joseph. lib: 15. cap. 3.] Phraates, calling Titius to a conference, who was then governor of Syria, delivered his four lawful begotten sons for hostages; Saraspades, Cerospades, Phraates and Vonones, two of their wives, and four sons: for fearing a sedition, and least some treachery should be laid for him by his enemies, he sent his sons out of the way: persuading himself, that none should be able to do anything against him, if he should have none of the race of the Arsacidae to be set up in his room, to whom the Parthians were so affectionate, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 748. 749.] in an old Roman inscription there joined with Saraspadanes (for so he is there named) another son of Phraates, not mentioned by Strabo, Rhodaspes a Parthian the son of Phraates Arsaces the King of Kings. [ inscript. Gruter. pag. CCLXXXVIII.]
Augustus in the East ordered his subjects according to the form of the Roman laws, but suffered those that were in league with him to live after the laws of their ancestors, neither determined he to take anything from them, but to be content with what they had gotten, and so he wrote to the Senate, he therefore at this time made no war, but gave to Jamblichus the son of Jamblichus his fathers principality in Arabia, he gave also to Tarcondimotus the son of Tarcondimotus; his fathers principality in Silicia. Except some sea Towns which he gave to Archelaus with the Kingdom of Armenia the less, King Medus who had that Kingdom before being dead, and to one whose name was Mithridates being as yet a child he gave Commagena, because the King had killed the father of this Mithridates. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526.]
Herod having conducted Caesar to the sea side, returned into his Kingdom, and and there built a goodly temple, in honor of him of white marble, near Panion, at the foot of which mountain are the fountains heads of Jordan, then he also remitted to his subjects some part of their tribute, under color, that they should have some ease after the dearth, but in very deed that he might appease the minds of his subjects, that were offended with such vast works of the King, which seemed to tend to nothing but the destruction of religion, and good manners, as it was commonly talked. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]
Herod to prevent these things, [Year of the World 3985] forbad all private meeting in the City, and too often feastings, he had also spies that should mingle themselves in companies, and mark what the people talked of, yea he himself would go in the night in the habit of a private man, and mingle himself in the company of the people, to learn what the people thought of him, and as many as obstinately disallowed his doings, he punished them without mercy, the rest of the multitude he bound to him by oath, exacting an oath of them that they should depart from their fidelity and duty. [ id. ibid. ]
Herod required this oath of many followers of the Pharisees, as Pollo and Sameas, which although he could not get them to take, yet he punished not as he did the others, in respect of the reverence he bare to Pollio, neither did he impose this necessity upon the Esseans, whom he much esteemed for one Manahems sake who was a Prophet: who when he was but a private boy, saluted him King of the Jews, and had foretold that he should reign King above 30 years. [ id. ibid. ]
Gaius is born to Agrippa by his wife Julia, there is a yearly sacrifice decreed on his birth day with some other things. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526.]
Augustus returned into Samos and there wintered again, and for a reward of their hospitality, he grants the Samians liberty, thither came to him frequent Embassies, the Indians then by a firm league confirmed the peace which they formerly had desired by their Ambassadors, (of whom it is spoken before in the year of the Julian period 4689.) amongst the presents that were sent by the Indian there were tygers, which creatures were never before seen either by the Romans or Grecians, and a certain young man who wanted his arms, (such as they use to feign Mercuries to be) who performed all things by the office of his feet, instead of hands, that he was said to bend a bow, and shoot an arrow, and sound a trumpet. [ Id. ibid. pag. 527.]
Nicholas Damascene reports that he saw these Indian Ambassadors at Antioch by Daphnis. The letter they brought makes mention of more, but he saith only three were alive whom he saw, the rest being the greater part died through the length of the journey, that the letter was in Greek written in parchment, in which was signified, that it was Porus that wrote it, who although he commanded 600 Kings, yet he did much esteem Caesar's friendship, that he was ready to give him a meeting in what place soever, and that he would aid in anything that was right. He saith these things were contained in the letter, moreover that the presents were brought by eight servants that were naked, only having breeches on, and besmeared with persumes, those were Herman, he (of whom we have spoken) who had his arms cut of from his shoulder being a child, huge vipers, a serpent of ten cubits long, a river tortoyse of three cubits, and a partridg bigger than a vulture, [ Strabo. lib. 15. pag. 719.]
Among these was Zomarus or Zomanochegas, one of the wisemen of the Indians, who for vain glories sake, or for old age according to the laws of his Country, or that he might show himself to Augustus and the Athenians, (for he had come into Athens) and was made a Priest of the Grecian gods, although (as they report) in an unlawful time, yet in favor of Augustus; thinking that he must die, and least some adversity should happen to him if he tarried longer, then smiling and naked and anointed, he gave himself into the funeral-fire: and this inscription was written on his Sepulcher. Here lieth Zarmanecheg as an Indian, of Barbosu, who according to the custom of his Country, led himself out of life, [Id. ibid. pag. 719. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 527.]
Augustus being returned to Rome, entered the City on horseback in a kind of Triumph, and was honored with a Triumphal Arch that carried his Trophies, [ Dio. ibid. pag. 526.]
Augustus did account it a matter of high praise to him, that he had recovered those things that were formerly lost in war, without any fight at all: and therefore he commanded that it should be decreed that there should be sacrifices for that cause, and a Temple of Mars the revenger (in imitation of Jupiter Feretrius) in the Capitol, where the Ensigns should be hung up: and did also perform it, [ Id. ibid. ]
This Temple he had formerly vowed to Mars before the Victory at Philippi, but now proclaiming that he had received another like benefit from him, he performed his vow at the twentieth years end; imitating Romulus, who having killed Acro the King of the Ceninenses, hung up his arms in the Temple that he dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius: he built a Temple to Mars the twice revenger, and then laid up the Military Ensigns that he had recovered from the Parthians, and also instituted Circensian plays to be solemnized every year in memory of these things. Of which Ovid in 5 Fastorum.
To which may be added that of Horace, lib. 4. Ode ult.
Herod in the 18 year of his reign (being reckoned from the death of Antigonus) propounded his intent to the Jews, of building the Temple at Jerusalem: whom he saw that they were troubled, lest if he demolished the old, he could not finish the new. He certified them that the old Temple should remain whole as it was, and not be pulled down, until that all materials that were necessary for the new fabric should be prepared, Neither did he deceive them; he provided a thousand waggons to carry stones, and he picked out of all the multitude of Artificers 10000 that were most expert, and also a thousand Priests that were clothed with Priests garments at his own cost, that were not altogether ignorant of the Masons and Carpenters art: and that they should fall to work, seeing the materials were ready, [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 14.]
When Augustus his first ten years was almost at an end, [Year of the World 3987] he prolonged the Principality to himself for five years longer, [The Julian Period. 4696] and gave to M. Agrippa for the same five years, [Year before Christ 18] as well some things almost the same with himself, as also the Tribunical power; for he said that so many years was then sufficient, although that not long after he accepted of more years of the Imperial Power, as that his Principality might be made decennal, [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 529.]
And because now the books of the Sybills thorough age were worn out of date, Augustus gave charge to the Priests, that with their own hands they should write them out; that none other should read them, [ Id. ibid. pag. 532.]
Augustus restored Pilades the Cilician Player, that thorough factions was cast out of Rome, because he reconciled the favor of the people to him, and because Augustus reproved him, for that he was always quarrelling with Bathyllus one of his own profession, and also a friend of Mecenas, he is reported to have answered thus to Caesar, It is convenient for thee, O Caesar, that the people should spend their time being intent upon us, [Ibid. pag. 533.]
All necessary materials for the setting upon the work being provided in two years space, [The Julian Period. 4697] Herod began to build the Temple of Jerusalem, [Year before Christ 17] 46 years before the first Passover of the Ministry of Christ: as it appears out of those words of the Jews, John 11. 20. spoken at that time. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This Temple hath been built forty and six years hitherto: as that Aorist is rightly expounded by our Country-man Lydiat.
And indeed the building of this Temple under Zerubbabel, began in the first year of the Monarchy of Cyrus, and for some time interrupted, was after twenty years time finished, in the sixth year of Darius the son of Hystaspes; and the magnificent building of the same begun by Herod at this time, was finished in the space of nine years and an half: but in accounting the time spent in building this most magnificent Structure, we must take into consideration not only the labor of these two, but of their Successors also: whenas in the perfection of it many ages and all the holy treasures, that were sent to God from all the parts of the World thither were spent: as Josephus notes in the sixth book of the wars of the Jews, and sixth chapter; for neither the riches of Herod alone, (being wasted especially with such profuse gifts, such buildings of so many Palaces, Temples, and Cities, one whereof was the City and Port of Cesarea, and which was most costly of all, did then lie upon him, when he labored in building the Temple) a Temple of immense riches; (as Tacitus calls it in the 5 of his Histories, chap. 9.) were sufficient for the finishing of it; and that this great building of the Temple begun by Herod, was continued even to the beginning of the war of the Jews under Gessius Florus, by great gifts that were consecrated to God, that place of Josephus shows in the 20 book of his Antiquities, chap. 8. Now was finished the building of the Temple; and the people when they perceived that more than 18000 workmen would be idle, who were wont to get their living by their work in the Temple, and being loath that the holy treasure should be laid up, for fear it should become a prey to the Romans, and withal willing to provide for the workmen; because if one had wrought but one hour, he was presently paid his wages: they persuaded the King (Agrippa the younger) that he would build the eastern Porch, which enclosed the outwardmost parts of the Temple.
Agrippa had Lucius by his wife Julia, whom, together with his brother Gaius, Augustus, that he might be the freer from treachery, immediately adopted, and made heirs of his Empire. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 533.]
In Cyprus, many parts of Cities are thrown down by Earthquakes. [ Euseb. in Chronic. ]
Marcus Agrippa, [Year of the World 3988] after he had exhibited Quinquennall plays (which were the fourth from the battle of Actium) is again by Augustus sent into Syria. [The Julian Period. 4698] [ Dio. lib. 4. pag. 534.] [Year before Christ 16]
Herod set sails for Italy, to salute Caesar, and to see his children at Rome, [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 1.] and passing by Greece, was not only present, but also judge at the Olympic exercises, in the CXCI. Olympiad, in which Diodorus Tyaneus got the prize) who observing that those exercises did not answer the resort that was to them, through the poverty of the Elidenses, he bestowed towards them annual revenues, whereby their sacrifices might be made the more splendid, and other things that might belong to the gracing of so great a meeting; for which bounty he is declared perpetual judge of those exercises. [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 16. lib. 16. Antiquit. cap. 9.]
Caesar having courteously entertained Herod at Rome, delivereth to him his sons, sufficiently instructed in the liberal sciences, [ Id. lib. 16. cap. 1.] goes himself into Gaul. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 533.]
Aemilius Macer, a Poet of Veronn, dieth in Asia. [ Hieronym▪ in Chronico ] of whom Tibullus.
At Jerusalem, by the endeavor of the Priest, the building of the Temple, properly so called, because it contained the Holy, and the Holy of Holies, was finished in a year and an half space; in all which time, it is reported, that it never rained in the day time, but only in the nights; then in the eight following years, the Porches, the Ranges, and the rest of the buildings about the Temple were all finished. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. ult. ]
There is extant a twofold description of this Temple, one by Josephus, (who himself did the duties of a Priest in it) in the 15 Antiquit. cap. 14. and lib. 6. bell. cap. 6.) Another by R. Judas, (almost 120 years after the destruction of it) in a tractate of his Mischna, which is entitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Map of the former we have from Ludovicus Cappel, at the end of his short History of the Jews; and of the later from Constantine Lempereur, prefixed in his Commentary upon the book of M • ddoth, in the Preface of which he showeth that the constant opinion of the Jews was, that the Temple of Zerubbabel, and this of Herod, were rightly accounted for both the same: as likewise he shows out of the fifth book of Tacitus his Histories, that it was thought to be the same Temple that was won by Pompey, that was then besieged by Titus.
When Alexander and Aristobulus were returned into Judea, [Year of the World 3989] and had gained all men's loves. [The Julian Period. 4699] Salome, [Year before Christ 15] the sister of Herod, and her followers, fearing that they would some time or other revenge their mothers death, cast out words among the people, that they hated their father, because he had caused their mother to be slain: but Herod as yet suspecting no ill, used them with all honor, as they deserved; and because they were now grown to men's estate, he provided them wives, for Alexander Bernice, the daughter of Salome, and for Aristobulus Glaphira, the daughter of Archelaus, the King of the Cappadocians. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 1, 2.]
Augustus restored liberty to the Cycizenians, he gave also money to the • Paphians (in Cyprus) that had been afflicted with an Earthquake, and permitted by a decree of the Senate, that their City should be called Augusta. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 539.]
Herod hearing that M. Agrippa was again come into Asia, he goeth to him, he begged of him that he would vouchsafe to come into his Kingdom, as to his friend and guest. [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 2.]
Herod entertained Agrippa in all the Cities that he had newly built, [Year of the World 3990] and showing him the buildings, presented both to himself and friends, all kind of delights and magnificence, at Sebaste, and the Port of Cesarea, and in the Castles that he had built, as at Alexandrion, Herodion, and Hyrcania. He brought him also into the City of Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their best and festival attire, and with joyful acclamations. Agrippa also having sacrificed an Hecatombe to God, feasted the people: and although he would willingly have stayed longer there, yet for fear of storm, the Winter now drawing on, he made haste to sails into Ionia, both he and his friends being honored with great presents. [ Id. ib. ]
Asander, being made King of Cimmerian Bosphorus, by Augustus, dying, left the Kingdom to his wife Dynamis, the daughter of Pharnaces, and wife of Mithridates, her own son Scribonius feigning himself to be the Nephew of Mithridates, married, and seized upon the Kingdom. Agrippa hearing this, sent Polemon, the King of that Pontus, which is scituate by Cappadocia, to make war upon him. [ Dio. lib. 14. pag. 538.]
The Bosphorans, as soon as they knew this deceit, killed Scribonius, and resisted Polemon that came against them, fearing that he should be made their King, whom he conquered in battle, but yet did not subdue them. [ Id. ibid. ]
As soon as it was Spring, [The Julian Period. 4700] Herod hearing that Agrippa was going with an army to Bosphorus, [Year before Christ 14] made haste to go to him; and taking his course by Rhodes and Chios, he came to Lesbos; thinking he should there find him; but being driven back by the contrary North winds, he tarried at Chios: where many coming privately to salute him, he bestowed upon them many princely gifts; and when he perceived the gate of the City, that was thrown down in the war against Mithridates, as yet lying ru • nate, and that it could not be repaired to the former beauty and greatness, by reason of their poverty, he bestowed upon them so much money as was abundantly sufficient to finish it, and exhorted them to adorn the City as soon as they could, to the former beauty and greatness. [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]
As soon as the wind changed, Herod sailed first to Mitylene, and then to Byzantium; and there understanding that Agryppa, was already past the Cyanean Rocks, he followed him with all speed, and overtook him at Sinope, a City in Pontus: who contrary to Agryppa's expectation, arrived there with his Navy. His coming was very grateful to him, and they embraced each other with singular affection, because it was an evident argument of his fidelity and friendship, that the King leaving his own occasions, would come to him in so convenient a time. Wherefore Herod still abode by him in the army, and was his companions in his labors, and partaker of his counsels. He was also present with him when he meant to be merry, and was the only man that was used in difficult matters, for the love he bare him, and in mirth for honors sake. [ Id. ibid. ]
Agrippa overcame the Bosphorans, and having recovered in war those Roman Ensigns, which they long since had taken under Mithridates, by conquest compelled them to yield. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 81.]
When Julia, the daughter of Augustus, and wife of Agrippa, went to Ilium by night, it happened that Julia and her servants that waited on the Coach, were in great danger in passing the river of Scamander, which was much swelled by sudden floods, the people of Ilium being altogether ignorant of her coming: but Agrippa being angry that they had not helped her, fined them an 100000 Drachmes of Silver. [ Nicol. Damascene. lib. de vita sua. in Excerptis ab Henrico. Vales. edit. pag. 418.]
The Ambassadors of the Ilienses, not daring to gainsay anything to Agrippa, they entreated Nicholas Damascene, (who by chance was there) that he would get King Herod to speak for them, and to help them; which he for the ancient renown of the City undertook, and told the King the whole story, how that Agrippa was angry with the Ilienses without a cause, seeing he had given them no notice of his Wifes coming, and that they could not perceive anything of her coming, because it was in the night: and Herod undertaking the cause of the Ilienses, got their fine taken off. [ Id. ibid. ] and reconciled Agrippa, being angry with them. [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]
The Bosphorans at length laying down their arms, are delivered to Polemon, who also marries Dynamis, with the approbation of Augustus: for this there was a procession, in Agrippa's name; but neither did he triumph, although it was decreed, neither wrote he to the Senate anything at all concerning his affairs; whose example after age • imitating, they also did not certify by letters concerning their doings, neither did they accept of a triumph, though offered, but were content only with the triumphal ornament [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 538.]
The trouble of Pontus being ended, Agryppa and Herod came by land to Ephesus, through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and the greater Phrygia, and there again taking ship, they came to Samos. [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]
The Iliense • being now returned into their Country, because they had lost all hope of obtaining pardon, and Herod being about to go into Paphlagonia to Agrippa, gave a letter to Nicholas Damascene concerning the remission of their fine, who went to Chios and Rhodes, where his sons tarried; Nicholas therefore loosing from Amisus, came to the Port of Byzantium; thence failing to Troas, he came to Ilium, where when he had delivered his letters of the remission of their fine, both he, but especially Herod, received great honors from the Ilienses, [ Nichol. Damascene, ut supra. ]
Agrippa in his whole journey thorough many Cities, gratified Herod in many things, at his entreaty relieving the necessities of many; if any one had need of an intercessor to Agrippa, he could obtain his suite by none more easily than by him. Herod also paid the money for the Chians that they were indebted to Caesar's receivers, and got the man immunity. He also assisted others in whatsoever they had need of, [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]
After they were come into Ionia, there was a great multitude of Jews, that inhabited that Country; who having got an opportunity, complained of the injuries they received of those Country-men, that they would not permit them to live after their own laws, and that upon their Festival days, they hailed them before the Tribunals, and forbad them to send holy money to Jerusalem; and that they compelled them to do public businesses, and interverted the holy money for those affairs, contrary to the privledges granted them by the Romans. Herod took all care that Agrippa should hear their complaints, and allowed them Nicholas Damascene, one of his friends (now returned from Troas) to plead their cause: which when he had largely performed before Agrippa, (many of the most honorable Romans, and some Kings and Princes sitting with him) the Grecians denied not the thing, but only excused themselves, that the Jews that dwelt among them were troublesome unto them; but they proved that they were free-born Citizens, and that they lived in their own laws without injury to any. Therefore Agrippa answered, That both for his friend Herod's sake he was ready to gratify them, and also because they seemed to demand what was just; He therefore ordered that the privileges that were formerly granted them, should remain inviolable, and that none should molest them for living after their Country laws. Then Herod rose up and gave him thanks in the name of them all; and then after mutual embraces, they took their leaves each of other, and departed from Lesbos, [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 4. & 5.]
Herod in few days after, having a prosperous gale, arrived at Cesarea: and from thence went to Jerusalem; where calling all the people together, he gave them an account of his journey, and how he had gotten an immunity for the Jews that lived in Asia, and then to gratify them the more and to make them the more friendly to him, he professed that he would remit to them the fourth part of their tribute: with which bounty they being exceedingly taken, wished all happiness to the King, and departed with great joy, [ Ibid. cap. 5.]
Augustus now at length took upon him the High Priesthood, [Year of the World 3991] Lepidus who was in times past of the Triumviri and Priest, [The Julian Period. 4701] being now dead, [Year before Christ 13] but would never take it from him during his lifetime, [ Suetonius, in Octavio, cap. 31. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 540. fin. ] the day before the Nones of March, as Ovid shows in lib. 3. Fastorum.
He being made High Priest, whatsoever books either of Greek or Latin, that went about under no Authors name, or not a substantial, he got together and burnt above two thousand: and kept only the books of the Sybills, and of those he picked out some, and laid them up in two golden lattches under the foot of the pillar where the Image of Apollo stood in the Palatine hill, [ Suetonius, ut supra. ]
There was a Colony sent to Berythus [ Euseb. Chronic. ] that was very much honored by the favor of Augustus, [ Vlpian. c. Sciendum est D. de Censibus. ] in which were two Legions placed by Agrippa, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 756.]
Herod being incensed by the false accusations and artifices of his sister Salome and his brother Pheroras, against his two sons that he had by Mariamme, Alexander and Aristobulus, to bring down their haughty spirits, he began to entertain more nearly, and publicly to put in hopes of the kingdom, his eldest son Antipater (but whom he begat when he was a private man, and his mother also was of mean parentage) whom he had banished the City, in favor of his two other sons, (only giving him liberty to come thither on Festival days) and writing often to Caesar for him, privately gave him very great commendations: and being overcome by the entreaties of Antipater, he brought also his mother Doris, who being a woman of Jerusalem, whom he had put away when he married Mariamme, [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 17. & lib. 16. Antiquit. cap. 6.]
Agrippa after his ten years government in Asia (to be reckoned from the time, [Year of the World 3992] in which being sent by Caesar into Asia and Syria, he tarried at Lesbos) being now to depart; Herod failed to salute him, taking with him of all his sons only Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa with many gifts, to be brought to Rome, and to be received into Caesar's favor. [ Id. lib. 16. cap. 6. fin. ]
Agrippa being returned from Syria, [The Julian Period. 4702] was sent by Augustus to make war in Pannonia, [Year before Christ 12] having the Tribunitial power granted him for five years longer; at whose arrival the Pannonians being terrified, left off their rebellion, and Agrippa in his return died in Campania, and his body being brought in the market-place at Rome, Augustus commended him in a Funeral Oration. [ Livy, lib. 139. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 541.]
Antipater was much honored at Rome, being commended to all his friends by his fathers letters; and although he was absent, yet did he not desist to whet his father by letters against the sons of Mariamme, as seeming very careful of his fathers safety: but indeed by his bad practices, making himself away, to the hopes of the succession of the Kingdom. [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 7.]
Augustus took against his will his son in law Tiberius to be his partner in the government in the room of Agrippa; when his grandchildren C. Gaius and Lucius, were but yet children, therefore he betroathes his daughter Julia (the widow of Agrippa) to Tiberius forcing first him to leave his wife Agrippina, (the daughter of Agrippa the daughter of Pomponius Atticus) not without great vexation of his mind, which did then nurse her child Drusus, and also was with child again. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 63. & Tiberio. cap. 7. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 543.]
Herod now being become an enemy to his sons Alexander and Aristobulus, sailed to Rome with them to accuse them before Caesar, [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.] and carrying with him Nicholas Damascene in the same ship, with whom he studied Philosophy. [ Nicoll. Damascene. in sua vita in excerptis Henric. Vales. pag. 421.]
Herod not finding Augustus at Rome, [Year of the World 3993] followed him as far as Aquileia, [The Julian Period. 4703] before whom he accused them of treachery against him, [Year before Christ 11] and whenas the young men satisfied all that were present by their clearing of themselves, and prayers and tears, they are at length reconciled to their father. Then after thanks given to Caesar they departed together, and Antipater also, feigning that he was glad that they were received again into favor. [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 7. & 8.]
A few days after Herod gave Caesar 300 Talents, who was now setting forth shows and giving gifts to the people, and again Caesar gave him half of the revenues of the metal mines of Cyprus, and the other half he committed to his oversight, and having honored him with other gifts of hospitality, he gave him leave to choose which of his sons he would for to be his successor, or if he had rather of dividing his Kingdom amongst them, which when he was ready to do, Caesar denied that ever he would suffer, but that he should have the Kingdom during his life, in his own power as well as his sons. [ id. ibid. cap. 8.]
In the absence of Herod there being a rumour spread that he was dead, the Tracon • tes revolting from him fell to their old theiving; but by the means of the Captains that he had left in the Kingdom they are subdued and made to be at his command; but forty of the chief of these thieves, being terrified by the example of those that were taken, leaving their Country fled into Arabia Nabataea, where they were entertained by Syllaeus (that was an enemy to Herod, because he denied him his sister Salome to wife,) who granted them a certain place well fortified. [ Id. ibid. cap, 13.]
Herod and his sons sailing home, when they came to Eleusa a City of Silicia, which the name being changed was called Sebaste, they met there with Archelaus King of Cappadocia. He having very courteously entertained Herod, rejoiced much because his sons were reconciled to him, and that Alexander had fairly answered the crimes that were objected against him, and giving royal gifts each to other they parted. [ Id. ibid. cap. 8.]
Herod being returned into Judea, called the people together and told them what he had done in his voyage, and declared unto them that his sons should reign after him first Antipater, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, that he had by Mariamme. [ ibid. ]
Agrippa the first King of the Jews, [Year of the World 3994] of that nickname is born, [The Julian Period. 4704] he died when he was 54 years old being stricken by an Angel, [Year before Christ 10] [ Acts. XII. 23. Joseph. lib. 19. cap. vlt. ] about which time that lame man was born, who being above forty years old was healed by Peter, at the beautiful gate of the temple. [ Acts. IV. 22.]
Augustus married his daughter Julia to Tiberius, to whom before times he had betrothed her. [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 546.]
Cesarea Stratonis was finished, in the 28 year of Herod's reign, (beginning from the death of Antigonus,) in the CXCII Olympiad, (to wit in the 3. year of the Olympiad) for the dedication of which there was great solemnity, and most sumptuous preparations, for Musicians were brought thither to strive who could do best, and wrestlers who wrestled naked; and a great number of sword-players, and wild beasts, and whatsoever was in account of this kind either at Rome, or in other nations, these sports were consecrated to Caesar, and were to be renewed every fifth year, all this preparation the King provided to be brought hither at his own cost and charges, to show the greatness of his magnificence. Julia the wife of Caesar (for so always Josephus calls Livia) gave many things towards the sports, so that all being cast up together they amounted to 500 talents, a great multitude being gathered together to see these sports, he entertained all Ambassadors that were sent unto him from divers nations to thank him for the favors they had received, he lodged, feasted, and sported them, all the day he spent in seeing the sports, and the night in banquets. [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 9.]
After the solemnity and feasts, Herod began to build another Town, in a field called Capharsala, [Year of the World 3995] (or Capharsuluma, I Maccab. I. VII. 31,) which he called Antipatris, after his fathers name; and a Castle also which he called Cyprus, after his mothers name: in honor also of his dead brother, he built in the City of Jerusalem, a fair Town, not inferior to the Pharo • , and called it Phasaelus, and afterwards a Town of the same name, in the Valley of Jericho, from whence the Country thereabouts is called Phasaelus. [ Id. ib. ]
The Jews of Asia and Cyrene complain by their Ambassadors to Augustus, [The Julian Period. 4705] that the Greeks would not suffer them to use their Country • rites, [Year before Christ 9] and immunities that were granted them by the Romans, and obtain of him letters pattents for the conservation of their privileges. [ Id. ib. cap. 10.]
Herod having wasted his wealth by his great prodigality, and now wanting money, after the example of John Hyrcanus, by night, without the knowledge of the people, opened David's Sepulcher; in which indeed he found no money, but great store of precious attire, and ornaments of gold, which he took away: for the expiation of which fact, he built a most sumptuous Monument at the entrance of the Sepulcher, of white Marble. Nicholas Damascene mentions this Monument, but not the Kings descent into the Sepulcher, who wrote the Acts of this King Herod in his life time. [ Id. ib. cap. 11.]
Antipater involving his bretbren, Alexander and Aristobulus, by other men's false accusations, often seems to take upon him their defense; that making a show of good will unto them, he might more easily oppress them; and by these subtleties he so wrought upon his father, that he thought him to be his only preserver: wherefore the King commanded his Steward Ptolomeus unto Antipater, and communicated all his counsels with his Mother Doris, so that all things were done at their pleasure, and made the King displeased with those, whom it was their profit that he should be angry with. [ Ibid. ]
Pheroras fell so madly in love with his own servant, that he refused the marriage with Cypros, Herod's daughter, that was offered him by his brother; although, being persuaded by Ptolemy, the Kings Steward, he had promised to put away his servant, and to marry Cypros within thirty days: he also accused Herod to his son Alexander, that he had heard of Salome his sister, (which yet she denied) that Herod was greatly in love with his wife Glaphyra; for both which he was highly in the Kings displeasure. [ Ibid. ]
He began to be diseased, [Year of the World 3996] who lying at the Pool of Bethesda, [The Julian Period. 4706] was after 38 years restored to health by Christ. [Year before Christ 8] [ John. V. 5.]
Alexander by the subtleties of his adversaries, being even driven to desperation, was reconciled to his father by Archelaus, the King of the Cappadocians, that came to Jerusalem. [ Ibid. cap. 12.]
Archelaus being accounted one of Herod's chief friends, and having received great gifts, departed into Cappadocia, whom Herod accompanies as far as Antioch; where having reconciled him to Titus, the president of Syria, he returns into Judea. [ Ibid. cap. 12.]
Herod went the third time to Rome to Caesar. [ Ibid. ]
Herod being absent out of his Kingdom, those thieves of Trachonis, that had fled to Syllaeus, the Arabian, infested not only Judea with their inroades, but also all Coelosyria; Syllaeus affording them both impunity and security for their thievery. [ Ibid. cap. 13.]
Augustus being High Priest, restored to the ancient account, the year as it was ordained by Julius Caesar, but afterwards, through negligence, much disturbed and confused. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 31.] For in 36 years there were intercalated 12 days, where there ought to have been but nine intercalated. Augustus therefore commanded that twelve years should pass without any Leap-year at all; that those three days, that had increased by • he overhastinesse of the Priests in thirty six years, should in the following twelve years be swallowed up without any Leap-year. [ Pliny, lib. 18. cap. 25. Solin. cap, Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 14.]
In the ordering of the year Augustus called the month Sextilis after his own name August, rather than September though he was born in that month, because in that month he had been first Consul, and also had gotten many great victories, [ Suetonius. ut supra. Dion. lib. 54. pag. 552.] concerning which the very words of the decree of the Senate, are to be seen in Macrobius lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12. where also he mentions the decree of the people concerning the same matter, Pacurius the Tribune of the people proposing the law, but this was done C. Marcius Censorinus, and C. Asinius Gallus being Consuls, as Censorinus [ in lib. de die. natali, and Dion. lib. 55.] do confirm.
In their Consulship there was a second muster of the Citizens made at Rome, in which were numbered 4233000 Roman Citizens, as is gathered out of the fragments of the Ancyran marble, [ Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXX.] in Soudas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the number is far less of those that were mustered, 4101017. which yet very ridiculously obtrudeth upon us not for the muster of the City only but of the world.
Herod being returned from Rome, celebrated the dedication of the temple reedified by him within nine years and an half, on the very birth day of his Kingdom (first received from the Senate,) which he was wont to solemnize with great joy, when the King sacrificed to God 300 oxen, and others also an innumerable company of sacrifices according to their abilities. [ Joseph. lib. 15. cap. vlt. ]
When Herod had found that in his absence, [Year of the World 3997] his people had received much damage by those thieves of Trachona, and seeing he could not subdue them because they were under the protection of the Arabians, neither could he digest this injury, wherefore entering Trachona, he destroyed their families, whereby they were the more incensed. (especially because they have a law by which they are commanded, not to suffer the slaughter of their families to go unrevenged) Wherefore contemning all dangers, they molested all Herod's Country with continual excursions and driving and carrying away their goods. [ id. lib. 16. cap, 13.]
Whenas Augustus would seem to lay down his principality, another ten years coming towards an end, he took it up again as though against his will: and making war upon the Germans, he sent Tiberius against them, but he himself stayed at home. [ Dion. lib. 55. pag. 551.] he gave money to the soldiers also, because they would have had Gaius along with them, being then first trained up in military exercises. [ Ibid. pag. 552.]
Dionysius Halicarnasseus began to write the books of Roman Antiquities in the CXCIII. [Year of the World 4077] Olympiad Claudius Tiberius Nero and Cn. Calphurnius Piso being Consuls, [Year before Christ 7] as he shows in the preface to those books, who as he is accounted by Clemens Alexandrinus in lib. 3. cap. 1. amongst the Chronographers, so hy Quintilian in lib. 3. cap. 1. he is reckoned amongst the Rhetoricians.
Herod sending to the presidents of Syria that were appointed by Caesar, Saturninus and Volumnius (the agent) demanded that he might have the punishing of those thieves of Trachona, who by their incursions out of the confines of Arabia and Nabathaea, had often wasted his Country, they when they heard of this, being increased to the number of a 1000 began to make sudden invasion and to wast both field and villages, and cut the throat of all that fell into their hands, wherefore Herod demanded those thieves to be delivered over to him, and required the sixty talents that he had lent Obodas under Syllaeus security, but Syllaeus who had thrust Obodas from the government and now ruled all himself, denied that those thieves were in Arabia, and he deferred also to pay the money concerning which it was debated before Saturninus and Volumnius; at length it was determined by them that within thirty days space both the money should be repaid, and the runawaies of both Countries should be restored each to other, [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 13.] Syllaeus also swo • e by the fortune of Caesar, before those presidents of Syria that he would pay the money within thirty days, and also restore the fugitives to Herod. [ Ibid. cap. 16.]
After the time appointed was come, Syllaeus unwilling to stand to the agreements, went to Rome: but Herod by the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius, who gave him leave to prosecute those obstinate people, entered Arabia with an army, and went in three days as far as they use to do in seven. And when he came to the Castle. where the thieves kept, he took it at the first assault: and demolished a fortress called Raeeptu, without anymore harm to the inhabitants of the Country. And when as a Captain of the Arabians came to their aid, they joined battle; in which few of the Herodians, but there were killed 25 of the Arabians, with their Captain, and the rest were put to flight. Being thus revenged of the thieves, he brought three thousand Idumaeans into Trachona to restrain the theiveries committed there: and sent letters to the Roman Captains then being in Phoenicia, in which he certified them, that he had only used the power they had granted them against those obstinate Arabians, and nothing else; which also, they making inquiry, found to be true, [ Ibid. cap. 14.]
But there were letters sent to Syllaeus post to Rome, that related the matter clean otherwise, aggravating everything after their manner; by which lies Caesar is so incensed against Herod, that he wrote to him menacing letters, because he had marched with an army out of his own kingdom, and would not so much as admit at first his Ambassadors that were sent to plead his cause, and they again petitioning to be heard he dismissed them, without anything done, [ Ibid. cap. 15.]
The Trachonites together with the Arabians taking hold of this occasion, did molest the Garrison of the Idumaeans that Herod had set over them, which thing Herod being terrified by the anger of Caesar, was compelled to bear. [ Ibid. ]
Obodas the King of the Arabians (of Nabathaea) being dead, Aeneas succeeded him in the kingdom, who having changed his name, was called Aretas. Syllaeus then being at Rome, endeavored thorough false accusations to have him thrust from the kingdom, and to get the kingdom to himself, bestowing much money upon the Courtiers, and promising many great things to Caesar, whom he knew to be offended with Aretas, because he durst venture upon the kingdom without his consent [ Ibid. ]
Gaius and Lucius, [The Julian Period. 4708] the sons of Augustus by adoption, [Year before Christ 6] being brought up in the Principality, even out of that tender life were made more bold; insomuch as Lucius the younger of the two, without any command entering the Theatre, where being received with a general applause, and increasing by this his boldness, durst ask, That the Consulship might be given to his brother Gaius, he being not yet come to man's estate: which when Augustus heard he wished, that there might never such a necessity of the times happen to him as he had found; that the Consulship should be given to one that was not 20 years old: but when his son did earnestly desire this of him, he then said, That this Magistracy was to be undertaken of one, that could both take heed that he did not himself offend, and that could resist the desires of the people: at the length he gave the Priesthood to Gaius, and leave that he might go into the Senate, and to sit with the Senators, both at the Plays and at Feasts, [ Dio. lib. 55. pag. 554.] and also that both of them, not being yet seventeen years old, should be called Princes of youth, and designed Consuls, he most earnestly desired, but seeming to refuse, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3.]
But that by some means he might make them more modest, and as it were privatemen, he granted to Tiberius the Tribunitian power for five years; and gives him also Armenia, which had revolted after the death of Tigranes (that was made King by Tiberius) This being done to no purpose by Augustus, offended them both; them because they thought themselves contemned, and Tiberius because fearing their anger he went not to Armenia, but went to Rhodes, [ Xiphil. & Zonaras, ex Dion. ] under color that he might study the Arts, but indeed that he might with draw himself from both the sight and their actions, [ Dio. ibid. & in Excerptis, ab Henric. Vales. edit. pag. 662.] lest his glory might dim the beginnings of the two rising young men, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99.] for thus some thought: that Augustus his children being now grown to man's estate, he now quitted both the place, and as it were the possession of the second degree so long possessed by him, after the example of Marcus Agrippa, who went to Mitylene, Marcus Marcellus being now admitted to public offices, that being present he might not seem either to withstand, or to detract from them, which account he gave, but a long time after. [ Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 10.]
But there want not some who think, he did this because of his wife Julia, whom he durst neither accuse, nor put away, and yet could endure her no farther. [ Suetonius, ibid. Dio. in Excerptis, pag. 662.] Others that he took it ill that he was not adopted Caesar; others that he was sent thither by Augustus, because he had used some treachery towards his sons, [ Dio. ibid. ]
Then also dissembling the cause of his intent, asked leave of Augustus who was father in law to him, both in respect of himself and his wife, [ Vellei, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99. Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 10.] Neither did he yield to his mother that humbly besought him, or his father in law complaining that he also was forsaken by the Senate; but yet they resolutely detaining him, he eat nothing in four days: at length having got leave to go, he went down presently to Ostia, not speaking a word to them that went with him, and kissing very few at the departing, [ Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 10.] but yet at his departure, he brake open his will, and read it before his mother and Augustus, [ Dio. in Excerptis, Valesii, pag. 665.]
From Ostia he sailed along the coast of Campania, where hearing of the weakness of Augustus, he stayed a little; but the rumour increasing, as if he tarried for an occasion of greater hope, he sailed to Rhodes almost in foul weather, [ Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 11.] going his journey even like a private man, except that he compelled the Pharians, to sell him a statue of Vesta, which he dedicated in the Temple of Concord. [ Dio. in Excerptis, pag. 662.]
But being come to Rhodes, he contented himself with no great house there, and not much larger in the Country, he lived a most retired life: he walked sometimes into their places of exercise, without either Serjeant or pursuivant, and both giving and receiving courtesies from the Greeks, almost upon an equal account. [ Suetonius. ut supra. ] Nevertheless, all Proconsuls and Lieutenants going into foreign Provinces, coming thither to visit him, always submitted their boundless of rods to him, although in this privacy, and professed that this retirement of his was more honorable than his living in the principality: [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99.] and in that retirement he was a diligent Auditor of Theodorus the Gadarean, a Rhetorician, who desired to be called the Rhodian. [ Quintil. lib. 3. cap. 1.]
There was a great conjunction of the Planets, and such an one as is wont to happen but once in 800. years.
Aeneas, who is called Aretas, the new King of the Arabians of Nabathea, sent letters and gifts to Caesar, and in them a Crown worth many talents: in his letters he accused Sylaeus, as well for other crimes, as also that being a most wicked servant, he had poisoned Obodas, whose principality he had invaded, even whilst he was alive: but Caesar vouchsafed not so much as to hear his Ambassadors, and also contemned his presents, and dismissed them without anything done. [ Joseph. lib, 16. cap. 15.]
Herod compelled by the mischiefs and insolencies of the Arabians, sent Nicholas Damascene to Rome, to see if he could get any justice from Caesar, by the mediation of his friends. [ Id. ibid. ]
The discord of Herod with his sons that he had by Mariamme, is greatly heightened by the Artifices of Eurichus, a Lacedaemonian, the same (except I be deceived) that followed 25. years before Anthony, as he fled from the battle of Actium, and now being entertained by Herod, and lodged at Antipators house, he had insinuated himself into the favor of Alexander: for the betraying of whom, when he had received 50 talents of Herod, he goes to Archelaus, the King of Cappadocia, and brags how he had reconciled Alexander into his fathers favor again, for which having received money of him also, he returned into his own Country again, where, when he had used the like tricks, he was banished from Lacedaemon. [ Id. ibid. cap. 16.]
Herod making inquiry into his sons, put to death, by the vehemency of tortures, many both of his own, and of his sons friends: neither yet found he any ill, but only some too free complaints of improvident young men, concerning their fathers immoderate cruelty, and of the dishonest easiness of his giving ear to base pick-thanks, of the impiety and wicked deceits of their brother Antipater, and of the faction that was combined against them; and that they might free themselves from the mischief they were said to have thought of flying to Archelaus, which thing they did not deny: nevertheless Herod, cast into prison, as being convicted of treason against their father, & said that he would punish them accordingly as his affairs went at Rome: and concerning this business he sent letters to Caesar by Volumnius, (the General of his army) as Josephus calls him, [ lib. bell. 1. cap. 17.] and Olympius (his friend) whom he also commanded, that as they sailed, they should touch at Elewsa, a Town of Silicia, and should expostulate with him, because he was a partner of their designs. [ Ibid. ]
At Rome Nicholas Damascene joined himself to the Arabians that came to accuse Syllaeus, professing that he was his accusar before Augustus, and not Herod's defender, least he should have been repulsed, as were others before him; and when he had laid open many of his crimes, he also added, that Caesar was circumvented by his lies in the cause of Herod: which when he had so openly disclosed, and had confirmed by certain and authentic records, Caesar having condemned Syllaeus, remanded him into the Province, that he, when he had satisfied the debt, might be punished. [ Ibid. ]
From this time Augustus is ceconciled to Aretas and Herod, and then received his presents so often rejected, and confirmed by his authority the Kingdom of the Arabians upon him. He advised Herod also by letters, that he should call a Council at Berytus, and joining the presidents of Syria, with Archelaus the King of the Cappadocians, and other of his friends and noble men should determine concerning the whole business. [ Ibid. ]
In the Isle of Coos, many things are over turned by an Earthquake. [ Euseb. Chronic. ]
The Angel Gabriel (who had in time past foretold to Daniel the coming of the Messias, by a definite number of Weeks) appeared at the right side of the Altar of incense to Zacharias the Priest of the course of Abia as he was offering incense in the Temple of the Lord, according to the custom of the Priests office, [ Exod. XXX. 7, 8.] telling him that there should be born to him being now old, and to his wife Elizabeth, who was stricken in years, and barren, a son called John, a Nazarite, and the forerunner of the Lord, in the spirit and power of Elias: which promise Zacharias not believing, is made dumb, [ Luke, 1. 5, 22.]
The days of his ministry being finished, [Year of the World 3999] Zacharias returned home, and his wife Elizabeth conceived by him, and hid herself five months, saying; Thus hath the Lord dealt with me in the days wherein he looked on me, to take away my reproach among men, [Ibid. 23, 24, 25.]
Herod having received Augustus his letters rejoiced exceedingly, both because he was returned into his favor, and for the true power granted him to do what he would with his sons, he convened by messengers all those that Caesar had appointed to Berythus, except only Archelaus, he kept his sons not far from the City, in Plaran a City of the Sidonians: there first of all Saturninus one that had been Consul, and had run through all honors, spake his opinion, but moderated with circumstances, that indeed the sons of Herod were to be condemned, but not to be put to death. After him his three sons who were their fathers Lieutenants were of the same opinion. On the other side Volumnius pronounced that they were to be punished with death, who were so impious toward their father, whose opinion the major part followed. Then the King took them with him presently to Tyrus, whither also Nicolaus arrived as he came from Rome, with whom he conferred concerning the cause of his sons, and commanded him to sail with him to Cesarea, [ Joseph. lib. 16. cap. ult. ]
Here whenas a certain old soldier named Tiro smartly reprehended him for the wickedness determined towards his sons, and told him that he and 300 Captains. were of the same opinion, Herod commanded him to be cast into prison. Trypho the Kings Barber taking this occasion accused him and said, that he had been often solicited by Tiro that he should cut the Kings throat with his razor, as he was trimming him, and immediately both the Barber and Tiro and his son were tortured: who seeing his father so cruelly handled, that he might free him from the tortures, being unadvisedly merciful, accused him of intending to murder the King. Then Herod bringing those 300 Captains together with Tiro and his son and the Barber, accused them before the people, against whom the people throwing anything that came next to hand, slew them everyone, [ Id. ibid. ]
Alexander and Aristobulus were led to Sebaste, and there strangled by the fathers command: and their bodies buried in the Castle Alexandrion, where Alexander their Grandfather by their mothers side, and many of their Progenitors were buried, [ Id. ibid. & lib. 1. bell. cap. 17. fin. ]
Augustus having taken upon him the twelfth Consulship, [The Julian Period. 4709] brought Gaius into the Court, [Year before Christ 5] being come to man's estate, and designed him Prince of Youth, and made him Praefect of a Tribe. [ Suetonius, in Octavio, cap. 26. & Zonar. ex. Dion. ] But that this Title of Prince was given him by all the Roman Knights, that gave him Silver Spears, Augustus shows in the breviary of his acts; where he mentions also the Consulship that was then decreed both to Gaius and Lucius. In respect of doing me honor, the Senate and people of Rome designed them Consuls, they being yet but fifteen years old, that they might enter upon that office after five years time, to be reckoned from that day that they were brought into the Court. Thus the Ancyran Marble in Gruter. Inscript. [ pag. CCXXXI. ] Whereas in another Roman Stone it is said, That the people created Gaius Consul, being but fourteen years old, (where for created is meant designed; for at this time his fourteenth year was ended, and he was entered on his fifteenth.)
Antipater, his brethren being dead, intended also to remove his father, and whereas he knew he was hated by many in the kingdom, he endeavoreth by bribes to get the good will of his friends, both at Rome and in Judea; but especially Saturnius the President of Syria, and Pheroras and Salome the brother and sister of Herod, [ Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 1.]
Herod sent home Glaphira the widow of his son Alexander, to Archelaus her father the King of Cappadocia; giving her also a Dowry out of the Kings Treasury, for fear there should some controversy arise concerning it: and he took great care of the young children of Alexander and Aristobulus: which when Antipater took heavily, fearing that when they were come to age they would hinder his power, he plotted their destruction; and he so overcame Herod by his entreaties, that he would suffer himself to marry the daughter of Aristobulus, and his son the daughter of his Uncle Pheroras, [ ibid. ]
Herod invited Zamaris a Babylonian Jew, and gave him a Country in Trachonis to inhabit, that he might be a guard to that Country against thieveries. He coming with 500 Horse, and an hundred of his kinsmen, erected divers Castles in divers places about Trachonis, as also Bathyra, by which he gave security and safe conduct, to the Jews that came from Babylon to the feasts at Jerusalem, against the theiveries of the Trachonites and others. [ ibid. cap. 2.]
Antipater working treason against his father, joined his unckle Pheroras with him, and some of the Kings women that were most addicted to the sect of the Pharisees, except Salome, who constantly adhered to her brother Herod, the Pharisees were a crafty kind of people, arrogant, and enemies to Kings, whereupon whenas the whole nation were to swear fealty to the King and Caesar, they only would not swear; and they were above 6000. Who being fined by the King for this cause, the wife of Pheroras paid their fine for them, to whom in requital, because they were believed to foretell things to come from their communications with God, they foretold, that it was decreed that the Kingdom should be taken from Herod and his children, and should be transferred upon her and her husband, and their children, these things Salome made known to Herod, and that they had solicited and corrupted many of his courtiers with bribes, in which fault having taken some of the Pharisees he put them to death, as principal authors of this advice, and with them the Eunuch Dagoas, and his darling Carus that was commended to him for his handsomenesse, and besides these whosoever he had found of his family that had conspired with the Phari • ees. [ ibid. cap, 3]
Herod having convicted the Pharisees and punished them, called a council of his friends, and before them begins an accusation against Pheroras his wife, and whenas Pheroras would not forsake her in favor of his brother, he forbad Antipater Pheroras his company. [ ibid. ]
Antipater that he might remove all suspicion of his father from him, he by his friends that lived at Rome, provided that he should by his father be sent immediately to Augustus. Which being done Herod sent him with great presents, and his will, in which he declared that Antipater should be King, but if he died then Herod his son by Mariamme the daughter of Simon the High Priest. [ ibid. cap. 4.]
In the sixth month after John was conceived, the Angel Gabriel is sent by God to Nazareth in Galilee, to the most blessed Virgin Mary, that was betrothed to Joseph, of the same tribe with her namely of David's stock, who having saluted her, declared unto her that she should bring forth the son of God, and should call his name Jesus, and she being more fully taught by the Angel of the admirable manner of her conception, to be performed by the power of the Holy Ghost, overshadowing her, with great faith said, be it to the handmaid of the Lord, according to thy word. [ Luke. I. 26. 38.]
Christ being thus conceived, the mother of the Lord went into the hill Country with hast into a City of Judah, (viz. Hebron a City of the Priests scituate in the mountains of Judea, [ Josh. XXI. 10. 11.] where when she entered into the house of Zacharias the Priest and had saluted her cousin Elizabeth, she perceiving the child to spring in her womb, was filled with the Holy Ghost, and declared that Mary was blessed, which believed, and confirmed that those things should be performed that were told her of the Lord: to whom for an answer the blessed Virgin, (imitating that song of Hannah. [I. Samuel, II. 1.] rehearsed that divine hymn, My soul doth magnify the Lord. &c. and Mary tarried with her about three months. [ Luke. I. 39. 56.]
Syllaeus the Arabian going to Rome, but performing none of those things that were commanded him by Caesar, Antipater accused him before Caesar of the same crimes, whereof Nicolaus Damascene had before accused him; there was also present another accuser of him even Aretas (the King of the Nabathaeans) objecting against him the murder of many honorable men committed by him against his will, but especially that of Sohemus, a man most famous in all virtue, and there was objected against him the murder of Fabalus also Caesar's agent. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 18. & lib. 17. Antiq. cap. 4.]
Herod banished his brother Pheroras into his Tetrarchy, because he so obstinately persisted in the love of his wife, which he willingly did, swearing that he would never return till he heard of Herod's death, so that a little after Herod falling sick and often sending for him, to receive some private instructions from him as he lay on his death bed, refused to come for his oaths sake. [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 19. & lib. 17. cap. 5.]
When the time of Elizabeth was come that she should be delivered, she brought forth a son, who when he was to be circumcised the eight day the standers by would have had him called Zacharias, after his fathers name, but his parents signified that they would have him named John, and Zacharias, the use of speech being restored, was filled with the Holy Ghost, and prophesied saying, Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, &c. [ Luke I. 57. 68.] Joseph finding his betrothed wife Mary with child, was willing to put her away privily, but being warned of God in a dream, that she had conceived by the Holy Ghost, and should bring forth her Son Jesus, which should save his people from their sins, he taketh his wife. [ Matth. l. 18, 24.]
Pheroras falling sick, Herod his brother, beyond hope being recovered, came and visited him, and very kindly sought help for him, but he died within a few days after; whose body was brought to Jerusalem, and there buried by Herod, who honored him with public mourning. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 19. & lib. 17. cap. 5.]
Two of Pharora's freed-men and most dear unto him, (who were Taphenites) declared unto Herod, how he had been killed with poison by Doris, the mother of Antipater; which villainy when Herod inquired into, by fortune, he by little and little found out greater villainies, and manifest treasons of his son Antipater; how that Antipater going to Rome, had delivered a deadly poison to Pheroras, that was sent by Antiphilus, one of Antipators friends, out of Egypt, from Theudon, the brother of Dor • s, for to make away his father; that the suspicion of the Parricide should not lie upon the Son, being absent. [ Id. Ibid. 17. Antiquit. cap. 6.]
Hereupon Herod puts Doris, the mother of Antipater from the Palace, and takes from her her Jewels, that were worth many talents: he also put from him his wife, another Mariamme, the daught • r of the High Priest, as a partner of all these secrets, and blotted her son out of his Will, where he was appointed successor: he also deprived his father in law of the High Priesthood, and substituted in his room Matthias, the Son of Theophilus, that was borne at Jerusalem. [ Id. Ibid. ]
On the day of expiation, on which there is a solemn Fast of the Jews solemnised, the new High Priest Matthias could not perform Divine Service, because he had suffered nocturnal pollution; wherefore Joseph, the Son of Ellemus was appointed to be his assistent and substitute, by reason of his alliance, and the same day he entered into the Holy of Holies. [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 8.]
Bathyllus, the free man of Antipater coming from Rome, being tortured, confessed that he had brought poison, which he gave to his patrons Mother, and to Pheroras, that if the first were too weak, they should be sure to dispatch him with this. There came also letters from his friends, that lived at Rome, to the King, written by the persuasion of Antipater, in which Archelaus and Philip, Herod's • ons, were accused, that they often rubbed up the • ore of the murder of Alexander and Aristobulus, and pitied the misfortune of the • r innocent brethren: for the young men were at that time at Rome to study, and now their father had commanded their return: whereupon he corrupted those friends with great gifts, that they might make them, who might be some hindrances to his hopes, suspected to his father, whereas he himself, when he wrote to his father concerning them, as it were excusing them, would impute their speeches to their age. [ Idem. lib. 17. cap. 6. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 20.]
There came forth a command from Augustus, that all the Roman World should be taxed, which taxing was first made, when Cyrenius was Governor of Syria. [ Luke II. 1.] Out of which a li •• le book was made by Augustus, in which all the public riche • were contained, a how many Citizens, and All • es in Arms; what Navies, how many Kingdoms and Provinces, what Tribute and Customs there was, what necessary charges, and what Pensions. [ Tacit. lib. 1. Annal. cap. 11.]
This here called by the Gereks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is P. Su • picius Qui • inius. who had been Consul at Rome seven years before, of whom St. ab •• in l • b. 1 • . pag. 569.] speaking of the Modonenses, a people of C • licia, Those Qu • rinius overcame by famine, and took 4000. men, and distributed them into the neighbor Cities. And Tacitus, [lib. 3. Annal. cap. 48.] He was a valiant Warr • our, and forward in all his charges, and had the Consulship under Augustus; of famous memory: then having won the Castles of the Homonadensians by assault, he obtained the Ensigns of Tryumph. For it was ordained by Augustus himself, that Mag • strates should not be sent into Provinces, as soon as they had laid down their • onour. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. 36.] But in the fifth year completely ended from their being Magistrates. [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 505.]
Hereupon Quirinius obtaining the Proconsulate of Silicia, might be sent into Syria that was near; either as Censour with an extraordinary power, or as Caesar's Governor with ordinary, and so he is as yet holding the P • o • onsulship of Silicia, and Sextius Saturninus of Syria: for we have often heard Volumnius and Suturninus by Josephus in like manner called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or Presidents of Syria, when as Vo • umnius, was only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (as we see him called in lib. 1. • ell. cap. 17.) as a little after Quintilius Varus is made successor to Saturnius in the Proconsular dignity. So nothing hinders but that Quirinius may be said to have succeeded, or rather to have been added to the office of administration of Caesar's affairs, as King Herod was, whom Josephus notes to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Governor of all Syria, [lib. 1. bell. cap. 15.] and was so constituted by Augustus, that he was so adjoined to the Governors, that all things should be done by his appointment, [ lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.] and so both will stand together, both that which Tertullian hath, [ lib. 4. contra. Marcion. cap. 9.] that there was a tax raised under Augustus in Judea, by Sentius Saturninus, and that that the words of the Evangelist do relate, that the same taxing was made, when Cyrenius, or Quirinus, was governor of Syria, of whom he had rather make mention, than of the government of Saturninus, because he would compare together this taxing, with another that was made by the same Quirinius, made ten years after, Archelaus being sent into banishment, declaring that of the two taxings, that was the first that was joined with the Nativity of Christ.
And when this first taxing was acted, Joseph went up from Galilee, from the City of Nazareth into Judea, into the City of David, which is called Bethlehem, because he was of the house and linage of David, that he might be taxed with Mary his wife, being great with child. [ Luke II. 4, 5.]
The Seventh Age of the World.
JESUS CHRIST the Son of GOD, in the fullness of time was born of the most blessed Virgin Mary, at Bethlehem, [ Matt. 1. 25. & II. 1, 5. Gal. IV. 4.] whom she rolled in swaddling-clothes, and laid in a manger, because there was no room in the Inn, [ Luke, II. 7.]
The Nativity of our Savior is revealed by an Angel of the Lord to Shepherds keeping their flock by night in the neighbor-fields, which word a multitude of the Heavenly Host receiving, prayed for glory to God, peace to the Earth, and good will to Men. The Shepherds making haste to Bethlehem, found Mary and Joseph, and the Child lying in the manger, and they published that that was told them concerning the Child, and they returned praising and glorifying God, [ Luke, II. 8, 20.]
The Child is circumcised the eighth day after his Nativity; and his name is called Jesus, which was so declared by the Angel, before he was conceived in the womb, [ Luke, II. 21.]
The Wisemen from the East, [The Julian Period. 4710] the Star being their guide, [Year before Christ 4] coming to Herod to Jerusalem, and there being taught that the Birth-place of Christ was Bethlehem of Judea, they went thither, and entering into the house which was shown them by the Star that stood over it, they found the little Child and Mary his Mother, and falling down worshipped him, and having opened their Treasures, they offered unto him, Gold, Franckincense, and Myrrh; then being warned of God in a dream, that they should not return to Herod, they departed into their own Country another way, [ Mat. II. 1, 12.]
The fortieth day after her delivery, Mary goeth to Jerusalem to the Temple, both that she might present him to the Lord, according to the Law of the First-borne, and also that she might offer for herself a pair of Turtle Doves, or two young Pigeons, (she being in that condition of poverty that she could not offer a Lamb) according to the Law of them that had lain in, [ Luke, II. 22, 23, 24, 27. with Leviticus, XII. 2, 3, 4, 6, 8,]
When his Parents brought the Child Jesus into the Temple, to do for him after the custom of the Law, there came into the Temple Simeon of Jerusalem, to whom it was revealed by God, that he should not die before he had seen the anointed of the Lord: whom he took in his arms and praised the Lord, speaking prophesies both of Christ himself, and his Mother. In the same moment also, came Anna a Prophetess the daughter of Phanuel, she also openly acknowledged the Lord, and spake of him to all that looked for redemption in Jerusalem, [ Luke, II. 25, 38.]
When Joseph and Mary had performed all things, according to the Law of the Lord, they returned into Galilee, unto their own City Nazareth, [ Luke, II. 39.]
The Angel of the Lord appearing to Joseph in a dream, warneth him of his flight into Egypt, that he might provide for the life of the Child, and escape the devices of Herod. Who being awakened, took the young Child and his Mother by night, and departed into Egypt, where he remained until the death of Herod, [ Matth. II. 13, 14, 15.]
Herod thinking the young Child had been still at Bethlehem, that he might destroy him amongst the rest, killed all the children which were in Bethlehem, and in all the coasts thereof, from two years old and under, according to the time (of the Star first seen in the East) that he had inquired of the Wisemen, [ Matt. II. 16.]
Herod having received letters from Antipater from Rome, in which he signified to him, that having despatched all his business according to his own mind, he would in short time return into his own Country again: writes to him back again dissembling his anger, that he should make haste, lest something might happen to him thorough his absence that he should not like of, and also modestly complaining of his mother, promised that he would remit all difference after his return, [ Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 7.]
Antipater heard no news all this while either of the death of Pheroras, or of those things that were brought on foot against him, although there was seven months space between, the wickedness proved against him, and his return. [ Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 20. & lib. 17. cap. 6. fin. ] For in his journey at Tarentum, he received a letter of Pharoras death, and in Silicia those letters of his father, that recalled him back so hastily: and coming to Celenderis, a Town of Silicia, he began to doubt of his return, being extreme sorrowful, for the disgrace of his mother; but sailing forwards, he came to Sebaste, a Port of Cesarea; where being saluted by none, from thence he came to Jerusalem. [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 7.]
It happened that Quintilius Varus, was the same time at Jerusalem, being sent successor to Satur • inus into Syria, and then called thither by Herod, to assist him with his council in his weighty affairs. As they were sitting both together, Antipater comes in, not knowing anything, and in his purple garment that he was wont to wear, entered the Palace: he being entered in, the guards at the gates suffered none of his followers to come in with him: as he was coming near, his father thrust him from him, reproaching him with the murder of his brethren, and intended poisoning of his father, telling him that the next day Va • us should both hear and determine all things between them. [ Id. ib. ]
The next day Varus and the King sitting in judgment, his father himself first began the accusation, and left the prosecution and confirmation thereof to Nicholas Damascene his dear and familiar friend, and one that knew all the business, where when Antipater could not clear himself from the crimes objected against him. Varus commanded the po • son that he had prepared for his father to be brought forth, which being given to a condemned man, killed him immediately. Which being done, Varus rose from the Council, and the next day went to Antiochia, because there was the chief Palace of the Syrians: but Herod presently cast his son into prison, and signified so much by letters to Caesar; sending also messengers, which by word of mouth, might certify him of the cursed treason of Antipater. [ Ibid. ]
At the same time there were letters intercepted from Antiphilus to Antipater out of Egypt, together also with others from Rome to Antipater and Herod the King, written from Acme, she was a Jew born, and Chamber-maid to Livia, Caesar's wife; who being corrupted with good store of money by Antipater, sent a feigned letter to Herod, as if it had been written from Salome to her Lady against him; in which she desired that she might have license to marry with Syllaeus, (to wit, that Nabathaean, Herod's sworn enemy) who a little after, for betraying of Aelius Gallus, in the Arabian Expedition, and other crimes, had his head cut off at Rome, as Strabo writes in lib. 16. p. 782. Herod sent by his Ambassadors to Caesar, a copy of these letters, together with those of his own, against his son. [ Ibid. ]
As the Ambassadors hasten to Rome, Herod being taken with sickness, made his Will, leaving the succession of his Kingdom to his youngest son, Herod Antipas being exasperated against Archelaus and Philip, by false accusations of Antipater. [ Id. ib. lib. 17. cap. 8.]
Judas, the son of Sariphaeus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most learned of the Jews, and best Interpreters of the Law, after they knew that the Kings sickness was incurable, persuaded some young men that were their Scholers, that they should throw down the golden Eagle, that was set up by Herod, over the great gate of the Temple: for going up at noon day, they pulled and hewed down with their axes the Eagle, a great multitude being in the Temple and beholding it: which as soon as it was told the Captain, he comes with a strong band of Soldiers, and lays hold upon some forty of the young men together with their masters and brings them to Herod, these constantly defending what they had done, Herod commands them to be bound, and sent them to Jericho: then calling for the rulers of the Jews, he being brought into the assembly in a litter by reason of his weakness, he complains not so much of the injury done to himself as to God (as he said) who denying that it was done according to their order, he being something more mild to the rest, takes away the High-Priesthood from Matthias the High Priest, as not altogether a stranger from this business, and made successor to him Jazar the brother of his wife, (Mariamme the daughter of Simon the High Priest) but he burned alive the other Matthias that was partner of this sedition, and his companions, and that night the moon was eclipsed; [ id. ibid. ] which eclipse to have been on the 3 day of March three hours after midnight, the Astronomical table doth show.
Then Herod's disease began to grow worse, for he was inflamed with a slow fire, which was not perceived so much by the outward touch, as that it burnt up his very bowels, he had also the disease called the Bulimia, with a continual desire of eating, for the satisfying of which he was always eating. He was also continually tortured with ulcers in his bowels, and pains of the colic, his feet swelled with a moist phlegm, and also his thighs, his members rotted and were full of worms, and also a filthy and no less troublesome Priapisme, and also a most grievous stink, and over and above he was troubled with convulsions, and difficulty of breathing. [ ibid. ]
And although he was so grievously tormented, that he seemed to everyone that he could not be able to endure it, yet he hoped he should escape, being very careful to send for Physicians, and seeking • edecines from every place he went also beyond Jordan, and went into the hot baths at Callirrhoe, which running into the Asphaltite lake, and besides the medicinal virtue are pleasant to drink, then by the advice of his Physicians being set in a bathing tub filled with oil, he seemed to them to give up the Ghost, whereupon at the sudden crying out and bewailing him of his friends, he came to himself, and now seeing no more hope of recovery, he commanded 50 drachmes to be given to every soldier, and having used much liberality to his Captains and friends he returned again to Jericho. [ ibid. ]
When Augustus had heard that among the children that Herod the King of the Jews had commanded to be killed within two years old, that there was a son also of his own killed also Said. It was better to be Herod's hog than his son. thus Macrobius relates. [ lib. 2. Saturnal. cap. 4.]
Herod by an edict calls together from every place to Jericho, [Year of the World 4001] the most noble of the Jews, and shuts them up in a place called the Hippodram, giving command to his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, that as soon as he was dead they should cause the soldiers to kill all those that were shut up, seeking only this, that the people should have cause of sorrow, otherwise they would rejoice at the death of their King they hated so much. [ Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 8.]
Letters came from Rome, from the Ambassadors that were sent to Caesar, in which was signified, that Acme was put to death by Caesar in a displeasure, because she had been of Antipaters conspiracy, and that Antipater himself was left to his fathers pleasure, either to banish him or to put him to death. Herod having heard these things is a little cheered, but presently being afresh tormented, and greedy of meat, he called for an apple and a knife to pare it, and when he thought to have stabbed himself, Achialus his nephew prevented him, and calling for help, held his right; hand and a great sorrow with fear and tumult struck the whole palace, as if Herod had been dead. [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 9.]
When Antipater perceived that noise, thinking certainly that his father had been dead, he began to temper with his keeper about letting of him out, promising him many things both in present and for the future when it lay in his power: which practice the Keeper told the King, who for very anger cried out, and although he was so near death yet ra • ised himself up in his bed, and commanded one of his guard, to go presently and to put Antipater to death, and that he should be buried in the Castle of Hyrcanion without any honor. [ id. ibid. ]
Then changing his mind he made a new testament, for Antipas who before he had made his successor of the Kingdom, he made him Tetrarch of Galilee and Petrea, but gave the Kingdom to Archelaus, and assigned to his son Philip the regions of Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, Batanaea and Pancada in the name of a Tetrarchy, to Salome his sister he gave Jamnia, Azotus and Phasaelis with 500000 drachmes to the rest of his kindred he gave money and yearly pensions. To Caesar he gave 10000000 of drachmes of silver, and all his plate as well gold as silver, and a great quantity of precious moveables. To Liria Caesar's wife and to some certain friends 5000000 of drachmes. [ id. ib. cap. 10.]
Herod having ordered these things five days after he had put to death Antipater, he died himself, having enjoyed the kingdom 34 years after he had killed Antigonus▪ but from the time that he was declared King by the Romans 37 years, [ Id. ibid. & belli. 1. cap. ult. ] about the 25 of our November: viz. the 7 of the month Cis • e • ; which is therefore accounted a Joyful and Festival • day, because in that day Herod died who hated all wise men: as Edward Liveley a most learned man, noted in his Chronology, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the Volume of the Fast.
Salome and Alexas, before the Kings death was known, sent all those home that were shut up in the Hypodrome, saying That he had so commanded, that they should go into the Country and follow their businesses. [ Joseph. l • b. 17. cap. 10.]
Then was the Kings death declared, and all the soldiery called into the Theater of Jericho, and there they first read the Kings letters to the soldiers, in which giving them thanks for their fidelity and love to him, he desires them that they would do the like for his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed to be his Successor in the kingdom. Then Ptolemy the keeper of the Kings Seal, read his Testament, which he would not have to be ratified without Caesar's consent. Then was there a shout for joy that Archelaus was King, and the soldiers came flocking in with their Captains about him, and promised that they would keep the same faith and affection to him as they had done to his father, praying God to prosper him in his Raign. Then was the Kings Funerals most royally prepared by Archelaus, [ Ibid. ]
Herod being dead who sought the life of the young Child Jesus, [The Julian Period. 4711] the Angel of the Lord appearing to Joseph in a dream in Egypt, [Year before Christ 3] commanded that he should return with the young Child and his Mother into the land of Israel: who being awakened performs what was enjoined him, [ Matt. II. 19, 20, 21.]
Joseph coming into the land of Israel, when he heard that Archelaus reigned in Judea in the room of his father Herod, he feared to go thither, and being warned of God in a dream, he departed into the parts of Galilee (the Tetrarchy of which his father Herod had given to Antipas by his will) and there dwelt in the City Nazareth: from whence Jesus took the name of Nazarene, [ Mat. II. 22, 23.] and the Christians of Nazarenes, [ Acts, XXIV. 5.]
Herod's body is carried in a Funeral pomp 200 furlongs from Jericho, to the Castle Herodion, where he himself had appointed to be buried, [ Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. ult. fin. ] they going each day but eight fu • longs (or an Italian mile) as may be gathered out of the 17 book of Antiquit. cap. 10.) He was carried in a golden Licter, set with precious Stones, bearing cloth of Purple: his body also was clothed with Purple; then was a Diadem put on his head, and also over him a Crown of Gold, and a Scepter in his right hand: his son, and kinsfolk marched about the Licter: then followed the soldiers, marshalled according to their Nations, then 500 servants bearing persumes, [ Id. lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. 10.]
The ceremony of the Funerals being ended, Archelaus coming to Jeresalem, solemnized the mourning for his father seven days, after the custom of the Jews; and at the end of the • ourning, made a Funeral Banq • et to the multitude. Then going up into the Temple, wheresoever he went he was entertained with gratulatory acclamations; then ascending into an higher place, and sitting on a golden Throne, he graciously speaks unto the people, promising them very fairly; but withal said, That he would not take the name of King upon him, until Caesar had confirmed his fathers testament: and after the sacrifices were ended, he banqueted with his friends, [ Id. ibid. ]
Then there was a sedition raised by their friends, whom Herod had put to death for throwing down the golden Eagle; who then cast reproaches upon the dead King, demanding some of his friends also to be punished; and moreover desired that Joazar the High Priest might be turned out of the Priesthood: whom when Archelaus sought to appease, but in vain, the matter came to that pass, that about the Feast of the Passover, Archelaus sent the whole army against them, where 3000 men were killed by the Horsemen about the Temple, the rest saving themselves in the adjoining mountains, [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 11.]
Then Archelaus goes down to the Sea with his mother (Malthace a Samaritan) to sail unto Caesar, taking along with him Nicholas Damascene, and Ptolemy (Herod's Agent) and many other of his friends: committing his family and kingdom to the trust of his brother Philip. Salome also the sister of Herod went with him, who took with her all her children. Others also of his kindred followed him, as if it were to labor to get the regal dignity for Archelaus, but indeed to withstand him, and to accuse him for that fact that was committed in the Temple [ Ibid. ]
As Archelaus was going with this company, he was met by Sabinus Caesar's Agent in Syria that was posting into Judea to take charge of Herod's money, whom Varus the Governor of Syria opportunely meeting him, retained, for Archelaus had sent for him by Ptolemy. So that he in favor of the Governor, neither seized upon the Fortresses Judea, nor sealed up the Kings Treasures, leaving all things in Archelaus his possession, till Caesar should determine something concerning them, and having promised these things, he tarried at Cesarea: but after Archelaus set sail for Rome, and Varus was gone to Antioch, he then went to Jerusalem and seized upon the Palace: and then calling before him the Captains of the Castles, and the Kings Agents, demanded the accounts from them, and that the Castles should be delivered over to him; but the Governors receded not from Archelaus his commands, but kept all things as they were until the Kings return, pretending they kept them for Caesar, [ Ibid. ]
At the same time Antipas the son of Herod sailed to Rome, with a hope to get the kingdom for himself, to which he was excited by Salome, as if he were to be preferred before Archelaus, because he was appointed the Successor of the kingdom, by Herod's first testament, which ought to be of more validity than the second. He carried with him also his mother (Cleopatra that was borne at Jerusalem) and Ptolemy the brother of Nicholas Damascene one of Herod's chief friends, and one that favored his title: but especially Irenaeus an Orator, and eloquent man, and one that was conversant in the Kings businesses, put him most forward to affect the kingdom. After Antipas was come to Rome, all the kinsmen fell to him, for the hatred they bore to Archelaus; Sabinus also in the letters he wrote to Caesar, accused Archelaus, [ Ibid. ]
Archelaus by Ptolemy exhibited a petition to Caesar containing his own right, and the accounts of Herod's money that was sealed up. Caesar when he had read the petition, and also Varus and Sabinus his letters, called his friends to council, giving the first place in the Council, to Gaius the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julia, whom he had now adopted; there then Antipater the son of Salome, a very eloquent man speaks against Archelaus, to whom Nicholas Damascene answered in his defense, who having finished his discourse, Archelaus fell down at Caesar's feet, whom he courteously raised up, and pronounced that he was worthy of the kingdom, pretending that he would do nothing unless it were prescribed in his fathers testament, or that should be profitable for Archelaus; and seeing the young man confirmed in some hope by his promise, he determined nothing more at that time, [ Ibid. ]
Varus coming from Antioch to repress the tumults that were raised in Judea after Archelaus his departure, punished the authors of the sedition; and the sedition being for the most part appeased, he returning le • t one Legion in Jerusalem, that he might take away all occasion of innovation from the Jews: but as soon as ever he was gone, Sabinus Caesar's Agent there, having the command of those Forces that were left there, and now thinking himself equal to the people, he endeavoreth to seize upon the Castles, and forcibly to make search after the Kings coin, for his private lucre and covetousness sake. [ Ibid. ]
To the Feast of Pentecost came many thousands, not so much for Religion sake, as to be revenged of Sabinu • , not only from Judea which was more greviously offended, but from Galilee, and also from Idumaea; and from Jericho, and from Towns that were beyond Jordan: and fiercely assaulted Sabinus, dividing their Camp into three Brigades. Against whom the Roman soldiers valiantly opposing themselves, and killing many of them, entered the Treasure-house of the holy Treasure, a good part of which the soldiers stole, but there was openly brought 400 talents of that prey to Sabinus: him a company of the most warlike Jews besiged in the Palace; but Rufus and Gratus who had under their command 3000 men of the most warlike and stout of Herod's soldiers join themselves with the Romans. For all this the Jews never the more slowly followed the assault, and undermining the walls, and exhorting their adversaries to depart, promising them quarter; whose liberal offer Sabinus suspecting, would not withdraw his soldiers, still expecting succor from Varus, [ Ibid. ]
In this state of things, there were divers other tumults raised in Judea in divers other places; because the Nation had not a King of their own that might continue the multitude in their duty by wholesome laws. For 2000 men, who had served under Herod, but then dismissed to live at home, assembled themselves together, set upon those of the Kings faction, against whom Archiabus Herod's Nephew, and General for the King, made head; and not daring to meet them in a place of equal advantage, as being old and expert soldiers, he defended himself and his party (as well as he could) in fastnesse and places of difficult access. [ Ibid. ]
Judas (the son of Hezekiah that arch-thief, who in former time was with so much labor overthrown by Herod) having gathered a Band of desperate fellows at Sephoris, a City of Galilee, made incursions into the Kings Dominion; and having taken the Kings Armory, he armed all his soldiers, and seized also upon the Kings Treasure in those places: whereupon he began to be a terror to the Inhabitants: he spoiled all that fell into his clutches. He aspired also to the kingdom, not by lawful means, of which he was wholly ignorant, but by a liberty to do injury. [ Ibid. ] For whereas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Hebrews, is the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Syrians, from whence comes Judas and Thaddeus. [ Luke. VI. 16. with Mark III. 18.] And much rather Theudas, the same name plainly comes: This Judas seems to be no other than Theudas, of whom [ Acts V. 36.] Gamaliel speaks: Before these times rose up Theudas, boasting himself to be somebody, to whom a number of men, about 400, joined themselves, who were slain, and all as many as obeyed him, were scattered and brought to naught.
Simon also, a Servant of King Herod's, a man otherwise esteemed among all men, for his comliness, stature, and strength, durst venture upon the Crown; and being attended by a mighty company, and proclaimed King by them, who were an unbridled multitude, persuaded himself that he was fit to be a King, rather than any other. He began his Kingdom by plundering and burning the Kings Palace at Jericho; and then burning other Palaces, and giving the plunder to them of his own • action: he had also done more licentious prancks, if he had not been speedily prevented: for Gratus, the Captain of the Kings Soldiers, who then followed the Roman party, ma • ched with his forces against Simon, where, after a fierce conflict, they on the other side of Jordan fighting in disorder, and rather with courage than skill, were overcome. Gratus also took Simon, as he was flying through a narrow passage, and cuts off his head. So Josephus, [ ut supra. ] For Tacitus refers this rather to Varus, in the 5 lib. of his History, [ cap. 5.] writing thus of this Simon. After the death of Herod, one Simon makes himself King, without so much as looking for Caesar's consent, but he is punished by Varus, the Govnrnour of Syria.
At Amatha, also by Jordan, a royal Palace of the Kings, was burnt by such a rabble of men as Simon had. Athronges also, an obscure Shepherd formerly, and only famous for his huge stature and strength; he also took upon him the regal dignity. He had four brothers that were of of like stature and strength, upon whom, as his Lieutenants, he gave charge of the multitude that came flocking to him, when there was any wars. He himself wearing a Crown, did consult what was to be done, but he kept the sole command in his own hands. The power of this man endured long, (for he was not a King for naught) until he was brought under the power of Archelaus, being returned from Rome. Joseph. lib. 1. 7. cap. 12.]
Athronges his cruelty reached most especially against the Romans, and the kings party, for he hated them alike. His forces surprised a Cohort about Emmaus, as it was carrying Victual and Ammunition to the army, and killed with their Darts Arius, a a Centurio • , with 40 of his stoutest Foot; the rest looking to be served no better, Gratus coming with the kings soldiers, rescued, but there left the dead bodies. [ Ibid. ]
Quintilius Varus knowing the danger that Sabinus was in by his letters, fearing the utter overthrow of the third Legion, he takes with him the two others, (for at the uttermost there were but three in all Syria) and four Troups of Horse, and the aides of the Kings and Tetrarchs, and hasteth into Judea, to succor the besieged, having commanded those that were sent before, to meet him at P • olemais, and passing by the City of the Berythians, he receiveth 1500 Auxiliaries from them. Antu • also the Petrean, being a friend to the Romans, even for the hatred he bare to Herod, sent him good store both of Horse and Foot. [ Ibid. ]
After all the army was come together to Ptolomais, Varus delivered part of it to his son, and to one of his friends, to march against the Galileans, that bordered upon Ptolemais; who entering the Country, put all to flight that durst make head against him, and took the City Sephoris; and having sold all the inhabitants at an outcry, he set the City on fire. [ Ibid. ]
Varus himself went towards Samaria with the army, but did no harm to the City, because he knew it had not been wrapped in the sedition: but he pitched his Camp in a certain Village, that was called Aras, which was the possession of Ptolemy: this the Arabians burnt, hating his friends, for the hatred they bare to Herod. Then marching on, they came to Sampho, which the Arabians first spoiled, and then burnt, although it was well fortified: in all that march they put all to fire and sword, but Emmaus was burnt by the command of Varus, in revenge of his Soldiers that were there slain, but the inhabitants had first forsaken it. [ Ibid. ]
Then when they came nigh to Jerus • lem, the Jews which besieged the Romans on that side, as soon as ever they saw the army approaching, being affrighted, fled, and gave over the assault they had begun: but those of Jerusalem being grievously reproved by Varus, excused themselves, that the people indeed were gathered together in regard of the feast, but that the war arose not with their consent, but by the boldness of the strangers that came thither; and already there had gone out to meet Varus, Josephus, a Nephew of King Herod's, Gratus and R ••• s with their Soldiers, and the Romans that had sustained the siege: but Sabinus would not come in sight, but stealing privately out of the City, hasted unto the seaward. [ Ibid. ]
Then Varus sending part of his army throughout all the Country, sought out the authors of this sedition, whom having found he punisheth, some as guilty, and some were let go free: but there were about 2000 crucified for this cause. After this he dismissed his army, of which he had no more use; and those also, who contrary to his m • nd, had committed many outrages for mere lucres sake. And hearing that there were 1000 Jews gathered together, he hastens to apprehend them: but they not daring to stand the brunt, yielded themselves by Achiabus his advice. Varus then pardoned the common people for their sedition, but sent the ring-leaders to Caesar, and so all things being reduced to peaee, he left the same Legion in Jerusalem in Garison, and so returned to Antioch. [ Ibid. ]
Malthace, the mother of Archelaus, died of a sickness at Rome. [ Ibid. ]
Caesar having received Varus his letter, concerning the revolt of the Jews, he pardoned the rest of the Captains of the seditions, and only punished some of King Herod's kinsmen, because that neither for kind • ed sake, nor yet for justice sake they had abstained from rebellion. [ Ibid. ]
There came at the same time, by Varus his permission, an Embassy of the Jews, desiring that they might live after their own laws: the Ambassadors were about 50, to whom there joined themselves about 8000 Jews that dwelt at Rome. When therefore Caesar had called a Council of his friends and chief Citizens into the Temple of Apollo, which he had built to his mighty charge: thither came the Ambassadors, a multitude of the Jews following them, and Archelaus came also with his comp • ny. Philip also was there, who came by Varus his advice out of Syria, both that he might be an advocate for his brother, to whom Varus wished well, and also that in the division of Herod's Kingdom, he might get some share. The Ambassadors therefore having leave so speak, they began their discourse from the accusation of Herod and Archelaus, and then desired that they might have no more Kings, but that the form of the Common-wealth might be changed, and be annexed to Syria, and that they might obey the Governors sent them from Rome: to which objections, when Nicholas Damascene had answered both for Herod that was dead, and for Archelaus that was present, Caesar brake up the council. [ Ibid. ]
A few days after, Caesar declared Archelaus not King indeed, but made him Lord of half part of that dominion that was left him by his father Herod, but promised him a Kingdom, if he behaved himself as might deserve a Kingdom: to him belonged Judea and Idumea, and besides these Samaria, to which, by the command of Caesar, a fourth part of their tribute was remitted, because that they kept themselves in peace, when the rest were in sedition, in his government these Cities were comprehended, the Tower of Straton, Sebaste, Joppe, Jerusalem; for Gaza, Gadara, and Hippon were Cities which followed the laws of Greece, for which cause Caesar had dismembered them and annexed them to Syria. Yet there accrued to Archelaus 600 talents out of his own dominion. [ id. ibid. cap. 13.]
Caesar divided the other half of Herod's dominion to two other, two of Herod's sons, to Herod Antipas befell Gal • lee, with the little Country of Petraea, (but a most fertile one and lieth beyond Jordan, between the two lakes of Tiberias and Asphaltites,) the yearly revenue of which were 200 talents, to Philip's lot befell Ba • anaea, Trachonitis and Auranitis, with a certain part of the palace of Zenodorus, (as they call it) which paid yearly a 100 talents, to Salome also beside the Cities that were left her by her brother Jamnia Azotus and Phasaelis, and half a million of silver; Caesar gave her a palace in Askelon, she also received from the places that were subject to her sixty talents, and dwelt in the dominion of Archelaus: the rest of Herod's kindred received what was bequeathed by his testament; also two of Herod's daughters that were virgins besides what their father left them, received from the bounty of Caesar a quarter of a million of silver, and were married to the sons of Pheroras, yea and all the Kings legacy amounting to the sum of 1500 talents he gave to his sons, keeping for himself but a few moveables, not so much for the value, as for the memory of his friend. [ id. ibid. ]
Thus the children of Herod governed the Nation being thus restrained in a threefold division, saith Tacitus [lib. 5. cap. 9.] to whom Strabo is to be added, wriing thus of his children, Some of them he put to death himself, as being assailed by their treachery, others at his death he left his successors, assigning to everyone his portion. Caesar also highly honored Herod's children, and his Sister Salome, and Berenice the daughter of Salome.
A certain young man, a Jew of mean parentage, brought up in Sidon, with a Roman libertiae, that resembled Alexander the son of Herod in the face, feignes himself to be he, who was delivered from death with his brother Aristobulus by the means of a certain friend of his keeper, being induced to feign this by a certain cunning impostour, that was very well acquainted in Herod's palace, being instructed by this fellows cunning and deceits, when he had sailed into Crete, he persuaded all the Jews that came in conference with him this thing was so, and having got store of money from them, he sailed into the Island Melus, where he got huge store of money under pretext that he was of the Kings stock, and now hoping that he should recover his fathers Kingdom, he hasted to Rome, his friends accompanying him, and when he had sailed to Puteoli, he was there likewise received with he same favor by the deceived Jews, and as he was coming to Rome, all the multitude of the Jews that lived there came out to meet him, when this news was brought to Caesar, he sent thither Celadus one of his freemen that was very well in former time acquainted with the young men, commanding him that he should bring Alexander into his presence, which thing he did, but was no wiser than the rest in knowing him, but, yet he did not deceive Caesar, who sent this false Alexander when he had confessed his imposture to the gal • ies because he was of a strong body, and caused the other that induced him to this fraud to be put to death. [ Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 19.]
Archelaus being returned into his government in Judea, [Year of the World 4002] takes away the Priesthood from Ioazar, the son of Boethus (or his grandchild by his son Simon) accusing him that he had favored the seditions, and placed that dignity upon his brother Elcazar. [ Id. ib. cap. 15.]
Augustus brought his son Lucius (in his 13. Consulship) into the Court. [The Julian Period. 4712] [ Suetonius. in cap. 26.] [Year before Christ 2] conferring the same honors upon him that he had conferred three years before upon his brother Gaius, which the coins do testify, in which were the Effigies of Gaius and Lucius, with Bucklers and Spears, with this inscription. C. L. CAESARES. AUGUSTI. F. COS. DES. PRINCIPES. JUVENT. ( i.e. ) Gaius and Lucius Caesar's, the Sons of Augustus, designed Consuls, Princes of youth.
In the same XIII Consulship, he shows in a Monument of Ancyra, that he gave 60 pence to the common people that received corn of the public, adding withal, that they were not little above 200000, which very thing is also found in Xyphiline, in his collections out of Dio, unless that for 60 pence, which the Greeks call drachmes, the Latin interpreter put 240 pence, I know not by what incogitancy.
Augustus himself and Gallus Caninius being Consuls, satisfied the minds and eyes of the people of Rome, with shows of combatants with their swords and seafights, [ Vellei▪ Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 100.] with Hyeronym. in Chronico. these shows being exhibited he brought water into the Cirque, in which there were thirty crocodiles killed. [ Xiph. ex Dione. ]
He exhibited also a naval fight, hollowing the ground about Tiber, in that place where afterward was Caesar's Grove. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap, 43.] The length of which place so hollowed, was 1800 foot, and the breadth 200, in which 30 beaked ships, and many Gallies, and lesser hoyes combated, as in the Breviary of his doings, graven in the Marble of Anoyra, Augustus himself shows of this sea fight, as but newly set forth, Ovid makes mention of this in the first book of his Art.
There was occasion of business to Augustus in the East from the Armenians, he intending his plays at Rome, Pompeius had only accustomed them to this only kind of servitude, that they should receive their Governors from Rome, but now they had expulsed Artarasdes (or Artabazes) whom Augustus had set over them upon this title, and had substituted Tigranes in his place, and for the defending of this revolt, they called the Parthians to their aid, and so Armenia withdrawing itself to them, and the Parthians leaving the alliance of the Romans, lays hold on Armenia. [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 12. Velleius. Paterculus. lib. 2. cap. 100. Tacitus. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 3. Dio. in Zonara, & excerptis a Fulv. Vrsino Edit. legat. 39. Sextus. Rufus in. breviario. ]
Augustus brings Gaius and Lucius as yet very young into some charge in the commonwealth, and sent them about the provinces and armies, they being designed Consuls, [ Suetonius, in Octavio, cap. 64.] Whence we read in Velleius Paterculus, [ lib. 2. cap, 101.] That Gaius went about the Provinces ( ad sidendum ) to settle them, where Beatus Rhenanus thinks it should be read ( ad sedandum ) to quiet them; and Justus Lipsius thinks ( ad visendum ) to visit them. And that this is the best reading, that place of Dion shows, in the collections set forth by Henricus Valesius, [ pag. 665.]
At Rome in the very year that Augustus set forth the Shows of the Combatants both at land and sea, there brake out a filthy and horrible disaster in his own house; for his daughter Julia altogether unmindful either of the greatness of her father or husband, left nothing undone in luxury and lust that it was possible for a woman to do or suffer; for she measured the greatness of her fortune by her liberty in sinning, accounting every thing lawful that pleased her, [ Velle • . Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 100.] Yea she came to that height of laciviousnesse, that she kept her mighty feastings in the very Courts of Justice, abusing those Courts with lascivious acts in which her father had made the law against adulteries. Whereupon her father was so enraged that he could not contain his anger within his own house, but published these things, yea, and communicated them with the Lord's of the Senate, [ Seneca, de Beneficiis, lib. 6. cap. 32. Dio. in Xiphil. epitome, & Excerptis, Valesi • , pag. 665.] only he was not present, but in a note that was read by the Questour, made the thing known to the Senate. He kept himself also from any company a long time for very shame; he was thinking also of putting his daughter to death. [ Suetonius, in Octavio. ] At last she was banished into Pandataria an Island of Campania: her mother Scribonia of her own accord accompanying her in her banishment, [ Vellei. Patercul. & Dio. ut supra. ] who being divorced from Caesar that very day in which she was delivered of her, L. Martius, and C. Sabinus, being Consuls, [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 377.] to wit, the year of the Julian account, 4675. So that Julia was 38 years old at that time, and that she was not yonnger than that age, we understand out of Macrobius, [ lib. 2. Saturnal. cap. 5.]
Tiberius being in Rhodes, and hearing that his wife Julia was condemned for her lusts and adulteries, and that a divorce was sent her in his name by the command of Augustus, although he was glad at heart, yet he thought it his duty, as much as in him lay, by frequent letters to beg him that he would forgive his daughter, and that he would grant her, although she had deserved very ill, yet whatsoever he had given her. [ Suetonius. in Tiber. cap. 11.]
When Augustus heard that the Armenians were revolted, and that they were aided by the Parthians, he was grieved at it, and doubted what to do; for he could not manage the war himself because of his old age; and Tiberius had withdrawn himself, neither durst he trust any of the more powerful Citizens: Gaius and Lucins were young and unfit for such matters; but yet necessity compelling him, he chose Gaius, making him Proconsul, and marrying him, that by this means he might seem to have more honor, and more friends to give him counsel, [ Zonarus, ex Dione. ] His wives name was Lollia Paulina, [ Suetonius, in Claudio, cap. 26.] either the daughter or neice of Marcus Lollius, [ Plin. lib. 9. cap. 35. Solin. cap. 53.] Whom he would have to be either Governor or Moderator of Gaius his youth, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 102. Suetonius in Tiberio, cap. 12.]
When he was providing for this Expedition, Ovid wrote 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in his first book; adding this to the mention of the Sea-fight that was but newly ended.
He that was so ill a Prophet in conjecturing what should come to pass, was not much out of the way in setting down the just year of Gaius his age. For his father Augustus was nineteen years old when he gathered his army: as it hath been shown before out of the Ancyran Marble: and Gaius was now entered into the nineteenth year of his age, when he provides for the Armenian and Parthian war, so that he was Commander to war just at the same age that his father had been.
The Emperor Augustus sent before Dionysius a most excellent Geoprapher into the East, to make a Commentary of all things, for his elder son that was to go into Armenia, about the affairs of Parthia and Arabia: as we read in Pliny, [ lib. 6. cap. 27.] Whether it was that famous Dionysius whose Periegesis is extant in Greek Verse, or Dionysius the son of Diogenes of whom Marcianus Heracleota in his first book of Periplus, saith, that he set forth the dimension of the Earth.
That Gaius Caesar had Armenia for his Province, saith Tacitus, [ lib. 2. Annal. cap. 3. lib. 3. cap. 48.] That he was sent into Syria, saith Velleius Paterculus, [ lib. 2. cap. 101.] That he was made Governor of the East, saith Suetonius, [ in Tiberio, cap. 12.] That he was sent by Augustus to order the Provinces of Egypt and Syria O • osius, [ lib. 7. cap. 3.] Pliny in the end of the 27 chapter of the sixth book, citeth Volumes of King Juba written to the same Gaius concerning the Expedition into Arabia, and in the following chapter adding, that Gaius had only an eye upon Arabia, but never made any Expedition thither.
As soon as Phraates the King of the Parthians heard of the warlike provision that Gaius made against the Barbarians, with an Apology for those things that were done and desiring peace: to whom Caesar answering by letters, commanded him to leave Armenia; but Tigranes at that time sent no Embassy to him. [ Dio. legat. 39. in Excerptis, ab Ursinus. edit. ]
Tiberius, [The Julian Period. 4713] the time of his Tribuneship being over, [Year before Christ 1] at length confessed that he by his retirement went only to shun all suspicion of envy between himself and Gaius an • Lucius. He requested, that seeing there was no danger concerning that business, they being grown men, and next in authority to the Emperor, that he would give him leave to see again his alliances, whom he had a great desire to see: but this would no be granted, and he was moreover warned, that he should lay aside all care of them, woom he had left so desireously, [ Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 11.]
He tarried therefore at Rhodes against his will, scarce obtaining so much at hi • mothers entreaties, that to cover the ignominy he might be there as a Li • utenant to Augustus. Neither lived he only a private life, but in danger and fear, lying hid 〈◊〉 the midst of the Island, to shun the services of them that sailed by, [ Id. ibid. 12.]
Gaius going to the Armenian war, Tiberius crossed over to Chius to present his service to him, purging himself of all suspicions, and was very humble not only to Gaius, but also to his followers, [ Xiphil. & Zonar. ex Dion. ] although Velleius flattering Tiberius as he doth always, writes that Gaius gave all honor to Tiberius as his superior, [ lib. 2. cap. 101.] Suetonius writes that Tiberius went not to 〈◊〉 , but Samos, for to see his son in law Gaius, and that he found him much alienated from him thorough the false accusations of Marcus Lollius, [ ut supra. cap. 12.]
He came also into suspicion thorough some Centurions of his allowance, who going from the meeting to the Camp again, seemed to have given doubtful commands to many, and which might tempt the minds of many to innovations; of which suspicion being certified by Augustus, he continually desired of him that he would send one to him, of what rank soever to be an Overseer of his words and deeds. He left off also his usual riding, and his other martial excercises, and went in his coat, and shoes, laying aside his Country habit: and in that fashion lived he at Rhodes two years, every day more contemned and more hated, [ Suetonius in Tiberio, cap. 12.]
Gaius passing by Judea, scorned to worship at Jerusalem, which Augustus, as soon as he knew of from himself much commended. Suetonius relates this, [ in Octa. cap. 93.] and out of him Orosius, [ lib. 7. cap. 3.] adding that Gaius coming out of Egypt, passed by the borders of Palestine.
Zonaras relates out of Dion. That Gaius coming from thence into Syria, did nothing worthy fame. Velleius Paterculus saith, That he behaved himself so variously, that there wanted not matter for any that would either praise him or dispraise him. [ lib. 2. cap. 110.] But that through the greatness and majesty of the Roman name, he quieted all things, saith Sextus Rusus in his Breviary.
Quirinus being returned to Rome, married that generous woman Lepida, intended sometime for wife for Lucius, and to be daughter in law to Augustus, whom yet after twenty years (C. Marcus Valerius Messala, and Marcus Aurelius Cotta being Consuls) in the year of the Per. Julian. 4733. he divorced, accusing her that she had prepared poison for him. [ Suetonius. in Tiberio. cap. 49. with Tacit. lib. 3. Annal. cap. 22, 23.]
When Augustus in those forementioned letters had plainly called him Phraates, not calling him King, he was not a whit terrified, but prou • lie wr ••• ing back again, and calling himself King, called Augustus nothing but Caesar. [Dio. in Xephilin. & Legat. • 9. Ursinus. edit. ] But when he knew that Gaius was come into Syria, and suspected that for the hatred his subjects bare him, things would not be quiet at home, he made a peace with Gaius, upon this condition, That he should leave off prete • sions to Armenia. [ X • philin. ex Dion. ] From whence it is read in the seventh book of Eutropius, That Augustus received Armenia from the Parthians. And in the Chronicle of Eusebius, it is said that Gaius Caesar made peace with the Parthians.
When Artabazes, or Artavasdes, was dead of a disease, Tigranes sent presents to Augustus, for joy that his enemy was taken away, and not writing himself King, begged the Kingdom of him. Augustus moved with these things, and fearing the Parthian war, both accepts of his presents, and commands him with some hope to go into Syria to C •• us. So Dion in Excerptis legat. a Fulvio. Ursin. Edit. Sextus Rusus in Breviar. saith. That the Armenians that were then stronger than the Parthians, yielded themselves to Gaius: and if you will hear forwards. The Armen • ans being joined with the Parthians, are easily overcome by Gaius Augustus his help. The Armenians thinking it more profitable to be reconciled to the friendship of the Romans, and to live in their own Country, than to join with the Parthians, loose their Country, and have the enmity of the Romans.
THe first year of the Vulgar Christian account, [Year of the World 4004] of which we now reckon this 1653. [The Julian Period. 4714] begins here, [Year after Christ 1] in which Gaius Caesar being twenty years old, five years after he was brought into the market-place, was Consul in the East, as Pighius in his Annals shows, out of a Marble Table of Naples and Anagna.
This year also Tiberius lived at Rhodes a banished man, under color of leading a solitous life, for thus Tacitus rightly censures of it. [ Annal. lib. 1. cap. 4.] Whereupon one in a familiar banquet, mention being made of him, promised Gaius, that if he would b • d him, he would sails presently to Rhodes, and bring him the head of that banished man, through which, not so much fear, as danger, he was compelled to desire his return by his own and his mothers (of Livia) most earnest prayers. But Augustus was determined to do nothing concerning this business, but according to the pleasure of Gaius. [ Suetonius in Tiberio. cap. 13.]
When Augustus, his Climacterical year being past, solemnised his birth day of 64 years, on the ninth Kalends of October, he wrote this Epistle to Gaius. All hail my Gaius, my chiefest delight, whom in good faith I always desire, when thou art from me, but especially on such days as this is; my eyes always long for Gaius, whom wheresoever thou wereit, I hope that being merry and in health, thou didst solemnly keep my sixty fourth birthday: for thou seest that we have past the sixty third year, the common Climactery of all old men: and I pray the gods, that for the rest of my life that remaineth, I may lead it in an happy estate, for the Common-wealth, you being in health, and quitting yourselves like men, and succeeding my place. Out of a book of the Epistles of Augustus to Gaius, Aulius Gellius hath preserved this in Noctibus Atticis, lib. 15. cap. 7.
Gaius went to a conference with the King of the Parthians, in an Island that the river Euphrates makes; each having the like number with them, the Roman and the Parthian army standing one on this side the other on that side, first the Parthian was feasted by Gaius on the Roman shore, and then Gaius by the Parthian on the Parthian shore, which sight Velleius Paterculus writes that he happened to see when he first began to pay, being Tribune of the soldiers. [ lib. 2. cap. 101.]
At that time the anger of Gaius Caesar divulged the perfidious, subtle and cunning councils of Marcus Lollius, which were declared unto him by the Parthian, [ id. ibid. cap. 102.] for being defamed for taking bribes of the Kings, and for robbing all the Countries of the East, he forbad him his friendship: although his own wife the daughter or neice of this Lollius is said to have gained a gown beset with pearl, valued at 400 Seste • tium 's, [Plin. lib. 9. cap. 35. Solin. cap. 55.] but by how much Gaius was the more offended with Lollius, by so much the more he shown himself gentle and exo • able to his father in law Tiberius. [ Suetonius. in Tib. cap. 13.]
The death of Lollius which was within few days after, Velleius Paterculus, who in those places professeth he knoweth not whether it were bychance, orvoluntary, although Pliny and Solinus affirm that he died by poison taken; Velleius saith that all men did as heartily rejoice at this man's death, as the City mourned, that Censorinus died a little after in those Provinces, a man born to deserve all men's friendship. [ lib. 2. cap. 102.] It seems that C. Martius was this Censorinus, that offered the request of the Jews of Cyrene and of Asia to Augustus, in Josephus. [ Antiquit. lib. 16. cap. 10.]
Quirinius is made Governor to Gaius Caesar, [Year of the World 4005] in the room of Lollius, [The Julian Period. 4715] who served Tiberius, [Year after Christ 2] living at Rhodes; which Tiberius himself did acknowledge after his death in the Senate, commending the services of Quirinius towards him, and accusing Lollius, as author of the ill will, and difference between him and Gaius Caesar. [ Tacit Annal. lib. 3. cap. 48.]
At Gaius his permission, Tiberius is recalled, but with condition, that he should bear no office in the Common-wealth. [ Suetonius in Tiber. cap. 13.]
Tiberius was himself very skillful of that divination that is taken from the stars, he had also Thrasyllus, a Mathematitian in his company, who seeing a ship sailing towards them, a great way off, which brought the news from Livia and Augustus of his return, affirmed that it brought some joy to him, when as truly, because things happened a little hardly to him, and against Thrasillus his predictions, he had intended at that very time as they walked together, to throw him headlong into the sea, as one that was false to him, and knew his secrets. [ Id. ibid. cap. 14. X • philin. ex Dione. ]
Tiberius therefore having stayed seven years at Rhodes, in the eighth year after his departure, returned into his Country, Publius Vineius being Consul, Lucius and Gaius being yet alive. [ Suetonius. ut supra. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 99. & 103.] And being returned to Rome, his son Drusus being brought into the market-place, he presently went from Pompey's house, in the street Carinae, to Mecaenas his gardens in Esquiliae: he wholly gave himself to ease, doing some private courtesies, but not meddling with any public offices. [ Suetonius. ut supra. cap. 15.]
Then Lucius, as he was about to go to the armies in Spain, died at Marsellis of a sudden death, being a woman of no fame, twenty two months before his brother Gaius his death. [ Florus, lib. 4. cap. ult. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 102. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap: 3. Suetonius in Octavio. cap. 65. Zonar. ex Dio. ]
After Lucius his death, Augustus would have adopted Tiberius; but he vehemently refused it, fearing the envy of Gaius. [ Velle. Paterculi, lib. 2. cap. 103.]
Gaius entering into Armenia, [Year of the World 4006] at his first entry behaved himself prosperously, [The Julian Period. 4716] a little after Addo, [Year after Christ 3] or Adduus, (he is called also Ador by Strabo) the Governor of Artagera, persuaded that Castle to revolt, who enticing Gaius to the wall, as though he would tell him some private business, wounded him: but Caesar's Captains took it by continual assaulting and dismantled it. [ Id. ibid. cap. 102. Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 529. Zonar. ex Dione. ]
In Florus [ lib. 4. cap. ult. ] this story is thus related. Domitius, whom the King had made Governor of Artaxatis feigning a revolt, assailes him as he was perusing a Scrolle, which he had given him as containing an account of the treasures, he was wounded indeed, but in short time recovered of his wound: but the Barbarians being set upon on every side by the army with sword and fire, into which he threw himself, being wounded, satisfied Caesar that outlived him. Sextus Rufus also followed Florus in his Breviary: but as if the business here had been concerning the Parthians, and not concerning the Armenians, he without reason adds, That the Parthians for satisfaction of such a bold attempt, did then first give hostages to Octavianus Caesar, and restored the Ensigns that were taken away under Crassus. Relating all those things to this History of Gaius (falsely called Claudius, both here and by Jornandes, and in that writing of the Latins, that Georgius Syncellus transferred into his Greek Chronicle) which Suetonius in Octavia. cap. 21. had written of the Parthians, comprehending both under one, without any account of the times. The Parthians easily yielded up Armenia to (Octavius) claiming it; and restored the military Ensigns to him demanding them, which were taken from M. Crassus and M. Antonius, and moreover offered hostages.
Gaius set Ariobarzanes, by birth a Mede, in regard of his rare beauty, both of body and mind, over the Armenians at their desire. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1.]
Gaius by reason of his wound began to be in his body less able, and in his mind less profitable to the commonwealth, neither wanted he the company of men that by their •• atte • y fomented his vices, by which he was brought to that pass, that he had rather spend all his time in any corner of the world, than to return to Rome, [ Vellei. P • tercul. lib. cap. 102.] for being become more dull through sicklinesse, and a li • her disposition, • e desired that he might live a private life, at which Augustus being grieved, advised him that he would return into Italy, and he should do as he would [ Zonar. ex Dione. ] after much reluctancy and much against his will, he was brought by shipping into Lycia, and died by sickness in the City Limyra, [ id. & Vellei. Paterc. ut supra. ] Tacitus notes that he died as he came from Armenia, being sick of his wound. [ Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3.] Sextus Rufus affirms he died of his wound being returned into Syria, but Suetonins confirms that he died in Lycia, as doth also Dio and Vellei • s (who being a T • ibune of soldiers, served then under Gaius. [ in Octavio. cap. 65.]
Augustus was much grieved at the death of Gaius, for in his letters he complained of Asi • iu • Pollio, that being his dear friend he had a great supper, when his grief was so fresh and great, to whom Pollio wrote back; I supped after the same fashion, when I lost my son Aterius, would any exact more grief from a friend, than from a father? Marcus Seneca relates this in the proeme of the 4. book of his controversies.
The bodies of Gaius and Lucius were brought to Rome by the Captains, armies, and commanders of every City, and the golden (or silver rather) tergets and spears, that they received from the Knight, when they came to be men, were hung up in the Senate house, [ Xiphilin. ex Dion. ] although Bellonius relates in the second book of his observations, that the Epitaph of C. Caesar may be seen at Hama or Emesa in Syria: but that his bones were buried at Rome, this Epitaph shows, which is seen before the temple of the Apostles behind the temple of Minerva. OSSA C. CAESARIS AVGVSTI F. PRINCIPIS JUVENTUTIS. i. e. the bones of C. Caesar the son of Augustus prince of youth, [ Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXXV. 4.] there was a suspicion that both these brothers were taken out of the way by the deceit of their stepmother Livia, (to make away for her son Tiberius to the Empire. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. Zonar. ex Dion. ]
Augustu • is called Lord by the people, which name he did not only not approve, but forbad it by an edict. [ Xiphilin. & Zonar. ex Dion. cum Suetonio. in Octavio. cap. 53.]
Three ten years of his principality being now ended, [Year of the World 4007] he took upon him the Empire for ten years more, as it were upon compulsion, who being now become more mild and loather to exasperate the Senators, would not offend any, anymore. [ Xiphilin. ex Dione. ]
Augustus made Tiberius Nero his partner in the Tribuneship, which he eagerly refused both at home and in the Senate, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 103.] Suetonius saith the Tribuneship was given him for five years, [ in Tiberio. cap. 16.] for ten years saith Dio. [ lib. 55. pag. 556. fin. ]
The Jul • an Calendar is set right, [The Julian Period. 4717] the third intercalary day being superfluous, [Year after Christ 4] which had increased by the default of the Roman Priests, was this year in the month of February omitted, but afterwards Augustus being, High Priest, commanded that one day in the beginning of every fifth year should be intercalated according to the institution of Caesar, and for the perpetual keeping up this order, he commanded that it should be engraved in a brazen table, [ Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 14. fin. ] from which institution the accounts of all times hereafter took their rise, [ Solin. cap. 3.] and no marvel for it was constantly observed even after, till the change of the Calendar made by Pope Gregory XIII in the year 1579. But yet least the fairs that were kept by the Romans at the beginning of every ninth day, should fall upon the Kalends of January, one day was added often in the end of the precedent year, beside the custom and taken away again in the following year, that the time might agree with the institution of Julius Caesar, concerning which business Dio is to be consulted. [ lib. 48. pag. 377. & lib. 60. pag. 681.]
After five years Augustus brought his daughter Julia from the Island into the continent, giving her some more gentle conditions: but could never be brought to recall her altogether, and when the Roman people entreated him for her, and were very urgent with him, he used this imprecation openly to them, that they might have such daughters and such wives. [ Suetonius. Octavio. cap. 65.]
Aeliu • Ca •• s and Sentius (Sa • urninus) being Consuls on the V. Kalends of July Augustus adopted Tiberi • Nero, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 102.] swearing before the people that he adopted him for the commonwealths sake, [ id. ibid. cap. 104. cum Suetonius. in Tiberis. cap. 21.] Marcus Agrippa the brother of Gaius and L • cius was adopted the same day; whom Julia bare after the death of Agrippa. [ Vellei. Patercul▪ ibid. 〈◊〉 . cap. 15.] But Augustus, fea • ing least Tiberius should grow proud, 〈◊〉 make some innovation: before he adopted him, he made Tiberius adopt Germanicus, the son of his brother Drusus, although Tiberius had a son of his own. [ D • o. lib. 55. pag. 556, 557. cum Suetonius. in Tiberio. cap. 15. & Tacit. lib. 1. Annal. cap. 3.]
Immediately after his adoption, Tiberius is sent into Germany, with whom Paterculus went and served as a Colonel of Horse, and was a Spectatour of all that he did for nine years together. [ Vellei. Patercul. cap. 104, 105. init. ]
Ti • erius being sent into Germany, the Ambassadors of the Parthians, after they had delivered their Embassy at Rome, are commanded to go into the Province to him, [ Suetonius. in Tiberio, cap. 16.] for many contending for the kingdom, there came Ambassadors from the Noblemen of Parthia, desiring to have a King of one of the three sons of Phraates, that remained Hostages at Rome: and Vonones is preferred before his other brethren, and being aided by Caesar, is joyfully accepted by the Parthians for some time. [ Id. in Octavio, cap. 21. Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3. Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 2.]
Augustus that he might raise a tax in Italy, accepts of the Proconsulary power, [ Dio. lib. 55. pag. 557.]
The Sun was in part eclipsed, [Year of the World 4008] [ Id. ibid. pag. 563.] [The Julian Period. 4718] on the 28 day of March about five of the clock after noon, [Year after Christ 5] as the Astronomical table shows.
Toga Virilis which was the gown that the Romans ware at 18 years old, was given to Marcus Agrippa (Posthumus) who had never enjoyed those honors that his brothers (Gaius and Lucius) had, [ D • o. ibid. ]
The Rulers of the Jews as well as of the Samaritans, [Year of the World 4009] not bro • king the tyranny of Archelaus, [The Julian Period. 4719] accused him to Caesar, [Year after Christ 6] knowing that he had done contrary to his command, by whom he was commanded to govern his subjects with justice and equ •• . Caesar having heard this was moved with anger, and sent for his Agent that was Resident at Rome, and not vouchsafing to write anything to Archelaus, commanded him to repair into Judea, and immediately to bring his Master to him, [ Joseph. lib. 2. belli. cap. 6. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. ult. ]
Archelaus is reported to have had a dream foretelling this misfortune, of nine ears of corn which he saw to be eaten up by oxen. Those ears Simon an Essean interpreted to be nine years of his kingdom, and said that now the end of his government was at hand. The fifth day after the Agent of Archelaus is said to have come into Judea, who finding him banqueting with his friends, told him Caesar's pleasure was that he must come and answer the accusation, [ Ibid. ]
About our November, [Year of the World 4010] on the seventh day of the Jewish month Cis • eu, began the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus, (for that which Augustus called ethnarchy, the Jews called a kingdom) • n which was born to Joseph the Priest, a son named Matthias, (in the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus) as it is in the public Registers, as F • avious Josephus the Historian the son of this Matthias, relates in the beginning of the book of his life: who for this very cause, thought fit to charge what he had written formerly in his books of the wars of the Jews of the nine years of Archelaus, in his books of Antiquities; substituting in them ten years in his kingdom, and ten ears in his dream: of which amendment there was no ne • d, when as he reigned not many days of his tenth ethnarchy, or kingdom; for he was sent into banishment at the end of that year in which M. Aemiliu • Lepidus, and L. Aruntius were Consuls; for under their Consulship, Herod of Palestine (which indeed was no other than this Archelaus) being accused by his brethren, was banished beyond the Alps, and part of his government confiscated, [as Dio saith in lib. 55. pag. 561.]
Caesar having heard both the accusation and defense of Archelaus, sent him into banishment into Vienna of France, and adjudged both his Country and his treasure to be confiscated. [ Joseph. lib. 2. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. ult. ] And this is that son of Herod, whom Strabo noted to have lived in exile among the Allobroges of France. [ lib. 16. pag. 765.]
Augustus proscribed his only Nephew Marcus Agrippa Posthumus, [The Julian Period. 4720] unlearned indeed, [Year after Christ 7] but foolishly fierce out of a pride of his strength, but yet found guilty of no crime, and confiscating all his goods to the military treasury, banished him into Planasia, an Island near to Corsica. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. D • o. lib. 55. pag. 569, 570.]
The government of Archelaus, that is, Judea, (containing the tribe of Judah and Benjamin) Samaria and Idumea, being reduced into the form of a Province, and annexed to Syria, Quirinius is by Caesar sent as Governor of Syria, that he might tax both it and all Syria, and set a valuation on the Jews estates, sell Archelaus his house, and bring the money thereof into his own possession. [ Joseph. in fin. lib. 17. & initio 18.]
The Jews, although at the first they thought but hardly of the very mention of description, yet at the persuasion of Joazar the son of Boethus the High Priest, (who either was restored by Archelaus, or else took the Priesthood again in his absence) without much contradiction, they suffered themselves to be taxed. [ Id. lib. 28. cap. 1: ]
In the time of this tax • ng Judas Galileus arose, and drew away much people after him, he also perished, and all that obeyed him were dispersed, as saith Gamaliel, Acts V. 37. which Judas Josephus in 18. Antiquit. calls the Gaulonite, and saith he was born in the town of Gamala, but in another place with Gamaliel he calls him a Galilean, and writes that he solicited the people to revolt from the Romans when Quirinius taxed Judea. [ lib. 18. cap. 2. & lib. 20, cap. 3.]
This man, Sadoc a Pharisee being his confederate, labored to stir up the people to rebellion, saying that this taxing was nothing else but a manifest profession of their servitude, exhorting all the nation to stand for their liberty, putting them in hope thereby that they should enjoy their estates, and being confirmed in the possession of them, they should be accounted valiant, neither was help from God to be hoped for, if they did not provide for themselves, these speeches were entertained by the people with great pleasure, and they were encouraged to do something, for it cannot be spoken how those men troubled the nation, for they filled all things with murders and robberies, for they plundered without any respect of friend or foe, and murdered many noble personages; and all under pretext of defending the public liberty, but indeed for their private • profits sake. Judas and Sadoc were the authors of all these calamities, all that were desirous of noveleies flocking to them, which for the present only disturbed not the commonwealth, but was the seed plot of all the future calamities. [ Joseph. Antiquit. lib. 18. cap. 1.]
To the three ancient sects of the Jews, (viz. of Pharisees Sadducees and Essenes) this Judas Galilaeus brought in the fourth, whose followers in other things agreeing with the Pharisees, they affirm that God only is to be accounted Lord and Master of all, and would more easily endure most exquisite torments, together with their friends and children, than call any mortal man Lord, [ id. ibid. cap. 2.]
Q • irinius having sold and confiscated Archelaus his goods, and gone through with the tax, which happened in the year 37 after the victory at Actium, beginning at September of the former year) there being a sedition of the common people raised against Joazar the High Priest, he deprived him of his dignity and substituted Ananus (or Annas) the son of Seth in his room. [ id. ibid. cap. 3.]
Together with Quirinius came Coponius, who was of the order of Knighthood, being sent by Augustus and was the first governor of Judea, after it was reduced into a province, [ id. ibid. cap. 7. 11. cum lib. bell. cap. 7. which command of the Governors by him sent thither seems always to have been ended in the space of three years.
Coponius being governor of Judea, in the Passover of this or the following year, when the Priests (as it was the custom always at this feast) had opened the gates of the temple about midnight, that certain Samaritans secretly entering Jerusalem, scattered men's bones amidst the porch, and over all the temple, whereby it came to pass, that the Priests kept more diligent watch than they were wont to do before. [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]
At the Passover of this year, Christ in the twelfth year of his age being brought to Jerusalem by Joseph and Mary, and the seven days of unleavened bread being ended, his parents returning home, he stayed behind; they not knowing where he was, sought him three days and found him in the temple, sitting in the midst of the Doctors, hearing them and asking them questions: and all that heard him were astonished at his understanding and answers. [ Luke. II. 41. 47.]
Jesus went down with his parents to Nazareth, and was obedient unto them, [ Luke. II. 51.] followed his fathers trade of a Carpenter, eating his bread in the sweat of his brows, which thing the saying of his fellow Citizens of Nazareth doth sufficiently prove? Is not this the Carpenter, the son of Mary. [ Mark VI. 3.]
Ovid was banished to Tomos in Pontus, [Year of the World 4012] partly for seeing some dishonest act of Augustus, [The Julian Period. 4722] which he would not have been seen; [Year after Christ 9] of which misfortune we read him complaining of in ( secundo. libro Tristium ad Augustum. )
Ovid signifies this in his third book Tristium and 12 Elegy, [The Julian Period. 4723] that he had passed the first winter in Pontus, [Year after Christ 10] and with that, the first year of his banishment, (for he had passed the former winter in his journey. [Year of the World 4013]
Then in the fourth Elegy of the sixth book, he designs the second year of his banishment.
Marcus Ambivius was sent by Augustus, the second Governor into Judea, in whose time Salome, the sister of Herod, departed this life, she bequeathed to Julia (Livia Augusta) Jamnia, with the government thereof, and Phasealis scituate in the Plain, and Archelais very well planted with Date trees, which is a most excellent fruit. [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]
Ovid thus relates in the fifth book Tristium, [The Julian Period. 4725] 10 Elegy, [Year after Christ 12] in the beginning of his third winter passed in Pontus.
The Senate and people of Rome, at Augustus his request, made a decree that Tiberius might have the same power in all the Provinces and armies as he himself had. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 121.] Suetonius relates that this law was propounded by the Consuls, [ in Tiberio. cap. 21.] that Tiberius should govern the Provinces in common with Augustus: but Germanicus was Consul all that year, whom Augustus being now very old, by writing, commended to the Senate, as the Senate itself did also commend him to Tiberius, as Dio tells in his History of this year: [ lib. 56. pag. 587.] for it was no wonder that the Senate should be commended by Augustus, to his son his Colleague of the Empire, and partner in the Tribuneship, as Tacitus speaks, [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 3.] and being made also Censor, he committed the care of the City to Lucius Piso, because he had continued two days and two nights in drinking with him, being now Prince, as Pliny speaks in the last Chapter of his fourteenth book: which Piso Tacitus confirms to be Perfect of the City for twenty years together, with great approbation, and died Domitius Aenobarbus, and Aulus Vitellius being Consuls, that is, in the 32. year after the Christian account, and was honored with public funerals. [ Annal. lib. 6. cap. 11.] From whence it is gathered that Tiberius was now Prince in the twelfth year of Christ, two whole years before Augustus his death: and therefore there must be a distinction observed between the beginning of Tiberius his first being Prince, and he afterward being Monarch.
Ovid mentioneth the fourth winter that he lived in exile, [Year of the World 4016] in the first book of Pontus, [The Julian Period. 4726] and second Elegy to Maximus in these words. [Year after Christ 13]
Annius Rusus is the third Governor sent into Judea by Augustus. [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]
Lucius Munacius, [Year of the World 4017] and Gaius Silius being Consuls, the fourth ten years space of his Empire, now coming to an end, accepts of, though against his will, for ten years longer, the Government of the Common-wealth, and continues Tiberius in the Tribuneship. [ Dio. lib. 56. pag. 588.]
Sextus Pompeius, [The Julian Period. 4727] and Sextus Apuleius being Consuls, [Year after Christ 14] Augustus signifies in a Breviary of his Acts, cut in Marble of Ancira, that he with his Colleage Tiberius, had a third time numbered the people of Rome, in which muster were numbered of Roman Citizens 413700. [ Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXX.] Where Eusebius in his Chronicle mistakes, saying, That there were numbered 9370000. which error Jornandes following in his book of the succession of Kingdoms and Times, gives up a greater than this, adding that Augustus had commanded all the World to be numbered, being then in peace at the Nativity of Jesus Christ: when as both he in that place, and Eusebius conjecture, That the Nativity of the Lord, fell in the forty second year of his Empire.
When Augustus made this great muster in Mars field, a multitude of people being there, an Eagle often fluttered about him, and then went and sat upon a Temple that was nigh, upon the first letter of Agrippa his name; which being observed, he commanded his Colleague Tiberius to make those vows that were wont to be made for the next year ensuing, for although that all things were ready for the solemnities of those vows, yet he refused to make those vows that he should not live to perform. [ Suetonius. in Octavia, cap. 97.]
About the same time the first letter of his name, that was upon the inscription of his Statue that was set in the Capitol, fell down, being stricken with a flash of lightning: and it is answered by the Soothsayers, that he should live only an hundred days after; which was denoted by the letter C. and that he should be canonized a god, because that AESAR, which was the other part of his name, in the Hetruscan tongue, signified a god. [ Id. ibid. cap. 97. Dio. lib. 56. pag. 589.]
In the mean while he wrote a Catalogue of his doings, which he would have engraved in Tables of Brasse, and that they should be set over his Tomb. [ Suetonius. in Octavio. cap. ult. Dion. lib. 56. pag. 591.] An example of which, that is, that was carried in the Marble of Ancyra, so often commended by us, in which that former muster that he took so lately is described.
And so Augustus ended his days at Nola in Campania, those two Sexti being Consuls, (and named upon his Tomb, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 123. Suetonius. in Octav. cap. 100. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 5. & 7. Dio. lib. 56. pag. 589.] in the same house and chamber, where his father Octavius ended his life, [ Suetonius, ibid. Tacit. ut suprr. cap. 9.] the nineteenth day of August, on which he was first made Consul. [ Suetonius. ibid. Dio. ut supra. pag. 590.]
Tiberius published not the death of Augustus before he had put to death Agrippa Posthumus; yet to the Captain that killed him, and bringing back word that he had done as he had commanded him; he answered, That neither he had commanded it, and that he should give an account thereof to the Senate, willing at the present to shun the envy thereof, [ Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 22. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 6. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 604.] And having provided all things according to the time, the same news came together that Augustus was dead, and that Tiberius Nero was Emperor, [ Tacit. ibid. cap. 5.]
Although he doubted not immediately to seize upon and take the Principality, yet he along while most imprudently refused it, holding the Senate in suspense, that both prayed him, and falling on their knees to him, with doubtful and delaying answers, so that some upbraided him with it to his face; saying that others did slowly perform that that they did promise, but he did slowly promise that that he would fain have, [ Suetonius. in Tiberio, cap. 24. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 7. Dion. lib. 57. pag. 602, 603.]
Between this new Principality, as Tacitus calls it, [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 6, 7.] and the former, that he had 2 years before Augustus his death, this was the difference, that that extended only to armies and provinces of the Roman Empire, but this to the head City itself, in which Tiberius only had the authority of Censorship and Tribuneship; but the Augustal Principality, that is, of governing after his own will, and being freed from all bond of laws, he obtained afterwards. For Tiberius had not equal power with Augustus, as Lucius Varus had with Antoninus the Philosopher, which two governed the Common-wealth with equal authority: as Spartianus relates, [ in Hadriano, Aelio Vero, & M. Aurelio. ] but such as Antonius Pius had with Hadrian, who being adopted by him, was made Colleague with his father in the Proconsulary power (in respect of the other Provinces) and in the Tribuneship (at home) as Julius Capitolinus declares. Whereupon Tiberius gave not out the Edict by which he called the Senators into the Senate-house, by the authority of his new Principality, but by the prescription of the Tribuneship which he had under Augustus: but yet he gave the watch-word to the Pretorian Cohorts as Emperor, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 7.]
The Legions of Pannonia being in a mutiny, [Year of the World 4018] are affrighted at a sudden eclipse of the Moon, and so submit themselves to Tiberius, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 28. Dio. lib. 57. pag, 604.] This total eclipse was seen on the 27 of September, five hours after midnight, so that the Moon set even in the very eclipse.
In Ovid in the 4 book of Pontus after the fifth Elegy to Sextus Pompeius who was Consul this year, follows the sixth to Brutus, in which he mentions the death both of Augustus and Fabius Maximus (who it is manifest out of the first book of Tacitus's Annals, cap. 5. that he died this year under Tiberius) in which time he showeth in these Verses that he had past the fifth year of his banishment, and that then was the sixth, (of the beginning of which we are certain.)
An Hebrew woman that had been bowed by Satan eighteen years, is by Christ restored to health, [ Luke, XIII. 1, 16.]
Valerius Gratus is by Tiberius sent Governor into Judea in the room of Annius Rusus: in the government of which Province he continued eleven years, [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]
The Governor of Crete being dead, for the rest of the time the Island is committed to the charge of the Treasurer and his assistant, [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 611.]
When the Armenians had received Vonones into their kingdom that was turned out of his own, [Year of the World 4019] at the threatening of Artabanus the King of the Parthians and Medes, [The Julian Period. 4729] Vonones in vain desires aid of Tiberius by his Ambassadors that he sent to Rome: [Year after Christ 16] and whereas the most powerful of the Armenians followed the faction of Attabanus, Vonones being destitute of all hopes of a kingdom, retires with an huge mass of treasure to Antiochia, and yields himself to Creticus Silanus Governor of Syria. He in respect of the education that he had had at Rome, kept him with him in Syria, and set a guard over him, yet suffering him to maintain the pomp and name of a King: but Artabanus set Orodes one of his sons to be King over the Armenians, [ Jospeh. lib. 18. cap. 3. Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. caep. 4. Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 49.]
Ovid the Poet died in banishment, [Year of the World 4020] and was buried near the City Tomos. [The Julian Period. 4730] [ Hieronym. [Year after Christ 17] in Chronico. ]
Tiberius caused Archelaus the King of Cappadocia whom he hated because he had not offered him any service all the while he lived at Rhodes, to be inveigled to come to Rome, by the letters of his mother Livia. She not dissembling her sons displeasure, offered him mercy, if he would come and beg it. Archelaus not knowing of the treachery, or misdoubting violence if he seemed to perceive it, maketh haste to the City. He is churlishly entertained, and not long after accused of feigned crimes in the Senate, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 42.] Being therefore accused as though he went about some innovation, the man worn out not only with extreme old age, but also with the gout, and believed also to doat, answered some things for himself in his letter in the Senate, and feigning that he was not at that time well in his mind, escaped at that time the danger, [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 614.] notwithstanding not long after being tired what with grief, and what with old age, he ended his life: and then Cappadocia being reduced into a Province, is committed to the government of a Knight, [ Id. ibid. Tacit ut supra. Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 37.]
Tiberius professing that by the profits of that kingdom the tribute of one in the hundred might be cesed, appointed the tribute of one in two hundred to be raised, [ Tacit. ibid. ] and commanded that his chief City called Mazaca, a most noble City, should be called Cesarea, [ Hieronym. in Chronico. ]
At the same time Antiochus the King of the Commagenes being dead, there arose a contention between the Nobility and the Commons, the Nobility desiring that the kingdom might be made a Province, and the Commons on the other side, desiring to live under a King as they formerly had done, [ Tacit. ut supra. Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.] In like manner also the Nation of the Cilicians is in troubles, their King Philopator being dead, many desiring the Roman, and many a Kingly government. The Provinces of Syria and Judea, oppressed with taxes, made a petition that their tribute might be lessened, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 42.]
Tiberius discoursing of these things to the Senators, persuaded them that these commotions in the East, cannot be composed but by the wisdom of Germanicus, and thereupon by the decree of the Senate, Germanicus had the charge given him of all the Provinces, divided by sea, and a greater command also being given unto him, than any that received government, either by lot, or the Princes sending, [ Id. ibid. cap. 43.] For by this color of stirs in the East, Tiberius had a mind to withdraw him from the Legions that he was wont to command: and giving him charge over new Provinces the more exposed him to treachery and hazard, [ Ibid. cap. 5.]
And because the governor of Syria Creticus Silanus was joined in affinity with Germanicus, Tiberius appointed C • . Piso his successor, a man head-strong, and that knew not how to obey, neither was he ignorant that he was made governor of Syria to bridle Germanicus his hopes, and some believed that he had private commands given him by Tiberius so to do, and without doubt his wife Plancina was advised by Augusta through womanish emulation to quarrel with Agrippina (the daughter of M. Agrippa) and Julia, the wife of Germanicus [ id. ibid. cap. 43.]
In the same year twelve famous Cities of Asia were destroyed in one night by an earthquake; Ephesus, Magnesia, Sar • es, Mosthene, Aegae, Hiero-Cesarea, Philadelphia, Tem • us, Cyme, Myrina, Apollonia, Hyrcania, they relate also that huge mountains were laid flat, and plains raised up into hills, and fire flashed out of those run • s, the disaster was most grievous among the Sardians, which drew much compassion towards them, for Tiberius promised them 1000000 Sesterces, and to release them for five years space to all that they were to pay to the common treasury, the Magnetes near to the mountain Sypilus, were next to them in damage and relief, it was thought meet for the same space, to discharge of all tributes, the Temnians, Philadelphians, Aegetians, Apollonienses, and such as are called Mosthenians, or Macedonians of Hyreania, and those that inhabit Hiero-caesarea, Myrina, Cyme, and to send some of the Senators unto them which should view and relieve their present estate. This charge was committed to M. Aletus once Praetour, least if one that had been Consul over Asia had been deputed, there might some emulation have risen between equals, and thereupon the business have been hindered. [ id. ibid. cap. 47. cum Strabone lib. 12. pag. 579. & lib. 13. pag. 627. Pliny. lib. 2. cap. 84. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 614. Euseb. in Chronico. Orosio. lib. 7. cap. 4]
For this magnificent bounty to the public, there was a great statue erected for Tiberius in the market place at Rome by the temple of Venus, and statues also set up to him in everyone of the Cities that were resored, as Phlegon Trellianus in his book of wonders relates out of Appollonius the Grammarian. Scaliger also adds that there were silver medalls co • ed for the illustration of these things, in the superficies of which coin there was the face of Tiberius, and on the other side the picture of Asia in a woman's habit sitting with these words CIVITATIBUS ASIAE RESTITUTIS for the Cities of Asia restored.
Germani • us being thrust out (as Suetonius speaks in C. Caligula cap. 1.) for to compose the affairs of the East, [Year of the World 4021] sailed into the Isle Lesbos, [The Julian Period. 4731] where his wife Agrippina at her last delivery had Julia. [Year after Christ 18] Then with a desire to resist places of antiquity and fame, he went to the confines of Asia and Perinthus, and Byzantium Cities of Thrace, then he entered the straights or Propontis, and the mouth of the Pontick sea: likewise he relieved the Provinces that were oppressed with civil discord, or oppressions of magistrates: sailing to Colophon he consulted the Oracle of Clarius Apollo, which is said to have told him by dark speeches (as the manner of Oracles is) that his death was nigh at hand. [ Tacit. Annal. lib, 2. cap. 54.]
But Cn. Piso sailing with all celerity by the Cyclades, and using the shortest cuts by sea overtook Germanicus at Rhodes, by whom Piso being relieved from danger of shipwreck, but yet not mollified, he left Germanicus, and goes before him into Syria, whither when he was come to the Legions what with gifts, and bribes, and luxury, he endeavors to reconcile them to himself: yea he came to such an height of corruption, that among the common sort he was called the father of the legions, yea and his wife Plancina as well by herself, as by some of the soldiers, ready enough at her base commands, used reproachful speeches against Agrippina and Germanicus, and so much the easier because it was secretly whispered, that this was not done with the Emperors dislike. [ id. ibid. cap. 55.]
Although Germanicus knew those things, yet the affairs of Armenia drew him first to them, for at that time the Armenians having expulsed Vonones, had no King (i • we believe Tacitus, for Suetonius in C. Caligula cap. 1. relates that the King of Armenia was conquered by Germanicus; to wit: Orodes the son of Artabanus King of the Parthians, as it is already declared out of Josephus,) but the good will of the nation inclined more towards Zeno, the son of Polemon the King of Po • tns, because that from his infancy he had imitated, the customs and attire of the Armenians, in hunting and feasting, and other excercises greatly esteemed by the Barbarians, he had won to him the good will both of the nobles and commons: upon this man therefore Germanicus set the Crown in the City of Artaxatis, the noble men approving it, and the multitude flocking about him, the rest reverencing him as their King, saluted him by the name of Ar • axias, which name they gave him from the name of the City. [ id. ibid. cap. 56.]
Then the Cappadocians being reduced into the form of a Province, Q. Veranius is made Governor thereof, [ Id. ] and to give them hopes that the Roman government would be mild, some of the tributes that they used to pay to their Kings are abated: and over the Commagenians Q. Servaeus is made Governor then first reduced under the Regiment of a Praetor. [ Tacit. ut supra. ]
Albeit all the affairs of the Allies were prosperously composed, [Year of the World 4022] yet did they not ease, Germanicus his mind being vexed at Piso his pride, who being commanded that either he himself, or by his son, should conduct part of the Legions into Armenia, neglected both. At length they both met at Cyrrhum, a City of Syria, where the tenth Legion wintered; where in the presence of a few families, Caesar began some such speech as anger and dissimulation doth suggest; and Piso answered with a proud submission, and so they departed in private grudges, one against the other. After that Piso was seldom at Caesar's Tribunal, and if at any time he assisted, he shown himself froward, and manifestly dissented from him. This speech also of his is reported at a Banquet made by the King of the Nabateans, where greats Crowns of gold were given to Germanicus and Agrippina, and light ones to Piso and the rest. That this Feast was made for the son of a Roman Prince, and not for the son of the Parthian King, and withal threw away his Crown, uttering also many things against the superfluity, which although Germanicus could hardly digest, yet endured all patiently, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 57.]
Ambassadors came from Artabanus King of the Parthians, to Germanicus, for to renew the friendship and league between them: the King said that he would yield so much to the honor of Germanicus, that he would come to the banks of Euphrates; desiring in the mean white, that Vonones might not remain in Syria, least by private messengers he might draw the Noble men of the Country thereabouts to civil dissensions: touching the alliance between the Romans and the Parthians. Germanicus answered magnificently; but concerning the Kings coming, and the honor done to himself, he answered civilly, and with modesty. Vonones was removed to Pompeipolis, a sea Town of Silicia, not so much at Artabanus his request, as to spite Piso, to whom Vonones was most acceptable, for many services and gifts which he had bestowed upon Plancina. [ Ibid. cap. 58.]
M. Silanus, and L. Norbanus being Consuls, Germanicus went into Egypt, for to learn Antiquities, but pretended a care of the Province, and opening the granaryes, brought down the price of corn, and did other things to win the favor of the people; as going without Soldiers, wearing open shoos, and apparrelling himself like the Grecians. Tiberius having lightly blamed him for his behavior and apparel, sharply rebuked him, That contrary to Augustus's order, he had entered Alexandria, without the leave of the Prince: but Germanicus not yet knowing that his voyage was misliked, went up the Nile, beginning at the town Canopus, afterwards he visited the great ruins of Thebes, where yet were to be seen the Egyptians letters in old buildings, which contained their ancient wealth: but he set his mind to see other miracles, of which the chiefest were the Image of Memnon, made of stone; which when it is struck with the beams of the Sun, yields a sound like a man's voice: and the pyramides as high as Mountains, built at use by the former Kings, to show their riches, on the not passeable sands, and the ditches wrought by hand to receive the overflowing of Nile: so narrow in some places, and so deep in other, that the bottom cannot be found by any search. Then he came to Elephantine and Syene, and so that Summer was spent by Germanicus in seeing divers Provinces. [ Ibid. à cap. 59. ad. 61.]
At the same time Vonones having corrupted his Keepers, endeavored by all means to escape to the Armenians, and from thence to the Albanians, and Heniochians, and to his kinsman the King of Scythia, under color of going a hunting, he left the seacoasts, and took by-ways, then through the swiftness of his Horse he came to the river Pvrimus, whose bridges the inhabitants had broken down, having heard of the Kings flight, neither could it be passed at any forde: wherefore on the bank of the river, he is taken by Vibius Fronto, Captain of the Horse and bound: and then as it were through anger he is run through by Remmius Evocatus, to whose charge he was first committed. [ Ibid. cap. 68.]
Jairus, the Ruler of the Synagogue, had only one daughter, who being dead, when she was twelve years old, Christ restored to life. And the woman that was sick of the flux of blood twelve years also, by the touching of his garment is healed. [ Luke VIII. 42, 43. Mark. 25. 42.]
There being many vain oracles that went about as though they had been the Sybels concerning the destruction of Rome, which should happen in the year 900, from the foundation of it. Tiberius reproving them, looked on all books, that contained any P • ophesies; and of those he rejected some, as of no moment: others he received into the number of those that were to be approved. [ Dio. 57. pag. 615.]
It was debated in the Senate, touching the rooting out of the Egyptian and Jewish ceremonies, and an act made that those that used them should depart Italy, if within a certain day they did not leave off those customs, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. cap. 85.] And they were compelled to burn all their religious garments, with all things belonging to them. [ Suetonius, in Tiberio, cap. 36.] Whither also may be referred that of Seneca in his 108. Epistle. I was a young man in the principality of Tiberius, then were the foreign rites of the Nations removed, and it was counted superstition to abstain from some kinds of meat.
An horrible villainy committed against Paulina, a noble woman by the Egyptian Priest, gave occasion of the removing of the Egyptian superstition; which being made manifest, Tiberius commanded the Temple of Isis to be thrown down, and her Statue to be drowned in Tiber. [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 4.] And for the expulsion of the Jews, a certain Impostor gave occasion, who for fear of being punished, according to their laws, fled his Country. He then living at Rome, made himself as though he were an Interpreter of Moses's Law. He had also three Associates like unto himself. And when as one Fulv • a, a Noble woman, embracing the Jewish religion, became their Scholar; they persuaded her that she should send purple and gold to the Temple of Jerusalem: which having received, they turned to their own use. Which when Tiberius knew, being informed thereof by his friend Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, complaining of the injury done to his wife, he commanded all the Jews out of the City. [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 5.]
The Consuls enrolled of the youth of the Jews, that were the sons of free men, 4000 Soldiers, and sent them into Sardinia, for the suppressing of robberies: supposing it no great loss if they should perish through the intemperance of the air. Many that refused to be enrolled through the religion of their Country, are grievously punished, the rest of that Nation, or any that followed their customs, are turned out of the City, under the penalty of perpetual slavery, if they did not obey. [ Id. ibid. cum Tacit. & Suetonius. ut supra. ]
R • ascupolis, or Rhascoporis, the King of Thracia, the killer of Cotys his brothers son, [Year of the World 4023] who also was partner of the Kingdom, is betrayed by Pomponius Flaccus, (of whom Ovid makes mention [ lib. Ponti. 3. Eleg. 9.] as governor of Mesia) and brought to Rom, and there condemned, then carried to Alexandria, and there put to death, as though he had made an attempt to fly from thence. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 67. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 126. Suetonius. in Tiberio. cap. 37.]
Germanicus returning from Egypt, perceived that all that he had commanded, either in the Legions or Cities, was left undone, or changed clean contrary. Whereupon, were reproachful speeches raised against Piso, neither were they less grievous that were by him attempted against Caesar. Whereupon Piso determined to leave Syria, but was then detained by reason of Germanicus his sickness: when he heard of his amendment, and that the vows were accomplished for his health, he by his Serjeants, drove away the beasts brought to the Altar, and disturbed the preparation for the sacrifices, and the solemn meeting of the people of Antioch, among whom Germanicus then was. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 69.] Who also, when Germanicus was sick, used him most harshly, both in words and deeds, without any moderation. [ Suetonius. in Cal • gula. cap. 2.]
Piso then went to Seleucia, expecting the event of Germanicus his sickness, which he fell into again. [ Tacit. ut supra. ] and there were found in the same house that Germanicus dwelt in, pieces of human bodies dug out, verses and charms, and his name engraven in leaden sheets, ashes half burned, and mingled with corrupt blood, and other so • ceries, by which it is believed that souls are dedicated to the infernal powers. [ Tacit. ibid Dio. lib. 57. pag. 615.]
Germanicus moved with anger, renounceth by letters Piso his friendship, according to the ancient custom: and some add, he commanded him to leave the Province, neither did Piso stay, but weighed anchor, yet sailed slowly, that he might return the sooner, if the news of Germanicus his death should open him a way to Syria. [ Tacit. Annal. 2. cap. 70. Suetonius. in C. Caligula. cap. 3.]
Germanicus being much weakened by his sickness, and finding his end approaching, accuseth Piso and his wife Plancina, and desiring his friends to revenge it, gives up the ghost, to the great regret of the Province, and the neighbor people. [ Tacit. ibid. cap. 71, 72.] He died at Antioch, of a disease that had no intermissions, he being 34 years old; not without suspicion of po • son, ministered unto him by the treachery of Tiberius and Piso's means. [ Suetonius. in C. Caligula. cap. 1. & 2.]
The day that Germanicus died, the Temples were battered with a tempest of stones, Altars overturned, the household gods by some thrown into the streets, children laid out to perish: they report also that the Barbarians did consent to a truce, with whom there was civil war, or war against the Romans, as in a domestic or common mourning, and that some Governors amongst them cut off their Beards, and shaved their Wives heads, in sign of their greatest mourning; and that the King of Kings forbore his hunting and feasting of the Nobles, which is a kind of vacation among the Parthians. [ Suetonius. ut supra. cap. 5.]
His Funeral without any images or pomp, was solemnized with the praises and memory of his virtues: his body before it was burnt, was laid naked in the marketplace of Antiochia, which place was intended for his burial, it is uncertain, whether he shown any signs of poison or no: for divers did diversely interpret it, either as they were inclined to pity Germanieus, or out of a presumptious suspicion, or favored Piso. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 73.] Yet besides the marks that were over all his body, and the froth that came out at his mouth, the heart was found not burned among the bones; concerning which it is thought the nature of it to be such, that it will not be consumed with fire, if it be touched with poison. [ Suetonius. in C. Caligula. cap. 1.] The oration also Vitellius afterwards set forth, in which he striveth to prove Piso guilty of this villainy, and useth this argument, and openly testifies, That the heart of Germanicus could not be burned, by reason of the poison. On the contrary, Piso is defended by that kind of disease called Cardiaca Passio, of which those that die, their hearts also will not be burned. [ Plin. lib. 11. cap. 37.]
Cneus Sentius being chosen Governor of Syria, by the Lieutenants and Senators that were there, sent Martina to Rome, a woman infamous in that Province for poisoning, but very much beloved of Plancina: at the entreaty of Vitellius and Veranius and others, who framed crimes and accusations, as against them already found guilty. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 74.] But Agrippina, although tired out with grief and sickness, yet impatient of all things that might hinder her revenge, took shipping with Germanicus his ashes, and her Children. [ Ibid. cap. 75.]
Piso having received the news of Germanicus his death, at the Isle of Cous, expressed his joy most intemperately; but Plancina was more insolent, who then first of all left off her mourning, which she ware for the death of her sister. [ Ibid. ] The Centurions came flocking about him, telling him that the Legions were already at his command, that he should return into the Province taken from him wrongfully, and now void of a Governor. [ Ibid. cap. 76.] He sending letters to Tiberius, accused▪ Germanicus of riot and pride, and that himself was driven out, that a way might be opened to innovation, that he had again taken the charge of the army, with the same fidelity he had governed it before; and withal he commanded Domitius Celer with a Gally to sails into Syria, avoiding the coasting of the shoares, and letting pass the Islands, to take the open sea. Then marshalling and arming runnagates, and rascal companions, and sailing over into the Continent, intercepts an Ensign of raw Soldiers going into Syria, and writeth to the Lord's of Silicia to send him aide. [ Ibid. cvp. 78.]
Piso and his Companions passing by the coast of Lycia and Pamphilia, met with the ships which conveyed Agrippina, each hating one the other, made ready for a fight: but being both afraid each of other, they proceeded no farther than to hard words. And Marsus Vibius told Piso that he should come to Rome and answer for himself, he scoffingly answered again, That he would then come, when the Pretout that should inquire of poysonings, should appoint a day both for the plaintiff and defendant. [ Ibid. cap. 79.]
In the mean time Domitius going to Laodicea, a City of Syria, came to the Winter Quarters of the sixth Legion, as most fit for new enterprises, he was prevented by the Lieutenant Pucureius. Sentius openeth this by letters to Piso, warning him that he should not go about to corrupt the army, nor raise any war in the Province, and withal, marcheth with a strong power, and ready for the fight. [ Ibid. ]
Piso seizeth upon the strong Castle of Celenderis in Silicia, for by mingling the Runnagates and the Raw Soldiers that he had intercepted, with his own and Plancina her slaves, and the aides that he Lord's of the Cilicians sent him, he had marshalled them into the form of a Legion, then he draws our his companies before the Castel walls on a steep and craggy hill; the rest being environed with the sea. But when the Roman Cohorts came, the Cilicians fled, and shut themselves within the Castle. [ Ibid. 80.]
In the mean space Piso went about but in vain, to assail the Navy that waited for them not far off; then returned to the Castle again, now tormenting himself upon the walls, now calling every soldier by name, offering rewards, assayed to raise a mutiny, and did so much prevail, that the Standard-bearer of the sixth Legion went with his En • ign unto him. Then Sentius commanded the Cornets and Trumpets to sound, and give an assault to the Rampire, raised the ladders, and commanded the ablest men to follow, and others to shoot out of Engines, darts, stones, and firebrands. In the end Piso, his obstinacy being overcome, entreated that having delivered up his arms, he might remain still in the Castle, until Caesar were consulted, who should be Governor of Syria. These conditions were not accepted, nor any things granted, but only shipping, and safe conduct to the City. [ Ibid. cap. 81.]
But when Germanicus his sickness was noised abroad, all things as coming from far, being increased to the worse, grief, anger, and complaint, burst our, [ Ibid. cap. 82.] and his death as it pleased Tiberius and Livia, so it was a great grief to all others, [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 615.] neither by any consolations, nor by any edicts could the public mourning be restrained; yea it lasted also all the festival days of the month December. [ Suetonius in C. Caligula, cap. 6.]
Honors were decreed as every man's love to Germanicus or wit could invent: there were Arches erected at Rome, and on the bank of Rhene, and in Amanns a mountain of Syria, with an inscription of what he had done, and that he died for the Common-wealth. A Sepulcher at Antioch where he was buried, and a Tribunal at Epidaphne where he ended his life. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 83.]
Agrippina although it were winter, yet still continuing her voyage by sea, arrived at the Island Corcyre over against the coast of Calabria, where she rested a few days to settle her mind, and then sailed to Brindisi; where after she was come to land with her two children, holding the Funeral Urne in her hand, there was a general mourning amongst them all. [ Id. Annal. lib. 3. cap. 1.]
Drusius the son of Tiberius went as far as Terracina to meet her with his brother Claudius, [The Julian Period. 4733] and the children of Germanicus, [Year after Christ 20] who had remained in the City: the new Consuls M. V • lerius, and M. Aurelius, the Senate, and a great part of the people, filled up the way. [ Ibid. cap. 2.]
The day that the relics of Germanicus were put in Augustus his Tomb in Campus Marti • s, was sometime desolate thorough silence, and sometime unquiet thorough their weeping: everyone honoring him that was dead, and greatly affectionating the widow Agrippina, and railing upon Tiberius. [ Ibid. cap. 4, & 5.]
Piso coming to Rome, landed at Caesar's Tomb, on a day when the shore was full of people, himself with a great company of followers after him, and Plancina with a great company of women after her, both of them looking very cheerfully, and solemnizing their happy return in an house that looked into the Market-place, which was trimmed up for Feast and Banquets, [ Ibid. cap. 9.] The next day Fulcinius Tiro accused Piso before the Consuls. Tiberius referred the whole cause to the Senate, [ cap. 10.] The day the Senate met Drusius Caesar made a premeditate Oration, tempered and accomodated for the mitigation of the defendants offense. [ cap. 12.] Then had the accusers two days given them to bring in their accusations, and after six days space, the defendant had three days to answer for himself. [ cap. 13.]
As the cause was a pleading, the outcry of the people was heard before the Court, that they would tear him in pieces, if he escaped by sentence of the Senate: and they had dragged his images into the Gemonies, and broken them in pieces if they had not been secured and put in their places again by the Princes command. [ cap. 14.] Then was the same hatred against Plancina, but the favor of Tiberius (ill gotten as it is believed) protected her; Piso then perceived he was undone, when his wife separated her defense from her husbands, whereupon he slew himself with his own sword, [ cap. 15.]
Suetonius writes that he was almost torn in pieces by the people, being condemned to death by the Senate, [ in C. Caligula. cap. 2.] Dio relates, thus for the death of Germanicus, that he was brought into the Senate by Tiberius himself, desiring that he might have time to defend himself, and that he laid violent hands upon himself, [ lib. 57. pag. 615.] Cornelius Tacitus saith that he had often heard from ancient men, [ Annal. 3. cap. 16.] that there was often seen a little book in his hand which he published not, but as his friends said, it contained Tiberius letters and commission against Germanicus: and that he had purposed to disclose it to the Senators, and to accuse the prince, had he not been deluded by Sejanus his vain promises, and that he did not kill himself, but that one was sent to murder him, but (saith he) I will not assure either of these things, although I ought not to conceal it to have been uttered by those, who lived until I came to man's estate. [Look Suetonius. in Tiber. cap. 52.] [Year of the World 4025]
The license and impunty of ordaining sanctuaries, [The Julian Period. 4735] increased throughout the [Year after Christ 22] Cities of Greece, into which were received debtors against their creditors, and those that were suspected of capital crimes, so that the wickedness of men was protected by the ceremonies of the God's. Tiberius ordered that the Cities should send their charters and Ambassadors to the Senate to Rome, and the Ephesians were first heard concerning this business, then the Magnetians, Aphrodisia • s, Stratonicenes, Hiero-Caesarians, Cypriots, Pergamenians, Smyrnians, Tenians, Sardians, Milesians, Cretans, and others their acts made, in which a mean was prescribed, but yet with much honor. And they were commanded to erect altars in the very Temples for a sacred memory; yet so that under color of Religion, they should not fall into ambition. [ Tacit. Annal. a cap. 60. ad 63.]
Gaius Silvanus was accused of bribery by his companions, and banished into the Isle Cythera, [ Ibid. a 66. ad 69.] Caesius Cordus was also accused of bribery by the Cyrenenses, at the suite of Ancharius Priscus, and is condemned. [ Ibid. cap. 70.]
Aesius Sejanus killed Drusius (the son of Tiberius, [Year of the World 4026] and his partner in the Tribuneship, [The Julian Period. 4736] having committed adultery with his wife Livia) by poison given him by Lygdus an Eunuch, [Year after Christ 23] [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 8. 10.] who also accused the Jews that lived at Rome to Tiberius of feigned crimes, that he might wholly destroy that Nation, which he knew either only or chiefly to withstand his wicked practices, and conspiracy against the life of the Emperor. [ Philo, in lib. de legat. ad Caium, & lib. in Flaccum initio. ]
Drusius's Funerals being ended, Tiberius returns to his accustomed business, forbidding any longer vacation: and to the Ambassadors of the Ilienses that came too late to comfort him, he jeered them, as though the memory of grief had been blotted our: He answered them, That he also was sorry that they had lost so gallant a Citizen as Hector was. [ Suetonius, in Tiber. cap. 52.]
There are decrees of the Senate made, by the persuasion of Tiberius, that the City Cibara in Asia, and Aeginum in Achaia, that were much damnified by an Earthquake, should be relieved by remitting them three years tribute. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 13.]
The Samians and the Coans, by their Ambassadors sent to Rome, desired that the ancient right of Sanctuaries might be confirmed, the one for Juno, and the other for Aesculapius. [ Ibid. cap. 14.]
Lucilius Longus died, the only partaker of the fortunes of Tiberius, both adverse and prosperous, and who only of all the Senators was his companion when he withdrew himself to Rhodes, [ Ibid. cap. 15.]
Lucilius Capito the Governor of Asia, is condemned at the accusation of the Province; for which revenge, and because in the former year they had been revenged of C. Silanus, the Cities of Asia decreed a Temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the Senate; and leave is given them to erect one. [ Ibid. ]
Valerius Gratus the Governor of Judea, taking away the High Priesthood from Ananus (or Annas) made Ishmael the son of Fabus High Priest, whom also he cast out shortly after, [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]
Ishmael being removed, [Year of the World 4027] E • eazar the son of Annus (or Annas formerly removed) by the same Valerius is made High Priest. [The Julian Period. 4737] [ Id. [Year after Christ 24] ibid. ]
Cassius Severus the Orator, who 17 years before was banished into Crete for his ill tongue by the decree of the Senate, and whereas he used the same thing there, he had all his estate taken from him, being forbid both water and fire, he is banished into the stony Island of Seriphus; where eight years after he ended his life in extreme poverty. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 21. Hieronym. in Chronico. ]
P. Dolabella the Proconsul of Africa, calling to his aid with his Country men Prolomaeus the son of Juba, King of Mauritania, slew Tacfarinas, and so put an end to the Numidian war. The King of the Garamantes, who had helped Tacfarinas with light-horsemen that he sent from a far off, he being slain, sent Ambassadors to give satisfaction to the people of Rome. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. a cap. 23. ad 26.]
Vibius Serenus a banished man, being falsely accused by his son of treason, is condemned for an old grudge that Tiberius owed him: and whereas Gallus Asinius was of opinion that he should be confined, either to Gyarum or Donusa, and that he might dissemble the grudge, he misliked that sentence; saying, That both those Islands wanted water, and that to whom life was granted, things necessary for life were also to be granted; whereupon Serenus is banished to Amorgus, (one of the Sporades) [ Id. cap. 28, 29, 30.]
Ten years of Tiberius's Empire being ended, he made no account of resuming it by any decree for ten years longer, neither did he intend to have it divided by ten years as Augustus had done, yet there were Decennal Plays made. [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 619.]
Eleazar after one year, [Year of the World 4028] being removed, [The Julian Period. 4738] Valerius Gratus gives the High Priesthood to Simon the Son of Camithus. [Year after Christ 25] [ Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]
The Citizens of Cyzicum because they had cast some Roman Citizens into prison, and had not perfected the Temple that they had begun to Augustus, as to a god, had their liberty again taken from them that they had merited by being besieged in the war of Mi