The Annals of the World
In the year 47 of the first Periode of Calippus, in the eighth day of the month Anthisterion, 465 years of Nabonassars account, the 29 day of the month Athyr, three hours before midnight, in the end of the 29 day of our January, after the Julian Calendar, Timochares observed at Alexandria. That the south part of the Moon covered the following part of the Virgilia's, to a third part or near half. [ Ptolem. lib. 7. cap. 3.]
Lysimachus, now King both of Thrace and Macedon, being drawn thereto by the persuasion of his wife Arsinoe, (by whom he had also children born) murdered his son Agathocles; his eldest son, and whom he had ever designed to be his successor in his kingdom, and by whose conduct he had achieved so many glorious victories, but whether by poison, or by the hand of Ptolemeus Ceraunus, brother to his said wife Arsinoe, I cannot say, [ Strabo lib. 13. p. 623. Justin lib. 17. cap. 1. Pausan. in Attic. pag. 9. Memnons Excerpt. cap. 9.]
But having thus begun with his own son, he fell afterward to act the like upon his Nobles that were about him, for no other cause than for that they lamented the death of his son. Whereupon they which escaped his hands, and the Captains of his armies in all parts, fled away to Seleucus, [ Justin Ibid. ] and when upon these murders of his Nobles, all the people fell to have him in abomination, now not single persons only, but whole Cities fell off from him, and revolted to Seleucus. [ Memnon Ibid. ]
Lysandra, the daughter of Ptolemeus Soter, and sister to Arsinoe, with her children begotten her by Agathocles, and her brothers with her, fled away all to Seleucus; and with them Alexander also, another son of Lysimachus, but by the venter • of Odryssias, another wife of his, fled also for company to him; all which coming to Babylon, joined in petion to him, to make war upon Lysimachus, [ Pausan. Ibid. with Appian in Syriac. pag. 130.]
At the same time also, one Philetaerus a Paphlagonian born, and an Eunuch made, but one who had had good education in his youth, and whom Lysimachus had made keeper of all his treasure laid up in Pergamos, repining at the murder acted upon Agathocles, and therefore laid at by Arsinoe, who daily accused him to Lysimachus, seized himself of the city Pergamos, which stands upon the river Caicus, and then sent to Seleucus, offering himself, and all the treasure which he there had under his charge, belonging to Lysimachus, to his disposing, and so holding in still with the strongest, and him that was next at hand, and bearing them in hand, with fair promises, and good offices, as occasion was offered, kept the Castle there, and principality of the place, 20 years long. [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 7. and 9. Strabo lib. 13. pag. 623. And Appianus in Syriac. pag. 129.] calls him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ( i. e. ) the Prince or Potentate of Pergamos, [Year of the World 3722] but certain old choines in Huber. Goltsis Thesauro. have him, Regem, (i. e.) King: For indeed this was the man that was the founder of that new principality in Pergamos; being 60 years of age, as Lucian. in Macrobiis affirmeth of him.
In the year 48 of the first Periode of Calippus, on the 25 day of the month Pyanepsion, 466 year of Nabonassar, the seventh day of the month Thoth, three hours and one half before midnight, the ninth day of our November, Timochares at Alexandria observed the Conjunction of the moon with Spica Veneris, in the northern part thereof. [ Cl. Ptolem. lib, 7. cap. 3.]
Antiochus, surnamed Soter, son of Seleucus Nicator, falling in love with Stratonice, his Stepdame, and one by whom his father had a son born, being conscious to himself, of the feditie of his own desire, neither attempted anything upon her, nor disclosed ought of that which troubled him, but lay gnawing his sheets, and in that melancholy, would fain have died. But Leptines, a Mathematician, or as others say, one Erasistratus, a Physician, Aristotle's grandchild by a daughter of his, and a disciple of Chrysippus, as Pliny hath it, [lib. 29. cap. 1.] to wit, of Chrysippus a Cnidian born, and by profession, a Physician likewise, as Laertius in the life of Chysippus saith, though some others say he was a scolar under Theophrastus, as the same Laertius, in the Life of Theophrastus toward the end thereof noteth, against whose followers, going by the name or sect of Erasistrataeans. Galen afterward wrote a book of Phlebotomie, or opening of a vein, yet extant; this Erasistratus therefore, sitting upon a time by Antiochus, observed, that at the coming in of Stratonice his color ever rose, and his pulse beat high, and when she went away, he grew pale and wan again, and fetched his breath short, and panted, found thereby what ailed him; ad opened the matter to Seleucus: who thereupon was content to part with her, though most dearly beloved, to his son; and calling his army together, before them all, married her to his son. And whereas he had at that time 72 Provinces under him, he gave up the greater part of them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ( i. e. ) the upper provinces, which were all to the eastward of Euphrates, to his son, reserving to himself only such countries as lay from the Euphrates westward, to the Mediterran sea, [ Appian. in Syriac. with Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 7. Plut. in Demet. Lucian. De Syria Dea. Galen. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; (i. e.) of foreknowing, and Julia in M • sopogone. ]
Lysimachus, [Year of the World 3723] passing over into Asia, [The Julian Period. 4433] made war upon Seleucus. [Year before Christ 281] And this was the last battle fought between the Survivors of Alexander the Great: of which there were now already 34 extinct and dead, these two only survived: This battle was fought in Pnrygia, lying upon the Hellespont, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : as we read, [ in Porphyry, in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 228.] wherein Lysimachus, fighting very valiantly in his own person, and having lost many of his men, was struck thorough with a great Spear, by one of Heraclea, whose name was Malacon: and so having seen the death of fifteen of his children, before him, remained as it were the last stone of his house, to be pulled down, [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 9. Memnon, Excerpt. cap. 9. Appian, in Syriac. pag. 128. 131. Justin, lib. 17. cap. 1. & 2. Oros. lib. 3. cap. ult. ] Appian saith, that he had then lived 70 years, Justin▪ and Orosius, 74. but Hieronymus Cardianus, the Historian, who then lived in great esteem, saith that he was at that time 80 years of age, as [ Lucian, in Macrobiis, ] reporteth out of him.
When Lysimachus was fallen, a dog of his kept by the body, and beat off all birds and beasts from it: till at length one Thorax, of the country of Pharsalia, having long sought for it, found it out, when it was almost putrefied, and knew it principally by his dog that lay by it; and Alexander his son by Odrysias, with much ado, and after many entreaties, gat it of Lysandra, and carried it into the Chersonese of Thrace, and there buried it: his bones were afterward translated to the Temple in Lysimacia, by the Citizens of the place, and there laid up in an Urne: which Temple, went afterward by the name of Lysimachium, [ Pausan. and Appia. ]
When he was dead, his kingdom accrued to Seleucus, as an addition to his former Monarchy, [ Memnon, ] with which, so great a victory he much pleased himself: and the rather, for that he now saw himself the last alive of all that company, which went by the name of Alexanders fellows, or companions in arms; and a Conqueror of Conquerors, which he said, was a gift not of man, but of god himself, [ Justin. ]
The men of Heraclea in Pontus, hearing that Lysimachus was dead, and that he was slain by a country man of theirs, in the 84 year after that Clearchus had first usurped the Sovereignty over them, fell into a desire of recovering their native liberty, which after their town-born tyrants were extinct, Lysimachus had again taken from them; and in the recovery thereof, they shown themselves right valiant men for Lysimachus, though upon the death of the two Brothers, Clearchus the second, and Oxathres, he restored their liberty to the Citizens for a while; yet afterward, thorough the importunity of his wife Arsinoe, he made war afresh upon them, which [ Justin, lib, 17. cap. 3.] mentions; and having taken their City, he made one Heraclitus Cimaeus, a man wholly at Arsinoes devotion, Governor over them. After Lysimachus his death therefore, the men of Heraclea dealt with this Heraclitus, offering him not only all security for his own person, but also a large sum of money to bear his charges on the way; provided only, that he would be gone, and leave them in their pristin and native liberty. And he thereupon, grew into a rage, and commanded some of them away presently to be put to death: which the Citizens perceiving, and having formerly underhand agreed with the chief officers of the Garrison under him, to make them free of their City, and to pay them all their arreres which had been detained from them, fairly took Heraclitus himself, and put him in prison: where they kept him for a while; But seeing themselves anon after free from all danger, they demolished the Citadel, which Lysimachus had built upon them; and sending an Embassy to Seleucus, to satisfy him concerning what they had done, made one Pnocritus, Superintendant or Curator of their State, [ Memnon, Excerpt. cap. 8. & 10.]
Zipaetus, a petty King of Bithynia, growing angry with the men of Heraclea, first for Lysimachus, and now for Seleucus his sake (for he was enemy to them both) made inroads upon their land, and spared not for any mischief that he could do them; wherein nevertheless his men scaped not scot-free: but received ofttimes, as much damage themselves as they did hurt to them, [ Ibid. cap. 11.]
Mean while, Seleucus sent one Aphrodisius to the Cities of Phrygia, and places adjoining, to look to his profits and affairs there; who having dispatched the business he was sent about, at his return, gave large commendations of other Cities, but laid made things to the Heraclians charge; especially, that they stood ill-affected to Seleucus himself: whereupon the King growing into choler, scorned the Embassy sent by them unto him; and used many rough and minatory speeches to them: but there was one of them, called Camaeleon, who, nothing daunted therewith, spake to Seleucus in this wise, Sir, Hercules, Carron, (now Carron in the Dorian Dialect or language, signifies, him that is the strongest) which word, when Seleucus understood not, persisting in his former choler against them, turned away from them. Whereupon the Messengers that were sent, conceived that it was no boot for them, either to stay there, or to return home again; which tidings coming to Heraclea, they not only fortified their City, the best they could of themselves, but also fell to procuring of foreign aides, and sent their Ambassadors to Mithridates King of Pontus, and to the States of Byzantium, and Chalcedon, to pray in aide of them, [ Ibid. cap. 12.]
But those who were bannished and lived in exile from the state of Heraclea, met together, and came to an agreement among themselves, which was this. There was one Nymphidius, who persuaded them to labor for a restitution to their country; and told them it would be no hard matter to effect it, if they would desire restitution of what their ancestors had lost, in a fair, and not in a turbulent way: whereunto they were all easily persuaded; and when thereupon all things fell out happily, and succeeded according to their desires, it was hard to say, whether they that thus returned to their Country, or their Country which thus received them home again, were the gladder of it, for both they who returned, used the Citizens, who had expulsed them, very lovingly; and the Citisens suffered none of them to want for any necessary and convenient means to live withal, and by this means they grew all into a body again, and returned into their pristine state of nobility and government; as they were before. [ Ib. ]
Seleucus, purposing to end his days in his old and native Country of Macedonia, passed over the Hellespont, [Year of the World 3724] and going from thence to Lysimachia, [The Julian Period. 4434] espied by chance, [Year before Christ 280] a certain altar standing in a conspicuous place, and asked what the name of that altar was; it was told him, that it was called Argos. Now it is said, that he had been forewarned by an oracle, to beware of Argos. But he further asked, why it was called Argos, whether from the Argonautae, which passed that way in elder time, when they went with Jason to Colcho, or from the Argivi, who went to the siege of Troy, or for that the great Argos, wherein Jason went, was there cast away in their return, or for that it was the Country of the Atridae, Agamemnon, and Menelaus; and as he was thus questioning about the name of that alter, Ptolemeus Ceraunus, the son of Ptolemy the first, by his wife Euridice, and brother to Arsinoe the Resict of Lysimachus, standing behind him, ran him thorough with his sword, and slew him; having been his great benefactor, and who had ever borne him up, and maintained him, and who would never let him be from him. And so Seleucus within seven months after the death of Lysimachus, lost both the kingdom of Macedon, which he had taken from him, and his life withal.
Arrianus tells us, that Seleucus was the greatest man that was, after Alexander the Great, and the most nobly spirited of all the rest, and the extent of whose dominions, exceeded all others, [ lib. de. Reb. Alexand. ] He died in the 43 year after the decease of Alexander, the 32 year of the Grecian, or Seleucian Calendar, having spent in his life, as Appian says, 73 years, but as Justin intimates, 78. His body was buried by Philetaerus the Potentate of Pergamos, which he redeemed out of Ceraunus his hand, with a great sum of money; and having buried it in all solemn wise, sent his ashes to his son Antiochus, who receiving it, burned it in Seleucia, which stands upon the sea coast; adding a consecrated Chapel to his tomb, which, from his surname, was called, Nicatorium, [Appian, in Syriac. pag. 129.] Justin tells us, that both he, and his sons, and grand-children after him, were all born with the sign of an anchor in one of their thighs, as a natural badge and token of that race, [ lib. 15. cap. 4.] And Ausonius in his book de Claris Vrbius, (i. e.) of famous Cities, speaking of Antiochia, saith, [ l. 2.]
But Polybius, [lib. 2 pag. 128.] notes, that Ptolemy the first, and Lysimachus, and Seleucus, and Ptolemaeus Ceraunus, all died about the 124 Olymp. and that Ptolemy the first, died in the first year of it, and Lysimachus and Seleucus in the last: But Ceraunus died not till the later end of the first year of the Olympiad following: and whom therefore Polybius, mentioning again the concurrence of their deaths in the [ same book, pag. 155.] seemeth of set purpose to have omitted.
Ceraunus, having thus murdered Seleucus, by the help of a swift horse, gat him to Lysimachia; where putting a Crown upon his head, and taking a fair guard about him, he went unto the army, where of pure necessity the army received him, and cried, God save the King; who had but a little before, sworn fealty to Seleucus, [ Memnon, Excerp. cap. 13.]
Antigonus, surnamed Gonatas, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, hearing how Seleucus was murdered, made a journey into Macedonia, purposing to prevent Ceraunus in those parts, both by his land and sea Forces. But Ceraunus, having all Lysimachus his Fleet in a readiness, drew out, and met him in right good array at sea: in which among other sorts, there were from Heraclea in Pontus sent him sundry vessels, some of six, some of five tire of oars, and such as were called Aphractae; and above all one of eight tire of oars, called the Leontifera, which for her great bulk, and exquisite building, was much admired by all that beheld her; for in her were an hundred oars, so that on each side there were 800 rowers, which made 1600 in all: and upon the upper deck or hatches, there were 1200 fighting men; under two special Commanders: insomuch, as when they came to graple, Ceraunus had by far the better of it; and Antigonus was fain to flee, with all his Navy, In this fight the ships from Heraclea, did best; and among them the Leontifera best of all. Antigonus therefore being thus routed, fled into Boeotia, and Ptolemaeus Ceraunus went into Macedonia, where he remained quiet by the space of two years, [ Ibid. cap. 14, 15.] to wit, one full year and five months, as Dexippus and Porphyry, do more precisely relate this matter.
Ceraunus, growing now gracious in the eyes of the multitude, both in regard of his father Ptolemy the first of Egypt, and also for the revenge which he took of Lysimachus his death, endeavored first, to take in, and make fair with Lysimachus his sons: and desired to marry Arsinoe their mother, and his own sister, bearing them in hand, that he would adopt them for his children; that so succeeding in their fathers room, they might, either in reverence of their own mother, or in regard that they were now to call him father, forebear attempting anything against him. He also by his letters sought the love and friendship of his brother Ptolemaeus Philadelphus King of Egypt, professing that he utterly forgot his loss of his fathers kingdom, and that he would never seek to get that from his brother, which he had already more fairly attained to, by getting it from an enemy. [ Justin, lib. 17. cap. 2.] He made also a peace with Antiochus the son of Seleucus, whom he had murdered, [ Id. lib. 24. cap. 1.]
Neither did he omit to solicit Pyrrhus the King of Epirus to the same effect: supposing it would infinitely sway the scales, to which side soever he leaned. For as much as he also then lay at catch, to get any man's estate that lay in his way; and offered himself to any man that would make use of him. In which humor, being to aid the Tarentines in Italy against the Romans, he sent to borrow ships of Antigonus Gonatas, to transport his army into Italy, to Antiochus the son of Seleucus deceased, to borrow money, because he seemed to be better stored of money, than of men; and to Ptolemeaeus Ceraunus, to furnish him with some companies of soldiers out of Macedonia: and Ceraunus presently sent him 5 thousand Foot, and 4 thousand Horse, and fifty Elephants; yet to serve him two years, and no longer. In requital of which favor, he took his daughter to wife, and left him Guardian and Protector of his kingdom of Epirus, during his absence; for fear, least while he was away, with the flower of his youth in Italy, some or other, might take advantage, and make a spoil thereof in his absence, [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 2.]
Wherefore, leaving his son Ptolemy, whom he had by Antigone the daughter of Berenice, being but 15 years old, Governor of his kingdom, yet as it were under the tuition of the said Ptolemy Ceraunus King of Macedon, he took his journey, and with his army landed in the Port of Tarentum, now Otranto in Italy; taking with him his two younger sons, Alexander and Helenus, being very little ones, for his solace in so remote a war, [ Id. lib. 18. cap. 1.] and never staying for the Spring, put over thither in the midst of Winter, as Zonaras reporteth, out of Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in the 124 Olympiad, as [ Polybius saith, lib. 2. pag. 129.] to wit, in the fourth and last year of that Olympiad.
Antiochus Soter, after his father Seleucus his death, held the kingdom of Syria 19 years. [ Porphyry, Eusebius, and Serv. Sulpitius: ] who when, with much ado, and with many a battle fought, he had hardly recovered all his fathers Dominions: in the end, he sent an army under the command of Patrocles, to pass the mountain Taurus; and he chose him a Lieutenant, one Hermones, borne at Aspendus. Now Patrocles his purpose was, to set upon Heraclea, in the country of Pontus: but receiving satisfaction by an Embassy which they sent unto him, he forbear proceeding any further against them, and making a firm league with them, turned his course, and passing thorough the country of Phrygia, came into Bithynia. But the Bithynians by an ambushment which they laid for him, cut off him, and his whole army, and utterly destroyed them; wherein yet Patrocles himself played all the parts of a most valiant man, and did with his own hand many exploits upon the enemy, [ Memnon, Excerpt, cap. 16.] and Zipaetes the King of Bithynia, having thus destroyed Antiochus his army, built a City at the foot of the hill Liparus, and called it after his own name, [ Id. ibid. cap. 21.]
In the end of the fiftieth year of the first Periode of Calippus, being the 44 from the death of Alexander the Great, Aristarchus of Samos, took an observation of the Summer Solstice; and after that Meton did the like for 152 or 9 decades of years: as Cl. Ptolemaeus in his book De anni Magnitudine, reporteth out of Hipparchus, [ lib. 3. Syntax. cap. 2.]
Arsinoe, the Relict of Lysimachus, being married to her own brother, Ptolemaeus Ceraunus, received him into her City of Cassandrea: and he presently, seizing upon the Castle, there, took her two sons, which she had by Lysimachus, the one called Lysimachus of the age of 16 years, the other, Philippus, being but 3 years old, and slew them both in their mothers arms; and she herself rending her clothes and tearing her hair, was hailed out of the gates of the City with two servants only, and sent into bannishment to the Isle of Samothracia, [ Justin, lib. 24. cap. 2. & 3. Memnon, Excerpt. cap. 15.]
In the beginning of the second year after Pyrrhus his arrival in Italy, [Year of the World 3725] the Galls invaded Greece, [The Julian Period. 4435] [ Polyb. lib. 1. pag. 6.] [Year before Christ 279] for they, dividing their whole army into three parts, and allotting to every part, their work to do; one fell in upon the Thracians and Triballi, under the conduct of Cerethrius; the second upon Pannonias, under Brennus and Acichorius; the third upon Macedon and Illyrium, under Belgius, [ for so Justin, lib. 24. cap. 5. and lib. 25. cap. 2. calls him ] not Bolgius, as Pausanias names him, [ Pausanias, in Phocieis. ]
Ptolemaeus Ceraunus, with a small company, and they not all of the best marshalled neither, (as if wars were as easily waged, as murders are committed) driven on with the furies of his wicked mind, went out against Belgius; and when the King of the Dardans offered to aid him against these new-come Galls, with 20 thousand men, he would none of them: and when the Galls sent Messengers to him, offering him peace for money, he sent them back word, that he would not give them peace, unless they delivered their arms, and the principal of their army, for hostages of their good abearing unto him. So to it they went, and the Macedonians not able to endure the impression of the Galls, fled before them: Ptolemy himself being sorely wounded, and the Elephant on which he rode, being also wounded, and thereupon grown unruly, was cast off his back, and taken by the Galls, and by them torn in pieces; his head cut off, and being taken upon the point of a Spear, was carried about for a terror to the enemy. Few of the Macedonians escaped; the rest were either slain or taken prisoners, [ Justin, lib. 24. cap. 4, 5. lib. 23. cap. 2. with Memnons Excerpt. cap. 15. Diod. Sic. lib. 22. Sec. 3. Pausanias in Phoc. pag. 335.]
After Ptolemy, in the kingdom of Macedon, succeeded his brother Meleager; and him the Macedonians, after two months space, ejected, as a man unworthy of the place; and put in Antipater, the son of Philip, who was brother to Cassander; of whom, [ Justin, lib. 12. cap. 14.] maketh mention: and whom they nicknamed the Etesian, because he continued in the place but 45 days, for thereabouts it is, that the Etesian winds used upon that coast to blow every year, and no more, [ Porphy. in Grac. Euseb. pag. 228.]
Brennus, (who, some say, was by birth a Prausian, as we read in [ Strabo, lib. 4. pag. 187.] hearing of this great victory gotten by Belgius, fretting in himself, to see that he had letten slip out of his hands so fair an opportunity, of getting so great a Proie, as the whole riches of the East: gathered together 150 thousand Foot, and 15 thousand Horse of his Galls, and marched in all haste into Macedonia, Justin, lib. 24. cap. 6.] but coming into the country of the Dardans, a people in Illyrum, was forced to stay there, by reason of a mutiny which rose in his army: for to the number of 20 thousand of his men, (which number Soudas also, in the word Galatae hath) with Leonorius and Lutarius their Captains, fell from him, and went away into Thracia; and what with fighting, what with selling peace to those that would buy it of them, came at length to Byzantium: and having for a while wasted the country of Propontis, and making it tributary to them, possessed themselves at last, of all the Cities in those parts, [ Liv. lib. 38.]
Sosthenes, [Year of the World 3726] a chief man in Macedonia, gathering together the youth and lusty gallants of the country, made head against those Galls that there were, and quelled them in many encounters, and defended the country from their further plundrings. For which great service, when many of the Nobles there strove for the kingdom, he being a man of obscure place and parentage, and of no Royal blood, was yet perferred before them all; and when they would have made him King, he refused it; and made them take their oath to him, as to their Captain or Commander only, [ Justin, lib. 24. cap. 5.] and in that capacity, he governed that country two years, [ Porphyry and Euseb. ]
When Brennus came into Macedonia, and there fell to spoiling and ravaging of the Country, Sosthenes met him with his army; but so few as they were against so many, and heartless against men grown haughty upon so many victories, the Macedonians were quickly overthrown, and fled to their Cities; where whilst they kept themselves, not daring to peep out, Brennus with his army, overran and plundered all the Country, [ Justin, lib. 24. cap. 6.]
Leonorius and Lutarius, getting by a trick, into Lysimachia, and possessing themselves entirely of the Chersonese there, came down from thence into Hellespont, and there finding how little a cut it was over into Asia, had a great mind to pass over into it; and sent their Agents to Antipater the Governor of Hellespont, to treat with him about their passage, [ Liv. lib. 38.]
Zipaetes. having now reigned in Bithynia, full 48, and lived 76 years, died, leaving four sons: the eldest of which, was called Nicomedes, who succeeded his father in the kingdom, and proved to his brothers, not a brother, but a butcher, [ Memnon, Excerpt. cap. 21.] but the younger who was called Zipaetes, and whom [ Liv. lib. 38.] calleth Zibaeas, held the sea coast of Bithynia, which went by the name of Thracia Thyniaca, all. Asiatica, [ Ib. cap. 18.]
Now, when after Zipaetes his death, Antiochus Soter prepared to make war upon Bithynia, Nicomedes sent and prayed in aid of the City of Heraclea; promising to do the like for them, if they ever happened to stand in need of him: whereupon they sent him aid at that present; and by this occasion they afterward, though with great expense of monies, recovered Cierus and Tius, and the land of Thinis: But when they went about to recover the City and Territory of Amestris, (which had also been taken from them) and spared neither for war nor money to recover it: Eumenes who held it, as Governor only, chose for very spite to give it up to Ari • barzanes the son of Mithridates, then King of Pontus, gratis, rather than to render it to the State of Heraclea, upon any terms, [ Ibid. cap. 17.]
Brennus, and Acichorius, with the Illyrians (as Appianus in Illyricis telleth us) whom they call Autarians, and Celts, whom they call Cimbrians, left Macedonia, and went into Greece, with an army of 152000 Foot, and 20400 Horse, every of which Horse had two footmen attending on him, they on horseback likewise, to help their Masters, if occasion were, and to supply his place, if he happened to be slain: but, when they went to plunder the Temple at Delphi, they were terribly beaten off with Thunder and Lightening, with Earthquakes, and with the sinking of the ground under them in the Mount Olympus, and with bitter Frost and Snow, being then the Winter Season, and miserably distressed in all kinds: and they which were slain by the sword of the Phocenses themselves, were little less than six thousand men. There fell upon them likewise, a panic fear; and by a Frost falling in a night, they lost upward of ten thousand more, and as many more perished of very hunger in the place. Brennus their Leader, vexed with the wounds which he had received in his body, and for very shame of such his overthrow, having first swill'd himself with drink, fell upon his own sword and died: and Acichorius, seeing how the heads of this war were punished, gat him hastily, with a company of 10 thousand poor maimed soldiers out of Greece; but the continual storms of rain and snow, with bitter frosts and famine, and which was worst of all, perpetual waking, utterly consumed the relics of this unlucky army; and all nations thorough which they passed in their return, fell upon them as they went, here and there scattered, and made a proy of them, [ Pausan. in Phoc. & Attic. Justin, lib. 24. cap. 6, 7, 8. Eclog. Diodorus. lib. 22. Sec. 13. Appian. Illyr. pag. 758.] which calamity Polybius, [ lib. 2. pag. 108.] notes to have befallen them, year 2. of the 125 Olympiad, and when Anaxicrates was Lord Chancelor of Athens, [ Pausan in. Phoc. pag. 340.]
As for those of Illyrium, called Autarians, which escaped this misfortune, when they came home into their own country, they found themselves there pestered with such a multitude of frogs, sent upon them, that they corrupted the very Rivers with their putrefaction; and then a vapor rising out of the earth after them, bred a pestilence throughout all the Country, till they were fain to flee from their native soil; but carrying the plague along with them, no Country would receive them, and so were they fain to go on 23 days journey, till they came into the country of the Basturnians, and there they built them cities to dwell in, moreover it is said that the land of the Celts, was plagued with Earthquakes, and in them whole Cities swallowed up; and that these plagues still followed them, till at last they also were forced to leave their habitation, and went wandering till they came to the Country of the Illyrians, who were partakers with them in their action at Delphi: and them, as being already consumed with the plagues, they easily overcame, but taking the infection there by meddling with their goods, they were fain again to be gone from thence, and wandered still, till they came to Pyrene, [ Appian. ut. sup. ] of all which horrid, strange, and miraculous plagues and punishments failing upon these Galls and others formerly mentioned, or hereafter to be mentioned, for their sacrilegious acts committed against their Idols, we may truly say, and must confess, that to be most true, which the wise man saith of them, who sware falsely by them, That it was not the power of them by whom they sware, nor of them, whom these thus robbed, but the just vengeance of sinners, from the true God, which punisheth always the offenses of the ungodly, [Wisd. cap. 14. v. ult.]
As for the Cordistae, who were a part of these Galls, which attempted the plundering of Delphi, tis said, that one Bathanasius their Captain, seated them near the bank of the river Ister, from whom it is, that the way by which they returned, was afterward called Bathanasius his way, as Athenaeus tells us, [ lib. 6. cap. 4.] which are the same Galls, which Strabo calls, the Scordisci, seated upon the Ister, and they put these Autarians, or Autoriates, from their possession, which they had there gotten, [ lib. 7. pag. 293; 296, 313, 317, 318.]
And now for those Galls, who as I said before, went out of Thrace, down to the streit of Hellespont, upon a discord raised among them, Leo • orias, with the greater part of his men, returned to Byzantium, from whence he came. But Lutarius took from the Macedonians, who were sent by Antipater, to him, as spies upon him, under the color of Ambassadors, five ships, which he used to transport his men by some and some, day and night, till he had landed them all in Asia, [ Livy. lib. 38.]
And now to return to where we left, the war growing between Zipaetes, the Bithynian, and the state of Heraclea, Zipaetes got the victory of them, but succors coming to them from other parts, Zipaetes was fain to fly; whereupon the Heraclians, getting the bodies of their slain, burnt them, and carried their bones into the City, and laid them up in their charnel houses, as the bones of men, who among others had excellently well deserved of their Country, [ Mem • ons Excerpt. cap. 18.]
About the same time, Antiochus Soter, and Antigonus Gonatas, making each of them great provisions for war, one against the other, Nicomedes, King of Bithynia, sided with Antigonus▪ but others with Antiochus, Antichous therefore, forbearing Antigonus for the present, marched first against Nicomedes, whereupon he was fain to gather what aides he could from other parts, and among the rest sent to his friends the Heracleans, and got from them 13 ships, of three tire of oars a piece, and then went to encounter Antiochus upon the sea, and their fleets met indeed, but having stood at gaze a while, and looking only one upon another, each party drew off again, and so nothing was done between them that time. [ Ib. cap. 19.]
They of Byzantium, wearied out with the continual incursions and plundrings of the Galls, sent their Ambassadors about to their friends, and got of the Heracleans a thousand, some say, four thousand Crowns; and not long after, Nicomedes dealt with these Galls, and upon terms, procured them to come to his help in Asia; which terms were these: That they should forever continue firm and fast friends to Nicomedes, and his heirs. That without his privity and consent, they should lend no helping hand to any that by Embassies should implore their aide in their wars, but should be friends to his friends, and foes to his foes. Item, That they should help them of Byzantium, if occasion were. Item, That they should maintain league and friendship with the Tianians, and Heracleans, and Chalcedonians, and Cierians, and some other States, which had other nations under their jurisdiction, [Ib. cap. 20, 21.] and so Leonorius, by the means of Nicomedes, King of Bithynia, put over from Byzantium into Asia side. [Livy lib. 38. Strabo lib. 12. pag. 566.] Now this passage of the Galls into Asia, Pausan. in Pho • . [p. 340.] tells us, was in the third year of • 25 Olymp.
Neither yet were they of Byzantium hereby quite rid of those plundering Galls, for some of those who were at Delphi with Brennus, and escaped that danger, came into Hellespont under their Captain Comonto • ius, and they had no mind to go any further, but liking well of the Country which lay abour Byzantium, there sat them down, and having conquered the Thracians, and made Tyla the head City of their kingdom, put Byzantium into as great a fear of an utter ruin, as they were in before, [ Polyb. lib. 4. pag. 313.
Ptolemeus Philadelphus, [Year of the World 3727] being a great favourer of learing, [The Julian Period. 4437] and all liberal, [Year before Christ 277] arts and sciences, built a most famous library at Alexandria, in that quarter of the City which was called Brachium; and having committed the care of getting books of all sorts, and out of all Countries, to Demetrius Phalereus, upon his advise, he also sent to have the holy writings of the Jews to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 72 interpreters, in the seventh year of his reign, as Epiphanius in his book, de mensuris & ponderibus, ( i. e.) of weights and measures, reporteth, of which Tertullian, [cap. 18. Apologet.] thus writeth: The most learned King, saith he, of all the Ptolemeis, surnamed Philadelphus, and most exquisitely seen in all kind of 〈◊〉 ▪ studying, as I conceive, to out go Philistratus in the matter of libraries, among all other monuments, which either antiquity or curiosity could afford, for the eternizing of a man's fame to posterity, by the advise and setting on of Demetrius Phalereus, a most excellent schol • r, and humanition in those days, whom he had set over that work, desired of the Jews to have their books also.
And verily that this Ptolemy, if ever any King, was infinitely addicted to the studies of human learning, is confirmed by Phylarchus, vouched by Athenaeus, [ lib. 12. cap. 17. Deipnos. ] which is more fully delivered by Vitruvius, in his preface to his book of Architecture, where he showeth, that having finished his great library at Alexandria, he instituted certain games in honor of Apollo and the Muses: whereunto he invited, all writers in the common arts and sciences, (as others were wont to do, wrestlers and the like) to put in for the prize; and appointed great rewards to them who we • e found to excel, and surpass the rest in them, and shown how he entertained Zoilus, surnamed Homeromastyae, (i. e.) the scourge of Hmer, when he came unto him.
For this collection of books, Aristotle shown him the way, for he at his death, left his library to Theophrastus, and Theophrastus by his last will and testament, which we find in [ Diog. L •• rtius,] left it to Nil •• s Scepsius, [Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 608. Plut in Sylla. ] and from him Ptolemy bought them, besides others which he bought at Athens and Rhodes; and brought them all to Alexandria, as Athenaeus, [lib. 1. cap. 1.] teacheth us, though Strabo and Plutarch in the places above mentioned; and Atheneus himself elsewhere, to wit, [ lib. 5. cap. 11.] say, that Theophrastus his books, and with them all Aristotle's library, came to the hands of Neleus his heirs, and were by his successors, and long after in the days of Sylla, sold for a great sum of money, to one Apellicon the T • ian.
Keeper of this great library after Demetrius Phalerus, (who was not only a great Grammarian, for which only Tertullian commends him, but also a singular Philosopher, and one who had been formerly a great States-man, and an excellent Governor in Athens) was one Zenodotus of Ephesus, (the first Corrector of Homers books) as Soudas says, and after him Aristophanes, who with great deligence and industry, read over all the books of that great library, in order as they stood; as Vitruvius in his forementioned Preface to his book of Architecture affirmeth. But this was afterward: and therefore to return to the time we are now upon. Aristaeas in his Treatise of the 70 interpreters, and after him Josephus, lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 2. and Euseb. lib. 8. de Praepar. Evangel. speak, ] as followeth.
Demetrius Phalereus, being upon a time asked by King Ptolemy, how many Myriads or ten thousands of books he had gotten together, answered, about 20 Myriads, but hoped ere long, to make them 50 Myriads, which number of 200000 books, since we find, not only in Aristaeas, which we now have, but also in those Copies which Josephus and Eusebius heretofore used, that that lesser sum of 54800, found in Epiphanius, who wrote long after them, is in no wise to be admitted.
Demetrius Phalereus advised the king, as I said before, to ask those sacred writings of the Jews; but Aristaeas, who was an attendant about him, at that time; advised him, for the purchasing of them, to set all the Jews, who were then slaves in Egypt at liberty, and send them home; and it is said that the number of them came to 10 Myriads, ( i. ) one hundred thousand souls: and in our copy of Aristaeas, it is said: that everyone of them cost the King 20 drachmaes, or 120, as it is in Josephus: now 120 drachmaes, make 30 • icles, or stateres, or tetradrachmaes in silver, which was the full price of a slave in [ Exod. c. 21. 32.] at which rate our Savior also, what time, for our sakes, he took the form of a slave upon him in the flesh, was sold by Judas the traitor, now those 20 drachmaes which we find in our Aristaeas, being multiplied by • 0 Myriads ( i. ) 100 thousand amount to 2000000 drachmaes, which again being divided by 6000 which make just an Attick talent, make 333 • Attick talents; now the price which Ptolemy paid to redeem the Jews from their masters, came to above 400 talents, both by Josephus his and also by our Aristaeas his account: because it is said that there were above 10 Myriads paid. In which redemption of the Jewish slaves from their masters the like price was paid for every sucking child of them, together with the mothers which they sucked on over and above, whence it is that Josephus says that Ptolemy paid in this kind, upward of 460 talents, instead of which our vulgar editions of Aristaeas have 660 talents.
Of these Jews Ptolemy took the younger sort and ablest of them into his army, and of the rest, such as he thought fit, he employed in his private affairs, as in his letters to Eleasar the High Priest, himself affirmeth, for which one true letter of the Kings, Epiphanius giveth us two forged ones, far diffarent both in style, and meaning, from that which we find in Aristaeas, and Josephus, the latter of which beginneth thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . &c. (i. e.) of a treasure that is hidden, and of a fountain sealed up, what profit is there? whereas in the greek one attributed to the king, who doth not perceive a manifest Hebraism, and that taken out of Ecclesiast. [c. 20. 30.] wisdom if it be hidden, and a treasure unseen, what profit is there of either of them?
But together with that Epistle, he sent also rich presents to the use of the Temple at Jerusalem, by Andraeas, and Aristaeas his two servants, to be delivered to Eleasar the High Priest, as namely, a golden table of two cubits long, (and an half, as Josephus addeth) and no less than half a cubit thick, all of solid gold, and not covered over only with plates of gold; with 20 goblets of like gold, and 30 of silver, for the making of all which, he allowed over and above, 50 talents weight of gold, and 70 of silver, and precious stones to the number of 5 thousand, so that these stones amounted in the value of them, to five times as much as the gold which he sent, came unto, and the workmanship thereunto belonging, besides all which he sent 100 talents for sacrifices and other uses of the Temple.
Eleasar the Priest, receiving these presents, out of every tribe, (for that after the captivity there remained some of 10 tribes of the twelve, I shown before in the year of the World 3468. c. ) he chose six principal men, most eminent above all others, for ripeness of age, for nobility, for learning and experience; which should translate God's Law, out of Hebrew into Greek; the particular names of the which 72 elders are expressly delivered by Aristaeas; the last of which called Ezekiel, I conceive to be none other but him, whom Eusebius in the ninth book, de Praepart. Evangel. reporteth to have written a Tragedie of the bringing forth, or deliverance of the children of Israel out of Egypt; for the very name of Ezekiel showeth, that he was of the Jewish race, and not a Greek, as Clemens Alexandrinus, and Eusebius, thought he was.
Eleasar also wrote back a letter to the King, the beginning whereof, as we find in Aristaeas, was this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (i.e.) God save you, or as Eusebius, more rightly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. (i. e.) If yourself are well, and the Queen Arsinoe yeur sister, all is well, and as we desire it should be: for Philadelphus, after the death of Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus King of Thrace and Macedon, by whom he had Ptolemeus Euergetes, and Berenice (of whom more in their proper places) married a second Arsione, his own sister, which after the death of Lysimachus her first husband was married to Ptolemeus Ceraunus her own brother, but she died, before she bare any child to Philadelphus, on whom he so doted, that he called a province in Egypt, Arsinoiti • , after her name, [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 7.] and made her a statue of Topaz stone, four cubits high, and consecrated her in a Temple, which was called the golden Temple, [ Pliny lib. 17. c. 8.] and by his appointment, Dinocrates the Architect, set him to make an archroof over her, all of load-stone, to the end, that an image of her made of Iron, might cleave thereto, and seem there to hang in the air, [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 14.] of which Dinocrates, Ausonius in his 9 Idyllion, speaking, saith;
These 72 interpreters entering into Alexandria, presented the King with such things as Eleasar had sent unto him, together with sundry parchments, wherein the law was written, with golden letters, in the language of the Jews, all curiously written, and the parchments so joined together, that the seaming of them could not be discerned by the eye of man. and it fell out, that they came thither at a time, when news came to him of a great victory gotten by him at sea against Antigonus, of which sea fight, for want of writers in that time, I find no mention made in any other place but this, for I can no ways approve their judgment, who refer it to that time, when Antigonus Gonatas making war upon the Athenians, besieged their Cities by sea and land, which we find by Justin, [lib. 26. and by Pausan, in Laconic. ] was not till after the death of Pyrrhus, and before the death of Aretas, or Areus the first King of Lacedemon, which was between the years 4442, and 4450, according to the Julian account: for allbeit that Areus with his land forces, and Patrocles with Ptolemeis fleet, came at that time to the succor of the Athenians, yet seeing that Areus returned home without any battle • ought, Pausanias shows, that Patrocles did nothing neither for their relief. [ In Attic. pag. 7. and in Laonic. 87.]
But concerning our 72 interpreters, Ptolemy to entertain them, feasted them seven days, or as Josephus hath it, 12 days, in a most sumptuous and magnificent manner, and afterward appointed one Dorotheus to take care of them, and to supply them with all necessaries, not letting them want for anything, for their table or otherwise. And the King himself would now and then put them questions, some concerning affairs of State, some of morality; whereunto they extempory made him very prudent and well advised answers: as we find in Arstaeas, who took all that he wrote out of the Kings Diaries, or Day-books; then caused he three talents to be given to each of them and the boy that carried them.
Three days after, one Demetrius walking along the causway, called the Heptastadium, that is a mile, wanting one furlong, with the Interpreters, led them over the bridge into the Isle of Pharos, and there placed them in a goodly house, upon the north shore of the Island, and far off from any noise or tumult; and they there set themselves every man to his work of the Translation, most exactly fitting it to the meaning of the Original: which done, Demetrius caused it to be fairly exscribed: every day they sat at it till three of the clock in the afternoon; and then went and took their repast: having all things abundantly provided for them, and especially their diet, of the same kind that was provided for the Kings own table, did Dorotheus see them furnished withal, by the Kings appointment. Moreover, every morning very early, they came to Court, and there having bid the King good-morrow, returned to their place: and there having washed their hands, as their manner was, and said their prayers, they set themselves to read, and to interpret from point to point; But Epiphanius, varying herein from Aristeas and Josephus, writes that they were put into 36 cells; to wit, two together in everyone of them; and there continued from break of day, to the very evening; and that then they were put into 36 boats, ( i. e. ) two into a boat, and so brought back to the Kings Palace, and there eat of the Kings diet: in the former part of which Narration, he followeth I know not whom; but in the latter, it seems, is led by their Fables, which dreamed that the causway of 7 furlongs was not made, at least not finished, till Cleopatraes time.
And it so fell out, that this work of the 72 Interpreters was finished in 72 days, as if it had been so cast by them of set purpose; which done, Demetrius calling all the Jews together in the place where it was done, read it all over in the presence of the Interpreters themselves: and they as the authors and finishers of so great a good, were highly commended and magnified by all the Jews there present; Demetrius also himself wanted not his share of praises among them: and they besought him, that he would deliver a copy of the law, so translated to their Rulers. And when it had been all read over to them, then the Priests and Elders of the Interpreters, and the Magistrates and Officers of the Jews, stood up and said, Forasmuch as this Interpretation is religiously, and in every point accurately performed, it is requisite and fit, that it should stand as it is, and that no alteration be made in it. And when all approved that saying of theirs, with a great acclamation, then Demetrius required to lay a great curse (as the manner was) upon any man that should offer to alter it, by adding any thing thereto, or taking anything therefrom.
And when all had been in like manner read over to the King, he infinitely admired the wisdom of the Legislator; and commanded all possible care to be taken of those Books, and that they should be • eligiously laid up and kept. He also desired the Interpreters themselves, that after their return home, they would not fail to come often to him again; and gave to every of them, three fair Gownes, two Talents of Gold, a Cup of one whole Talent, and the full furniture of a Chamber.
And moreover, to Eleazar the High Priest, he sent by them, ten beds with Silver feet, and rich furniture thereunto belonging: a Cup of 30 Talents, ten Raiments, with Scarlet, and a Crown richly wrought, and about one hundred pieces of Linnen, as fine as Silke; and withal, Viols, and Mazers, and two golden Goblets, to sacrifice withal; and by his letters desired him, that if any of these men had at any time a desire to come and visit him, he would not hinder them; for that he infinitely desired to converse with such kind of men, and chose to spend his money upon them rather than any other way.
The Galls, which were left by Brennus, when he went into Greece, to keep Macedon, least they should seem to sit idle, whiles their fellows were at work, fitted out 15 thousand Foot, and 3 thousand Horse, and set upon the Getes, and the Triballi, and routed them, [ Justin. lib. 25. cap. 1.]
Antigonus Gonatas, [Year of the World 3728] having lost a battle at sea, as was said before, by Ptolemy Philadelpha • his men, made a peace with Antiochus Soter, as Justin, shows, [ lib. 25. cap. 1.] and went into Macedonia, where his father Demetrius Poliorcetes had sometimes reigned, and which himself, coming to it in the tenth year after his first being King of Greece, held 34 years, [ P • r • hyrie, in Gr • c. Eusebia. pag. 229.] whose Heirs continued Kings there down to Perseus; in whom, being overcome by the Romans, the kingdom of Macedon, was extinct, [ Plut. in Demetrius. ]
The Galls, having overcome the Getes and the Triballi, sent their Ambassadors to Antigonus the King of Macedon, to offer him peace for his money; but withal to spy his army, and the manner of his Camp: These Antigonus entertained and feasted in sumptuous manner: but the Galls seeing the infinite store of Silver and Gold set forth for the feast, for greediness thereof, returned more his enemies than they came. And thereupon resolved with one accord to set upon him: but he having got an incling of their coming, gave order that every man should take with him what he could, and lie close in a wood adjoining: the Galls came on, and taking what they there found, turned away to the sea side; where, whiles they were busy in rifling the ships, the Mariners, and a part of the army which was thither fled with their wives and children to save themselves, set upon them unawares, and slew them, and made such havoc of them, that the reputation thereof secured Antigonus from thence forward, not only from the Galls, but also from all the nations round about him. [ Justin lib. 25. cap. 1. & 2.]
Now as touching those Galls, who under their 17 Commanders, the chief whereof were Leonorius and Lutarius afore named, passed over it several times into Asia, they all came again into one body, and offered their assistance to Nicomedes against Zibaeas, all. Zibetus the younger, who held the coast of Bithynia lying upon the sea; by these, and others which came from Heraclea in Pontus, was poor Zibetus crushed to pieces; and so Bithynia came all into the hands of Nicomedes. But the Galls having wasted that Country all over, shared the spoil thereof among themselves; and then dividing the kingdom between them and Nicomedes, called their portion thereof, by the name of Gallograecia. [Livy lib. 38. Justin. lib. 25. cap. 2. Memnon Excerpt. cap. 20.]
Of 20 thousand men that they were, there were not above 10 thousand armed; yet they struck such a terror into all the Nations and Countries on this side the Taurus; that as well the places which they went not to, as those they did go to, far and near, all submitted to them. And whereas they consisted of three nations of their own, to wit, the Tolistobogians, all. the Tolistoboians, (coming, as was thought, from the Galls, which were called the Boii) the Trocmi, and the Tectosagi, they divided all Asia between them, according to the several parts thereof, where they planted themselves: to the Trocmies lot, fell Hellespont, and all that coast: Eolia and Ionia, fell to the Tolistobogii, and the Tecto • agi possessed the inland or middle part of Asia; but they made their chief seat upon the bank of the river Halys, [ Liv. lib. 28, and Soudas in the word Galatae. ]
Of this passing of the Galls out of Europe into Asia, Demetrius Byzantius wrote 13 books, as [ Laert. in the Life of Demetrius Phalerius ] says, which one Phaennis, who lived a whole age before this fell out, is said by way of oracle to have foretold, in these words.
In the 126 Olympiad, Eratosthenes Cyrenaeus, the son of Aglai, or, as others, of Ambrosius, was born. He was a scolar of Aristo Chius the Philosopher, and of Lysanias of Cyrene the Grammarian, and of Callimachus of Cyrene a Poet, [ Soudas, in the word Eratosthenes. ]
Curius Dentatus, [Year of the World 3730] this year fought with Pyrrhus in Italy: and having slain 23 thousand of his men, and taken his Camp, made him retreat to Tarentum. [ Eutrop. lib. 2.]
When the Ambassadors, which Pyrrhus had sent to the Kings of Asia, and to Antigonus Gonatas, to help him with men and money, and they returned without either, to him; he called the Princes of the Epirotes and Tarentines together, and, suppressing the letters, told them, that supplies would come very speedily. But when the fame hereof came among the Romans in their Camp, and that there were great supplies coming to him out of Macedon and Asia both, that report held them quiet from attempting anything more upon him, [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 11.] But Pyrrhus, never telling why, made as if he would remove with his army from Tarentum. Mean while, willed his confederates to provide for war, and committed the keeping of the Castle at Tarentum to his son Helenus, and to one of his Nobles, whose name was Milo. [ Justin lib. 25. cap. 3.] and when he had spent six whole years in the war in Italy and Sicily, and lost many of his men, and had no hope left, of doing any good, he returned into Epirus, with those eight thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, which he had left. [ Plut in Pyrr. ]
Curius in his Consulship triumphed of Pyrrhus; and was the first that brought Elephants (four in number) to be seen in Rome, [ Eutrop. lib. 2.] nor did the people behold anything in that triumph more willingly, than those beasts with turrets on the backs of them, and which they were so much afraid of: which very beasts seemed to have a sense of their captive condition, by holding down their heads, as they followed the victorious horse in the triumph, [ Florus, Rer. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 18.] which triumph, was made in the month of Jan. or Febr. as is gathered out of the Marble fragments of the Records of their Triumphs.
Pyrrhus, getting some of the Galls to join with him, made some inroads upon Macedonia, where Antigonus Gonatas then reigned. And having gotten many Cities, and two thousand of Antigonus his soldiers revolting to him, and his hopes still increasing, he marched directly against Antigonus himself to bid him battle; and put him with all his Forces, Macedonians and Galls, to flight, Of which Galls who brought up the rear, and fought that day very manfully, many were cut in pieces, and died in the place; and the Captains of the Elephants, being distressed by the enemy, yielded themselves and Elephants unto him. The Macedon Foot standing amazed at this overthrow, and hearing Pyrrhus calling upon them all in general, and upon their Captains, and chief Officers by name, to yield unto him, left Antigonus, and • ell to him; and when Antigonus saved himself by flight, Pyrrhus pursued him to the sea side, [ Plut. in Pyrrho. Pausan. in Attic. pag. 11, 12.]
After this victory so gotten, Pyrrhus took the richest and fairest spoils of the Galls, and hung them up in the Temple of Pallas of Itonia, which is between Phera, & Larissa: and brought all the upper Macedonia and Thessalie into his subjection, [ Id. ibid. ] and as if this had made him amends for Italy and Sicily, which he reckoned he had lost, sent for his son Helenus from the Castle of Tarentum where he had left him, [ Justin, lib. 25. cap. 3.]
When Pyrrhus had spoiled the City Egeas, which was the Royal Seat of the late Kings of Macedon, and where they lay buried, he left there the Galls who had followed him in this war, to keep it, who when they had heard by some, that in the Tombs of the Kings which there lay, there was great store of treasure hid, according to the fashion of old times, they brake down the Tombs themselves, and took away such wealth as was in them; threw their bones about the streets, and basely trampled them under their feet, But Pyrrhus, though finding that by that act of theirs, he himself was ill spoken of among the Macedonians, yet blamed he not them therefore openly, knowing what need he had of them in his wars, [ Plut. ib. Diodorus. lib. 22. in the Excerpt. by Vales. pag. 266.]
Antigonus, with some few Horse that followed him, came to Thessalonica, there to attend the event of things, and what would become of Macedonia, now he had lost it: purposing to put for it again, by the help of such mercenary Galls as he had taken into his pay. But being a second time utterly defeated by young Ptolemy, Pyrrhus his son, with seven only in his company, he skulkt up and down, seeking no longer now to recover his kingdom, but to save his own skull, [ Justin, lib. 25. cap. 3.] And Pyrrhus reproached him, calling him an impudent fellow, for that, notwithstanding the condition he was in, yet he would not get him a cloak to wear, as other Grecians did, but contiued still in his Scarlet Robe, [ Plut. ut sup. ]
In the year when Gaius Fabius Licinius, [Year of the World 3731] and Gaius Claudius Caninas, [The Julian Period. 4441] were Consuls of Rome, [Year before Christ 273] Ptolomaeus Philadelphus, hearing of the great overthrow of Pyrrhus by the Romans, and how they began to grow in the world, sent his Ambassadors, with presents from Alexandria to Rome, and made a league and covenant with them, [ Eutrop. lib. 2. Liv. lib. 14. Dio. in Excerpt. Legatio. published at Rome by Fulvio Vrsino, and Jo. • onar. Chron. lib. 2.] and the Romans being glad to see that so great a King as he was, thus sought their friendship; sent likewise their Ambassadors to him: to wit, Q. Fabius Gurges, Cn. Fabius Pictor, and Quin. Ogulnius. These, having received rich presents from the King, as soon as they came home, and before they went to yield an account of their Embassy to the Senate, went and gave up all that ever they had received from him into the Treasury; rightly conceiving, that out of a public service for the Common-wealth, they ought not to reap any benefit of their well-doing, save only praise and honor; but all was restored to them again, not only by a Decree of the Senate, but also by the general vote of the people; and the Questors were commanded, to go and deliver to every of them his own again. So that in this one thing, the bounty and magnificence of Ptolemy, the sincerity of the Ambassadors, the equity of the Senate, and whole people of Rome, had every of them the praise due and belonging to them, [ Diod. ut. sup. Valer. Max. lib. 4. cap. 3.]
In the 13 year, [Year of the World 3732] according to Dionysius, [The Julian Period. 4442] on the 25 day of Egon or Capricornion, [Year before Christ 272] in the 52 year from the death of Alexander the Great, or 476 from the beginning of Nabonassars account, on the 20 day of Athyr, (17 of our January) the Planet of Mars was observed to be in the morning, under the northerly part, of the forehead of the Scorpion. [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 10. cap. 9.]
Pyrrhus, having obtained the kingdom of Macedon, began now to look after the sovereignty of all Greece and Asia. [ Justin lib. 25. cap. 4.] But before he had quite subdued all Macedon, he was sent unto by Cleonymus of Sparta to come and help him in his wars at Laconia, [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 12.] in the absence of Areus their King, who was then away in Crete, helping the men of Gor • yna there, who were then oppressed with a war. Pyrrhus therefore went, with 25 thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, and 24 Elephants, which great army put Pyrrhus in mind not to recover Sparta to Cleonymus, but to get all Peloponese for himself. [ Plutarch in Pyrrho. ]
In the 13 year of Ptol. [Year of the World 3733] Philadelphus (in some impressions it is falsely, and a half, ) in the 476 year of Nabonassar, in the 17 day of the month Masor, answering the 11 of our October, 12 hours after the setting of the sun, Timochates observed the star of Venus in the morning wholly to have eclipsed and darkened, [ Cl. Ptolom. lib. 10. cap. 4.]
While Pyrrhus lay before Sparta, a company of women, whose Captainesse was Archidamia, defended it against him till the return of Areus out of Crete, and Acrotatus the son of Areus, valiantly repulsed Ptolemy the son of Pyrrhus, when he made an assault, and would have broken into it, with two thousand Galls, and certain choice companies out of Chaonia: whereupon Pyrrhus, despairing of any good to be done there, drew off, and took the spoil of the Country, purposing there to winter.
Now whiles the war thus lasted in Laconia, Antigonus, having recovered the Cities of Macedonia, marched down with his army into Peloponese, there to encounter again with Pyrrhus, knowing that if he sped well there, he would presently return into Macedonia, to pursue the point of the war there, [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 12.] and when Pyrrhus was upon his way to Argos, Areus the King fell upon the rear of him; and ever now and then cut off some of the Galls and Molossians, which brought it up, and one Orasus a Cretian born, slew Ptolemy the son of Pyrrhus, valiantly fighting on his fathers behalf, [ Plutarcb ] whose body brought off, when his father beheld, he said, that this death betided him not so soon as he feared it would, or his overmuch rashness did deserve, [ Justin. lib. 25. cap. 4.]
In the very night that Pyrrhus entered into Argos, it is said, that a scrich-owl came and sat upon the top of his Spear, [ Elia. de Histo. Animal, lib. 10. cap. 37.] and the day following, he was killed, with a brick-bat, which a poor old woman threw down upon his head; and his head was presently cut off by one Zophyrus, a soldier of Antigonus, and carried to Alcyoneus, Antigonus his son, who took it, and dashed it on the ground at Antigonus his foot, where he sat, with his Nobles about him; and Antigonus rebuked him very sharply for so lavishly insulting over the fall of so great a person; not considering the casualty of human condition: and taking the head, put his hood over it, which he then ware for an attire, after the manner of the Macedonians, and buried his body very honorable. And when his son Helenus was brought prisoner to him, he willed him to take upon him both the habit, and also the spirit of a King, and delivered into his hands the bones of his father, enclosed in a golden Urne, willing him to carry it into Epirus, to his brother Alexander. And as for Pyrrhus his Nobles and friends, for they also, camp and all, fell into his hands, he entreated them with all the fair respect that might be. [ Plut. in the end of his Pyrrhus, lib. 25. cap. 5. Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. 1.]
Those of Tarentum, hearing of the death of Pyrrhus, sent to Carthage to crave aid thence, as well against the Romans, as against Milo, who held the City with a strong Garrison of Epirotes: and Milo being reduced to this exigence, and being enclosed on all sides, by the Romans at land, and Carthaginians by sea, delivered up the Castle to Papyrus Curso, the Roman consul, upon this condition, that he and his soldiers, with their monies, and other stuff, might be suffered safely to pass into their own Country. The City thereupon was also surrendered to Papyrius, by the Townsmen thereof: giving up their arms, their ship, themselves, and all into his hands: and this was the end of the war of Tarentum, against the Romans, [ Zonaras out of Dionoros. lib. 4. cap. 3. Frontin. Stratag. lib. 3.]
After the death of Strato, [Year of the World 3734] who sat master of the school of the Peripaticks [The Julian Period. 4444] 18 years, [Year before Christ 270] Lycon of Troas, the son of Astyanax, succeeded him; a man eloquent of himself, and very fit to instruct and bring up youth, [ Laert. ]
Attalus the younger, [Year of the World 3735] the brother of Philitarus had a son born him, [The Julian Period. 4445] whose name also was called attalus, [Year before Christ 269] and reigned afterward in Pergamos, and lived 72 years, as we find in Polybius, in Excerpt. Hen. Vales. and Suid. in Attalus, and Liv. lib. 33.]
Jubilaeus 24. [Year of the World 3736]
After Mithridates, [The Julian Period. 4448] when he had sitten King of Pontus 36 years, [Year before Christ 266] succeeded his son Ariobarzanes, [Year of the World 3739] [ Diod. lib. 30. year 3. Olymp. 119. with Excerpt. Memnon. c. 17. & 25.]
In the year according to Dionys. [The Julian Period. 4449] 21. in the 22, [Year before Christ 265] and 26 day of the month Scorpion, [Year of the World 3740] in the year 484 of Nabonassar, 18 and 22 day of the month Thoth, and in the 14 and 18 of November, according to the Julian account, there was an observation taken of the planet Mercury in the morning, [ Plau. Ptol. lib. 9. cap. 10, 11.]
Philetaeus the Teian, [The Julian Period. 4751] born at Teii in Pontus, [Year before Christ 263] when he had ruled in Pergamos 20 years, [Year of the World 3741] departed this life at the age of 80 years, after whom came Eumenes the first, his elder brother Eumenes his son, who sat there 22 years, [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 543. & lib. 13. pag. 623, 624. with Lucian, in his Macrobi • . ]
The first Pu • ic or Sicilian war began this year between the Romans, (who now first set foot out of Italy, and fought their first battle at sea) and the Carthaginians, who had then invaded Sicily; and this war continued 24 years without intermission. [ Polyb. lib. 1.]
This same year also, when Diognetus was L. Chancelor at Athens, the Chronologer of Paros, made his Canon or order of times; which the learned Mr. Selden, lately published in his Marmora Arundeliana.
In the 23 year, [Year of the World 3742] according to Dionysius, [The Julian Period. 4452] in the 29 (it should be the 19 or 20, [Year before Christ 262] according to the point of the sun assigned) of Hydron or Aquarion, in the 486 year of Nabonassar in the month Choeac, and 17 day thereof, (upon the 11 of our February) in the morning; and fourth of the month Tauron, or first of Phamenoth the Egyptian month, (for in Cl. Ptolem. we must here write A for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) that is, upon the 26 of our April, in the evening, and first hour of the night, and in the same year of Nabonassar; but the 24 of the Dionysian account, on the 24 of Leonion, or 30 of Paynus, answering to the 23 of our August, in the evening, Dionysius the Astronomer, took the observations, of the Planet of Mercury, which Cl. Ptolomaeus, relateth out of Hipparchus, [ lib. 9. cap. 7.] of his book called his Great Work.
Nicomedes King of Bithynia, enlarging the City Astacus, called it after his own name, Nicomedia, [ Euseb. Chron. with Pausan. in his Eliac. lib. 2. pag. 159. Trebel. Pollio. in Gallienis. and Ammia. Marcel. lib. 22.] though Memnon, Excerpt. cap. 21. saith, that he built Nicomedia over against the City Astacus, as indeed Strabo and Pliny both, make them two distinct Cities.
Eumenes, 1. having gotten many Cities, and places near about Pergamos, into his hands, fought a pitched field, with Antiochus the son of Seleucus, near unto Sardes, and overthrew him in it, [ Strabo lib. 13. pag. 624.]
Antiochus of Syria, [The Julian Period. 4453] having killed one of his sons, [Year before Christ 261] and declared the other his successor, died, [Year of the World 3743] Prolog. of Trog. Pompeius, [lib. 26.] who in his life time, for the great defeat which he gave the Galls, who came over out of Europe into Asia, was surnamed Soter, ( i.e. ) their deliverer, [ Appia. in Syriac. pag. 130.] concerning which victory of his over the Galls, we may read more in Lucian, in his book, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (i.e.) of failing in men's speech, and in his Zeuxis, all, Antiochus. As for his son and successor Antiochus, whom he had by Stratonice, the Milesians, the Milesians were the first, who surnamed him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or God, because he rid them of their Tyrant, Timarchus, [ Appian, ut sup. ] and Tatianus the Assyrian, in his oration against the Gentiles, intimates, that Berosus, who was a Priest of Belus in Babylon, dedicated his three books of the Chaldean History unto this Antiochus, by whom also, [ Pliny l. 17. cap. 56.] were published the observations of the Celestial Motions, among the Babylonians, for 480 years, which number of years, if we deduce from the head or Epoch of Nabonassars account, as other learned men do, we shall find it to end but six years before the beginning of this Antiochus. But Porphyry, Eusebius, Severus Sulpitius, Johannes Malela of Antioch, and all agree in this, that he reigned 15 years.
This man gave the Jews living in Ionia, equal rights and privileges with the Gentiles, and yet suffered them to live according to their own religion and customs of their nation. [ Josephus lib. 12. cap. 3.] he made sundry times war upon Ptol. Philadelphus, and fought with him, with all the forces he could raise from out of Babylon, and all the oriental parts. Wherefore Ptolemy, desirous to put an end to this bloody war, gave him his daughter Bernice two wife, while his former wife Laodice was yet living; by whom yet he had borne him two sons, Seleucus Callinicus, and Antiochus Hierax, ( i.e.) the Hawk. And Ptolemy accompanied his daughter as far as Pelusium, and there gave him an infinite mass of gold and silver, in dowry with her, whence he was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ( i.e. ) the dowry giver, [ Jerome upon Daniel, c. 11.] and took great care to his no small cost besides, that water out of the river Nile, might be carried to her, where ever she was, to the end she might never drink of any other water but that, as Atheneus, [lib. 2. c. 2.] reporteth out of Polybies. And Appianus is mightily overseen, where he saith, that Bernice and Laodice were both daughters to this Ptolemy, [ in Syria. pag. 130.]
Josephus, [Year of the World 3745] [ l. 12. c. 3.] writeth that after Eleazar the son of Onias, [The Julian Period. 4455] ( i.e. ) his Uncle Manasseh, [Year before Christ 259] the son of Jaddus, succeeded him in the Priesthood at Jerusalem, and sat High Priest there 26 years, by the reckoning of [ Scaliger, in Graec. Eusebia. page 50.]
Laodice bare unto Antiochus Theos, [Year of the World 3746] a son called Antiochus, [The Julian Period. 4456] who, [Year before Christ 258] as I said before, was called Hierax. See hereafter, [ An. Mun. 1760.]
In the year 28, [Year of the World 3747] according to Dionysius his account, [The Julian Period. 4457] the 7 day of the month Didymon, [Year before Christ 257] in the 491 of Nabonassar, day 5 of the month Parmuth, the 28 of our July, the Planet of Mercury was seen near to the sign of Gemini, in the evening, toward the south head thereof, [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 9. cap. 7.]
This year the second Periode of Calippus began. [Year of the World 3750]
Aratus of Sicyone, [Year of the World 3753] at the age of 20 years, delivering his native country from the tyranny and oppression of Nicocles, joined it to the body of the State or Common-wealth of Achaia, [ Polyb. lib. 2. pag. 130.] and then sent to Ptolemy Philadelphus in Egypt, and gat of him 150 talents, which he bestowed among his poor country-men; especially in redeeming such as had been taken prisoners. And because those that had been turned out of their Country, and were now restored, would never let them be quiet, who upon what title soever, were now possessed of their lands and estates; therefore he made a journey himself to Ptolemy, and desired more money of him, to make all even among his country-men, and to take away all suites of law and differences between them. In which journey, thorough violence of tempest, and contrary winds, he was driven upon the coast of Caria, in Asia; and from thence, having made along voyage of it, came at last into Egypt: where he obtained a boone of 150 talents more for his countries good; of which he took 40 talents presently along with him, and returned into Peloponese, [ Plut. in Arato. ]
This year, [Year of the World 3754] when Manlius Vulso, [The Julian Period. 4454] and Attilius Regulus were Consuls in Rome, [Year before Christ 250] which, as Polybius noteth, was the 14 year of this first Carthaginian war, the Parthians, under their Captain Arsaces, shoke off the Macedonian yoke, and revolted from them, [ Trog. Pomp. lib. 41.] This Arsaces, the later Persian Writers call Aski, all. Askam: and Mircondus Chapur, who, as he saith, began his reign there, in the 72 year, after the death of Alexander the Great; which is one year before the Consulship of Manlius and Attilius in Rome, and 3 years before Olymp. 133. in which Eusebius in his Chron. noteth; that this Arsaces and his Parthians fell off, and reeblled against Antiochus Theos; nevertheless, because the Parthians keep the day, whereon Arsaces fought with Seleucus Callinicus, the son and successor of Antiochus, and overcame him, and took Callinicus himself prisoner, holiday, and make a great festival of it, as the very birthday of their liberty; as Justin relateth out of [ Trogus, lib. 41. cap. 4.] therefore both [ Justin, and Appian, in Syriac. pag. 130.] thought that the Parthians began their revolt, under Seleucus, and not under Antiochus his father. And the Parthians moreover, did this Arsaces that honor, as to call all their Race of Kings after him, by the names of Arsaces, [ Justin, lib. 41. cap. 5. Strabo, lib. 15. pag. 702.]
Now that the Parthians, together with the Persians, which the later Persian Writers confound, and make one people with the Parthians, (of which we may see more in [ Schikard, Tarich. pag. 101. and 102.] and our third note upon the Acts of Ignatius) fell off from the Persian Empire, Arrianus, in Persicis, showeth, as we find him in [ Photios, his Bibliotheca, cod. 58.] Where he also showeth the cause of this their revolt from the Persian Empire, to have been this Arsaces and Tyridates, the sons of Phriapites, all. Priapasius, the son of Arsaces, first had slain one Pherecles ( all. Agathocles, as we find him styled by Geor. Syncellus) the Governor of that Country, appointed by Antiochus Theos; for that he offered to abuse the body of the said Tirdates in a sodomitical way, having five others in the plot with him. And then turning the Macedonians out, took the Sovereignty to themselves: whose successors afterward stood it out also, against the Romans, and contended with them for the Empire of the World. See [ Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 515.]
At the same time also, Theodotus, who had under him 1000 Cities of the Bactrians, fell off, and revolted from the Macedonians; and the whole East, following their example, did the like, [ Justin. lib. 41. cap. 4. out of Trogus. ] Others say, that the two Kings of Syria and Media, falling out, one Euthydemus persuaded the Grecians, which inhabited Bactria, to revolt from the Macedonians, and to cast off their yoke; and that thereupon Arsaces, seeing Diotus, all. Theodotus, grow into such power among the Bactrians, drew the Parthians to a revolt likewise from the Macedonians; Apollodorus also, in his books of the Parthian affairs, tells us; that those Greeks, which dwelt in the Bactria, growing strong, invaded India, and went so far therein, that, passing the River Hypanis, Eastward, went as far as the Isamus, and out-went Alexander in the conquest of India, [ Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 515, 516. and lib. 15. pag. 686.]
Seleucus King of Syria, [Year of the World 3758] overcome with love, [The Julian Period. 4468] sent for his former wife Laodice, [Year before Christ 246] and her children, to Court again; and she shortly after, fearing the fickleneke of his mind, and least his affections might happily return again to Bernice, his second wife, poisoned him, [ Jerome upon Daniel, cap. 11. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 130.] and to cover this sluttery of hers, she caused one Artemon, who was very like him, to lie in his bed, as if he himself had lain there sick: and so, what with his face, what with his counterfeit speech, cozened all that came to see and visit him in his sickness; and by this means, concealed the death of the true King, till she had taken order for one to succeed him in the kingdom, whom she thought fit, [ Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 14. Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 11. Solin. cap. 1.] and by this means, Seleucus, the eldest son of Seleucus by Laodice, came to succeed him in the kingdom, who from the many victories, which he got, (and they were none, that I know of) was surnamed Callinicus, and from his great beard, Pogon, ( i.e. ) whick signifies a beard, as in Polyb. [lib. 2. pag. 155.] and he sat King 20 years. [ Euseb. Chron. ]
Likewise in Egypt, Ptol. Philadelphus, who, living luxuriously, doubted not to say, that he should live ever, and that he only had found out the way to immortality, as Athenaeus; [lib. 12. cap. 17. reporteth out of Philarchus his History, lib. 22.] in the 40 year after the decease of Ptolemy the first his father, died; and after him succeeded Ptolemy, surnamed Euergetes, his son, begotten of Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus, and reigned 25 years, as [ Cl. Ptolom. in Canone, Clemens Alex and, in Strom. lib. 1. and Jerome upon cap. 9. of Daniel. ] tells us; and in his time it is said, that there appeared a Phoenix, which came to Heliopolis, drawing with her a huge flock of other birds, all wondering at her beauty, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 6.]
Laodice put Berenice with her young son, which she had by Ptolemy, into the hands of Icadion, and Geuneus, ( all. Coeneus) two chief men of Antioch, to be murdered. [ Jerome upon Daniel, cap. 11. and Appia. in Syriac. pag. 130.] Berenice, when she heard that they were coming to murder her, shut herself up in Daphne, a Castle or Suburb of Antioch, of which I spake, before. Where, when the Cities of Asia heard that she with her young son were besieged, they in remembrance and reverence of her high calling, and progenitors, out of mere compassion, sent her in aides from all parts. Her brother also Ptolemy surnamed Euergetes, fearing the danger his sister was in, left his kingdom, and sped him thither, with all the forces which he could make, [ Justin lib. 27. cap. 1.] but before any aides could come, the young son, by such devises as Laodice used, was taken and carried away; whereof Berince the mother hearing, armed her self, and got into a Chariot, and pursued after Caenous, the butcherly minister of that cruel act; and overtaking him, when she could do nothing on him with her spear, took a stone, and with that, laid him all along: and forcing her Chariot over the very body of the knave, brake thorough the midst of the companies, and went directly to the house, where she heard say, they had laid the body of her son, whom they had already murdered. [ Val. Max. lib. 9. cap. 10,]
The murderers of the child, took another child very like him, and brought him forth, and shown him to the people, with a royal guard about him, as if it had been the child indeed, But they set a strong guard of mercenary Galls upon Bernice, and delivered up to her the strongest part of the place or Castle at Antioch, and gave her their oath to be true unto her, and entered into a covenant with her; for she gave ear to Aristarchus her Physician, who persuaded her to make a league and covenant of friendship with them, but they using their oath for naught else but a stratagem, to wit, to get within her, presently fell to cutting of her throat. The women about her, stood to defend her, as well as they could, and many of them there died in the quarrel: but three of them, to wit, Panariste, and Mania, and Gethosyne, took her body, and laid it in her bed, as if she had been wounded only, and not quite dead; giving it forth, that she might recover, and held the people on in that amusement, till the coming of Ptolemy. [ Polyanus Stratag. lib. 1.]
Now all the Cities of Asia, which were revolted from Seleucus, set ships to sea, and joined with Ptolemy, either for the defense of Berenice, if she were alive, or to revenge her murder, if she were dead, [ Justin lib. 27. cap. 1.] and Ptolemy indeed, when he came, slew Laodice, and entering Syria, marched on as far as Babylon, [ Appian. in Syria • . pag. 130.] possessing himself of Coelosyria, with Seleucia, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 402, 403.] Syria also and Silicia, and the upper provinces beyond the Euphrates, and almost all Asia fell unto him, [ Jerome upon Daniel, cap. 11.] even from Taurus unto India, without one battle fought, or stroke stricken for it; if we may believe Polyenus, in the place above cited, with which we may also compare, what we find in the monument of Euergetes, called monumentum Adulitanum, published at Rome, in the year 1631. by Leo Allatius, to wit, Having received, saith he, the sovereignty of Egypt, Libya, Syria Phoenicia, Cyprus, Lycia, Caria, and the Cycladian Isles, from his father, he gathered an army of Horse and Foot, with a fleet of ships, and Elephants out of Trogloditica, and Ethiopia, part 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 of which Elephants had been there taken by his father, and the rest by himself, and brought from thence into Egypt, and there trained up to the war, all excellently well furnished, & with them sailed into Asia; and conquering all the land on this side the Euphrates, Silicia, Pamphylia, Ionia, Hellespont, and Thracia, together with all their Forces, and other Elephants out of India, and all the Kings of the Nations, in his company; he put over the Euphrates, and there conquered Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Susia, Persia, Media, and all the country as far as Bactria.
This Euergetes, having conquered all Syria, came down to Jerusalem, and there offered many sacrifices of thanksgiving unto God, and dedicated to him gifts worthy of so great a Victory; as Josephus speaketh, [ lib. 2. cont. Apion. pag. 1064.]
Euergetes, [Year of the World 3759] being called back by a sedition of his own people in Egypt, [The Julian Period. 4469] held Syria in his own hands, [Year before Christ 245] but trusted Silicia in the hands of one of his Nobles, named Antiochus; and the Provinces beyond the Euphrates, in the hands of Xanthippus for the Government of them: and spoiling and wasting all the kingdom of Seleucus, carried from thence 40 thousand talents of silver, and all the rich vessels that was therein; and 2500 Images of their gods, among which, he carried away also, those Images which Cambyses heretofore, had taken out of Egypt, at his being there, and carried into Persia: and from thence it was, that the Egyptians, when they saw their gods come home again by his means, gave him the surname of Euergetes, [Jerome. upon Daniel, cap. 11.] of whom, in that Monument aforementioned, called Monumentum Adulitanum, we find it thus written. Ptolemy, having there received those gods which the Persians had taken and carried out of Egypt in former times, with other treasure, there laid up; sent up his army, by ditches new cut, to let in the water for that purpose.
After the departure of Ptolemy out of Syria, Seleucus, having fitted up a vast Fleet to go against such Cities as had revolted from him: by a sudden tempest arising at sea, lost all his Fleet: whereupon the Cities and Countries which for very hatred of his person had turned to Ptolemeis side; now in very commiseration of this his so great a calamity at sea, returned all to his obedience again, [ Justin, lib. 27. cap. 2.]
In the year 67. [Year of the World 3760] according to the Chaldeans, on the 5 day of the month Apelleus, and in the year 504 of Nabonasar, 27 of the month Thoth, the 18 of our November, the Planet of Mercury was observed in the morning to have been to the northward of the uppermost Star in the head of Scorpio, [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 9. cap. 7.]
Seleucus Callinicus, beginning to make war upon Ptolemy Euergetes, was utterly routed in the field, and thereupon fled to Antioch, and from thence wrote to his brother Antiochus, and craved his help, offering him for his pains, all Asia on this side the Taurus: but Antiochus, being at this time, not above 14 years of age, yet immoderately greedy of a kingdom, laid hold on the occasion, not with so brotherly a mind as he should have done: but like a very Laron, sought to strip his brother of all that he had, in his necessity; and though a child, yet put he on more than a man-like impious resolution: from whence it was, that even then, he gat the surname of Hierax; ( i.e. ) a greedy Hawk; or Harpye rather, because more like a Hawk than a man, he was ever ready to fall upon every man's estate, [ Justin, lib. 17. cap. 2. with Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 754.]
At this time, [Year of the World 3761] the people of Smyrna and Magnesia, [The Julian Period. 4471] in the month Lenaeon, [Year before Christ 243] entered a league between themselves to maintain the honor and greatness of this Seleucus: which league and decree of theirs, we find preserved to this very day, transcribed out of those Marmora Arundeliana; (i.e. ) those Marble stones which the Earl of Arundel caused to be brought out of those parts, and published in print by Mr. J. Selden, as before.
Ptolemy, when he saw that this young Antiochus took part with Seleucus; least he should be forced to have them both his enemies, at once, struck up a truce with Seleucus, for ten years, [ Justin, lib. 27. cap. 2.] In which long time of peace, he sent for Eratosthenes Cyrenaeus, from Athens, and made him keeper of his Library at Alexandria, [ Soudas. in Eratosthenes, and in the word, Apollonius. ] For this Ptolemy Euergetes, followed his father Philadelphus his steps, in promoting the magnificence of this Library, and with it, of all kind of learning besides; for he himself was a scholar of Aristarchus the Philosopher, and wrote certain Historical Commentaries with his own hand, [ Athenae. lib. 2. cap. 33.] And of his care in getting into his Library the works of ancient Writers, Galen, upon the 3 book of Hippocrates, [ of Epidemical diseases, ] saith, He gave order for all the books of them which came into Egypt, to be brought to him, and took out copies of them: and then gave the transcripts of them to the owners which brought them, but put the originals in his own Library, with this inscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : (i.e.) from out of ships; that it might appear, they came out of such ships as there arrived. And having gotten from Athens the works of Sophocles, Eurypides and Escylus, only to transcribe them, and left them 15 talents in pawn, till he restored the originals, which he had borrowed; he caused them to be written out most exquisitely in fair parchment, and then retaining the originals, sent those so fair transcribed copies, back to them again; desiring them to keep his pawn of 15 talents, and to suffer the originals to remain with him.
Antigonus Gonatas, when he had reigned in M • cedon 34 years, and in Greece 44. and had lived in all, [Year of the World 3762] 80 years, as Medius and other Writers affirm, or as Porphyry saith 83, died, [ Lucian, in Macrobus, Porphyr. • n Graec. Eusebianis, Scalig. pag. 229.]
After him, succeeded his son Demetrius; who reigned 10 years, [ Porphyry, ibid, Polyb. lib. 2. page 131.] in which time he made himself Master of Cyrene, and all Libya, [ Porphyry, ibid. ] Now Olympias, the daughter of Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, after the death of Alexander her husband and own brother, gave her daughter Pthias to this Demetrius, who had at that time to wife, the sister of Antiochus, King of Syria: whereupon she, as one turned off by her husband, went away to her brother Antiochus, and stirred up him, to begin a war upon her husband, for the injury by him done to her, [ Justin, lib. 28. cap. 1.] Now in all this time there was no other Antiochus that was a King, save only this Antiochus Hierax, who would have wrested the whole kingdom out of Seleucus his elder brothers hand; for Justin out of Trogus, [ lib. 441. cap. 4.] calleth both these brothers, by the name of Kings; and the same [ Trogus, lib. 27. in the Prologue to it, and Polyae. lib. Stratag. 4. in Antio. Hierax ] show, that Antiochus went into Mesopotamia; where, as the Fasti Seculi have it, Seleucus had built a City, called Callimicopolis: though at that time, neither Antiochus nor Seleucus, had Syria in their possession, but Ptolemy Euergetes King of Egypt.
Now at this time, [The Julian Period. 4472] Antiochus, [Year before Christ 242] seeking to wrest all Asia, properly so called, out of his brother Seleucus his hand, raised an army of the Galls for his money against him: and coming to a fight near to the City Ancyra, Seleucus there, by the extraordinary prowess of those Galls, lost the field; whereupon, these Galls supposing that Seleucus had been slain in the battle, turned their arms forthwith upon Antiochus, who had hired them for himself, which he perceiving, bought himself out of theirs, as out of so many thieves hands, with money, and was fain to enter a league, and to make an association of arms with his mercenaries: but Eumenes with a fresh army of his own, set upon Antiochus and his Galls, all bleeding and sore as they were of their late-gotten victory, and routed them; and thereby gat the greater part of Asia into his possession, [ Justin, lib. 27. cap. 2. & 3. with the Prologue of Trogus, ib. ]
Eumenes, [Year of the World 3763] the son of Eumenes the elder, [The Julian Period. 4473] who was the son of Philetaerus, [Year before Christ 241] drank himself stark drunk, and died, as [ Athenaeus, lib. 10. cap. 16. out of Ctesicles, lib. 3. de Temporibus, ] reporteth: and after him succeeded Attalus, that Attalus his son, which was younger brother to Philetaeus, begotten of Antiochis, the daughter of Achaeus. This Attalus, using his great wealth warily and magnificently withal, bred an opinion in himself, and then in other men also, that he deserved to bear the name and title of a King: and therefore having upon a time overcome the Galls in a fight, he presently took the name and port of a King upon him: and so used the matter by his care and providence, that it continued in his house to the third generation, [ Polyb. lib. 18. in the Excerpt. of him, pulished by Vales. pag. 102.] concerning which points, Soudas reports an Oracle which was given him by the prophetess at Delphi; in these words.
Now it is supposed, that this Eumenes, was therefore surnamed Taurocerus, because there were a pair of Bulls horns added some where, to the head of his picture, or other statue of him: as also in that Oracle uttered by P • aennes, concerning the slaughter, which he should one day make of the Galls, he is called, Tauri filius, (i.e. ) the son of a Bull, mentioned by [ Pausan. in Phocicis, pag. 334.] in these words,
In the year 45, according to Dionysius his Era upon the 10 day of the month Parthenion, all. Virginion, 83 years from the death of Alexander, the 17 day of the month Epiphus, (the third day of our September.) the planet of Jupiter was observed to have quite eclipsed the Southern star of the constellation of the Asellus, ( i.e. ) the little Ass. [ Cl. Ptolem. lib. 11. cap. 3.]
Lacides Cyrenaeus, [Year of the World 3764] Rector of the new Academie, [The Julian Period. 4474] succeeding Arcesilaus of Pitane in Eolia, [Year before Christ 20] kept his Academy in a certain Garden which Attalus the King had there provided for that purpose, and there he began to read, year 4. of the 134 Olymp. [ Laert. in Laces. ]
In the 75 year, [Year of the World 3768] according to the Chaldeans, [The Julian Period. 4477] in the 14 day of the month Dios, [Year before Christ 237] and the 512 year of Nabonassar, the ninth of the month Thoth, (the 29 of our July,) the planet of Mercury, in the morning, was seen, near to the beam star in the sign of Libra. [ Cl. Ptol. lib, 9. cap. 7.]
Onias 2. son of Simon the Just, [Year of the World 3771] after that Eleasarus had first executed the office of the High Priest at Jerusalem, [The Julian Period. 4481] (because Onias himself was then but a little one) and after him Manasseh, [Year before Christ 233] because the same Onias, when he came to age, proved 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Josephus speaketh, ( i.e. ) but a bird-witted, man, came at last, and in his old age, to be Prince and High Priest among the Jews, in which office, he carried himself very unworthily, and basely, setting his mind to nothing but money. [ Josephus Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 3. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 50.] It is said, that he sat Priest 14 years.
In his days, the Samaritans grievously vexed the Jews, spoiling the Country, and carrying away the people captives: and when Onias, for very covetousness refused to pay the 20 talents of silver, imposed by the Kings upon the land, which sum, his predecessors had ever used to pay out of their own store, for the ease of the people, Ptol. Euergetes in a rage, sent a messenger to Jerusalem, and threatened Onias, that if he did not speedily send him in his arreers of tribute, he would forthwith give away all the land among his soldiers, and plant new colonies of his own there. But there was at that time one Josephus, the son of Tobias, though a young man, yet of singular repute among all men, for his prudence, justice, and other virtues appearing in him. He living in the Country at a place called Phicola, where he was born; was advertised by his mother, who was the daughter of Simon the Just, and sister to this Onias the priest, of the coming of these messengers or Ambassadors to Jerusalem: whereupon he came to Jerusalem, and undertook to go along in an Embassy to Euergetes, about this matter; and being there, he so far insinuated himself, into the good liking and favor of the King, and Cleopatra the Queen; that he not only blew over this storm, which so threatened to fall upon his Country, but also obtained a company of two thousand soldiers to levy the tributes and other due profits to the King out of Coelosyria, Phoenicia, Samaria and Judea, in which office he continued by the space of 22 years; and in that time doubled the Kings revenues; and brought them from 8000, which they were before, to 16 thousand talents by the year, and brought into the kings exchequer, all the goods of felons, and other confiscations which formerly the exchequer men swallowed up, and shared among themselves, [ Josephus 16. cap. 3. & 4.]
In Macedonia the King Demetrius, [Year of the World 3772] died, leaving his son Philip, a very little one, and one Antigonus was made his Protector, or Guardian, but he, (who from his great and extraordinary promises which he ma • e to all sort of men, was called Doson, ( i.e. ) one that was ever full of promises, and of no performance) marrying the mother of his ward, took the kingdom itself, into his own possession, [ Justin lib. 28. cap. 3.] and reigned 12 years. [ Dexippus, Porphy. and Euseb. ]
Lycon of Troas died: [Year of the World 3774] when he had sat Rector of the school of the Peripatetics 42 years, [The Julian Period. 4484] after the death of Strato Lapsacenus, [Year before Christ 230] who sat next before him, and lived in all 74 years.
In the year 82, [Year of the World 3775] according to the Chaldean account, [The Julian Period. 4485] the fifth day of the month Xanthicus, [Year before Christ 229] year 519 of Nabonassar, the 14 day of the month Tybi, (the first of our March) in the evening, Saturn was observed to be two fingers breadth under the southern shoulder of Virgo. [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 11. cap. 7.]
Antiochus Hierax being distressed, [Year of the World 3778] fled to Ptol, [The Julian Period. 4487] Euergetes in Egypt, [Year before Christ 227] and was by him clapt up in a fast prison, out of which he escaped, by the means of a certain harlot, which used to resort unto him, but being upon the way, he fell into the hands of certain theevs, who slew him, [ Justin lib. 17. cap. 3.]
And Seleucus Callinicus his elder brother, much about the same time, his horse falling with him, brake his neck, and died, [ Id. Ib. ] but he left two sons behind him; of which Seleucus the elder, surnamed Ceraunus, being weak in body and purse, could not keep his army in order; and the younger called Antiochus, and surnamed afterward, the Great, after the death of his father, went into the upper Asia, [ Polyb, lib. 4. aag. 315. and lib. 5. pag. 386. with Appian. in Syriac. pag. 86. and 131.] and Seleucus Ceraunus reigned only 3 years, [ Porphy. Euseb. Severus Sulpitius. ]
Seleucus Ceraunus, [Year of the World 3781] marching against Attalus, [The Julian Period. 4490] who had now gotten all Asia on this side the Taurus into his possession, [Year before Christ 224] leaving his kingdom to the care of one Hermias a Carian born, passed the Mount Taurus with a great army, [ Polyb. ut supra. ]
Seleucus was poisoned in Phrygia, by the means of two of his Nobles that were about him, Apatarias, and Nicanor, [ Polyb. ib. Appianus, in Syriac. pag. 131. Jerome, upon Dan. cap. 11. Justin, lib. 29. cap. 1.] and there was at that time in his army, one Achaeu • , the son of Andronicus, brother to Laodice Seleucus his wife, but a prisoner with Ptolemy in Egypt. This Achaeus, as a procheinami and kinsman to Seleucus, set himself presently to revenge his death, upon the two authors of it, and slew them both: and then ordered all matters in the army with a singular dexterity, wisdom, and magnanimity. And, having now a fair opportunity of setting the Crown upon his own head, seeing that all men solicited and importuned him to do it, yet would he not be brought unto it; but kept it for Antiochus, the young son of Seleucus Callinicus, and, marching with the army from place to place, throughout Asia, recovered all that ever his father had lost, on this side the Taurus, [ Polyb. lib. 4. page 315. and 317.]
But the army, that was in Syria, sent to Antiochus, that was in Babylon, to come and take the kingdom upon him, [ Jerome, upon Dan. cap. 11.] which he did, being then under 14 years of age, as [ Justin, lib. 29. cap. 1.] and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i.e. ) very young, as [ Polyb. lib. 4. pag. 271.] saith: and reigned 36 years; as we find in [ Porphyry, and Eusebius. ]
This Antiochus, committing the whole rule and government of all Asia, on this side Taurus, to Achaeus, made Molon governor of Media, and Alexander, Molons brother, President of Persia; but in Court Hermias the Carian swayed all; who, being of a fierce and cruel nature, punished some very grievously for small offenses, and making them seem greater by aggravating words than they were indeed; and casting false calumnies upon sundry persons, was ever a merciless and inexorable Judge against them, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 386.]
Cleomenes, the King of Lacedemon, being vanquished in the field by Antigonus Doson, King of Macedon, near to Sellasia, and thrust out of his kingdom, took ship at Gythium, which he had there laid ready for what chance soever might fall, and taking some of his Nobles along with him, he sailed into Egypt, to Ptolemy Euergetes (to whom he had formerly sent his children, and his mother Cratesiclea, for pledges, when he first promised him his aid;) and was, when he came, honourably entertained by him, [ Polyb. lib. 2. pag. 154. Justin, lib. 28. cap. 4. Pausan. in Corinth. page 52. Plut. in Cleome. ]
The two brothers, [Year of the World 3782] Molon, [The Julian Period. 4492] the Governor of Media, [Year before Christ 222] and Alexander, the President of Persia, despising the youth of Antiochus their King (and the rather, for that they thought that Achaeus would easily be drawn to join with them; but above all, fearing the power of Hermias in Court, and his malice and cruelty withal) conspired together with their Provinces to revolt from Antiochus, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 386.]
In the parts of Caria, and the Isle of Rhodes, there happened at this time a fearful Earthquake, which overturned everywhere their houses; and among the rest, that huge Colossus, (or Image of Jupiter ) at Rhodes, [ Euseb. Chron. Oros. lib. 4. cap. 13.]
Ptolemy Euergetes gave Cleomenes (who by his sweet behavior, grew every day more inward with him than other) some hopes that he would send him back into Greece with a Navy well furnished, and restore him again into his kingdom; mean while he allowed him 24 talents yearly for his entertainment; wherewith, living fruggally, he maintained himself and such as were about him, [ Plut. in Cleom. ]
But Ptolemy died, [Year of the World 3783] before he could perform with Cleomenes, [The Julian Period. 4493] [ Id. ibid. ] [Year before Christ 221] whether of a natural sickness, as [ Polybius, lib. 2. pag. 155.] or whether by the wicked practice of his own son, called Philopater; which signifies indeed a lover of his father; but had that name given him per Antiphrasin, ( i.e. ) by a contrary meaning, as Justin saith; whose words [ lib. 29. cap. 1.] speaking of this matter, are these. Egyptum patre ac matre, &c. (i.e.) Ptolemes, having murdered his father, and his mother, (whom Strabo calls Agathoclea) took Egypt into his hands; who, for his villainy acted upon his parents, had his surname Philopator given him by the Country. We read also in Pliny, [ lib. 7. cap. 56.] that this Ptolemy was by another nickname, called Triphon, from his effeminate and luxurious fashion of living: and in the Fasti Siculi, we find thus, Ptolemy Philopator, who was also called Gallus, son of Ptoleme: i Euergetes, who was surnamed also Triphon, &c. wherein, as the false copy in the prologue of [ Trog. Pompei. 27 and 30.] make for him in the surname of Triphon, falsely attributed to the father Euergetes; so in that other name of Gallus given to the son Philopator, the collector of the great Etymology concurs with him; for there he notes, that Philopater was there called Gallus, because he was wont to go with an Ivy Bush about his head, and other parts of his body, after the manner of the Galli, (who were priests of Cybele) in the solemnities of Bacchus; for so effeminate and debauched was this man grown, with whoring and drinking, that when he was in his best wits, and extraordinarily sober, yet even then he would run about the streets, with the maurice dancers, and bells jingling about him, [ Plut. in Cleom. ] and so as Polybius observeth of him, he spent the whole time of his reign, in revellings and pastimes, giving himself over to all sensual and filthy lusts of the flesh, and to daily quaffing and carousing, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 380, 381.] and Strabo adds, [ lib. 17. pag. 796.] that both he, and all the Ptolemeis that followed, grew luxurious, and never ordered that state well afterward. Now this Philopator reigned after his father 17 years, [ Cl. Ptol. in Reg. Canone. Clem. Alexan. Porphy. Euseb. ]
Philopator, fearing Magas his brother, who by the means of his mother Berenice, was grown gracious in the army, took counsel with one Sosibius, (who was of chief credit with him) and others how to rid them both out of the way. But this employment troubled these men not a little, for fear lest, the high courage of Berenice considered, all this enterprise would come to naught, and therefore they were fain to flatter all the Court, giving them assurance of great matters, in case the business went on, and succeed as they would have it. But Sosibius went farther; and finding Cleomenes the King of Sparta, who at that time stood in great need of the Kings help, to be a singular wise and politick man, and of great experience in matters of the world, brake the matter to him. But Cleomenes dissuaded him from it; saying, that the King had more need to beget him, if it were possible, more brothers, for the security and preservation of his kingdom, than to destroy those which he had. But when Sosibius had told him further, that the King could never be sure of the mercenary soldiers, so long as Magas was alive. Cleomenes then bad him, never fear that, for, saith he, among his mercenaries, he hath three thousand Greeks out of Peloponesus, and one thousand out of Crete, who at one beck of his, would be ready to do what ever he would have them. Whereupon Sosibius took courage, and went on, and murdered Berenice and her son Magas, and all that belonged to them. [ Polyb. lib. 5. pa. 380, 382. and lib. 15, in Excerpt. p. 65. and Plut. in Cleom. ]
Philopator, having first murdered his father, then his mother, and now with her his brother, as if all had been well with him, gave himself over to his luxury more than ever; and in that way all the court followed him, and not only his Nobles in Court, and his chief Commanders in the army; but the whole body of the army, from the highest to the lowest, threw away all care of martial discipline, and lay lusting in Taverns and bawdy-houses at their pleasure, [ Justin lib. 13. pag. 1.]
But to return to Antiochus, when he advised with his counsel, how to repress that rebellion of the two brothers, Molon and Alexander in Media and Persia, Epigenes (who was the man that reduced those forces to Antiochus, which were gathered together for Seleucus, and was of prime credit, and reputation in the army) advised, that Antiochus himself with his army, should presently march against them: but Hermias, on the contrary, advised the King to go himself into Coelosyria, and recover that, and send Xenon and Theodorus Hemiolius, to subdue the two brothers, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 387.]
Whiles this was in agitation, and the King lay at Zeugma in Seleucia, there came to him Diognetus his Ammiral, out of Cappadocia, conducting Laodice the daughter of Mithridates King of Pontus to the King; who, so soon as ever she came, married her: and coming out of the upper regions unto Antioch, there caused her to be proclaimed Queen; and that done, prepared himself wholly for the war, [ Ibid. pag. 388.]
At the same time Molo, having a sure card of his brother Alexander to help him at all assays, marched with a great army against Xenon and Theodotus, the Kings Commanders, sent into those parts, which put them into so great a fright, that they durst not keep the field, but put themselves into walled Cities for their defense; and in this case Molo, having the Country of Apollonia at his back, wanted for no store and plenty of provision. [ Ibid. ]
Mean while, [Year of the World 3784] Philip the son of Demetrius, in Macedonia, upon the death of Antigonus, his Guardian, and father in law, being then 14 years old, took the kingdom into his own hands, [ Justin lib. 18. cap. ult. & lib. 29. cap. 1.] and reigned there 42 years. [ Dexip. Porphy. Euseb. and Polybius lib. 2. pag. 155.] observeth, that these three, Philip of Macedon, Ptol. Philopator of Egypt, and Antiochus Magnus of Syria, came to their Crowns all within the compass of the same Olympiad, 139. for as Antiochus, came to the Crown in the first year of it, so Philapator succeeded his father in the third thereof, and Philip of Macedon in the fourth, and the same Polybius, [ lib. 4. pag. 271.] observeth further, that about that time, almost all the kingdoms of the World, came to have a new succession of Kings in them: the like doth, [ Justin, lib. 29. cap. 1.] where they both show further, that Ariarathes, about the same time, came likewise to be King of Cappadocia.
Now when, upon the death of Antigonus, the Etolians joining with the Lacedemonians, made a common war upon the Achaeans and Macedonians; Cleomenes besought Philopator of Egypt, that he would furnish him with certain necessaries, and some soldiers, and dismiss him to return into his own country; but when he perceived, that Philopator lent but a defeare to that motion of his, he then began to be an often and earnest suitor to him, to suffer him with his own small train, to be gone. And the King, little caring which end went forward in any business of moment, and never forecasting what was to come, according to his wonted folly, never regarded what Cleomenes said unto him: but Sosibius, who, as I shown before, was the chief man of all the rest about him in matters of the kingdom, advising with the rest of the Council, thought it no policy, to let Cleomenes go, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 381.]
Molo, of whom I spake before, assayed to pass the River Tigris, and to besiege Seleucia; but being prevented by Zeuxis, who had gotten all the boates of the River into his hands, he turned his course, and went to Ctesiphon, and there made his provision, for his winter quarter, [ Ib. pag. 389.]
Antiochus, being advertised that Molo came on, and that his men still gave ground, resolved, to leave going against Ptolemy in Coelosyria, and to march in person against Molo. But Hermias, who would not off from what he once propounded, sent Xonaetas an Achaean born, against Molo, with an army very well appointed, and with full and absolute power to do with it as he saw cause, without control; and brought the young King back again to Apamaea, and there gathered an army about him, [ Ibid. pag. 390.]
Xenaetas, coming with his army to Seleucia, sent for Diogenes, the Kings Governor of the province of Susa, and for Pythiades the Ammiral of the Red sea; and with them drew into the field, and having the benefit of the River Tigris at his back, sat him down with his army in the very face of the enemy: and the next day, seizing upon Molo his Camp, which he that night had left, there fell to drinking and rioting with his army, till Molo, espying his opportunity, came back the night following, and in the deep of the night, set upon them, when they little thought of him; recovered his own Camp, took theirs, and Xonaetas himself fighting in the dark, was there also casually slain, and Molo presently with his army came before Seleucia, and took it at the first assault; because Zeuxis was fled out of it, and with him Diomed on the Governor of the place itself: Then subdueing the whole province of Babylonia, with that which lay upon the Red-sea, he took the City of Susa, and leaving there some to besiege the Castle, whereinto Diogenes, their Commander was fled, he returned to Seleucia upon the Tigris, and there refreshed his army. And indeed, in the Country lying upon that River, he took in all as far as Europus, a City in those parts, and in Mesopotamia, all as far as Dura, [ Ibid. pag. 391, 392, 393.]
Cleomenes, after that consultation held by Sosibius, was committed to custody: but watching his time, when Philopator with his train was gone to Canopus, he gave it out among his keepers, that the King would presently set him at liberty: and while they hereupon grew careless of him, and lay fast asleep by their over drinking, he with his friends, brake out of prison, at noon-day; and would fain have stirred up the people to a sedition, but could not: and therefore having no hope of escaping left them, he and his followers, slew themselves, [ Ibid. pag. 385.] three years after his overthow in Laconia, [ Id. lib. 4. pag. 304.] whereof when Philopator heard, he commanded Cleomenes his body to be flayed, and to be hung upon a cross, and both his mother Cratesiclea, and his sons, and all the women that attended on her, to be put to death, [ Plut. in Cleome. ]
Antiochus, setting out with his whole army from Laodicaea, and having passed the Desert, came to the Dale of Marsyas, which lies between the Lebanus and Antilebanus. Spending therefore many days in marching thorough this Dale, and having taken in such places as lay in or near his way, he came to Gerra and Brochos, which are two Castles, built upon the mouth or narrow passage which leadeth into this Dale; and those he found kept by Theodotus, an Etolian born, but at this time, Governor of Coelosyria for Philopator; which when he saw, he first resolved to set upon them: but perceiving the natural situation of the place, to be very strong, and Theodotus his courage in defending them, to be no less, he drew off and went his way, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 390.] For which piece of service yet, Theodotus was so far from receiving any reward or thanks from Philopators hand, that being sent for afterward to Alexandria, he had much ado there to escape with his life for it, [ Ibid, pag. 385. and pag. 405.]
Antiochus, hearing of the utter destruction and slaughter made of his men with their General Xenoetas, and of Molo his victory, whereby all the upper Provinces were utterly lost, and fallen unto Molo, brake off his intended journey, and cast in his mind how to settle and secure the main of his estate, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 390.] About which as he was in council, and Hermias could not stand alone against the general vote of all the rest which persuaded the King to go; yet to have his will in something, he forged certain letters, as written from Molo to Epigenes, and coming in a packet with other letters to him; and by that means, gat him to be put to death, as one that kept intelligence with Molo. And now the King marching against Molo, when he came to the River Euphrates, took into his army the remainder of his Forces that there were, and came to Antiochia, which is in Mygdonia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i.e. ) about the beginning of Winter, and there stayed till the next Spring, [ Ibid. page 393, 394, 395.]
Then removing from thence, upon the fortieth day after he came to Lyba, and there following the advice of Zeuxis, and not of Hermias, he put over the Tigris with all his army; and then marching toward Dura, at the first approach raised the siege, which was laid unto it by a Captain of Moloes: and going again from thence, and never camping two days in one place, at 8 days end, they passed Oricum and came to Apollonia, [ Ibid. pag. 395, 396.]
Molo, though he grew now much afraid, least his army would leave him, yet he drew out against the King; and having two wings, he committed the charge of the left to his brother Neolaus, and led the other himself. But when the battle joined, the right wing, wherein himself was, stood firm to him, and fought very stoutly against the Kingsmen, but the left, fell over to the King: which when Molo perceived, and saw withal, that he was ready to be wholly surrounded by the enemy, he fell upon his own sword. The rest also of his friends, and which had been partakers with him in this conspiracy against the King, gat themselves every man away to his own home, and there acted the like tragedy upon himself. His brother Neolaus also, when the wing which he led yielded to the King, gat him away into Persia, to Alexander Moloes brother; and there having slain Moloes mother, and his children, slew himself also over them: having first advised Alexander to do the like. The King commanded Moloes body to be hanged on a cross in a high place, and having reproached his Rebel-army with bitter words, for their soul and disloyal carriage towards him; yet at last gave them his hand, and received them to his favor and service again: and appointed some to convoy them back into Media from whence they came, and to settle that Province again. Mean while, himself went down from those upper parts to Seleucia, where the said Hermias using the inhabitants very hardly in other points, wrung out of them over and above a thousand talents, for a fine; which yet the King mitigated and reduced to 150. and then left Diogenes to govern Media, and Apollodorus to be President of the Province of Susiana; but sent Tychon, Master of the Scribes, and General of the army, into the Regions lying upon the Red Sea, to govern them, [ Ibid. from the page 396. to the page 399.]
Now at what time Antiochus made this war upon Molo, Theodotus the Etolian, Governor under Philopator of Coelosyria, returning from Alexandria, and casting in his mind, that Patropator was no better than a lost man, and despairing of any good from the Princes about him, with such company as he had with him, seized upon Ptolemais by himself, and upon Tyrus, by one Pa •• tolus, and resolved to come to some agreement with Antiochus, and to put all Coelosyria into his hands: which he performed in a very short time after, [ Ib. pag. 385. and pag. 405.]
Unto Attalus King of Pergamos was born by Apollinis of Cyzicum a son called Attalus Philadelphus, who lived 82 years, as Lucian in his Macrobiis reporteth; and about the same time, Antiochus likewise had a son born to him, called Seleucus, and surnamed (as it seemeth) Philopator.
Jubile 25. [Year of the World 3785]
Antiochus, having now gotten a son, resolved to set upon Ariobarzanes, who had obtained the Dominion of the Atropatians, and other Countries thereabouts: and Ariobarzanes fearing the coming of the King; especially because he was now grown old and decrepit, sought peace at his hands, and had it from him, upon such terms as he was pleased to give it, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 399. and 400.]
Whiles the war went on between Antiochus and Ariobarzanes, Achaeus having shut up Attalus in his chief City of Pergamos, and taken all the places thereabouts, and entered into a league and confederacy with Ptolemy Philopator of Egypt, thought it no great matter to break into Syria, before Antiochus could return to rescue it; and by the help of the Cyrrhestians, who were already revolted from him, to make himself Master of all that kingdom; and therefore with his whole army moving out of Lydia, marched thither-ward: but when he came to Laodicea in Phrygia, he there took a Crown upon his head, and began to assume the title and port of a king, both when he received Ambassadors from other Princes, and also when he had occasion of writing unto them, one Siveris, who being banished out of his own Country, was entertained by him, egging him principally on thereto: and so going on-ward in his journey toward Syria, when he came near to Lycaonia, his army there began to mutiny, complaining that they were led to a war against him, who was their liege Lord, and natural King. Whereupon Achaeus, seeing it went against the hair with them, gave off his purpose, and proceeded no further in it; and moreover told the army that he never purposed to lead them into Syria against Antiochus, but only to wast the Country of Pisidia, to which he presently led them, and did it to the purpose, and so having enriched them with the spoil thereof, and made all fair with them, returned home again. [ Idem. lib. 4. pag. 271. 314, 315. and lib. 5. pag. 401, 402.]
When the war between Antiochus and Ariobarzanes was ended, Apollophanes a Physician of Seleucia, standing in bodily fear of Hermias, wrought the means to bring him into suspicion with the King. whereupon the King feigning himself sick, caused Hermias to be hailed out of his house, and by a crew of certain men appointed for that purpose, to be murdered; and it so fell out, that at the same time, the wives of Apamea drew likewise his wife and children out of her house there, and stoned them all to death. [ Id. lib. 5. pag. 400. 401.]
Antiochus, being now returned home, and having sent away his soldiers to their winter quarters, sent messengers to Achaeus, with many threating words. [ Id. pag. 401. 402.]
Among the Jews, after the decease of Onians 2. his son Simon 2. succeeded in the priesthood, [ Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 4.] and he is said by Scal. [in Graec. Euseb. ] to have sat 20 years.
Antiochus, calling all his army to Apameas, at the first of the spring, by the persuasion of Apollophanes his Physician, removed to Seleucia, which is called Pieria, sending Diognetus his Ammiral thither with his fleet, and Theodotus Hemiolius with a convenient company to possess himself of the streits of Coelosyria. But himself, having intelligence with some of the Seleucians in the town, whom he had won unto him by large monies and larger promises, took first one of the suburbs, and then the City set open their gates unto him, and having gotten it, he entreated the inhabitants very kindly, but put garrisons into the Castle and port both. [ Polyb. lib. 5. from pag. 40, to pag. 405.]
The King was busy in settling things here, when letters came to him from Theodotus the Etolian, to request him to go into Coelosyria, for that he was now ready to deliver it into his hands: whereupon the King put himself upon a march thither-ward; but Nicolaus a Captain of Philopators, having discovered this practice, besieged Theodotus in Ptolemais, where he was; so that he could not get out to act according to his intentions, and withal, sent Lagoras, a Cretian born, with Dorymon of Etolia, with a party to keep the passage entering into Coelosyria, near unto Berytus, which Antiochus easily put to flight, and then Theodotus and Panaetolus, seeing the siege raised from before Ptolemais, where they had hitherto been shut up with such friends as they had about them, went and met him upon his way, and delivered both Tyrus and Ptolemais, with all that in them was, into Antiochus his hand: there were found in both ports, 40 ships, which were consigned into Diognetus the Ammirals hand. [ Ib. p. 505, 406, with lib. 4. pag. 305.]
Antiochus, being certified that Philopator was gone to Memphis, that his forces were all met at Peleulium, that the sluices of Nile were all opened, and the sea let in to spoil all the fresh waters there, changed his purpose of marching to Pelusium, and went into Coelosyria, and there going from one place to another, sought to take in all, partly by force, partly upon conditions, which he offered very reasonable unto them. Wherefore the places, that were less strong, yielded for the most part, upon the first summons; the rest clave close to Philopator, whose subjects they were, and those cost him much time in besieging them, [ Id. lib. 5. pag. 406.]
Mean while, Philopator let all go at six and seven, and took no care of anything: yet Agathocles and Sosibius, who managed all under him, made all the provision they could for the war, keeping all close from Antiochus, as much as possibly they might, and under hand solicited the states of Cyzicum, Byzantium, Rhodes, Etolia and others, to mediate for a peace between the two Kings, whiles they, the mean time, made all provisions for the war, and trained and exercised their men in all kind of feats of chivalrie, and martial discipline, to the utmost of their endeavors, [ Id. pag. 406, 407. cum lib. 4. pag. 305.]
But there happened at this time a new war to grow between the Byzantines, and the Rhodians; the ground whereof was, for that the Byzantines being fain to pay tribute and contribution to the Galls, which lay havie upon them, laid a tole upon every ship that passed by them into the Pontick sea, [ Id. lib. 1. p. 158. & lib. 4. pag. 305, 306, 314.]
Whereupon the Rhodians sent presently to Prusias King of Bythinia, (that Prusias which in Excerpt. Memnon. [cap. 29.] is surnamed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (i. e. ) the Lame) and made an association of arms with him, who was otherwise mischievously enough bent against them, as for sundry other causes, so especially for that they labored, all that ever they could, to make love and friendship between Attalus and Achaeus, which he thought, in many respects would prove damageable to him, and his affairs. Wherefore he came to this agreement with the Rhodians, that they should take the charge of the war at sea upon themselves, and let him alone to plague the Byzantines at land. And to begin, he forthwith went and seized upon a port of theirs in Asia side called Hieron, which place belonged formerly in common to the Merchants which traded into Pontus: but the Byzantines had lately bought them out, and appropriated it to themselves, together with all that portion of Mysia in Asia, which they had many ages before enjoyed, [ Id. lib. 4. pag. 314, 316, 316.]
The Byzantines, seeing what the Rhodians had done with Prusias, did the like with Attalus, and Achaeus, and sent to crave aid of them, and Attalus was very desirous of himself to have hearkened to their motion, but Achaeus lying so heavy upon him as he did, he could afford them but little help. Achaeus, whose Dominions stretched far and near in this side the Taurus, and who had lately taken on him, (as I said before) the title of a King, promised them all the good that he could do them, [ Ibid. pag. 314.] They sent also to Tibites, to call him out of Macedonia, to be their General in this war against Prusias; for it was conceived, that the whole kingdom of Bythina, belonged as well to Tibites, as to Prusias, whose Uncle Tibites was. [ Ibid. pag. 316.]
Prusias, fearing the coming of his Uncle, pulled down all Castles and places of any strength, that were in the kingdom, [ Ib. pag. 318.]
The Rhodians to draw away Achaeus from the Byzantines, sent to Ptolemy, and desired him to bestow on them Andromachus, (who was at that time a prisoner in Alexandria) to present him as a gift of their own, unto his son Achaeus. Which done, and some other offices of honor, done unto him by the Rhodians, the Byzantines lost the chiefest staff they had to lean upon: and withal Tibites, whiles they were convoying him out of Macedon, died by the way, which infinitely crossed them in their designs. But Cavarus (a petty King of those Galls, who were in Thrace, ( as Polybius, in Excerpt. Valesii pag. 26. and Athenaeus lib. 6. cap. 6, tells us ) who at that time came to Byzantium, mediated a peace between them, and Prusias and the Rhodians upon condition, that the Byzantines should forbear exacting anymore tole, or impost upon their ships, and Prusias should restore, what he had taken from them of Byzantium. [ Ib. pag. 317. & 318.]
At the same time also Mithridates King of Pontus made war upon them of Sinope, who borrowed 140 thousand drachmahs of the Rhodians, and therewith fortified their City against him: and all that Peninsula, or neck of land, wherein their City stood, [ Ib. pag. 323.]
Antiochus besieged Dura in Phoenicia, [Year of the World 3786] a City which Cl. Ptolemaeus calls Dora, but to little purpose, for that the place was naturally strong: and Nicolaus, a Captain of Philopaters, sent them ever and anon relief. Yet because winter now came on, he was contented to make a truce with them for four months, at the motion of certain Ambassadors sent by Philopator; for further term he would not grant, not spend more time there, than needs he must, out of his own dominions: for manifest it was, that Achaeus intended to invade his whole estate; nor was there any doubt but that Philopator aided him therein: wherefore having sent away the Ambassadors, he disposed garrisons in fit places, and leaving the care of all things there to Theodotus, he returned to Seleucia, and sent his army into their winter quarters: but taking no further care, of keeping them in military duties; supposing, that the rest would come on of itself, without any great fighting for it, because he had already gotten a part of Coelosyria, and Phoenicia; and thought the rest would submit unto him of their own accord, and for words only without blows. [ Ib. pag. 409.]
But when things came not on, [The Julian Period. 4496] in such sort, [Year before Christ 258] as he imagined, at the first of the spring, he drew out his army again, purposing to set upon his enemies by sea and land, and by force to subdue the remainder of Coelosyria that stood out against him, [ Ib. pag. 411.]
Philopator committed the main of all his wars to Nicolaus the Etolian, made Gaza the Magazine, and there laid in all his provisions for the war, sent forth his armies by sea and land, made one Perigemes Ammiral of his forces by sea, who had with him 30 fighting ships only, but of vessels of burden, to the number of 400. [ Ibid. pag. 411.]
Antiochus was marched as far as Marathos, when Ambassadors came to him from the Isle of Aradus, to desire his friendship, and he not only took them into his association, but also took up the difference that was between them and their neighbors, which dwelt upon the continent, and made them live good friends ever after: and then entering by the way of Theu-prosopon, into Phoenicia, came to Berytus, and in his way set upon Botrys, and took it, but burnt Treres and Calamus to the ground. [ Ibid. ]
But when he came at last to a main battle, he divided his army into three parts, the one he gave to Theodotus, the other to Menedemus, and the third he reserved for the sea, and commanded Diocles to take charge of them; which Diocles he had made Governor of Parapotamia, lying upon the Euphrates. But he with his Life-guard kept in the midst of all, as a reserve, to see how all things went everywhere in the battle, and to help where need should be: and withal Diognetus for him, and Perimenes for Pnilopator prepared for fight with thir naval forces, keeping each of them as close to the land as possible they could; and at last, upon a general signal given, they fell to it by land and sea, and at sea neither party had the better, and parted upon even terms, but at land Nicolaus, after a strong fight, was routed by Theodotus, and in the chase, lost 2000 men slain, and as many more taken prisoners, the rest fled into Sidon. Perigenes seeing all lost at land, retreated at sea likewise, and came to Sidon: and Antiochus without any delay came thither with his whole army, and sat down before it; but forbare assaulting of it, both because it was stuffed with men, and had provision enough within to keep them, [ Ib. pag. 412, 413.]
When P. Cornel. scipio, and T. Sempronius Longus, were Consuls of Rome, Hannibal, having with much difficulty passed the Alps, came down into Italy, in the Summer of this year, [ Liv. lib. 21.] in the latter end of the 2 year of Olymp. 140. from whence we reckon the beginning of the second Carthaginian war, all. the war of Hannibal, described at large by Polybius, Livy, Silius Italicus, in verse, and Appianus Alexandrinus, in his Hannibalica: by which war, the name and fame both of the Carthagenians and Romans spread so far in the world, that in Greece first, and then in Asia, properly so called, and the Islands thereunto adjoining, all men, upon their several occasions, cast their eyes upon, and looked after them, and not upon Philip, Antiochus, or Ptolemy, any longer, [ Polyb. lib. 4. pag. 443.]
In the same Summer that Hannibal came into Italy, Antiochus also brake into Palaestina; and having given order to Diognetus his Ammiral to approach with his Feet to Tyrus, he with his army marched to Philoteria, a City seated upon the Lake of Tiberias, into which the River Jordan falleth: and from thence, runneth thorough the Country adjoining upon the City of Scythopolis: which Josephus calleth Bethsan, in the Tribe of Manasseh. And having taken them both, and put Garrisons in them, he passed the mountains, and came to Atabyrium; that is Thabor, a City seated upon a hill, the top whereof is reckoned to be 15 furlongs compass; where Antiochus toling them out with small skirmishes, caused his Van to go close to the walls, and then to make as if they fled; [Year of the World 3731] which they did: and when the Townsmen came out and pursued them, others that lay in ambushment arose, fell upon them, and slew many of them, and then himself falling on with the rest of his army, assaulted, and took that City also, [ Polyb. ib. pag. 413.]
At the same time, Keraeas, a Commander of Ptolemy Philopator, revolted from him unto Antiochus; whose entertainment there, was so good, that presently Hippolochus a Thessalian born, with 400 Horse in his company did the like. And Antiochus, leaving a strong Garrison in Atabytium, removed thence, and took in Pella and Camus and Gephrus, upon surrender: which so prosperous success of his, moved the Arabians, which bordered upon those parts, with one consent, to cast themselves into his arms, and to join with him. Antiochus, borne up with these new hopes, and confiding in the riches of Arabia, marched into the Country of Galatis; and having made himself Master of the field there, took the City Abyla: and in it, all those, who under the command of Nicias, came to succor them. There remained now only Gadara, a City in the opinion of the World, far stronger than any in all those parts: Antiochus therefore came and shown himself before it; and beginning to cast up his works, with the very sight thereof, he struck such a fright into them, that they presently sent, and rendered themselves unto him, [ Ib. pag. 414.]
In the same Summer also, in Pamphylia, the Pednelissenses, being besieged by the Selgenses, and in danger to be taken by them, sent and prayed in aid of Achaeus; who forthwith sent them 6 thousand Foot, and 500 Horse, under the command of Garsieres; who purposing to enter the Town, by the way of Mylias, found that passage blocked up by the Selgenses: whereupon, he made as if he would be gone, and the Selgenses seeing him gone his way, brake up, and went their way too: some to the Camp, and others to their harvest, which was then ready for the hook; which Gasieres perceiving, turned back short, and passed the straight of Mylias, near unto Climax, without impeachment; and left a strong guard upon it, and then committed the whole management of that war, and defense of Pednelissa, to Phaylus: who, going presently to Perga, stirred up the people of Pamphylia and Pisidia, to come and help the distressed: Whereupon they of Aspendus sent them in 4 thousand Foot, and they of Etenna 8 thousand; but the Selgenses instead of blowing the fire, blew it out, and by their rash and unadvised carriage of matters marred all, and being shamefully overthrown, lost 10 thousand of their men, and fled home to Selga: Phaylus followed them at the heels; wherewith they took such a fright, that they forthwith sent Logbasis to treat of a peace: and he instead of a treator, played the traitor with them; for a truce was taken, in which time, the soldiers of their adverse party came freely into Selga; but they of the Town had underhand sent to Achaeus, and put themselves wholly into his mercy, to deal with them as he would: mean while, Logbasis plotted the delivery of the Town to their enemies: and when things were now ready for their purpose, the plot was discovered; and so both he, and those of the Town, whom he had drawn into the conspiracy with him, and the enemies, which lurked there, in expectance of the event, were all taken, and put to the sword. Then began Achaeus seriously to deal for a peace between them: nor were the men of Selga averse from the motion; Whereupon they were to pay down 400 talents ready money, and 300 more a while after; and the Pednelissans were to restore them all their prisoners without ransom. Achaeus, having gotten Mylias, and the greatest part of Pamphylia into his hands, marched forthwith to Sardes; where, harrowing Attalus with an uncessant war, he began at last to threaten Prusias also, [ Ibid. from pag. 415. to pag. 420.]
Whiles Achaeus was busy in making war against the men of Selga, Attalus sat not idle, but, having the Galls, called the Tectosagi (whom for the reputation of their valor, he had sent for out of Europe, to serve him against Achaeus) of Europe, with him, he marched thorough the Cities of Eolia, and others thereunto adjoining, which for pure fear had submitted themselves to Achaeus: Cuma, Smyrna and Pnocaea, all voluntarily joined with him: those of Egea, and Lemnos, yielded to him for fear, at his first approach: Ambassadors also came to him from the Teians and Colophonians; whom, upon hostages given, he took in upon such conditions, and covenants, as before: and then going on still, and passing the river Lycus, he came into the Country, inhabited by the Mysians: and having gone thorough that, he came to the borders of the Carsenses, whom, together with those who kept Didyma-tiche, he so frighted, that Themistocles, whom Achaeus had left to keep them for him, gave them up both into Attalus his hand: and, removing from thence, he ravaged all the region of Apia, and passed the hill of Pellicante, and encamped upon the bank of the river Megistus; and while he was there, the Moon fell into an eclipse: and thereupon his Galls, who were otherwise weary of so long trotting up and down, with their wives and children in their company, pretending they held this eclipse for some sad prodigy, would go no further, [ Ib. p. 420.] for upon the first of our September. the Moon, in the beginning of the night, was eclipsed for more than a whole hour long.
Atta • us, fearing least his Galls, inclining to Achaeus, would fall upon his Countries, yet because it was upon his word that they came out of Europe into Asia, would not fall upon them, and put them to the sword, but convoyed them all back safe to the Hellespont, where they first landed, and there laid them out lands to live and dwell upon; promising them further, that if at any time after, they should have occasion to use him, he would not, in any reasonable matter, be wanting to them. Then calling to him those of Lampsacus, Alexandria, and Ilium; and commending them for persisting so constantly in their loyalty to him, he returned with his army to Pergame. [ Polyb. ib. pag. 421.]
Antiochus, [Year of the World 3787] being advertised, that a great army of the enemy was met in a City of Arabia, called Rabatamana, ( all. Rabbath-Ben-Ammon) and there plundered all the Country thereabout, marched thitherward, and came near to the little hillocks of earth, whereon the City stood, and having gone about and viewed them, he found that there were two only ways to get into it; and therefore planted his batteries against those places, committing the charge of the works, of the one to Nicarchus, of the other to Theodotus, to make breaches in the wall: and when they were made, and the walls quite thrown down, sooner than could have been imagined: the Kings men labored day and night without any intermissions and with all the might they possibly could, to get into the City, but could do no good, by reason of the multitude of people that were within to maintain the breaches. At last, one of the prisoners in the Camp shown them a vault, or hollow way under ground, by which they came down to get them water: which no sooner had he stopped up, but they were forced to yield for want of water. The King having thus gotten the place, left Nicarchus with a sufficient Garrison to keep it: and sent Hippolochus and Kiras, which had revolted from Ptolemy to him, with 5 thousand Foot to the Country joying upon Samaria, to govern that province, and to safe-guard those, who were his friends in those parts, and acknowledged him for their Sovereign; and went himself with his army to Ptolemais, purposing there to winter, [ Ibid. pag. 414, 415.]
Cn. Servilius, [Year of the World b.] entered his Consulship at Rome, upon the Ides, or 7 day of March. Now among other prodigies, which were from sundry places certified to the Senate at that time, this was one, That in Sardinia, the body of the Sun seemed to be less, than it used to be: and another, from Arpi, that the Sun and the Moon, seemed to fight each with other. Ca. Flamminius the other Consul, who was with the army in the Spring of this year, fought unluckily with Hannibal, at the Lake of Thrasimene, in Hetruria, and was there slain with 15 thousand of his men, [ Liv. lib. 22.] There was that year an Eclipse of the Sun seen in Sardinia, upon the 11 of our February, and [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 442.] telleth us, that as well that great battle at Thra • mene, as that other between Antiochus and Philopator, concerning Coelosyria, were both fought toward the later end of the 3 year of the 150 Olymp. the later of which, fought at a place called Raphia; is by him described in this wise.
In the beginning of this Spring, saith he, Antiochus and Ptolemy, having all things provided for the purpose, were now upon the point to try it out for the mastery of Coelosyria, in a main battle: Ptolemy therefore with 70 thousand Foot, and 5 thousand Horse, and 73 Elephants, set out from Alexandria, [ Id. ib. pag. 421.] and made his first encamping at Pelusium, where he stayed till the rest of his army came in to him: and having there given every man his allowance of corn, he marched on thorough a country destitute of water, near the mountain Casius, and the Barathra, and so came to Gaza: and after five days march, came to the place which he intended; and there encamped, within 50 furlongs of Raphia, which is the first City of Syria, saving only Rhinocorura, which a man meets withal coming out of Egypt, to go into Coelosyria, [ Ibid. pag. 422.]
Antiochus also at the same tme, came thither with his army, consisting of 72 thousand Foot, 6 thousand Horse, and 102 Elephants: and passing by the walls of Raphia, encamped the first night about 10 furlongs, and the next day came within 5 furlongs of Ptolemeis Camp, [ Ibid. ]
At that time, Theodotus the Etolian, who was formerly a man well known in Ptolemeis Court, and one who had well observed his courses and manner of doings: with two only in his company, about break of day, came within his trenches, and the night following, got into the Kings Pavilion, hoping alone to have done the feat, and there to have slain the King; but Dositheus (who was by extraction a Jew, but one who had fallen away from the Religion of his fathers) removing the King to another Tent, had caused another man of mean quality, to lie that night in the Kings bed: Theodotus therefore, that night brake into the Kings Tent, and there wounded two of the Bed-chamber, and slew one Andraeas, the Kings chief Physician; and so returned untouched, into his own Tent again, [ Ibid. and 1 of the Macchab. cap. 3. v. 3, 4.]
After they had there laien 5 days, looking one upon the other, they then both resolved for a battle, [ Polyb. ibid. ] and fight they did; in which fight, when Antiochus appeared to have far the better of it, Arsinoe, Ptolemy's sister, went among the soldiers, with her hair hanging about her ears, and crying to them, that they would stand to it, and in that battle defend their own wives and children; promising them, if they came conquerors out of the field, to give every of them, two pounds in gold: whereby it came to pass, that the soldiers took fresh courage, and slew their enemies down-right, and took of them many prisoners, [1 Maccab. cap. 3. v. 5, 6. with Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 424, 425.]
In that fight, Antiochus lost little less than 10 thousand of his Foot, and upward of 300 Horse: besides prisoners taken, above 4000. of his Elephants there were 3 killed in the fight, two died afterward of their hurts. Of Ptolemeis side, there were slain 1500 Foot, and 700 Horse; of his Elephants 16 were killed on the place, and the rest for the most part taken, [ Polyb. ibid. pag. 427.]
Antiochus, having buried his dead, returned home with the rest of his army; and Ptolemy took back again, both Raphia, and the rest of the places which had been taken from him, upon the voluntray surrender of the inhabitants: every man striving who should be foremost, in acknowledging him their Lord, and returned to his subjection; especially the Coelosyrians, a Nation naturally, and of themselves, ever inclined to the service of the Ptolemeis; upon this occasion, exceeded all others, in honoring him, with Crowns, Sacrifices, Altars, and other such like expressions of their affection, [ Ibid. pag. 427, 428.] And Ptolemy going to visit the Cities next adjoining to that place, bestowed gifts upon their temples, and thereby heartened up the people to continue in his service, [1 Maccab. 3. 7.]
When the Jews sent some of their Sanhedrin, and Elders, to tender him their service, and to present him with gifts, and withal, to congratulate him after so great a victory; it fell out, that he was thereby made the more forward to go thither, and to honor the City with his presence: and when he came, fell into an admiration of the beauty of their temple, and would fain have gone into the sanctum sanctorum; whereinto it was not lawful for any man to go, save for the High Priest only, and that but once in the year neither. But when the Jews stoutly resisted that motion, and the King upon their refusal desired the more and more to go in, and now all the Temple was filled with crying and howling, and the City, with tumult and sedition: then Simon the High Priest, kneeling down towards the Temple, to wit, between the Temple and the Altar, poured out his prayer unto God, begging his help, in this needful time of trouble: whereupon, the King fell into such a horror of mind and body, that he was unneath able to speak, and so was carried half dead out of the Temple, [3 Macchab. cap. 1. & 2.]
So soon as Antiochus was returned to Antioch, he sent Antipater, his brothers son, and Theodotus Hemiolius his Ambassadors to Ptolemy, to entreat of a peace between them. And Ptolemy, contenting himself with his unlookt for victory, and with the recovery of Coelosyria, after a few high words to the Ambassadors used, and complainings against the unjust dealings of Antiochus, granted a truce for a year, and sent Sosibius to ratify it with him, [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 428. with Justin lib. 30. cap. 1.]
Ptolemy, [Year of the World d.] having spent three months in Syria, and Phoenicia, to settle matters there in the several Cities and States, left Andromachus of Aspendus in Asia, to govern all that Country, and so with his sister Arsinoe, and his Nobles returned to Alexandria; having put such an end to this war against Antiochus, as his subjects, who knew the course of his life, much wondered at it. And Antiochus having confirmed the truce in the presence of Sosibius; set himself presently to begin a war upon Achaeus, as he formerly intended to do, [ Polyb. Ib. ]
Antiochus, [Year of the World 3788] having spent the winter in making his provisions, [The Julian Period. 4498] with all possible care, [Year before Christ 216] the next spring set forward, and passing the mount Taurus, made a league with Attalus, and began his war upon Achaeus, [ Id. ib. pag. 444, 446.] whom, whiles he besieged in Sardes, there passed between them sundry skirmishes, day and night, without ceasing: the soldiers on either side omitting no opportunity; but striving by all means, and lying at catch to entrap one another, and to fight upon all advantages. [ Id. ib. lib. 7. pag. 506.]
When the Galls, whom Attalus had planted in Hellespont, besieged the City of Ilium, the Alexandrenses, which dwelt in Troas; sent their Captain Themistas with four thousand men, and turned them going out of all the territory of Troas, by keeping all provisions from them, and making head everywhere against them: and when they could stay no longer there, they went and possessed themselves of the City called Arisba, and the territories of Abidus; and from thence issued out, and sought to get the rest of the Country there about into their hands, making incessant war upon them. Whereupon Prusias, king of Bythinia, drew out against them, and fought with them, and first flew the men in fight; and that done, fell upon their Camp, and there utterly destroyed their wives and children, and all the race of them, and gave the spoil of them to the soldier, for their pains, [ Id. lib. 5. pag. 44.]
Ptolemy, returning into Egypt, fell again to his old trade of living, casting off all care of anything that good was, and wallowing in all filthery of gluttony and luxury, [ Id. ib. lib. 14. in Excerpt. Hen. Vales pag. 62.] for, growing more and more mad in this kind; he not only glutted himself with uncleanness and lechery, but also vexed the Jews of Alexandria, with infamous and false reports cast abroad against them, and sought all means to turn them away from the true worship of the living God, and such as would not, he commanded to be slain; and turning them out of all place of office or dignity, market them with hot irons in the face, with the sign of an ivie leaf, because that was the badge of Bacchus: but they that would fall from their religion, those he suffered to enjoy equal rights and privileges with the native Macedonians in Alexandria.
Hereupon, many there were that abandoned their religion, in compliance to the Kings will, and others bought their peace, and saved their lives, and escaped their marking in their faces with hot irons, for their money. But they, who continued in the religion of their forefathers, held themselves punctually to their allegiance to the King, but would not converse or communicate in any kind with those of their own nation, who had apostatized from their religion; whereof their enemy made presently this construction, as if they opposed the King in his power and government, and sought to turn away the subject from his obedience. Whereupon Philopator, growing wroth with the Jews, not only of Alexandria, but even throughout all Egypt, sent forth order to have them all gathered together into one place, purposing there to destroy them all. Now there was an inventory taken of them by the Kings officers, 40 days long; to wit, from the 25 day of the month Pachon, to the 4 of the month Epiphi, that is, according to the sixth year of Alexandria, (which some later Chronologers without all reason, would have never to have been in use, till after the Sea fight at Actium, between Augustus and Antony) from the 20 day of our May, to the 29 of July following: and the day of the massacre was designed to have been for 3 days space; to wit, from the fifth of Epiphus inclusively, to the seventh of the same.
Upon the time appointed, the Jews of Alexandria were all brought, (as we would say) into Smithfield, there to be first reviled and set at naught, by all that passed by: then the King called for Hermon, Master of the Elephants, and gave him order against the next day to make his Elephants, to the number of 500, to drink and fill themselves with wine mingled with myrrh, or frankincense; that growing more fierce and stark mad therewith, they might so be let go, and driven upon the Jews; and either tear or tread them all to pieces. But the next day, the King fell into a dead sleep, and awaked not till dinner time; and by that time all the people that came thither to see, seeing no thing done, were gone home again. And upon the third day, when the Elephants were all prepared, and ready to fall upon them; there appeared two Angels, very terrible to look on, coming down from heaven, which so amazed all the company there present, that they stood amazed, and stirred not: The King also himself fell into a trance, and his fury towards those poor prisoners, telented; but above all, the Elephants, instead of falling upon them, turned short, and fiercely ran upon the soldiers, that, according to the custom, came in the rear of them, and trode them under-foot, all save such as could shift for themselves by fleeing.
Then the King commended the Jews for their constancy, and caused their fetters to be knocked off, and acknowledged, that their God it was, that had so delivered them; and for 7 days long, to wit, from the 7 of Epiphus, till the 14 of the same, ( i.e. ) from the second of our July, to the ninth of the same, feasted them: after which, the Jews thus saved, obtained leave of the King, that they might do to death such of their own Nation, as had apostatized from their Religion; saying, that those who, for their bellies sake, had forsaken the Laws and Commandments of their God, would never prove faithful to their King. Of this sort therefore they slew 300 in the way as they went; and came at last to Ptolemaiis, seated upon the River Nile, in Arsinoite Nomo, which from the abundance of Roses there growing, is surnamed Rhodophorus, where their Fleet attended them 7 days. There they altogether made a feast of thanksgiving; the King himself making every man a large allowance for his charge upon the way homeward: Whereupon they returned joyfully home, some by land, some by sea, some by the River, every man as his way lay. All which is more at large set forth and described in the 3 book of the Maccabees, which Phlostorgius in the beginning of his Ecclesiastical History, calleth Librum portentosum, (i.e.) A book of miracles; and setting forth nothing like unto the first.
The Egyptians grown insolent, and proud with their success at the battle of Raphia against Antiochus, never cared for Philopator afterward; but sought them a Head and Captain of their own, as having power enough in themselves to quell the like of him: which at last, and that not very long after, they did, [ Polyb. lib. 5. cap. 444.]
Philopator therefore was now forced to make a war upon his rebelling subjects, [Year of the World 3789] [ Id. ibid. ] wherein, [The Julian Period. 4499] there is no doubt, [Year before Christ 215] but the Jews upon this obligation so lately by him laid upon them, stood firm unto him. At least, this appears out of Eusebius, and Jornandes his Chron. that about this time, there were no less than 60 thousand of them slain in a battle; which so great a slaughter of them, caused perhaps Demetrius, who wrote a book of the Kings of the Jews, to think it reason, to reckon the years, which ran from the captivity of Babylon, or the carrying away of the Jews into Assyria, downward to the reign of this Philopator: as we read in Clemens Alexandrinus, [ lib. 1. Stromat. ] Whence also we gather, that this Demetrius the Historian, wrote after the days of Philopator; and yet before that vast desolation brought upon the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes: to which especially, if it had ever come to his knowledge, I could easily, and upon very good grounds imagine, that he would have applied the terms of those former calamities, which befell that Nation.
The City of Sardes, all save the Castle, was thorough the industry of Lagoras the Cretian, taken by Antiochus, in the second year after he began to lay siege unto it. Polyb. lib. 7, a, pag. 506. to pag. 510.]
Sosibius, who managed all matters in Egypt, under Philopator; dealt with one Bolis, a Cretian, how to deliver Achaeus, who lay besieged in the Castle at Sardes, out of this danger. But he, treating with Cambylus, the Captain of the Cretans, which served under Antiochus, got Achaeus out of the Castle, indeed by a train, but delivered him alive into Antiochus his hand: and Antiochus, having gotten him, caused his hands and his feet first to be cut off; then his head to be chopped off, and to be sowed up in an asses belly, and his body to be hung upon a cross. The rest in the Castle, some holding with Ariobazus the Governor of Sardes, others with Laodice, the now Relict of Achaeus, and daughter of Mithridates King of Pontus, and both at variance among themselves, quickly resolved to put themselves, Castle and all, into the power of Antiochus, and so submitted all to him, [ Polyb. lib. 8. pag. 522. and pag. 529.]
Lacydes of Cyrenia, [Year of the World 3790] master of the new Academy, [The Julian Period 4500] having spent 26 years in that place, [Year before Christ 214] was the only man that ever in his life time gave over his place, and he resigned it to Telecles and Euander, both of Phocaea, [ as Laert. in Lacyde. affirmeth.]
Antiochus now set upon Media and Parthia and other provinces, which had revolted from his progenitors, [Year of the World 3792] [ Appia. in Syriac. in Mitio. ] whose expedition against Arsaces, who was the chief and principal founder of the Parthian Empire, is at large set out by Polyb. in his 10 book, [from pag. 597, to pag. 602.]
When P. Sulpitius and Cu. Fulvius, were Consuls of Rome, Laevius being then Praetor, made a league with the Etolians in Greece and Attalus King of Pergamos in Asia. [Year of the World 3793] [ Liv. lib. 27. Justin. lib. 29. cap. 4. Eutrop. lib. 3.] which league, [The Julian Period. 4503] Attalus kept most constantly with the Romans to his lives end, [Year before Christ 211] [ Polib. pag. 820.]
M. Attalus, any Manius Acilius were sent Ambassadors from Rome to Ptolemy and Cleopatra, [Year of the World 3794] Kings of Egypt, [The Julian Period. 4504] in Alexandria, [Year before Christ 210] to put him in mind of, and to renew their former league, and they presented them; both him with a gown, and a robe of scarlet, with a chair of State, all made of ivory; and her with a gown embroidered, and a sur-coat of scarlet, [ Justin lib. 30. cap. 1. & 4.]
Ptolemy Philopator had by his wife, and the same his sister, Euridice, a son called Ptolemeus Epiphanes, [Year of the World 3795] who at the age of five years, [The Julian Period. 4505] succeeded him in the kingdom of Egypt, [Year before Christ 209] [ Justin lib. 30. cap. 1, 2.] whose birth day was first solemnly celebrated by all the great men and others of Syria, and the Country thereabouts of his dominion, at home, and then they made every man a journey to Alexandria, there to bid him joy of his young son. Among the rest, Josephns the Jew, the son of Tobias, and of the daughter of Simon, surnamed the Just, the High Priest, collector of his tributes throughout Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, sent his youngest son Hyrcanus, begotten of the daughter of Solymius, his elder brother, to kiss the Kings hand; with letters to his agent Arion, who had the managing of all his monies at Alexandria, amounting to no less than three thousand talents, to furnish him with monies, to buy the most rich and precious present for the King, that that place could afford. And whereas the others, that went highest, presented the King not with above 20 talents; Hycranus brought with him an hundred beautiful boys, and as many maidens, and put in each of their hands a thousand talents, to offer them; the boys to the King, the maids to Cleopatra the Queen, for a present: which so great and unexpected a present, the King much admired, and not only entertained the young man with all princely honor, and royal gifts, but also by him wrote his royal letters, commendatory on his behalf to his father, and brethren, and to all his Commanders, and chief Officers in those parts, and so dismissed him, with all kind of honor that he could do him. But his brethren, (who were seven in number, yet all begotten of another Venter) seeing what great honor the King had done him, agreed among themselves to meet him as he was upon his journey homeward, and to murder him, not without the privity of the father himself, who, being angry with him for the profuse expense which he made of his monies in his presents to the King, cared not now what became of him: but when his brothers set upon him, he slew two of them, and sundry others of their company. And when he came to Jerusalem, and saw that no man there would look upon him, he, for fear of the worst, withdrew himself to the parts beyond Jordan, and there kept [ Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 4.]
Philippus, King of Macedon, fought two several battles against the Etolians, borne up though they were with succors from Rome, and from Attalus the King, and in both battles overthrew them: and received shipping from Prusius, King of Bithynia: and both Attalus, and P. Sulpitius, the Pro-consul in those parts, wintered that year in the Isle of Egina, [ Liv. lib. 27.] See also [ Polyb. lib. 10. pag. 612, 613, and 851.]
In the beginning of the Spring, Sulpitius, and Attalus, joining together, sailed to Lemons, and from thence coming into Eubaea, took Oreum and Opus. And then Attalus hearing that Prusias had invaded the frontiers of his kingdom, left the Romans, and the war in Etolia, and sailed into Asia; and Philippus came to Elatia, where he had appointed the Ambassadors from Ptolemy, and from the Rhodians to meet him, and there, when they treated of putting an end to the war in Etolia, news was brought them, that Niachanidas the tyrant of Lacedemon, was ready to fall upon the Eleans, whils they were busy about their solemn Games at Olympus, [ Id. lib. 28.] and this Summer began the 143. Olympiad.
[ Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 719.] tells us, [Year of the World 3797] that Arsinoe the Queen, [The Julian Period. 4507] and sister of Ptolemy, [Year before Christ 207] was murdered by one Philammon, set on by Sosibius. See also [ Hen. Vales. Excerpt. pag. 65.] and we find also in [ Justin, lib. 30. cap. 1.] that Philopator slew his wife and sister, Eurydice: Whereby it should seem, that Pol • bius his Arsinoe, and Justin his Eurydice, and Livies and Josephus his Cleopatra, [ sup. an. Mund. 3794, and 3795.] were all one and the same woman.
But whatever her name was, when she was dead, Philopator, falling in love with one Agathoclia, a dressing woman, and with her brother Agathocles in a sodomitical way, set this Agathocles, to the wonderment of all men, at the helm of his kingdom: being a man of no Court-wit at all, nor ever versed in any point of State affairs; and with them took in also their mother Oenauthe, who, by her two children's means, engaged the Kings affection to herself also. Agathocles, keeping always close to the King, ruled the whole State: and the women bestowed all offices of the State, with all commanderships, and captain-ships in the army where they pleased; and the King himself, who was now in their hands, could do the least of any man, in his own kingdom, [ Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 720. and in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 65. Justin, lib. 30. cap. 1, 2. Plut. in Erotico, and in Cleom. Athenae. lib. 6. cap. 6. and lib. 13. cap. 13. Hierony. upon Daniel, cap. 11.]
But when the people wanted a man, by whose hand to wreak their anger upon Agathocles, and Agathoclia, they were fain to be quiet for the present; yet had their eye still upon one Tlepolemus, and fed themselves with some hope in him, [ Polyb. pag. 66. Excerpt. Vales. ] This young man, who had ever carried himself eminently, and with great honor in the war, had at that time the managing of the Kings treasure committed to him; which when he used, not as an officer, but rather like a young heir, he fell into the dislike and hatred of the Court: Whereupon, when Ptolemaeus the son of Sosibius, (of whom I spake ere while) returned from Philippus out of Macedon, with the other Ambassadors, it should seem, who had been sent thither the year before, began to speak his mind somewhat freely of Tlep • lemus, he found every man at Court, ready to applaud him in his way, [ Idem. lib. 16. pag. 82, 85. and Excerpt. Vales. ]
These coles kindling, [Year of the World 3798] and growing into a further flame, [The Julian Period. 4508] the Courtiers in an open assembly complained of Tlepolemus, [Year before Christ 206] and Tlepolemus on the other side, set himself to frame one general accusation against them all to the King: which Sosibius hearing, (who had both the keeping of the Kings Seal, and custody of his person) gave up the Seal into Tlepolemus his hand; which he receiving, did all things afterward at his pleasure in the State, [ Ibid. pag. 85, 86.]
In the Consulship of P. Cornel. Scipio, [Year of the World 3799] and P. Licimus Crassus, [The Julian Period. 4509] there was found by the College of the Decemviri, [Year before Christ 205] a certain saying, written in the books of Sibylla, which were in their keeping, to this purport, and in these words. Quandocunquc hostis alienigena, &c. That whensoever a foreign enemy should make war upon Italy, he might be driven out again and overcome, if the image of the Mother of the gods at Ida, which fell from heaven, were sent for, and brought to Rome. Whereupon, there were five Ambassadors dispatched away presently to King Attalus, to desire her of him, and to bring her by sea unto him. These five, had each of them a ship of five tire of oars, to go in; to the end they might appear in a fashion answerable to the honor and dignity of the State of Rome, in those parts, where they were at their first arrival to ingrariate themselves, and to beget an opinion of the Roman name and Majesty of their State. Attalus received and entertained these Ambassadors at Pergamos, with all expressions of love and kindness; and then led them to Pessinuntis in Phrygia, and there delivered into their hands that sacred Stone, which the people there said, was the mother of the gods, and willed them to carry it to Rome, as they desired, [ lib. 29.]
In the prologue to the 30 book of Trogus, it is noted, that Antiochus in that journey of his, quieted all the upper Provinces of Asia, as far as Bactria. But there, when he long labored, though all in vain, to turn Euthydemus out of that Province; he was fain, in the end, to come to an agreement, and make a league with him: for the ratifying whereof, when he sent his own son, called Demetrius, to Antiochus; Antiochus, seeing his behavior, judged him a man fit to be a King, and first promised to give him one of his daughters to wife; and then gave his father leave to take upon him the title of a king: and lastly, having subscribed to the other articles of the league between them made, and taken his oath for the true observance of them, removed with his Camp; having first distributed provisions largely among his own soldiers, and received from Euthydemus all the Elephants, which he had with him, [ Polyb. lib. 11. page 651.]
Then passing the Caucasus, he re-entered upon India, and there renewed the league, and friendship formerly made with Sophagasenus their King, and there he received more Elephants from him, and then distributed a further admeasurement of corn among his army and so returned, leaving Androsthenes of Cyzicum, to bring after him the treasure, which Sophagasenus had promised to put into his hand. [ Id. Ib. pag. 652.]
Then came he into Arachosia, [Year of the World 3800] from whence, passing the river Erymanthus, and going thorough the Country of Drangia, he came into Carmania, and there, because the winter season come on, he quartered his army about the Country, [ Ibid, ]
The Romans made a peace with Philippus King of Macedon; and into this league were taken by Philippus, Prusias the King of Bythinia, and by the Romans, the state of Ilium, and Attalus the King of Pergam. [ Id. ib, ]
Philopator died at Alexandria, leaving for his successor Ptolemeus, surnamed Epiphanes, ( i.e. ) the Noble or Illustrious, whom Appianus in his Syriac. surnameth also Philopator, after his fathers sur-name. He succeeded his father at the age of four yars, as Hieronym. upon the 11 of Daniel says, or of five, as Justin, and he reigned 24 years: as [ Cl. Ptolem. in Reg. Can. Clemens Alexander. Porphys. Euseb. and Jerome] tell us.
Philopators death was concealed a long time, whiles Agathoclia and Oenanthe her mother, rifled the Kings cofers, and got all his monies into their hands, and so put the state and kingdom into the power of their own lewd consorts, [ Justin l. 40. c. 2.] Till at length Agathocles, calling together the principal of the Macedonians, came forth unto them, and bringing with him his sister Agathoclia, and the young King, tells them; That the King, when he lay a dying, delivered the child into his sisters bosom, and commended him to hers and his care; and withal produced the testimony of one Critolaus, who testified that Tlepolemus was about to invade the kingdom, and to set the Crown of Egypt upon his own head. And when he still continued to utter the same words in all places where he came; every man scorned him. And he, to make his disagreement with Tlepolemus yet more apparent to the world, took Danae, Tlepolemus his mother in law, out of the Temple of Ceres, and dragged her thorough the open streets, and bare faced to prison; and then took Moeragenes one of the guard, because he gave information of all things to Tlepolemus, and favored his party, (as he could do no less, in regard of that intimacy that was between him and Adaeus, the Governor of Bubastis) and delivered him into the hands of his Secretary Nicostratus, to be tortured: but when he strangely escaped the rack, and got out of their hands stark naked, as he was, he fled to the Macedonians, and stirred them up against Tlepolemus. [ Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 712, 713, 714.]
And now when the people of all sorts came flocking to the Court, in a tumultuous manner, Agathocles, taking the King with him, went and hid himself, in a place called Syringes, which was a gallery or walk, which had every way three walls and gates to pass, before one could come unto it. But the Macedonians forced him to deliver up the King into their hands; and they, having gotten him, brought him out to the people, and there set him in a Royol Throne: to the great joy and comfort of all that saw him. And not long after, was brought fourth also Agathocles, well fettered; but the first that met him, cut his throat. Then came Nico, and then Agathoclia all naked with her sisters, and all the generation of them: and last of all, the old beldam Oenanthe, hailed out of the Temple all naked, and set upon a jade, was brought into the Piatsoe, and being all together delivered up to the people's pleasure, some fell a tearing them with their teeth, some lanced them with their knives, others pulled out their eyes, and as any of them happened to be killed, they presently fell to pulling them in pieces, until there was no sign of any of them left. At the same time also, the damsels, who attended upon Arsinoe, whiles she lived, hearing that Philammon, whose hand was principally used in the murder of her, was come from Cyrene to Alexandria, brake into his house, and there slew him, with staves and stones; and finding there a little child of his, strangled it, and dragged his wife stark naked into the street, and there cut her throat, [ Ibid. pag. 716, 718, 719.] And then afterward, when the tumult and fury of the people was over; the management of the affairs of the kingdom, was committed to one Aristomenes, born in Acarnania, [ Ibib. pag. 717. & lib. 17. pag. 771, 772.] and he, being made governor of the King and kingdom, administered the affairs thereof, with a great deal of moderation and wisdom, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 294.]
Antiochus, King of Syria, and Philippus, King of Macedon, hearing of the death of Philopator, entered into a wicked consultation together, how to share his kingdom, between them two; encouraging one another, to begin with the murder of the young King that was, [Id. lib. 15. pag. 705, Livy, lib. 31. Justin, lib. 30. cap. 3.] whereof Polybius in special, [lib. 3. pag. 159.] speaketh in this wise; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. (i.e. ) When Ptolemy the King was departed this life, Antiochus and Philippus, laid their heads together, to share the estate of the young King between them, and began a wicked practice. Philip laying hands upon Egypt and Caria, and Antiochus, upon Coelosyria, and Phoenicia. And Jerome upon [11. Dan. ] Philippus, saith he, King of Macedon, and Antiochus the great, conspiring together, made war upon Agathocles, ( he would have said, Aristomenes) and the young King Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, upon this condition, that each of them, should take of his Dominions, what lay next him: which gives a light to that place in [Josephus, lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 3.] where he saith; When Antiochus Magnus reigned in Asia, Judea and Coelosyria both, lived in a continual trouble and vexation, by reason of the continual war which he had, first with Philopator, and afterward with Epiphanes his son, for whether he had the better of it or the worse, these countries were ever plagued by him, being tossed and tumbled between his prosperous and adverse fortunes, like a ship in the sea, between contrary waves: Yet at length, Antiochus had the upper hand, and laid Judea unto his Dominions, But when Philopator was dead, Epiphanes sent a great army into Coelosyria, under his General Scopas, who recovered both Coelosyria, and our Country also, to himself again, &c. For this is that he would, at least he should, say, that Antiochus after a long war with Philopator and Epiphanes, concerning the Dominion of the land of Judea, got it at last from Epiphanes; and Epiphanes by his General Scopas, recovered it from him again, and anon after, lost it a second time unto him: which Eusebius not perceiving, in the 10 year of Philopater, saith, that Antiochus having overcome Philopator, joined Judea to the rest of his Dominions. And an. 1. of Epiphanes, in his Chron. saith, that Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, by his General Scopas, took Judea. Whereas Antiochus, after his overthrow at Raphia, is nowhere read to have made war upon Philopotor anymore: and that the league, which was after that battle made between them, was first broken by Antiochus in the very first year of Epiphanes, (when Scopas was not yet employed in the management of that war, as hereafter shall appear) is shown by Jerome upon [11. Dan.] where he he saith, When Ptolemaeus Philopator was dead, Antiochus brake the league, made with him, and led an army against Ptolemy his son, who was then but 4 years old, and was surnamed Epiphanes.
When Cn. Servilius Caepio, [Year of the World 3801] and Cn. Servilius Geminus, [The Julian Period. 4511] were Consuls in Rome, [Year before Christ 203] it fell out, that at Frusino, the Sun seemed to be encompassed round with a little circle, and then that circle again, was surrounded by a greater body of the Sun, [ Liv. lib. 30.] and it should seem, that was none other but that very Eclipse of the Sun, which the Astronimical tables show us to have fallen this year, upon the 6 day of our May, according to the Julian Calender.
The Carthaginians, worn out with the continual victories of P. Scipio, and despairing of all other safety against him; called Hannibal out of Italy, to their rescue: and he after 16 years stay in Italy, thereupon left it, and returned into Afric, • Id. ibid. ]
Philippus, King of Macedon, sent one Heraclides a Tarentine born, and a most vicious fellow, to Rhodes, to destroy their Fleet: and then sent Ambassadors into Crete, to stir them up to a war against the Rhodians, [ Polyb. lib. 13. pag. 672, 673.]
There was a sea fight between Philippus King of Macedon, and the Rhodians, near to the Isle of Lada; wherein he took two of their ships of five tire of oars apiece. The rest of their Fleet, fleeing into the open sea, were lighted on by a foul tempest, and driven ashoar, first upon Myndia, and the next day upon Coos: But the enemy, trailing the ships which they had so taken, at their poupes, went into Lada, which lieth over against Miletus, [Year of the World 3802] and refreshed themselves in the enemies Camp which they had left: [The Julian Period. 4512] which the Milesians perceiving, [Year before Christ 202] they presented not Philippus only, but even Heraclides himself, with Crowns, at their entering into M • letus, [ Idem, in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 70, and 73.] out of Zeno and Antis • henes, two Rhodian Historians.
Philippus, wanting corn, ceased not to waste all Attalus his country, even to the very walls of Pergamos: but when he could neither take any one City of his, because they were so well fenced, nor get corn or other spoil out of the Country, by the exquisite order which Attalus had taken to prevent him: then he fell upon the Temple and Altars, and spoiled them, breaking the very stones of them in pieces, that they might never be put together again. And having utterly destroyed the Nicephorian Grove, planted near the City Pergamos, and laid many a Church and Chapel thereabouts level with the ground: he went from thence first towards Thyatira, but then turned back again, and wont to a field called Thebes, hoping to get some great booty there; but failing there also, and coming to a place called Hiera-Come, he sent messengers to Zeuxis, Governor of Lydia under Antiochus, desiring him to supply him with provisions for his army, according to the articles of peace, between his Master and him: but Zeuxis made at first as if, by all means, he would do according to those articles: what else? but indeed resolved to do nothing whereby any good might come to Philippus, [ Polyb. lib. 16. in Excerpt. Vales. page 66, 69. with Diodorus Sic. ibid, page 294.]
This Philippus had another sea fight against Attalus and the Rhodians, near the Isle of Chios; in which there were slain of the Rhodians 60. of Attalus his men, to the number of 70 men, but of Philippus his part, were slain of his Macedonians 1200, and of his aides and associates, to the number of 6000. There were also taken prisoners of the Macedon nation, with their fellows, 2000, and 700 Egyptians. Nevertheless, Philippus, though he had every way the worst of it, yet challenged the honor of the day to himself in two respects: one was, for that Attalus being forced to fly to Erythrae, he had seized on his Ammiral, and trailed her at one of his ships tails into his port; The other was, for that himself coming on shore at Argenaum, a fore-land in Ionia, he there took up his standing, to recover what might be saved out of the naverage, [ Polyb. lib. 16. from pag. 723. to pag. 730.]
When Philippus besieged Prinassa, a City of Caria, and could do nothing upon it by plain force; yet at length he got it by a stratagem, [ Id. Ibid. pag. 730, 731.] and put Garrisons into Iassus, Bargyllis, and the City of the Euromenses, [ Ib. pag. 731. & lib. 17. pag. 744.]
P. Cornelius Scipio utterly overthrew Hannibal. [Year of the World 3803] in Afric. and this was the last battle of this second Carthaginian war; we read in Zonaras, that the Carthaginians were amazed at a total eclipse of the son which fell at this time: but that this was no such great eclipse, we find by Livy, [lib. 30.] who says, that indeed the body of the son at Cumae seemed to be somewhat lessened: and the Astronomical Tables show as much, and tell us of a very small eclipse of the sun, this year, upon the 19 of our Octob. Some there are, who say that Hannibal flying out of the battle, came to the sea side, where he found a ship laid for him; and therein sailed directly into Asia, to King Antiochus: and that when Scipio demanded of the Carthaginians, first, and above all things, to deliver Hannibal into his hand, answer was made him, that Hannibal not in Afric. [ Liv. Ibid. ] But others more truly, that Scipio neither demanded him at all of them, nor any ways insulted upon his overthrow. [ Plutarch in T. Q. Flaminio. ]
When Phyilippus came toward Abydus, they shut their gates against him, not admitting so much as his messengers, which he sent unto them: he lay long in siege before that place; and they might have escaped his hands, had Attalus and the Rhodians made any speed to their rescue. But Attalus sent them in only 300 men for a supply; and the Rhodians, who with their whole fleet lay at Tenedus thereby, sent them one only ship of four tire of oars to help them. The men in Abydus, at first, having good store of Engines all about their walls, kept him off very manfully, not only from making his approaches by land, but also, from coming into their port by sea. But afterward, when a breach was made upon the main wall, and they had cast up another within it, and the Macedonians went to undermine that also, then were they fain to send to Philip, to treat of conditions for a surrender, one of which was, That the Rhodian ship, with the soldiers and mariners in her, might depart in safety; the like for Attalus his men that were in the Town: and the last, That they themselves might depart with one suit of clothes only upon their backs. But when they could get no answer from him, unless they rendered themselves wholly and absolutely to his mercy; they, what with indignation, what with despair, grew into such a rage, that they made fifty of their principal men to swear openly, That if they saw the inner wall once taken by the enemy, they would presently go and kill every man his own wife and children, and throw his silver, gold, and jewels, into the sea: and that done, the soldiers bound themselves in common, each to other, that either they would vanquish their enemies, or die every man of them sword in hand, and fighting for his Country. [ Liv. lib. 31. Polyb. lib. 16. pag. 736, 737, 738.]
About the same time came Ambassadors to Rome from Attalus and the Rhodidians, both, complaining of the wrongs done them by Philippus and his Macedonians, to whom answer was made, that the Senate, would take the affairs of Asia into their consideration and care. [ Livy, lib. 32. with Justin lib. 30. cap. 3,]
Three Ambassadors were sent from Rome to Ptolemy and Antiochus, to put an end to all differences between them. The Ambassadors were, C. Clau. Nero. Mar, Emil. Lepidus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus; who coming to Rhodes, and there hearing of the siege of Abydus, and desirous to have some speech with Philippus, as they had in their instructions to do, put of their journey to Ptolemy and Antiochus, for the present, and sent Emilius the youngest of the three, unto Philippus; and he meeting with him at Abydus, gave him to understand, that the senate of Rome had a purpose, to desire him to forbear making war upon any City of the Grecians, nor lay hands or touch anything belonging to Ptolemy King of Egypt. This if he did, he might live in peace; if he did not, he should know, that the Romans were resolved, and ready to make war upon him: to whom Philippus returned this answer, Thy age, saith he, and comeliness of thy person, and above all, the name of a Roman, makes thee speak thus high: but I would advise you, to remember the league and covenant made, and to keep peace with me: if not, I am also resolved to do my endeavor, and to make you know and feel, that the power and name of a Macedon is no way inferior to, or less noble than that of a Roman is. [Id. Ibid. with Polyb. pag. 738, 739, 787, 388.]
Justin, [ lib. 30. cap. 30.] tells us, that this M. Emil. Lepidus, was sent also by the Romans into Egypt, to govern the Kingdom of Egypt, on the behalf of this young Ptolemeus Epiphanes. Whether moved thereto by an Embassage sent to them from Alexandria, that they would vouchsafe to take upon them the patronage and tutele-ship of the Minor, and defend the kingdom of Egypt, which Antiochus and Philippus were said already to have shared between them, [ Ibid. cap. 2.] or whether, the Minor himself was by the father in his death-bed committed to their care and trust, as he elsewhere intimates, [ lib. 31. cap. 1.] whereof [ Valer. Max. lib. 6. cap. 6.] speaking, useth these words: When King Ptolemy had left the people of Rome Guardian to his son in his minority, the Senate sent M. Emil. Lepidus, High Pontif. and one that had been then twice Consul, to Alexandria, there to take care of the Wards estate, and was content to want the holiness of a most honorable, and withal, of a most upright man, and so long versed in their own affairs, to employ it in the exercise of a foreign charge, rather than suffer the faith and trust of our City to have been implored in vain. For he conceived that this man had executed the office of a Guardian or Tutor in Egypt, whiles he was High Pontif. and when he had been already twice Consul in Rome; when as yet Epiphanes was dead before that time, the reason of which error in him was; because it should seem, he had seen some coin, wherein, together with those titles of his honor and dignity, he found this office of his, Guardian-ship in Egypt, joined; for to this day, there are extant to be seen, some silver coins, with this inscription; on the one side thus, Alexandrea; and on the other thus, S. C. M. Lepidus Pont. Max. Tutor Reg. who also, in the Image side, is stamped, putting a Crown upon a young man's head, standing on his right hand, with a Scepter in his hand.
And now the Athenians, seeing their territory wasted all over by this Philip, sent and prayed in aide from all parts; from the Romans, from the Rhodians, from Attalus, and from Ptolemy, [ Liv. lib. 31.]
Whereupon the Ambassadors of the Romans and Rhodians, meeting with Attalus at Athens, by a common consent, agreed to aide them: for which the Athenians presently decreed excessive honors, first to Attlus, then to the Rhodians; nay, they went so far, as to call one of their own Tribes, after his name, and made it supernumerary to their ten, that were before, [ Id. Ib. Polyb. Legat. 3. pag. 786, 787]
Whiles the Romans were busy in preparing war against Philippus, there came Ambassadors from Ptolemy, or rather from his Curators, to Rome, who informed, that the Athenians had craved aide of the King, against Philippus; But though they were confederates, both of the Kings, and the Romans, yet would he do nothing that way, nor send shipping, or army thither, or any whither else, for defense or offense of any, without the leave and authority of the people of Rome. That if the Romans would be pleased to undertake their quarrel, the King would be well content, to sit quiet at home: or if it pleased the Romans to sit quiet, He of himself should easily be able to furnish the Athenians with power enough to repress the force and violence of Philippus. The Senate decreed, That the King should be thanked for his kindness, and to tell him, that the Romans were purposed to defend and maintain their own friends and confederates themselves: If they wanted anything necessary to this war, they would acquaint the King therewith; and that they knew well enough, that the Kings Forces and Means, as they were very great, so they were also very necessary for the defense of his own State. Then they ordered presents to be sent to the kings Ambassadors, to every of them 5 thousand pieces of brass money, [ Liv. ib. ]
In the year 54. for so it is in the Greek Manuscript at Lambeth, not 52, as in the vulgar edition of the second Pe • iode of Calippus, 547. of Nabonassar, the 16 day of the month Mesor, the 22 of our September, 7 hours after high-noon, there was an Eclipse of the Sun observed at Alexandria, [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 4. cap. 11.]
Toward the later end of Autumn, [Year of the World 3804] P. Sulpitius Galba, Consul, passed over with an army into Macedonia, against Philippus; and thither came to him Ambassadors from Athens, desiring him to deliver them from the siege, which was then laid unto them; whereupon was dispatched away C. Claudius Cento, with a certain number of ships, fraught with soldiers, to the relief of Athens; for Philippus himself lay not before it; but was then busier then ever, at the siege of Abydus, [ Liv. lib. 31.]
They of Abydus, remembering the oath they had made, fought it out so stiffly, that when the night should have parted the fray between them; the king amazed at their courage, or rather at their rage in fighting, was fain to give off first, and to sound a retreat: But then Glaucides, and Theognetus, conferring with some of the Ancients of the Town; who had the hardest part in this tragedy to play, if it came to acting, when they saw that after the fight, there were but few of their men left, and they spent with wounds, and blood which they had lost, so soon as it was day, sent their Priests, in their priestly attire, to give up the Town to Philippus; which when the multitude perceived, they forthwith grew into so desperate a rage, that they ran to kill every man his own wife and children; and that done, slew every man himself in such manner as liked him best; someone way, some another. The King amazed at this strange fury of theirs, commanded his soldiers to forbear, saying, That he would give the Abydenians three days time to die in: in which space they acted more barbarous acts of cruelty upon themselves, than they could have expected from an enraged enemy, nor came any one of them alive into his enemies hand, that was out of bands, and at liberty to kill himself. The King, having seized on their wealth, which they had brought all into one place, with a purpose to destroy it, left a Garrison in the place, and departed, [ Liv. Ib. Polyb. lib. 16. pag. 738. 739.]
Coming to Bargyllii, he there grew much troubled in his mind, to see the Romans, & Rhodians, and Attalus, and all confederated and preparing for a war against him: & when his army was almost affamished, Zeuxis the governor of Lydia, and the Cities of Mylassa, Alabanda, and Milesia, sent him in some small provisions to relive them: and he, when they brought him in anything, contrary to his nature; used all fair and flattering speeches to them: and when they forbare lending, was presently ready to mischief them: and in the end, when by the policy of Philocles, a train was laid to have blown up them of Mylassa, it miscarried through his own folly, and then went he and wasted the territory of the Alabandi, his good benefactors, as if they had been his open enemies, giving only for a reason, that his soldiers must not want meat, [ Polyb. lib. 16. in Excerpt. Vale. pag. 86, 89.]
In the 55 year of the second Periode of Calippus, in the 548 year of Nabonassar, on the ninth of the month Machir, about midnight, in the beginning of the 20. of our March, there was a total eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria, [ Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.]
In the Summer following, the Romans, with the help of Attalus, and the Rhodians, made war upon Philippus, and his associates in Macedonia, [ Livy lib. 31.]
Scopas, the prime man of all Etolia, sent from Alexandria by Ptolemy, with a great mass of money, took up six thousand Foot, besides Horse, and shipt them away for Egypt: Nor would he have left a man there, able to bear arms, had not one Damocritus put them in mind, sometime of the war, which they were ready to engage in, and sometime, of the solitude and nakedness, which the Country would be left in, which caused a great part of the gallants that were going, to put off their arms, and stay at home: and this he did, but whether out of a true zeal to his Country, or because Scopas courted, and bribed not him, as he did others, was uncertain. [ Id. ib. ]
About this time Josephus, the son of Tobias, happening to depart this life; the people of Jerusalem rose in a combustion among themselves, in the quarrel of his sons, while the elder brothers, sought to make war upon their youngest brother Hyrcanus, of whom I spake before: for many of the Jews favored the elder brothers, and among the rest, Simon the High Priest, for kindreds sake, [ Josephus lib. 12. cap. 5.]
In the year 55, of the second Periode of Calippus, in the 548 year of Nabonassar, on the fifth of the month Mesor, at three a clock after midnight, upon the 12 of our September. there was a total eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria, [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 4. c. 11.]
Attalus, before the Autumnal equinox, recovered Oreum by surrender, he was present at the feast of Eleusis in Athens; and then having sent home Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians, himself returned into Asia, [ Liv. lib. 31.]
After Simon 2. succeeded his son Onias 3. in the High Priesthood of the Jews, [Year of the World 3805] [ Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 4, 5.] [The Julian Period. 4515] a good man, [Year before Christ 199] and a gracious, of a venerable aspect, meek in his carriage, and very advised in his language; and one, who, from his youth, framed himself to all behavior tending unto a vertious life, [2 Macchab. 15. 12.] In the Fasti Siculi ( • or here Scaligers Greek Eusebian Fragments fail us,) he is said to have sat High Priest, 24 years.
Ptol. Epiphanes sent a great army under the command of Scopas, [Year of the World 3806] into Coelosyria, who by main force recovered many Cities to him, and among them, the City of Jerusalem, as Josephus reports, [lib. 12. cap. 3. Antiquit.] adding thereto this testimony out of Polyb. lib. Histor. 16.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. (i. e.) But Scopas, the General of Ptolemeis army, marching into the upper regions, subdued the nation of the Jews, in the winter season: whereof Jerome also, upon the 11 of Daniel speaking, saith thus: When Antiochus, saith he, held Judea, Scopas the Etolian was sent General of Ptolemeis forces, and fought valiantly against Antiochus, and took in Judea, and, carrying along with him the chief men of Ptolemeis party, returned into Egypt.
Mean while Antiochus invaded Attalus his kingdom, which at that time was unfurnished of all provisions for defense, because all was employed for the Romaas, in the Macedonian war, [ Liv. lib. 32.]
The Senate of Rome, [Year of the World b.] upon complaint thereof made by Attalus, sent their Ambassadors to Antiochus, to tell him, that the Romans at that time made use of Attalus his forces, by sea and land, against the Macedonians, a common enemy to them both; and that the Romans would take it well at his hands, if he would hold his hands from meddling with any part of his kingdom, for that present, and abstain from war against him; that it was fit and requisite, that such Kings that were in league and friendship with the people of Rome; should also live in peace and amity between themselves. Upon hearing whereof, Antiochus presently drew off, and ceased from any further war making against Attalus. And Attalus dispatched away his Ambassadors to the Senate of Rome, to thank them for this so great a befit received by their means, and offered a Crown of gold of 246 pound weight in the Capitol. [ Id. ib. ]
At this time, [Year of the World c.] two fleets out of Asia, the one under Attalus the King, consisting of 24 ships, of five tire of oars a piece, the other from Rhodes, of 20 fighting ships, commanded by Agesimbrotus, both which joining with the Roman fleet, pursued Philippus with all extremity, [ Ibid. ]
That Summer, [Year of the World d.] Antiochus took in all the Cities of Coelosyria, which Ptolemy there possessed, as Livy saith, [ lib. 33.] and we likewise find in Chron. Euseb. that in the same summer, Antiochus, having overthrown Scopas in a battle, recovered all the the Cities of Syria, and grew friendly and favourably minded to the Jewish nation.
For Antiochus, meeting with Scopas at the heads of the river Jordan, (where the City Paneas was afterward built) there fought with him, and routed him; and when he had recovered the Cities, which Scopas had gotten from him, together with Samaria, the Jews voluntarily submitted to him: and receiving his whole army with his Elephants, into their City, maintained them very plentifully, and readily assisted them, in the siege of the Castle, whereinto Scopas had put a Garrison, which stood out against them: so Josephus, [ lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 3.] confirming it further out of the very Epistle, which Antiochus himself wrote to Ptolemaeus, the Captain of the Garrison there: where he also reports out of Polyb. [lib. 16.] how after the overthrow of Scopas, Antiochus took in Batanea, Samaria, Abila, and Gadara; and how the Jews who dwelt at Jerusalem, and that famous Temple there, put themselves into his hand, and how Antiochus took and destroyed Gaza, which stood out against him most constantly in the behalf of Ptolemy all which is delivered in the same book of Polyb. see Vales. Excerpt. [pag. 77. & 86.]
Zeno Rhodius, in his Local History, mentioned by Laertius [lib. 7.] hath at large described this battle fought at Panias, near the heads of the river Jordan, between Antiochus and Scopas, the chief heads of which narration of his, with the more exact censure of Polybius thereupon, with other Excerptions of his out of Polybius, the most learned Hen. Valesius hath given us, [ pag. 77, 78, 81.] the issue whereof was, that Antiochus put Scopas to flight, and pursued him to Sidon, and there besieged him with 10 thousand men; and to rescue him, Ptolomei sent three renowned Captains of his, Eropus, Menocles, and Damoxenus; but could not raise the siege, till he for very hunger yielded, and was with his companies suffered to go all naked of the place, [ Jerome upon Daniel, [Year of the World 3807] cap. 11.]
So Antiochus by that victory gotten at Panias, recovered all Phoenicia, and Coelosyria, and the other Cities of the Country indeed of Syria, but belonging in right to the Kings of Egypt, [ Justin. l. 31. cap. 1.] and left them to be held afterward by the Kings of Syria, [ Polyb. Legat. 72. p. 893.] But himself returned to winter in Antioch. [ Liv. l. 33.]
In the 551 year of Nabonassar, and the 3 years preceding, the 17 day of the month Athyr, which is moveable, and from which to the 21, as Plutarch in his book, De Iside & Osyride, teacheth us, was celebrated the feast of Isis, by the Egyptians, fell upon the 28 of our Decemb. upon which day, as we have shown in the seventh chapter of our book, De Macedonum & Asianorum, anno solari. Eudoxus placed the winter Solstice. This when Dositheus, in his Octacris, (which, Censorinus tells us, was attributed to Eudoxus) or in his Parapegma thereunto annexed, which he published at Coloniae, near Athens, (or rather at Coloni, in Eolia) had noted in this time; thence came it to pass, that the Grecians fell into that opinion, which Geminus mentions, [ c. 6.] of his Astronomical work, to wit, that the feast of Isis was always kept upon the winter Solstice, or shortest day of the year, which error, as he there also showeth, was formerly observed in Eratosthenes, in his Commentary De Octtaeride.
In this winter season, Philippus came to a parlie with the Roman Consul, Ti. Quinctius Flaminius, to treat of a peace, and upon what conditions, among which Flaminius propounded this for one, That Philippus should restore unto Ptolemy K. of Egyp • , all the cities which he had taken since the death of Ptol. Philopator, his father, [ Polyb. 17. pag. 43, Liv. lib. 32.]
In the same year, [Year of the World b.] between the two Islands of Theramene ( all. Thera) and Therasia, and in the midst of the sea, lying between them, there was an Earthquake, by which there start up a new Island, with hot Springs, or Fountains of hot waters. And in Asia, upon the same day, an Earthquake shook Rhodes, and many other Cities, and overturned sundry houses in them, and some other Cities it swallowed up whole; whereupon their Priests and Soothsayers foretold, that the then rising Roman Empire, would swallow up and devour the kingdoms, both of Macedon, and Asia, [ Justin, lib 30. cap. 4.]
In the beginning of the Spring, [Year of the World c.] Flaminius, sending for Attalus to come to him to Elatia, went with him in company to Thebes, there to draw the Boeotians into a society and league with the Romans: where when Attalus made an Oration to them, to that effect, with more vehemency and stretching of his voice than his age would bear, being now grown old, whether by a vertigo taking him in his head, or by a rh • me falling upon his throat, he grew suddenly speechless, and fell all along, and then being taken with a dead palsy in all one side of his body, lay sick thereof at Thebes. And Quintius, when he saw that there was no fear of present death, but only a weakness of body, which required time for his recovery, left him there, and returned to Elatia, from whence he came, [ Liv. in the beginning of 33 book, printed at Rome, out of the Manuscript of Bamberg, and at Paris an. 1616. with Plutarch in the life of Quinc. Flamin. ]
At the same time also, Antiochus, sending his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, before him by land, and willing them to stay for him at Sardes, set sail with an hundred tall fighting ships, and other smaller vessels, purposing by the way, to try what he could do, with the Cities of Caria and Silicia, which were of Ptolemeis possession, and withal, to assist Philippus by sea and land, what he might: and having taken in first Zephyrium, and Soli, and Aphrodisias, and (then doubling the Cape of Anemurium, a Foreland of Silicia,) Selinus, and other Towns, Cities, and Castles, all along that Coast; which either for fear or favor, rendered themselves, without resistance, at last came to Coracesium, which contrary to all expectation, shut gates against him, [ Livy, lib. 33.]
Whiles Antiochus lay at the siege of Coracesium, Ambassadors came to him from the Rhodians, to tell him, that if he kept not himself on the other side of Nephelis, a Foreland of Silicia, they would oppose him; not for any grudge they bare unto his person, but to keep him from joining with Philippus, and that he might not impeach the Romans, who had now undertaken to procure and maintain the liberty of Greece; which when he heard, he tempered his choler, and told them only, that he would send his Ambassadors to Rhodes, to treat about that matter, and with instructions to renew the leagues formerly made between them and him, and his forefathers, and to bid them not to fear his coming to them, for that it should bring no damage to them or any of their friends: for that he was resolved not to infring his amity with the Romans in any sort, appeared well enough, both by his late Embassy sent unto them, and their honorable decrees and answers made thereupon to him, [ Id. ibid. ]
The Rhodians challenged to themselves Peraea, which is a Region lying in the Continent of Asia, over against their Isle of Rhodes, and had been always in the use and possession of their ancestors, but was now invaded and possessed by Philippus; and were at this time upon the recovery of it out of his hand. Pausistratus was their General, and he had routed the Macedonians which kept it, with Dinocrates their Captain: And had they then marched straight forward to Stratonicea, they might have gotten that also, for the asking: but forasmuch as they returned after the battle to their Camp, Dinocrates with those which remained of his army, gat into it, and so fortified it, that the Rhodians coming afterward to besiege it, could do no good there; which story is more at large described and set forth by [ Livy, lib. 33.]
Attalus was carried sick from Thebes to his City Pergamos by sea, and there died, [ Id. ibid. Polyb. pag. 820. Plut. in Quin. Flamin. ] He lived 72 years, and was King 44. [ Liv. ibid. Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 102. and in Soudas, in the word Attalus: ] though Strabo says, he reigned only 43 years, [ lib. 13. pag. 624.] He left behind him, a wife and four children, [ Liv. ibid. ] His wives name was Apollonis, of the City Cyzicum: his children by her, were Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaetes, and Athenaeus; of which, Eumenes, the eldest of the four, succeeded him in the kingdom, [ Strabo, ut. sup. and Plut. in his book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : (i. e.) of brotherly love, ] where he telleth us, that the two younger brothers, though alll of brave and lusty spirits, yet lived in that awful respect of him, that they were as so many pensioners and watch men about him, for the preservation of his Crown and Dignity, [ Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 169. and Soudas, in the word Attalus. ] Whereupon it was, that their mother would often say, that she was a happy woman, not in regard of her wealth, nor for that she was a Queen; but because she saw her 3 younger sons, to be as so many watchmen and keepers, about the eldest: and that whereas they ever went with their swords about them, yet he lived in the midst of them, without the least dread or fear of them, [ Plut. ut. sup. ] and of Apollonis, or Apollonias, their mother; and the filial duty and respect which they a • l bare unto her: you may read more in Polybius, [ in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 113, 114.] and in Soudas, in the word Apollonias.
Philippus, [Year of the World d.] being overthrown, Horse and Foot, in the battle fought at Cynoscephalas, in the Country of Thessalia, of which victory we find mention made, [1 Maccab. c. 8.] Flaminius gave him yet peace, upon conditions; much the rather for that he understood that Antiochus was already marched out of Syria with an army, to come for Europe; and thereupon he made a truce with him for four months, that in them he might send to Rome, and submit all to the will and pleasure of the Senate there. [ Polyb. in Legat. 6. pag. 792. Livy, lib. 33. editio. Roman. & Paris. ]
The Rhodians, hearing of the defeat of Philippus, cast not off the care they had of defending the liberty of such Cities as were confederate with Ptolemy, and which were in present danger of being invaded by Antiochus: but to some of them they sent aide, to others advertisement, and advice, & were the means of safety from his attempts, to the Caunians, Myndians, Halicarnassians, and Samians, [ Liv. lib. 33.] and yet all would not serve; but Antiochus, in spite of them, surprised Coracesium, Coricos, Andriace, Limyra, Patara, Xanthus, which belonged to Ptolemy, and last of all, the City of Ephesus itself, [ Jerome upon Daniel, cap. 11.]
Antiochus, [Year of the World 3808] spending his winter at Ephesus, endeavored to reduce all Asia into the ancient and uniform frame and body of an Empire. And he saw well, that the rest of the Cities, would easily be brought unto it: but finding that Smyrna in Eolia, and Lampsacus in Hellespont, purposed to stand out, he both advised them to do like the rest; and also used some threats too, in case they would not, fearing least the rest should follow their example, in opposing his design. And when it would no better be, he sent some companies from Ephesus to besiege Symrna, and others from Abydus to do the like to Lampsacus. [ Liv. lib. 33.] Whereupon they both, and such other Cities, as thought fit to join with them, sent their Commissioners to Flaminius, to crave his favor and aide against him, [ Appia. in Syriac. pag. 87.]
When Cl. Marcellus was Consul, immediately upon his entering into his office, came Ambassadors to Rome, to treat of a league to be made with Philip; and thereupon was passed a decree of the Senate to this effect. That the Grecians everywhere, as well in Europe as in Asia side, should be free, and live after their own laws; That such of them as were under Philippus his dominion, or had any Garrisons of his in them, should before the celebration of the next Isthmian games, deliver them up into the hands of the Romans: That from such as were in Asia, as Euronius, Pedasa, Bargylia, Iassus, Abydus, Thasus, Myrrina, Perinthus, he should draw away his Garrisons, and leave them free. That he should not renew his war with Eumenes, ( for Valerius Antias observeth, that a special heed was taken of him ) Attalus his son, the new King. And as concerning the enfranchising of the Cyani, that Ti. Quin. Flamininus should write his letters to Prusias, that the will and pleasure of the Senate was, &c. And to see these things duly put in execution; the Senate sent ten choice Commissioners into Greece. [Polyb. Legat. 7. pag. 793. & Legat. 9. pag. 792. Livy, lib. 33.]
When the Isthmian games were ended, [Year of the World b.] at which the general liberty of Greece was proclaimed, by the public Crier; then did Ti. Flaminius, and the ten Commissioners which came from Rome, give audience to Hegesianactes and Lysias, which came Ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius: and they were bid tell Antiochus, that he must not meddle with any free City in Asia, much less make war upon them; and that he must presently get him out, of such places as he now held, which were formerly belonging either to Ptolemy, or Philippus, and to command him from them, not to set foot in Europe hmself, nor to send any of his forces thither: and added, that some of themselves would shortly make a journey to Antiochus. [ Polyb. Legat. 9. pag. 798, 799. Liv. lib. 33.]
When the assembly was dismissed, the ten Commissioners parted the work, they came about, among them; and every man went to see his proper quarter to be set at liberty, according to the decree; and of them P. Lentulus went by sea to Bargylia in Asia, and willed that City to be from thence forward free, ( i. e. ) to live according to their own laws. L, Stertinius, at Hephaestia and Thasus, and the Cities of Thracia, and where ever he came, did the like. P. Villius, and Lu. Terentius, undertook the journey to Antiochus, and Cn. Cornelius, to King Philppus. [ Polyb. Legat. 9. pag. 799. Liv. lib. 33. Plut. in Flamin. ]
At the first of the spring, [Year of the World c.] Antiochus went by sea from Ephesus, and came to Hellespont; and passing over his land army from Abydus, and joining them with his sea forces, landed in Cherfonese, and there took in such Cities as for fear gave up unto him: from thence he went to Lysimachia, which being utterly destroyed, a little before, by the Thracians, he began to rebuild and to make it the seat of his son Seleucus his kingdom in those parts, [ Liv. lib. 33. Appia. in Syria. pag. 86, 87.]
And when all went on roundly with him, and as heart could wish, L. Cornelius, who was sent by the Senate of Rome to make an atonement between him and Ptolemy, came to Selymbria, P. Lentulus from Bargylia, and L. Terentius, and P. Villius from Thasus, being three of the Commissioners, and from thence went to Lysimachia; and thither also P. Cornelius came from Selymbria, and a few days after Antiochus came thither likewise out of Thracia, and there they met; Hegesianax also and Lysias, who had formerly been sent Ambassadors from him to Flamininius, happened to be there at the same time. Where in the conference, P. Cornelius said, That he thought it reason, that Antiochus should restore unto Ptolemy, all such Cities and places of Ptolemeis Dominions, as he had lately taken from him; and should further, draw off his Garrisons from all such places as were belonging to Philippus, because the Romans had now overcome him: and warned him withal, not to meddle with any free State; whereunto the King answered, that he wondered first, by what right the Romans quarrelled with him, about the Cities in Asia anymore, then he questioned them of what was by them done in Italy: and then, that he was content the Cities in Asia, should enjoy their liberty, but should thank him, and not the Romans for it. And as for Ptolemy, they two were good friends already, and that he was further, at this instant, about to join in affinity with him, [ Polyb. pag. 800. 769. and 770. Liv. lib. 3. Appia. in Syriac. page 87, 88.]
And when P. Cornelius went on, and told him, that reason would, that the Ambassadors of Lampsacus and Smyrna should be called, and suffered to speak for themselves; called they were. Then appeared Parmenion and Pythodorus, for the City of Lampsacus, and one Coeramus for Smyrna: who speaking boldly and freely in their own cause, Antiochus stormed, to see, that he was there called to yield an account of what he had done in Asia, before the Romans, as if they were his Judges: and bad Parmenion, hold his peace, saying, that the controversies by him then moved, were to be debated before the Rhodian Judges, and not the Roman: and so that conference brake up, nothing done, [ Polyb. lib. 17. pag. 770.]
Polycrates, who was Governor of Cyprus, and had withal, the gathering of the Kings revenue there, having given up his charge to his successor, Ptolemaeus of Megalopolis, returned to Alexandria, and delivered up to the King Epiphanes, a great mass of monies: for which he was very welcome thither, and much applauded by all there, [ Id. pag. 773.]
Presently after, the Etolians began to mutiny, under their Captain Scopas: who having a numerous company of soldiers under him, and had opportunity enough, the King being but a child, to act what he would, while he stood dawdling, was taken short in his undertakings; for when Aristomenes perceived, that his friends repaired to him in his own house, and there used to sit in council together; he sent a company of the Guard, and called him before the Kings Council: But Scopas, upon this surprisal, grew so wild, and void of sense, that he neither went on with what he intended, as he might have done, nor yet would obey the summons of the King, as he should have done: Aristomenes therefore finding what case he was in, sent a company of soldiers, and beset the house round, and caused him to be brought before them, by Ptolemy the son of one Eumenes, [ Ib. pag. 771.]
Being brought before the Council, and there charged, first by the King, then by Polycrates and Aristomenes, he was eft-soones found guilty, and condemned, not only by the Kings Council, but also, by all the Ambassadors of foreign Nations, which were there present. For Aristomenes, intending to accuse him, had purposedly brought thither, not only sundry other Noble personages of the Greeks, but even the very Etolian Ambassadors themselves, who were at that time, sent thither to entreat a peace, between the King and them: among whom, was one Dorymachus, the son of Nicostratus. Upon the hearing therefore, Scopas with his consorts, were all cast in prison: and the night following, Aristomenes caused both him, and all that were of his kindred, to be poisoned: but as for Dicaearchus, which was a most impious wretch, he caused him to berackt to death. For this was that Dicaearchus, who when he was Ammiral of Philippus his Navy, in harassing the Cycladian Isles, erected two altars in a certain Port there; the one to Impiety, the other to Iniquity, and sacrificed to them both, as unto two gods. For the rest of the Etolians, as many of them as had a mind to return, the King gave them free leave to be gone, and to take with them, whatever theirs was, [ Ibid. pag. 772.]
When this business of the Etolians was settled, and all quiet, then the whole Court, fell to their solemn Revels, which they used to have when any one is first saluted King, which they call, Anaclateria: not that the King was then ripe for Government; but because they thought, that if it were once blown abroad that the King was come now to rule in his own person, things would go better, and grow more quiet in the kingdom than erst they had done; and therefore made all provision they could to perform this solemnity for the honor of the kingdom. [ Ib. pag. 773.]
Whiles that debate held at Lysimachia, between Antiochus and the Commissioners from Rome, there grew a report, raised, as it seemeth, from what had betided Scopas at Alexandria, but without any certain author, that Ptolemy was dead: and so that conference came to no issue; for neither party would be known to have had any tidings of it: and L. Cornelius, whose proper errand was to treat with both the kings, desired some time to have speech with Ptolemy: his drift being to come at all hands into Egypt, before anything could there be resolved on, for the new settling of things there, after the kings supposed death. And Antiochus made no doubt, but that if the king were indeed dead, Egypt would be his: wherefore, having sent away the Commissioners, and leaving his son Seleucus with his land Forces, to go on with the new building of Lysimachia, he with his whole Fleet sailed to Ephesus, and from thence dispatching away Ambassadors to Flaminius to desire him to persist in the league and amity made between them, took shipping again, and, keeping along by the coast of Asia, came into Lycia, and at Patara, understood for certain, that Ptolemy was living: and thereupon gave off his journey intended for Egypt, [ Liv. lib. 33. Appia. in Syria. pag. 88.]
Antiochus, [Year of the World 3809] hasting away toward Cyprus, which he hoped certainly to get, when he had doubled the Cape of the Chelidonian Foreland, upon a mutiny raised among his Mariners, was fain to stay a while in Pamphylia, at the mouth of the River Eurymedon: and from thence sailing to a place called the Heads of the river Sarus, a foul tempest befell him, which was like to have drowned him and all his Fleet: many of his ships were driven on shore, many swallowed up in the sea, so that no soul escaped of them. A multitude of men perished in that tempest, not only of the Mariners, and common soldiers, but also of his Nobles, and Principal men belonging to him: yet having saved what could be gotten out of the wreck, seeing he was in no case to go on for Cyprus, he sailed to Seleucia in Syria, and there fell to rig up his Navy again; and prepared for the marriages of his children, Antiochus, and Laodice, whom he had joined in Matrimony: and then, putting to sea again, because now the Winter grew on, he sailed to Antioch, [ Id. ibid. ]
The Decemviri, [Year of the World b.] or ten Commissioners, returning to Rome, informed the Senate there concerning Antiochus, and his return into Syria, [ Liv. 33.] Hannibals enemies at Carthage, informed the Senate of Rome, that he sent messages, and letters to Antiochus, and daily received the like from him again; which, though false, yet was taken for true, by those whoever lived in fear of him. Whereupon they sent Ambassadors to the Council at Carthage, complaining to them, that Hannibal held correspondency with Antiochus, and advising them by one means or another, to rid him out of the way, [ Id. ib. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 1, 2.]
Flaminius his answer to Antiochus his Ambassadors, when they moved for a league, was, That he could do nothing now the ten Commissioners were gone; and that they should do well to go after them, and make their addresses to the Senate at Rome, [ Liv. lib. 34.]
Hannibal hereupon, stealing away from Carthage, came safe to Tyrus, and was there received by the founders of Carthage, as in a second country of his own; and having rested himself there a few days, sailed to Antioch: but finding that Antiochus was removed from thence, he there spake with his son, who was celebrating a solemn Festival in Daphne: and having been courteously entertained and caressed a while by him, took ship again, and followed Antiochus, and overtook him at Ephesus, beating his brains, whether he should, or should not, engage himself in a war against the Romans. But Hannibals coming to him, set him a gog, and now on he would: nor thought he now so much of the war itself, as of what great matters he should acquire, by conquering the Romans, [ Liv. in the end of his 33 book, Justin, lib. 31. cap. 1, 2. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib. ]
And here it was, that when one Phormio, a Philosopher of the Peripatetic sext, had disputed a long time in his school, concerning the duty and office of a Commander, or General of an army, and of the Art Military, and ordering of a battle, and all very wisely in his presence: Hannibal could not hold, but cried out, and said, That he had heard many a doting fool in his days, but a verier dotard than this Phormio was, he never heard, [ Cicer. de Oratore, lib. 2.]
T. Quinctius Flaminius, [Year of the World c.] joining with Eumenes and the Rhodians, sought very successfully against Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedemon, [ Liv. lib. 34.]
When M. Porcius (Cato) was Consul, the City of Smyrna began, and built a Temple to the City of Rome, [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4.] and by their example, the Alabandenses, not only built another Temple to her, but also instituted certain anniversary plays and games, in honor of her, as of a proper Goddess. [ Livy. lib. 43.]
Era • osthenes of Cyrene, [Year of the World 3810] the son of Aglaus, [The Julian Period. 4520] whom a man may well call, [Year before Christ 194] not only a Grammarian, though that were his chief profession, but also a Poet, and a Philosopher, and a Geometrician, for he excelled in all alike, this year died, [ Lucia. in Macrobiis, ] after whom, in the keeping of the library at Alexandria, succeeded Apollonius Alexandrinus, a scholar of Callimachus, and he which wrote the Argonautica, who because he lived many years at Rhodes, was therefore surnamed Rhodius, [ Swidas in Apollonius. ]
Antiochus perceiving the great affection which the Jews bare unto him, conferred great favors on them again, and by his letters highly commended them therefore. [ Euseb. Chron. ] These letters of his are extant in Josephus, [ lib. 14. Antiq. cap. 3.] in one of which, written to Ptolemaeus his Governor there, are mentioned many donations of his, and immunities granted both to the City, and also the Temple at Jerusalem, and in another to Zeuxis; he commanded two thousand of the families of the Jews, which lived in the provinces of Babylonia, and Mesopotamia, to be transplanted into the parts of Phrygia and Lydia, to keep them in order there, who were otherwise disposed to innovation.
Antiochus, [Year of the World 3811] preparing now to make a war in Greece, [The Julian Period. 4521] and there to begin his war against the Romans, [Year before Christ 193] imparted his purpose unto Hannibal; who told him, there was no conquering of the Romans, but in Italy itself: and to effect this, he desired only to have 100 of his fighting ships, with 16 thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, to be put into his hand: that with his fleet he would first sails into Afric, that he doubted not, but to stir up the Carthaginians themselves, to a fresh rebellion against them; but if that failed, yet he would land them in some part or other of Italy, and there begin the war a new against them. And when he had persuaded the King to hearken to this motion, he went not presently in person into Afric, (as Emil. Probus, in the life of Hannibal imagineth) but having lighted upon one Aristo, a Tyrian born, at Ephesus, sent him in fashion of a merchant to trade at Carthage, and there to prepare their minds, for a revolt from the Romans. Upon this Aristo Hannibals enemies at Carthage laid hold; and whiles they spent many days in consultation what to do with him, and whether to send him to Rome, in justification of their own innocence, he got a shipboard, and came back to Hannibal again. Whereupon they presently dispacht away Ambassadors to the Consuls and Senate at Rome, to let them know what had passed. [ Livy, lib. 34. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 3, 4. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 89, 90.]
Mean while Antiochus sent Lysias, Hegesianactes and Menippus his Ambassadors to Rome, to feel the pulse of the Senate there, for though their pretence was to solicit for a league and friendship between him and them: yet were they willed to intimate to the Senate, that the King wondered, why they should bid him to get him out of the Cities of Eolia, and Ionia, and to release his tributes due unto him from other places, and not to meddle with matters in Asia, and Countries of his ancient inheritance in Thracia; for that these were not commands to be laid upon friends of theirs, as he was, but enemies, when they were conquered. But they were told, that they should go and attend Flaminius, and the ten Commissioners, formerly sent into Greece, for an answer; And when they came, the Commissioners pressed, that Antiocus should either forbear Europe, or suffer the Romans, to maintain what they had already in Asia, and acquire more there if they could. But the Ambassadors told them plainly again, that they neither could nor would make any bargains, whereby the Kings rights and dominions might any ways be impaired, so that matter brake off, and the Ambassadors sent away, [ Liv. ib. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 89.]
Scant • y were the Ambassadors gone, when news came from Carthage, that Antiochus was busy in his preparations for a war against the Romans, and that Hannibal was designed for his General therein: which put them into a fear withal, least a fresh war should be raised again from Carthage, [ Liv. Ib. ]
Antiochus, [Year of the World 3812] having given his daughter in marriage to Ptolemy at Rhapia, in Phenicia, or rather in Palestine, returned to Antioch, [ Liv. lib. 35.] for, being now resolved to make war against the Romans, he thought fit to legue himself by marriages and affin • ties, with as many Kings and Princes thereabouts, as possibly he could; and therefore he sent his daughter Cleopatra, surnamed Syra, into Egypt to Ptolemy: giving him, for a dowry with her, all Coelosyria, which he had formerly wrest from him, thereby to pacify the young man, and to keep him from joining with the Romans in this war, [ Appia. in Syriac. pag. 88.] Jerome upon Daniel, [cap. 11.] saith, that Antiochus, purposing to get Egypt itself into his dominion, espoused his daughter Cleopatra, in the seventh year of the young man's reign, by one Eucles of Rhodes, and that in the 13 year of the same, according to Eusebius Chronicle, which he follows, or according to our computation, in the 12 thereof, sent her to him; and gave him for a Dowry all Coelosyria and Judea, and yet could not get Egypt neither; because Ptolemy and his Council perceived his drift, and stood the more cautiously on their guard, and Cleopatra herself the Queen, stood more affected to her husbands part, than to her fathers. And Josephus, [12 Antiq. cap. 3.] writeth that Antiochus, giving his daughter Cleopater to wife unto Ptolemy, gave him also for her Dowry Coelosyria, all Phoenicia, Judea, and Samaria to boot; and that equally dividing the tribute due out of them all, between them, the chief men in every of the said countries gathered it for them, and paid it in unto them.
Another daughter of his, called Antiochis, he proffered in marriage unto Ariarathes, the King of Cappadocia, and sent her to him: and a third unto Eumenes, the King of Pergamos. But Eumenes, seeing him set upon a war against the Romans, and that he was the cause of seeking his affinity, refused the offer. And when his two brothers, Attalus and Philetae • us, wondered that he should refuse such an offer made him by so great a neighbouring King as Antiochus was, he told them what, and how great a war was now at hand: wherein, said he, if the Romans get the better, as he verily believed they would, he was then sure to hold his own by them: or if Antiochus happened to overcome them, then his fortune would be, either to be turned out of all by an over-powerful neighbouring Prince, or be but forced to live under him: concerning which, we may see Eumenes his own Oration, [ in Polyb. Legat. 25. and Liv. lib. 37.]
Antiochus, [Year of the World b.] having passed the Taurus, marched thorough Silicia, and in the very end of Winter came to Ephesus, [ Liv. lib. 35.]
And from thence, in the first of the Spring, sending back his son Antiochus into Syria, to look to matters there, and in the remote parts of his Dominions Eastward, whiles he was busied in the West, he with all his land Forces, went to invade the Pisdians, which inhabit about the parts of Selga, [ Id. ibid. ]
At that time there came to Elaea, Ambassadors sent from Rome to Antiochus, who, under color of an Embassy, were to spy out, and inform themselves, of what preparations he had made, and by often conversing with Hannibal, might either abate his rancor toward them, or if not that, yet by their familiarity with him, might perhaps make Antiochus jealous of him: these Ambassadors were, P. Sulpitius, and P. Villius, who among others, had met with Antiochus at Lysimachia, [ Liv. lib. 34. and 35. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 4. Fronti. Stratag. lib. 1. cap. 8. Appia. in Syriac. page 90, 91.]
The Ambassadors went up from Elaea to Pergamos, where Eumenes his Palace was; because their instructions were, First to confer with Eumenes, before they went to Antiochus: and Eumenes did what possibly he could, by advice or persuasion, to stir them up to a war against Antiochus: Sulpitius staid behind at Pergamos sick; but, P. Villius, hearing that Antiochus was busy in war against Pisidia, went to Ephesus; and during those few days of abode which he there made, was careful to converse with Hannibal as frequently as he might, both to sound what was in him, and withal to mitigate his rancor toward the Romans, by assuring him, that they intended him no further harm, [ Liv. lib. 35.]
Claudius Quadrigarius, following herein the Greek History of Acilius, saith, that P. Scipio Africanus was in this Embassy, and that he it was that had such speech with Hannibal at Ephesus: mentioning one discourse of theirs in particular, which was, That when Africanus asked him, whom he thought to have been the greatest Captain in the World? Hannibal answered him, Alexander the Great: and whom the second? he answered Pyrrhus; and whom the third? My self, said Hannibal: at which word, Scipio burst out into a great laughter, and said, what would you have done, if you had overcome me? I would then saith Hannibal, have counted myself before Pyrrhus and Alexander both, and all others that ever were: and that this perplexed and intricate answer of his, was but a trick of a Punic wit, and that Scipio was taken therewith, as with a pretty kind of flattery; as if both himself had been thereby made a non-pareil above all, and withal, that he had vanquished and overcome, a better man than Alexander, [ Id. ibid. with Plutarch in. T. C. Flaminino, and Appia. in Syriac. page 91, 92.]
Villius went forward from Ephesus to Apamea, [Year of the World c.] and there Antiochus hearing of the coming of the Roman Ambassadors, met them: where they fell upon the same points almost, which were treated of, between Flaminius and the other Commissioners, on the one side, and his Ambassadors on the other at Rome. But the news which came of the death of his son Antiochus, who was but lately before sent into Syria, put off that parley: and Villius, that he might not be seen there up and down in an unseasonable time, and when the King and Court were all in mourning, retired to Pergamos; the King also giving off all preparations for the war which he had begun, went to Ephesus, [ Liv. lib. 35.]
And now the Roman Ambassadors being sent for to come to Ephesus, had their conference with Minio, a principal Counselor and Favorite of the Kings; Minio in his discourse blamed the Romans, that under a pretence of setting Greece at liberty, they intended an open war against Antiochus, whereas themselves held so many Nations and famous Countries in their subjection, and made them tributary to Rome, which formerly lived free, and according to their own laws: and when Sulpitius, (for he was now recovered of his sickness) answered for the Romans, and called the Ambassadors of other States there present to witness (as they had been before prompted, and lessoned by Eumenes) on the Romans behalf, things between them, fell from a conference to a plain brawl, [ Id. ibid. ]
Antiochus, having heard the Embassy of the Rhodians, told them all, that as well they, as they of Byzatium and Cyzicum, and other Grecians dwelling in Asia, if he and the Romans came to an agreement, and joined in a league together, should be free; but as for the Eolians and Ionians, it should not be so with them; for that they had ever lived under the subjection of the Kings of Asia: therefore the Roman Ambassadors, when they could get no reason from the King (for indeed that was the least part of the errand they came in, but only to be as so many spies of his actions) returned to Rome, [ Appia. in Syriac. pag. 92.]
After this, [Year of the World 3813] came the Etolian Ambassadors to the King, who offered to make him Commander of all the Forces which they could make, and persuaded him by all means to put over into Greece, which said they, is ready to receive you; and not to stay till his armies came down to him out of the remote and inner parts of Asia: which put Antiochus upon such a pin, that he resolved eft-soones to be going into Greece, [ Id. ibid. pag. 92, 93. with Polyb. lib. 3. pag. 159. and Justin, lib. 30. cap. 4. & lib. 32. cap. 1.]
But before he took shipping, he went up to Ilium, and there sacrificed to Minerva; and then returning to his Fleet, he set forward with 40 sail of fighting ships, and 60 open boats, and 200 ships of burden, full freighted with all kind of provisions, followed in the rear of them. His whole army consisted of 10 thousand Foot, and 500 Horse, with six Elephants, scantly enough to have possessed Greece, if none had been there, to have held up a Buckler against him, much less to endure the brunt and burden of a war against the Roman Nation, [ Liv. lib. 35.]
Eumenes presently sent his brother Attalus away to Rome, to let them know that Antiochus had put over the Hellespont with his army: and that the Etolians were ready to rise in arms, immediately upon his landing; Thanks were given by the Senate, both to Eumenes then absent, and also to Attalus there present; and he had lodgings provided for him at the public charge, and presents sent unto him, [ Id. ibid. ]
About the midst of Winter, [Year of the World b.] Antiochus, falling into consultation at Demetrias, how to carry on the war; Hannibal gave right good and sound advice, if it had been followed; as it was not, save only in this, that Polyxenidas was sent to bring away the rest of the fleet and army out of Asia, [ Liv. lib. 36. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 5, 6. Appia. pag. 93, 94.]
Antiochus, falling in love with a young Damsel of Chalcis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, where he hosted, being himself upward of fifty, laid aside all care of the war, which he had then in hand; and set his mind wholly upon wedding the wench; and called her by the name of Eubaea: and spent all the Winter after, in banqueting and revels; and as he did, so did all his army likewise, and spent all that season, in luxury and pleasure, [