The Annals of the World

Diodorus, Justin, ut sup. and Arrianus. ]

Alcetes, Perdiccas his own brother, flatly refused to bear arms against Antipater and Craterus: and Neoptolemus envying the power of Eumenes, did not only underhand join in society with them, but laid a train to have blown up Eumenes, and to have taken his life, and to have betrayed all his army into their hands: which when Eumenes had discovered, he was forced to fight it out with the traitor in a pitched field: wherein he made a great slaughter of Neoptolemus his men, took all his baggage, and drew the residue to serve him, and grew strong by the access of so many good Macedon soldiers to his former army. Neoptolemus getting away with 300 Horse only, fled to Antipater and Craterus, and they again sent Ambassadors to Eumenes, to draw him over to their Party, promising that he should not only hold what he had, but also have more Provinces added to him. But when he answered, that he would rather lose his life than break his word to Perdiccas, they divided their army in two; with one Antipater marched into Silicia, that going from thence into Egypt, he might there join with Ptolemy, against Perdiccas; and the other stayed behind with Craterus, to try it out with Eumenes.

Eumenes seeing the enemy coming on, and fearing least his soldiers, knowing against whom he was to go, would not only not go with him; but disband and flee from him, led them about by unknown ways, where they might not easily hear how the squares went: and the rather for that there was a buzzing already among them, that Neoptolemus was recruted, and came on together with Pigris, with an army of Cappadocian and Paphlagonian Horse: and withal he so wrought it, by choosing his ground everywhere as he went, that he could force the enemy to come to a battle of Horse, wherein he knew he overtopped his enemy, and not of Foot, wherein he knew he was the weaker. His Foot was 20 thousand strong, some of one nation, some of another, and 5 thousand Horse; upon whose valor he principally relied for the victory. Craterus had but little above 2 thousand Horse, and as many Foot as Eumenes: but they were all Macedonians, old soldiers all, and of approved valor, and such as he well durst put the day upon.

These met in Cappadocia; Craterus had the right wing, Neoptolemus the left. Eumenes put none of his Macedonians to fight against Craterus, but only two Regiments of foreign Horse, led by Pharnabazus, the son of Artabazus, and by Tenedius of Phoenicia; willing them, without any shouting, or word speaking, to fall on roundly upon him: and himself with a company of 300 Horse, flew in like lightening upon Neoptolemus. And Craterus truly for his part, led on very bravely, and in his own person valiantly behaved himself, but his Horse floundering, a certain Thracian, or rather as Arrianus, a Paphlagonian ran him into the side with his Lance, and bare him to the ground: In the fall, one of Eumenes his Captains knew him, and did what he might to have saved him, all wounded as he was, and giving up the ghost. Men while, Eumenes and Neoptolemus met, and grappling each with other, fell both off their horses to the ground; that a man might easily see with how deadly a hatred they encountered each other, and that their spirits were more hostile than their bodies could be: being down, Eumenes wounded Neoptolemus in one of his hams, and his hamstrings being cut, he fell along; yet his courage bearing him up, he raised himself upon his knees, and fighting on, gave Eumenes three wounds; one in his arm, the other two in his thigh: but none of them being any way mortal, at the second blow, Eumenes made a full blow at him, and struck off his head; which was about ten days, after the former victory which he gat of him, [ Id. ]

Eumenes, seeing Craterus brought half dead out of the field, did what possibly might be done, to have saved his life: but when it would not be, he wept bitterly over him, and without-spread arms lamented his case; and in regard both of his high place, and also, of the former love that had been between them, buried him honorably, and sent his bones home into Macedon to his wife and children, [ Plut, and Emil. Pro. in Eumene. ]

Both the Leaders being slain, and many others, especially of the better sort, taken prisoners; the rest of the Horse fled back to the main squadron of the Foot, as to a sure defense: and Eumenes contenting himself with what he had done, sounded a retreit, and set up a trophy upon the place, and buried dis dead. But the Foot army, which was brought as it were, into a noose, whence they could not escape, without Eumenes his leave, desired quarter: and taking their oaths for their loyalty towards him, had leave to buy victual, in the places adjoining. But having gotten victual, and recovered their strength, contrary to their oath, they went away, and returned to Antipater, [ Diod. with Arian. and Emil. Probus. ]

Perdiccas, with the two Kings, Aridaeus, and Alexander a young child, coming with his army into Egypt, encamped not far from Pelusium: where, whiles he busied himself in scouring an old ditch, an extraordinary inundation of Nile, spoiled all his works. And although Ptolomei cleared himself, to the world of all those crimes which Perdiccas laid to his charge, yet contrary to the good liking and will of his Army, Perdiccas would needs proceed and make a war upon him, [ Diodorus and Arrianus. ]

When Perdiccas at last saw that many of his friends forsook him, and fled over to Ptolomei, he assembled all his Commanders and Captains, and what with gifts, what with large promises, what with fairwords, and his sweet behavior towards them, made them all sure to himself again. And then removing his Camp without any noise, in the grasp of the evening, encamped upon the bank of the River Nile; not far from a certain Castle, called Murus Camelorum, ( i. e.) a wall of Camels. And at day break, crossed the River with his Army and Elephants, and set upon the Castle, but was valiantly repulsed by Ptolomei, and glad to retreit to his Camp again. And the night following, he removed, and with all silence possible, came to a place over against Memphis, where the River parting, made an Island, fit to encamp in, but in passing the River, to come at it, he lost above two thousand of his men, of which no less than one thousand being long tost up and down in the water, were devoured by Crocodiles, and other monsters of the River. But Ptolomei took such bodies as were cast a shore on his side the River, and bestowed all solemn Rites and Ceremonies of funeral upon them, and sent their bones to their friends and kinsmen in the Army. Whereupon, the minds of the soldiers, grew much more enraged against Perdiccas, and inclined to Petolomei than before, [ Diod. ]

Then arose there a mutiny and sedition in the Camp, wherein the chief Commanders, to the number a hundred, fell off from Perdiccas, and among them, Pithon himself; than whom there was not a braver man, for virtue and valor, and high esteem, among all Alexanders Nobles. But some of the Horse, conspiring together, made no more ado, but went to his pavilion where he lay, and there slew him; when he had now held that principality three full years, at least, the third year running. [ Id. with Arrianus and Justin. lib. 13. cap. 8. Pausan. in Attic. pag. 5. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene. ]

The next day, when the whole army was called together, Ptolomei crossed the River, and came to the two Kings; and presenting both them, and other of the Nobles with honorable gifts, and behaved himself in all fair and humble manner to them all. And when he had excused himself for what he had done, finding that the army was distitute of provision, he supplied them with plenty of corn, and all other necessaries for their use. And he made it openly to appear, that he was heartily sorry, and bemoaned the present state and condition of Perdiccas his friends: and as he saw any Macedon in any distress or danger, he did, what possibly he could, to relieve him, and help him out. Now albeit, being so gracious with all there, as he was, he might easily have gotten to be L. Protector of the two Kings, as Perdiccas was, yet he so far prevailed by his counsel with them, that when they met about that matter, all with one accord, cast the Protector ship of the two Kings, Aridaeus, and Alexander the young child, upon Pithon, who was the man that had formerly quieted the commotions of the Greeks in the upper Asia, and Aridaeus, which had formerly the charge of convoying the body of Alexander from Babylon, with sovereign power over all the armies; in such manner and form, as Perdiccas had, according to the first establishment, [ Diodorus. and Arian. ]

Two days after the death of Perdiccas, there came news of Eumenes his victory, gotten in Cappadocia, and of the death of Neoptolemus and Craterus, which had it come but two days sooner, had, no doubt, saved Perdiccas his life, for who, upon that success, durst have stirred against him? But the Macedonians, enraged for the death of Craterus, declared Eumenes for an open enemy, with 50 other Noble persons that were near about him; among which, was Pitho Illyrius, (for so I read them jointly, in Justin, as also in Arrianus his Indica, [pag. 185.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e. ) Pithon, the son of Crateus, of Alcomene; which in Stephanus de Urbibus, is a City in Illyria) and Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas: Generals, against them, were Antigonus and Antipater; and to this purpose was Antigonus sent for out of Cyprus, and commanded, together with Antipater, to come to the two Kings presence in all hast, [ Diod. and Arria. with Just. l. 13. c. 8. and Plut. in Eumene. ]

In Egypt also were put to death, all that had any reference to Perdiccas, and his sister Atalanta, whom Attalus the Admiral of Perdicoas, lying then with the fleet before Pelusium had married: He hearing of the death of his wife, and of Perdiccas, weighed anchor, and came to Tyrus, where Archelaus a Macedon, and Governor of the place, entertained him with all respect and love, and gave up the City, with 800 talents, which Perdiccas had deposited and left in trust with him, into his hands.

Attalus, staying at Tyrus, received and relieved all such of Perdiccas his friends, as could escape and get away from the Camp, lying before Memphis, [ Diodorus. ]

Euridice, the wife of King Aridaeus, would not that the two Protectors should do anything of moment without her: and they at first said no Nay thereto. Yet afterward, they told her plainly, that she had nothing to do with matters of State; only they said, they would have a care of her, till Antigonus and Antipater came. [ Arria. ]

Pitho and Aridaeus, the two Protectors, removing from Nile with the two kings, and the army, came to Triparadisus in the upper Syria: where, when Euridice would needs be over-busy and meddling in matters of state, and would many times cross the Protectors in their ways, Pithon, offended therewith, and the rather, for that he saw the Macedonians inclined to obey her commands, called the Macedonians together, and before them all, resigned his Protectorship: Thereupon they chose Antipater to be Protector in his place, with all sovereign power belonging thereunto, [ Diodorus. ]

The army now demanded of Antipater, performance of all those rewards for their long labor in the wars, which Alexander had made them. Antipater, when he had nothing to give them for the present, told them that their demands were just and reasonable, and that he would shortly look into the Kings Treasure, and find out whatever he had laid up: which speech of his gave the army little satisfaction: whereupon when Euridice also helped to lay load upon him, the minds of the common soldiers were stired up to a mutiny and sedition against him. At the same time Euridice made an open declamation against him, which was pronounced in the people's hearing, by Asclepiodorus her Secretary. And Attalus seconded her, with another of his own; so that Antipater had much ado to escape alive out of their hands: But Antigonus and Seleucus stood up in his defense, and therein ran a hazard of their own lives also.

Wherefore Antipater, having thus got clear of them, got him presently away to his own army, and then the chief Commanders of the Cavaleerie coming together, with much ado, pacified the multitude, and so Antipater was sent for again, and willed to resume the sovereign power, and use it, as formerly he had done. [ Diod. ]

After this, Antipater made a new distribution of the Governments of the Provinces in Triparadisus: wherein he partly ratified what had formerly been done in that kind, and made some alterations, as the the present state of things required: And for Ptolomei, he was bid to hold what he had, for it was hard to remove him to any other Government, seeing he had in a manner gotten Egypt by way of conquest to himself. But Mesopotamia, and the Country of Arbela, were assigned to Amphimachus the Kings brother, Babylon to Seleucus, Parthia to Philippus, Aria and Drangiana to Stasander of Cyprus, Bactria and Sogdiana to Stasanor of Solos in the same Island, Media, as far as to the Caspian Gates, Perdiccas his son in law being now dead, was taken from Atropates, and given to Pithon the son of Crateas, or Cratenas, whereupon Atropates, calling the lesser Media from his own name Atroperia, turned it quite away from the Macedonian Government, and made himself absolute King of it: and in succession from him, it continued down to Strabo his time, as himself testifieth, [ lib. 11. pag. 523.] Antigenes, (for whom Antigonus is falsely written in Diodorus) Captain of the silver Targateers, because he was the first that set upon Perdiccas, had the Province of Susa given him for his pains; and three thousand of the most turbulent Macedonians in the late sedition to carry with him: The rest of the Provinces of the upper Asia, were left in the hands of such as had them before, save that Patala, the greatest City of all India, was upon this settlement, assigned to King Porus: as Arrianus saith; which we can hardly believe.

In the lesser Asia, Cappadocia, and with it Paphlagonia, were taken from Eumenes, and given to Nicanor. Lydia, (not Lycia as it is read in Diodorus) to Clytus; Phrygia the lesser, as far as to Hellespont, to Aridaeus. Caria to Cassander, with Phrygia the greater, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, to hold them as he did before. In Diodore, is here read Silicia, instead of Lycia: which himself a little before said was given to Philoxenus; or rather as Arrianus hath it, was confirmed to him: for I shown a little before out of [ Justin. lib. 13. cap. 6.] that Perdiccas had taken that Province from Philotas, and given it to Philoxenus.

This Antigonus (who because he wanted one eye, was nick-named, the Cyclops, [ Elian. lib. 12. Var. Hist. cap. 14.] was by Antipater made General of the Kings army, and Commander of those Forces in particular, which Perdiccas had. He committed to him also the care of the two Kings, and sent him to make war upon Eumenes, being of himself very desirous of that employment: whereupon it is, that [ Appianus in his Syriaca, pag. 121.] says, that Antipater made him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e. ) Overseer of all Asia: and [ Diod. lib. 18. pag. 626.] calls him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e. ) absolute Commander of all Asia: but joined with him his own son Cassander (the Governor of Caria) as his Master or General of the Horse; to the end, that if Antigonus should go about to set up for himself, he might have an eye upon him, [ Diodorus. and Arrianus. ]

At the same time Antipater made Autolychus the son of Agathocles, Amyntas, the son of Alexander, and brother to Pencesta, Ptolemy the son of Ptolomei, and Alexander the son of Polyspercon, Squires of the body to the two Kings, [ Arria. ] and having gotten a great applause among all sorts of men for his well ordering, and due administration of things in his Protectorship, he set onward of his journey with the two Kings, toward Macedonia, [ Id. & Diodorus. ]

Eumenes, hearing that he was declared an enemy by the Macedonians, and that Antigonus was sent against him, declared the matter of his own accord to the army; least perhaps the fame of it coming other ways to their ears, might make matters worse than they were, or the novelty of it should damp their courage: at least he should thereby find how his army stood affected to him, and to dispose of himself, as he should see occasion, upon the general carriage of them thereupon: yet he told them plainly, that if an man's heart failed him upon this news, he should have free leave to depart, and go whither he would; with which word, he so wan and fastened all men's hearts unto him, that they all bad him be of good cheer, saying, That they would cut that Decree of the Macedonians in pieces with their swords, [ Justin. lib. 14. cap. 1.]

Moreover when news of that Decree came to Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas, he presently fled, and ingratiated himself with the Pisidians; for whiles he was among them, when ever he got a booty from the enemy, he gave one half thereof to them, and was ever affable and courteous to them in his speech, often inviting the principal of them to Feasts, and honoring them with gifts and presents, whereby he wan the hearts of all unto him, [ Diodorus. pag. 623.]

Attalus also, who was chief Ammiral of the Navy, and who was with the first of them that fell off from Antipater, fled and banded himself with the rest of the now Banditoes: and gat together an army of 10 thousand Foot, and 800 Horse; and with these going to possess himself of Cnidus, Caunus, and Rhodes, was by Demaratus the Ammiral of Rhodes, valiantly put off, [ Arrianus. ]

Eumenes took as many horses, [Year of the World 3684] as he wanted out of the Kings breed, which was in the mount Ida: And when he sent an account for them in writing to the Kings Officers of the Revenue, Antipater laughed at it, and said, that he wondered to see Eumenes so cautious, as to think, that either he himself would ever be accountable to them of the Kings goods, or look for an account of them from others.

From hence he marched with his army, not into Etolia, as it is in the printed Copies of Justin; but as a Manuscript Copy hath it, into Etulia, or Etulane, which is a part of Armenia the less in Cappadocia (as Isaacus Vossius, a most learned young man, and my very good friend, observed out of Ptolemy) and there levied monies of the Cities in those parts: and if any refused to pay contribution, he plundered them as so many enemies. And from thence again, he went to Sardes, and to Cleopatra, sister to Alexander the great, hoping that her presence would confirm his Centurions and other Officers of his army in their obedience unto him, as supposing that the right of Royal Majesty was on that side, on which the sister of Alexander stood, [ Justin. lib. 14. cap. 1.] And when it so fell out, that Antipater took also Sardes in his way to Macedon, Eumenes would fain have put the matter upon a battle, in the fields of Lydia, both because he was the stronger in Horse, and because also he was desirous to let Cleopatra see, of what metal he was made. But Clopatra, fearing lest Antipater and the Macedonians might hereupon charge her to have been the author and abettor of this war against them, persuaded Eumenes to leave Sardes, Plutarch and Arrianus. Nevertheless Antipater when he came, forbare not to reproach her, with many fowl words, for having held correspondence with Eumenes and Perdiccas. But she, beyond what could have been expected from a woman, answered him again very stoutly, justifying her own actions, and laying the fault upon Antipater: yet so, as at last they parted fair, and upon good terms, [ Arria. ]

Eumenes therefore left the Country of Lydia, and marched away into the upper Phrygia, and there took up his winter quarters in Celaene, [ Plut. ] and dispatched away messengers to Alcetas, and his associates; advising them to draw their forces into a body, and to make head against a common enemy. But when they could not agree among themselves; nothing was done, [ Arian. ] for Alcetas, and Polemo, and Docimus, could not agree, who should be chief: Whereupon Eumenes cried out and said, This is according to the old saying, Exitii nulla habetur ratio, (i. e. ) There is no fence against destruction, [ Plutarch. ]

Eumenes promising to pay his army within three days, set all the Towns and Cities of that Country, which was full stored with men and Cattle, to sale. Whereupon the Captains and Commanders took them off his hands, and receiving Engines of battery from him, went and entered by force upon them, and making sale of all, paid every man his company to the full, [ Id. ]

Antipater, not daring as yet to fight with Eumenes himself, sent Cassander, to try the fortune of a battle with Alcetas and Attalus; and fight they did, and parted upon equal terms, yet so as Cassander had the worse of it, [ Arria. ]

Cassander, falling out with Antigonus, upon his father Antipaters persuasion, grew friends again with him; yet meeting with his father in Phrygia, he advised him, not to keep himself far off from the Kings, nor to rely too much upon Antigonus. But Antigonus by his temperate and discreet carriage, and obsequious behavior upon all occasions, did what he could, to make Antipater have a good belief of his sincerity to him, and loyalty to the cause. Whereupon Antipater, putting of all displeasure towards him, delivered into his hands, of those forces which he had brought with him out of Asia, 8500 Macedonians, and as many Horse of his confederates, with one Moitie of his Elephants, being 70 in number, that with them he might go thorough with the war against Eumenes; so Antigonus took upon him the management of that business; and Antipater with the Kings, took his journey to return to Macedon, [ Id. ]

But then his whole army cried out for gelt, and he promised them pay, when he came to Abydus; and told them, that perhaps he would there bestow on them the whole donative, which Alexander had promised; if not, yet at last the greater part thereof, feeding them therefore with this hope; he drew them on quietly to Abydus: but when he came thither, he with the two Kings in his company, stale away by night, and put over the Hellespont, and went to Lysimachus. And the morrow after they followed him, without any further calling for their pay, So saith Arrianus [in Biblio. Photii. cap. 92.] and here Arrianus ends his ten books, which he wrate of the gests of Alexander.

Antigonus drew all his forces out of their winter quarters, to march against Eumenes, and to subdue him, who at that time lay in Cappodicia, [ Diodorus. ] Now there were billets cast about everywhere in Eumenes his Camp, promising 100 talents, and good conditions and offices besides: to him that would bring in Eumenes head to Antigonus, [ Justin lib. 14. cap. 1. Plut. in Eumene. ] Which when Eumenes perceived, he forthwith called all the souldierie together, and first thanked them all, for that in so great a multitude, there was none found, that would falsify his oath taken to him, in hope of so bloody a reward, and yet withal cunningly intimated to them, that these billets were of his own divising, to sound thereby their affections toward him, to the end, that if the enemy should do the like hereafter, the army might imagine, that it was still but a device of his to try them: Whereupon they all cried out, and vowed their service, in the defense of his person, and preservation of his life. [ Justin. ] And thereupon they decreed among themselves, that there should out of the principal of the army, be chosen a thousand men, for his daily guard, and that they should watch every night by turns about him, and they which were so chosen, were glad of the employment, and wilingly received from his hand, such gifts, as the Macedon Kings used to bestow upon their Nobles: for Eumenes now took upon him scarlet Hats, and robes upon them, which among the Macedonians was ever esteemed for a principal favor from their Kings, [ Plut. ] yet one of his chief Commanders, called Perdiccas, with 3 thousand foot, and 5 hundred horse fell from him, and was gotten 3 days journey on his way: and Eumenes dispatched away Tenedius a Phoenician, with 4 thousand choice foot, and a thousand horse to overtake them: which he did, and falling on them unawares, in the night time, whiles they were all asleep, took Perdiccas prisoner, and brought back all his soldiers to Eumenes, who picked out the chief Authors of that defection, and put them to death, and distributed the rest by small parcels, among his other companies, speaking them fair, & using them courteously, and thereby wan their affections to himself again, [ Diodorus. ]

After this Antigonus dealt, by a privy messenger, with Apollonides, one of the commanders of the Horse, under Eumenes, and by large promises, drew him to play the traitor with Eumenes, and in the midst of the fight, to forsake, and turn against him. Eumenes at this time encamped in the country of Orcynia, in Cappadocia, a place fit for horse to fight in; and thither came Antigonus with his army, and took up all the upper ground, near the foot of the mountains, his army consisting of 10 thousand foot, most part whereof were Macedonians, and men of admirable force and courage, and two thousand horse, and 30 Elephants: And Eumenes in his army had no less than 20 thousand foot, and 5 thousand horse. The battle began very fiercely on Eumenes his side: but Appolonides with his regiment of horse, falling suddenly off to the enemy, gave the victory to Antigonus: in that fight Eumenes lost 8000 men, and all his Carriages, [ Id. ]

Yet Eumenes suffered not the traitor to escape, but whiles he was in acting of that vilany, took him, and hung him up: Himself fled by a contrary way to that which they that pursued him took, and turning back short, passed by the enemy, and came to the place where the battle was fought, and there encamped, and gathered together the bodies of his slain, and for want of other fuel in the place, took the doors and gates of the towns and villages thereabouts, off their hinges, and cleft them, and made piles of them to burn his dead withal, the Captains by themselves, and the common soldiers by theirs. In so much that Antigonus coming to the place afterward, stood amazed at this bold attempt of his, and undauntednesse of his high courage, [ Plut. ]

After falling by chance upon Antigonus his carriages, though he might there have taken many a prisoner, many slaves, with much stuff, yet fearing lest his men, having gotten so much wealth, should grow less forward to fight, and if need were, less able to fly, by reason of their luggage, gave order that every man should see his horse well fed, and refresh himself, and then be ready to set upon the enemy: mean while he privily sent to Menander, who was set to keep the enemies luggage, to remove immediately out of the plain, to the foot of the mountain, for fear of being suddenly surrounded by the enemies Horse, which when he, seeing the danger, speedily did, the enemy said that they were very much beholding to Eumenes, for saving their children from slavery, and their wives from ravishment: But Antigonus told them that Eumenes did it not for their sakes, but to the end he might not shakle & hinder himself thereby in his flight, [ Id. ]

Eumenes went from thence, sculking here and there, and persuaded a great many of his men to leave him for the present, and to get them gone: whether out of an honest care which he had of them; or because they were now grown too few to oppose the enemy, and yet were too many to conceal him in his flight. But when he was come to Nora, which was a strong castle, and which Strabo, [l. 12.] saith in his time, went by the name of Neroassus,) a place seated upon the confines of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, with 500 horse, and 200 foot (though Diodorus saith that there were not above 500 in all there,) as many of his friends as desired his leave to be gone, because they could not brook, either the desolatenesse of the place, or the scarcity of victuals, that they there found, he gave it them freely, and embracing everyone of them, in all fair and courteous manner sent them away: For the place itself was not above two furlongs in bigness, and there was in it provision enough of corn, and salt, and water, but there was no store of fresh Cates to be had, [ Id. with Diodorus, and Justin, lib. 14. cap. 2.]

Antigonus, coming to the place, before he began any siege, sent to Eumenes to come to a parley, and when he required Hostages, Antigonus refused, but bad him come out as to his Superior: But Eumenes sent him word again, that as long as he ware a sword by his side, he would acknowledge no Superior. Whereupon, when Antigonus sent him his own bothers son, called Ptolomei, as was required, Eumenes came forth: and they embraced each other very lovingly, and in all familiar manner. And having disputed of sundry matters, when Antigonus saw that he never mentioned anything of his own security or pardon, but still demanded his former Governments to be confirmed, and recompense for his losses to be made unto him, the standers by stood amazed at it, and wondered at the constancy of his courage and magnanimity that was in him. And Antigonus told him, that concerning these articles, he would advise with Antipater: And so with much ado, returned him again into his Castle, safe from the violence of the multitude: And having built a double wall, with trenches round about the Castle, and le •• men enough to maintain the siege, removed his Camp, [ Ibid. ]

After a while Eumenes sent messengers (among which, one was Hieronymus the Historian, a town-born child of Cardia, as himself was) to Antipater, for a pacification, [ Diodorus, and Justin, lib. 14. cap. 2.] and in the mean time, he provided victuals for his company, and though his fare was short, yet he made good cheer with what he had, admitting them all in their turns to his table, where he entertained them with pleasant discourse, and familiar speeches, instead of better meat, [ Diod. and Plut. ] and then as often as he had a mind to it, out he would sally, and either burn or overthrow Antigonus his works, [ Emil. Prob. ]

But fearing least by lying always in one place, he should dry founder and lose all his horses, for want of breathing them, he gave order every day once to truss up his horses with their fore feet above ground, and made them stand upon their hinder; that so with striving and much struggling, they might gather heat and fall a sweating: and gave them boiled barley to eat, that they might the sooner dispatch it, and the better digest it: whereby it came to pass, that when at last he came out of the Castle every man wondered to see his horse so sat and sleek, as if they had been all the while kept in the best pasture of the country, [ Diodorus. Iul. Fronti. stratag. lib. 4. cap. 7. Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene. ]

Ptolemy the son of Lagus, perceiving that Phoenicia, and Coelosyria, would be very commodious to him, both for the keeping of Egypt, and also for the acquiring of Cyprus bet his brains about it, how he might compass them. Wherefore he tried, whether he could draw Laomedon, who was made Governor of those two Provinces, first by Perdiccas, and afterward by Antipater, to deliver them into his hand: offering him a vast sum of money for it. But not able to compass it that way, he raised a greater army, made his trusty friend Nicanor General of it, and sent him to wrest it by pure force out of his hand: and he marching into Syri • , took Laomedon prisoner; but he by bribing his keepers got away, and fled to Alcetus where he was in Caria: and Nicanor having in a short time subdued all Phoenicia and Syria, and put Garrisons in them, he returned into Egypt, [ Diodorus. with Appia. in Syriac. pa. 121. and Pausan. in his Attica. pag. 5.]

Ptolemy, setting upon the parts of Phoenicia and Syria, and having gotten Jerusalem by a slight, carried thence to the number of 100 thousand men into Egypt: out of which, he selected 30 thousand of the ablest of them, whom he armed, and took into his army upon greater than ordinary pay, and committed his Garrison Towns and Castles in Egypt, especially to their trust. The rest he gave away for slaves among his soldiers, not so much of his own accord, as upon their importunity, who desired to have them rather than any other, for their necessary uses, and attendance in things belonging to the wars, [ Aristeos, in lib. de 70. interpret. with Ptol. Philadel. his epistle, eod. lib. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 1. Euseb. 2. in Chron. ]

Of his taking of Jerusalem, Agatharchides Cnidus, writeth in this manner, in his book of the successors of Alexander the great, in Josephus [ lib. 1. cont. Apion. pag. 1050. with lib. 12. Antiq, cap. 1.] They which are called Jews, saith he, dwell in a most fortified City, which the natives call Jerusalem; these keep every seventh day Holiday: and meddle with no arms upon that day, nor with any part of husbandry, or any other manner of work whatsoever: only holding up their hands in hallowed places, they there stay praying till the evening with outstretched hands. And when Ptolemy the son of Lagus entered their City with his army, all men observed the folly of them that were set to keep it, and so the country came enslaved under a bitter master, and their law was found, to be naught else, but a foolish custom. Appian adds, that Ptolemy demolished the walls of the City: and that leaving Garrisons in Syria, he returned into Egypt by sea, [in Syriac. pag. 119, 121.]

Of this carrying away the Jews captive into Egypt, Josephus speaketh in this wise, [lib. 12. Antiquit. cap. 1.] Ptolemy, saith he, carried away many captives out of the hillcountry of Judea, and places bordering upon Jerusalem, and from Samaria, and the mount Gerizim, into Egypt, and made them to dwell there. And finding that they of Jerusalem were most strict observers of any oath which they had taken, by the answer which they made to Alexanders Messengers, after the last everthrow of Darius, he thought fit to place many of them now in his garrisons, and castles: and when he had planted many of them in Alexandria, there to live enjoying the same privileges which the Macedonians had; he bound them all with an oath to be true liege men to his posterity, that had bestowed so great favors on them. And again in his [2 book cont. Apio. pag. 1063.] Ptolomaeus Lagus, saith he, committed all his castles and places of strength to his Alexandrian Jews, conceiving they would be kept most safe in their hands, in regard of their fidelity and manhood: and to the end he might reign most securely in Cyrene, and other parts of Libya; he therefore sent many of those Jews to inhabit in that country. And from them descended that Jason Cyrenaeus out of whose writings was collected the second book of the Maccabes; [2 Maccab. cap. 2. v. 24.] and Simon Cyrenaeus, who bare the cross of Christ, [Matth. chap. 27. v. 32.] and of whom mention is made, [Acts, 2. v. 10. and cap. 6. v. 9.]

Antigonus; whiles Eumenes kept in Nora, besieged there with a double wall round about him, marched with his army against Alcetas, and Attalus, and first into Pisidia, where Alcetas with his strength lay: and having in seven days space marched two thousand and five hundred furlongs, he came to a City called, The City of the Cretenses: and coming thus speedily and unawares upon them, he possessed himself of some fitting hills and places of advantage thereabouts; and had in his company besides his Elephants, 40 thousand Foot, and 7 thousand Horse; yet durst Alcetas meet him in the open field, having but 16 thousand Foot, and 900 Horse of his friends in his army. But Antigonus having the advantage of the ground, and by far the stronger party, routed him, and took both Attalus and Docimus and Polemon, and many other great Captains prisoners; all which he took to mercy, and used great clemency and humanity towards them, and disposed of the rest among his companies, and thereby much increased his own army.

Alcetas himself with his life-guard, and sons, and other Pisidians which served him, fled to Telmessus a city of Pisidia, which the Pisidians, being to the number of 6 thousand, and all very strong and valiant men promised never to forsake him, and therefore when Antigonus with all his army came before the walls of Telmessus, and demanded Alcetas to be delivered up unto him, and the elder sort thought it fit so to do, the younger crew met together by night, and there bound themselves each to other by an oath, not to forsake him, for any danger that might come thereof: which notwithstanding, the Elders of the City sent a messenger privily to Antigonus, to let him know that they would deliver Alcetes into his hands alive or dead, if he would but toll out the soldiers to a skirmish, and making as if they themselves fled, draw them a reasonable distance off from the walls of their City; which was done accordingly; and in the mean time, the Elders fell upon Alcetas, with their men, which he perceiving, rather than he would fall alive into his enemies hand, drew his own sword and slew himself: His body laid upon a beer, and wrapped in a vile cloth, while the young men were fighting, was sent and presented to Antigonus, which he having for three days together, exposed to all the contumelies and indignities that could be imagined, at last caused it to be cast out unburied. The younger crew returning from the fight, and hearing what had passed in their absence, grew enraged against the elders; and seizing on a quarter of the city, resolved at first to set it all on fire, but changing that purpose, they all fell to wast and spoil the enemies country thereabouts, and finding that Antigonus had left the corps of Alcetas behind him, they took it up, and buried it as honourably as they could devise, [ Id. ]

Antipater falling sick, and drawing to his end, ordained Polyspercon, to be Protector of the Kings, and sovereign Commander in his room: which Polysperchon was almost the eldest man of all that ever served under Alexander; and was in very great esteem among the Macedonians: But Cassander, Antipaters son, not content with the office of General of the Horse, which he held, but storming to see that Polysperchon was preferred before him in the Protectorship and sovereignty of the realm, began to treat with his friends, of getting the kingdom into his own hands, and sending underhand his Agents to Ptolomei, renewed his former friendship with him, and desired that he would make an association of arms with him, and come away with his fleet out of Phenicia into Helespont; The like he did to other Commanders and Cities, entreating them to join in arms with him, [ Idem, with Plutarch in Phocio. ]

When Antigonus, returning with his army out of Pisidia into Phrigia, came to the City of the Cretenses, he was there advertised of all these matters by Aristodemus of Miletum; which pleased him well, for hereupon he presently founded his hopes of sovereignty in his mind, [ Diodorus, with Plutarch in Eumene. ] for being left sole and absolute Commander over all Asia by Antipater, and having a greater army there, than any other, he made no doubt of seizing upon all the Kings treasure there, whiles there was none to oppose him. He had then in his army, 60 thousand foot, and 10 thousand horse, and 30 Elephants; and saw that he had means to increase, if need were, his army at pleasure: for that drawing foreign Nations to his service, Asia was well able to feed and pay them all abundantly: Wherefore calling a Council of his friends, he declared to them, That his purpose was, to put for all; and thereupon, assigned such and such of his friends, to several Offices and Commands, and desired them, with huge promises made to every of them, to stand by him and assist him what they could, in what he went about; for that he resolved to go thorough all Asia, and to put out such Governors, as were then in office, and to put others of his own choice in their rooms, [ Diodorus. ]

Aridaeus, who had the government of Phrygia upon the Hellespont committed to him, perceiving what Antigonus went about, and purposing to provide for one, went and set upon Cizycum, which was a great City, and of all others lay most oportunely for his occasions. He had in his company above 10 thousand mercenary Foot soldiers, and one thousand Macedonians, Persian archers and slingers five hundred, and eight hundred Horse, with all manner of Engines of battery, and in great abundance. And the men of Cizycum, under a color of a treaty for a pacification, obtained of him cessation of arms, for a time, and then drave out the time in drawing up articles upon which the surrender was to be made, but had in that time sent to Byzantium for aide and supplies of men and munition, of all sorts for their defense: and failing along their own coasts with their men of war, took in men our of the Country, and stored the city with them, and with such provision as they brought with them. The end was, Aridaeus having been fooled by the men of Cyzicum, and lost many of his men upon the place, was fain to leave Cizycum as he found it, and to return to his own government again, [ Id. ]

Antigonus, being then at Celenae, hasted him away, with 20 thousand choice foot, and three thousand Horse, to the relief of Cizycum, thinking hereby to have that City hereafter at his devotions. But coming a little too late, he sent messengers to Aridaeus, to expostulate the matter with him, and why he did it: and withal, to require him, to give up that government which he had into his hands, and to live there hereafter, in the quality of a private man, contenting himself with the revenue of one only City to live upon. That he refused to do, and presently disposed guards about the gates and walls, and other places of the City, wherein himself was; and then dispacht away a part of his army, with a Commander over them, to join with Eumenes, and to raise the siege from before Nora Castle, and having rid him out of that danger to draw him into a league and association of arms against Antigonus, [ Id. ]

Emil. Probus tells us, that Eumenes toward the beginning of the Spring, under color of submitting himself to Antigonus, and treating of conditions from day today, at last put a trick upon him, and got both himself and all his people safe out of the Castle, [ in Eumene. ] But Justin, [ lib. 4. cap. 2.] says, that Antigonus, when he found that Antipater had sent relief to Eumenes, raised his siege. And Diodorus, and Plutarch deliver, that Eumenes by the Mediation of Hieronymus Cardianus, his countryman and true friend, was suffered to come out upon his word, and thus it was.

Antigonus casting with himself how to get all into his own hands, sent for Hieronymus the Historian, to come unto him, and employed him in a message to Eumenes, to deal with him to this effect, to wit, that forgetting what had passed between them two in the fight at Cappadocia; he would now be pleased to join with him in a firm league of love and friendship, and association of arms; offering to restore him far more wealth than he had lost, and a greater Province and Dominion, than ever he had before; and to make him chief of all his friends, and partaker of all his desines and fortunes. [ Diodorus. ] And when Antigonus had drawn up a form of an oath, whereby to bind each other to a strict performance of conditions, and sent them to Eumenes; Eumenes took and corrected them in some points; and then put it to those Macedon Captains, which were in the siege against him, to judge which of the two was the better, and more indifferent draught. For Antigonus among other things, made mention of the Kings perfunctorily, and as by the way, but performance of all services and conditions, referred only to himself, and were made in his own name: whereas Eumenes in his draught, first joined Olympias with the two Kings: and then secondly drew the oath in such terms, as purported that he would reckon them all friends and foes, as were friends and foes, not to Antigonus, but to Olympias and the two Kings. And when this seemed to be the more reasonable of the two; and Eumenes took his oath, to that they presently raised their siege, and sent to Antigonus, praying him that he would bind himself in the same form of oath to Eumenes. Mean whiles, Eumenes, what ever hostages he had of the Cappadocians, sent them all home again. And Antigonus wrate back a sharp and a taunting letter to those Macedonians, for presuming to amend or altar anything in the form of the oath, which he had prescribed for Eumenes to take, and willed them to besiege him again, as close as ever they did; but this came too late, [ Plut. ]

Eumenes, having after a years close siege, got out at last beyond expectation, stayed a while in Cappadocia: and there gathered together, such of his old friends and soldiers, as were now scattered about the Country, [ Diodorus. ] And to begin the world anew, the friends of those hostages which he had restored, lent him Horses, and carriages, and Tents: and in a short time, there eame into him, of his old Regiments, which hitherto lay sculking up and down the Country, to the number of 1000 horse [ Plut. ] For in regard that he was of himself a most active and industrious man, and sundry others there were, who were in like manner affected to the state, as he himself was: hence it came, that great multitudes of soldiers came flocking to him. To be short, within a few days, besides those five hundred friends, which were with him in the Castle, he had gotten together two thousand men, all ready bent to serve him, [ Diodorus. ]

Antigonus, having sent some of his forces to besiege Aridaeus, the Governor of the lesser Phrygia, marched himself with a mighty army into Lydia, to turn Clitus out of his Government there, but Clitus having gotten notice aforehand of his coming, presently stuffed every Town of his, and place of defense, with a strong garrison, and went himself into Macedon, there to acquaint the Kings, and Polysperchon the L. Protector, with Antigonus his doings, and how his purpose was to revolt, and fall off from the Macedonian Government, and thereupon prayed aide against him, [ Diodorus. ]

Then did Antigonus take in Ephesus at his first coming, having some within the city, which help to bring him in. But a while after, when Escylus of Rhodes came thither, and in four ships brought with him six hundred men out of Silicia, and 400 talents, which from thence were sent to the Kings in Macedon; Antigonus seized on it all for his own use: saying that he had need of it, to raise and pay foreign soldiers withal: by which act of his, he plainly discovered his intention to be, wholly to set up for himself, and to rebel against the Kings. This done, he then proceeded to take in the rest of the Cities, some by force, others by fair words, [ Id. ] And from this revolt it is, that Dexippus, Porphyric, and Eusebius, reckon the 18 years of his principality in Scaligers Graeca Eusebiana [pag. 48. 164, 226.]

Cassander, crossing the Hellespont, went to Antigonus, in Asia, desiring his assistance, and assuring him of Ptolomeis concurrence therein. Antigonus was glad of his coming, and presently offered to assist him by land and sea. This he did under a color, as if he would help him for his father Antipaters sake; but his main drift was, to imbroile him in as many wars and troubles, as possibly he could in Europe: to the end, that he might the more freely go on, and compass his own ends in Asia, and make himself King there, [ Diodorus. ]

Polyspercon, Protector of the Kings, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ( i. e. ) Curate of the Macedonian Empire, wrate away a letter to Eumenes, in the two Kings names, requiring him thereby to stand firm to the Kings, and to make a party against Antigonus, as hitherto he had done; and therein to take his choice, whether he would come over into Macedon, and there join with him in maintenance of the two Kings safety, or would stay in Asia, and have supplies sent him thither of men and money, and munition, to oppose Antigonus, who had now openly declared himself a rebel against the Kings, And that if he stood in need of greater forses, himself would be ready with the Kings, and all the power that the kingdom of Macedon could make, to cross the seas, and to come into Asia, to join with him. The like letters were sent to the Tresurers in Silicia, requiring them, out of those monies, which were at Quindi (where the Kings exchequer for Asia was kept, as Strabo lib. 14. p. 72. testifieth) forth with to furnish him with 500 talents toward the reparation of his losses lately sustained, and out of the rest of the Kings monies, as much as he should call for, to hire and pay foreign soldiers withal. He also wrate his letters to Antigenes and Tentamus, who between them, commanded three thousand silver Targateers under Antigonus, that they should put them over to Eumenes, and be assistant to him all that possibly they might; as the man, that was made absolute Commander and Governor of all Asia, under the Kings. And Olympias the mother of Alexander the Great, failed not on his part, to write the like letters, requiring all men to come and aide both herself, and the Kings, [ Diodorus. with Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene. ]

Eumenes hereupon removed out of Cappadocia, having 500 Horse, and two thousand Foot only in his company; for he had not the leisure to attend their coming, who had promised to list themselves under him, but were not then come: because Menander was coming on with a great army, which would not suffer him to nestle in Cappadocia, having professed himself an open enemy to Antigonus. But those who were left behind, following Eumenes three days journey, when they saw they could not possibly overtake him, returned into Cappadocia, [ Diodorus. ]

Eumenes, making long stages, passed the mount Taurus, and came into Silicia. Then came to him Antigenes, and Tentamus, Captains of the silver Targateers, with their friends, in obedience to the command of the Kings, and having congratulated his happy escape out of so many and imminent dangers, they offered him their service, and promised to stand by him in his utmost dangers, and then came the Regiment of the silver Targateers, all Macedonians, to the number of about three thousand, to present themselves, with promise of all duty and service to him, [ Id. ]

Eumenes, [Year of the World 3986] fearing the envy of the Macedonians, [The Julian Period. 4396] if he, [Year before Christ 318] being an alian borne in Cardia, in the Chersonese of Thracia, should bear himself as absolute General in the place; first waived the receipt of those 500 talents, which were ordered to him for his losses, saying that he needed not so great a sum, seeing he pretended to no principallity there, [ Diodorus. and Plutarch. ] Then pitched he his tent in the name of Alexander, and called it Alexanders pavilion, pretending that he was warned so to do, by a vision in a dream: and there caused a golden Throne to be set, with a Scepter and a Diadem; and there they met every day to consult of matters, hoping that the envy towards him would be the less, if he seemed to administer all things, under the majesty and title of Alexander, [ Diodorus. Plutarch, Emil. Prob. Polyanus, lib. 4. Stratag. ] By this means therefore, and by carrying himself in all meetings, as an ordinary man, and by speaking every man fair, and with courteous language, he put off all envy from himself; and carrying himself in like manner toward the silver Targateers, being all Macedonians, he grew very fat into their books, so that every man said, that he was of all men most worthy to have the tuition of the Kings, [ Diodorus, ] for in the fairness of his language, he stuck not to call them sometimes, his fellow soldiers, sometimes his masters, and companions of his, in those Eastern wars; telling them, that they were the only men who conquered the East: the only men who out-went Bacchus and Hercules, with their victories; That they were the men, who made Alexander Great; That by them it was, that he attained divine honors, and immortal glory in the World: desiting them withal, that they would not look upon him, as upon their Commander, but as upon their fellow soldier, and a man of their own company and body, [ Justin. lib. 14. cap. 2.]

Then picked he out certain choice men of his friends, whom he furnished with money in abundance, and sent them to take up and hire soldiers, upon large pay. Whereupon they presently dispersed themselves, some going into Pisidia and Lycia, and places bordering upon them, others into Silicia, Coelosyria, Phoenicia, and the Isle of Cyprus, and did their utmost endeavor to list what soldiers they could get; many Grecians also, seeing what large pay was offered, listed themselves; so that in short time, they had gathered together 10 thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse: besides the silver Targateers, and those which Eumenes brought with him out of Cappadocia, [ Diodorus. ]

Ptolomei, coming with his Navy to a Port called Zaphyrium in Silicia, sent some of his Agents, to solicit the silver Targateers, not any longer to follow or look after Eumenes, a man long since, proclaimed and devoted to death. He sent also to the chief officers at Quindi, advising them not to issue out any monies to him: But no man hearkened to one word he spake, because the Kings and their Governor Polysperchon; and Olympias herself, had written to, and required them to be obedient in all things to Eumenes, as to the Commander in chief and General of the kingdom, [ Id. ]

After this Antigonus sent one of his chief friends Philotas, with 30 Macedonians in his company, to the silver Targateers, to feel the pulse, first of their Captains and principal soldiers among them, if by any largesse, or hope of reward, they might be drawn to destroy Eumenes, now that he was in their hands. But they found no man pliant to their desires, save only Tentamus, one of the Captains of the silver Targateers; who not only promised for himself, but undertook also to draw over Antigenes his collegue, to their foul design. But Antigenes was so far from hearkening to him therein, that on the contrary he prevailed with Tentamus, to give off his purpose; showing him that there were better things, and upon better grounds to be hoped for and expected from Eumenes, a man of a moderate fortune and a limited power, than from Antigonus, who was already grown too great; and that he, having once gotten all into his hands, would presently thrust them out of their places, and put in whom pleased himself of his own friends. Then did Philotas deliver to the chief Captains Antigonus his letters, directed to the soldiers in general, whereby he required them upon sight thereof, to lay hold on Eumenes, and kill him; threatening withal, that if they did it not, he would come presently and fall upon them with his army, and do exemplary justice on them for their disobedience herein: whereat they were not a little terrified; but Eumenes, coming in upon them, persuaded them, rather to follow the command of their Kings, and not hearken to the words of a man who had now professed himself an open rebel. And in the end, having spoken many things pertinent to the present purpose, he not only saved himself from an imminent danger, but also, obliged the multitude to him in a firmer band of duty and affection, than ever they were before, [ Id. ]

And presently gave order to march, and went into Phoenicia, and there gat together what ships possibly he could out of all the sea towns, and made him a strong Navy: to the end, that Polysperchon having a Fleet at command, might upon all occasions put over with his forces out of Macedon into Asia against Antigonus. This therefore was the cause which made him stay the longer in Phoenicia, [ Id. ]

Polysperchon, mean while, made Clitus the Governor of Lydia, Ammiral of the Fleet, and sent him into the Hellespont, commanding him to stay thereabouts, and to take care, that no shipping passed that way out of Asia into Europe: willing him more over to assist Aridaeus Governor of the lesser Phrygia, and who was at that time fled with such men as he had into the City of the Cyonians for fear of Antigonus, [ Id. ]

After that Clitus was come into Hellespont, and had taken the Cities of Propo • tis into his protection, and had joined Aridaeus his army to his own, then did the Captain of the Garrison of Manychium, sent by Cassander, with all his Navy put to sea likewise; taking with him also Antigonus his Fleet, so that he was in all above one hundred ships; coming therefore to a sea-fight not far from the City of Byzantium, Clitus had the better of it, and sunk 17 of the enemies ships; and took no less than 40 more with all the men in them, [ Id. ] whereat if he grew over-joyed, it is no marvel, considering that having but a little before taken but three, or at the most four ships of the Grecians near the Isle of Amorgus, one of the Cyclades, he was content and suffered himself to be called Neptune, and bare a Trident in his hand; as [ Plut. lib. 2. De fortu. Alexan. saith. ]

Antigonus, hearing of the loss of his Navy at sea, sent for certain Barques from Byzantium, and put into them archers and slingers, and targateers, and such light armed men, as many as he thought fit, and landed them in Europe side; and these setting upon Clitus his men who were gone ashoar, and busy in making their Camp; put them into a fright, and thereupon they hasted to their ships again: but werefore troubled, what for loss of their baggage, what for the miss of their fellows, many of which were taken prisoner. And in the mean time he provided other ships of war; whereinto he put many of his principal best soldiers, and sent them to the same place, with a strict charge to set valiantly upon their enemies; for that in so doing, they should no doubt overcome them. These therefore, coming thither by night, under the command of Nicanor their Captain, set upon their enemies at the break of day; put them to flight at the very first assault, and bilging some of them with their beaks, took others with the men in them, which called for quarter: and at last, took all the rest of the ships and men, save only the Ammiral. Clitus himself left his ship, and fled to land, thinking to get into Macedonia; but in the way fell among Lysimachus his soldiers, who slew him, [ Diodorus. ]

Antigonus, having given the enemy this great blow, bare himself for master of the Sea: and hasted now to make himself absolute Monarch of all Asia: Wherefore, taking with him 20 thousand foot, and 4 thousand Horse, the best of both sorts, that he could pick out of all his army, he marched away towards Silicia, to disperse those companies of Eumenes which there were, before his whole army came together, [ Id. ]

Jubilie 23. [Year of the World 3687]

Eumenes, knowing Antigonus his design, endeavored to reduce Phoenicia where he then was, to the obedience of the Kings; because at that time it was injustly possessed by Prolemei: but failling thereof, he removed thence, and went thorough Coelosyria, purposing to get into those parts, which are called the Upper Provinces, [ Diodorus. lib. 18.] and having the silver Targateers with him, with their Captain Antigenes, wintered in a country of Babylonia, which is called Cares, [ Id. lib. 19.]

Eumenes, being there, sent to Seleucus the Governor of Babylonia, and to Pithon the governor of Media, to come, and, together with himself, to assist the Kings, against Antigonus, who rebelled against them. Seleucus sent him word that he would do what service he could for the Kings: but commanded by Eumenes, who stood long since a condemned person by the Council of the Macedonians, he would not: and withal sent under-hand to Antigenes and the silver Targateers, to depose Eumenes; but they would not, [ Id. ibid: ]

Eumenes, commending the loyalty of his soldiers, went forward to the bank of Tigris, and there encamped, 300 furlongs off from Babylon: and there lost some of his men, by the rising of the Natives upon him. From thence he purposed to go forward to Susa, both that he might there recollect his soldiers out of the upper Provinces, and also take and make use of the Kings monies, which lay there, for his urgent and necessary occasions. But Seleucus coming upon him near the Euphrates, he was put in danger of losing his whole army by a sudden inundation, which Seleucus brought upon him, by opening the head of an old dam or sluice, and letting in the water upon his Camp, which was ready to drown all. Wherefore he and his men were fain to fly from thence to a piece of upper ground, and there they spent that day; casting in their minds, how to remedy this inconveniency. And the next day they got 30 flat-bottomed boats, wherein they transported the chief part of the army, without impeachment of the enemy: For Seleucus had nothing but horse with him, and them also far inferior to Eumenes in number: And now the night came on, when Eumenes, taking care of his carriages which were left behind, went back with his Macedonians again over the river, and there by the means of the Natives, found a place, where to let out the water another way, and so to make all that country dry and passable again: which Selucus perceiving, and withal, desirous to rid his country of such guests, as soon as possibly he could, sent messengers to offer them a truce, and so suffered them to march away without interruption. And so Eumenes, having escaped out of Seleucus his hands, beyond expectation, came with his army into Persia; or rather into the country of Susa, having then with him 16000 Foot, and 1300 Horse, and then, having refreshed his army after their hard and miserable march, he sent to the Commanders of the upper Provinces, to send him in, forthwith, both men and money, for the service of the Kings. [ Id. l. 18. and 19.]

Attalus Polemo, Antipater and Philotas, all Captains, taken in the overthrow of of Alcetes, and committed to prison in an exceeding strong Castle, hearing that Antigonus was marched up into the upper Provinces, (Diodorus saith, that at that time he was in Mesopotamia) and having gotten every man a sword, and being but eight in number, at midnight, set upon 4 hundred men, then in the Garrison; and seizing first upon Xenopithes, the Captain of it, threw him down the rock of the Castle, which was one furlong high, & having killed some, & forced the rest, set fire on the houses within the fort, whereupon they which were without, attending the issue of their attempt, came, and were received into the Castle, to the number of fifty men; But being in, and not agreeing among themselves, whether they should make good the place, attending supply from Eumenes, or leave it, and shift every man for himself, the soldiers of other Garrisons, not far off, to the number of 500 foot, and 400 horse, and upwards, and the Natives thereabouts, to the number of 3 thousand came in, and making a Captain one of themselves, besieged the place round; Docimus, who advised to leave the place, espying a way down the hill, without a guard to keep it, treated by a messenger with Statomice the wife of Antigonus, who lay not far off, and with one only in his company, gate out, and went to her: but she, not keeping her word with him, laid him fast again; But he that went with him, made himself a leader and guide to the enemy, and led them up the castle, and with them, being a considerable number, possessed himself of a strong place in it. Nevertheless Attalus, with the rest, which were of opinion to maintain the fort, kept on fighting from day today, in manful wise. [ Id. lib. 19.]

Pitho, who was Governor of Media, having slain Philotas, who was Governor of the upper provinces, put his own brother Eudramus in his room: Whereupon the other Governors combined together, fearing least they might also be served with the same sauce, because Pitho was a man of a turbulent humor, and used to put himself upon great matters, and having overthrown him and slain a great part of his men, they drave him quite out of all Parthia: whereupon he came into Media, hoping to have relief there, but finding none, he retired to Babylon, and there desired succor from Seleucus his hand, [ Id. l. 19.]

Eumenes, continuing in the Country of Susa, for want of victuals, divided his whole army into three brigades, and yet so marching through the country, found great scarcity of corn everywhere; but was fain to give them instead thereof, rice, and a kind of Indian wheat, and the fruit of palm tree, whereof there was great abundance in those parts. Now although he had afore-hand sent the Kings letters to them of the upper Provinces, to be aiding to him; yet he again sent other letters to them of his own, to request them to come unto him with all their power into the country of Susa. But his Agents found them all in a body, met together against Pitho, [ Ibid. ]

The chief among them all, and the man on whom allyes were most fixed, was Pencestes, whom Alexander had heretofore made the chief Squier of his body, and Governor of Persia; he had about him Persian Archers, and Slingers, to the number of ten thousand, and of other Nations, taken into the rank of Macedonians, 3 thousand, with 6 hundred horse, of Greeks and Thracians together, and of Persian horse, 4 hundred; Polemon a Macedon, Governor of Carmania had 1500 foot, and 700 horse; Sibyrtius the Governor of Arachosia had one thousand foot, and 610 horse. Androbazus was there, with 1200 foot, and 400 horse, sent from Oxyarta, the Governor of Parapamysus; Stasanor the Governor of Aria, and Drangia, with some Bactrians, made 1500 foot, and one thousand horse. Out of India came to them, Eudamus (whom Arrianus calleth Eudemus, and Curtius Eudemon,) Governor of the Oxydracans and Mallians, with 300 horse, and 3 thousand foot, and 120 Elephants, which he got, when he treacherously slew Porus the King of Indians: so that they amounted in all, to 18700 foot (though the particulars make 21000.) and 4600 Horse, [ Ibid. ]

These, when they were all come to Eumenes, in the Country of Susiana, called a public council, where arose a hot dispute, especially between Pencestes and Antigenes Captain of the silver Targateers, about the choice of a General. But Eumenes had long before taken away all occasion of that dispute, by erecting a pavilion for Alexander, and erecting his throne therein, wherein all meetings were to consult of public affairs as in his presence, [ Ib. ]

And then coming all together to Susa, Eumenes took out of the Kings treasury there, so much as the Kings service then necessarily required, for the Kings letters to the keepers of their treasure there, had required, that they should issue to Eumenes alone, so much money, without stint, as he required. Wherefore he gave the Macedonians six months pay beforehand, and to Eudamus, which brought those Elephants out of India, he gave two hundred talents, under color of defraying the charge of those beasts, but indeed to oblige the man himself to his devotion: for he saw well, that if any controversy should arise among them, that party was most like to carry it, to which he with his beasts should apply himself. The rest of the Governors paid every man his own soldiers that he brought with him. This done, Eumenes continued a while in Susiana, to refresh his army after their hard journey, [ Ibid. ]

Philippus Aridaeus (one of the two Kings) with his wife Euridice, by the command of Olympias, were murdered: having reigned six years, after the death of Alexander, [ Justin. lib. 14. cap. 5.] and four months over, as [ Diodorus. year 4. Olymp. 115.] Id. and Porphyry [ in Graec. Euseb, pag. 228.] about the 22 day of our September.

Cassander, [Year of the World 3688] the son of Antipater, [The Julian Period. 4398] besieged Olympias with her grand-child Hercules, [Year before Christ 316] the son of Alexander the Great, and his mother Barsine, in a Town of Macedonia, called Pydna. In the beginning of the Spring following, all provisions failing, Olympias was forced to dismiss her soldiers; and herself shortly after, upon promise of life, which she could hardly obtain, yielded herself into Cassanders hands, [ Diod. and Justin. lib. 14. cap. 6.]

Antigonus, removing out of Mesopotamia, came into the Country of Babylonia, and there confederating with Seleucus and Pitho, and receiving some supplies from them, he made a bridge of boats over the River Tigris, and there crossing the River, he marched away with all speed against Eumenes, wherefore Eumenes being beforehand advertised, gave in charge • o Xenophius the keeper of the Castle in Susa, to issue out none of the Kings monies to Antigonus, nor to come out to a parly with him, at any hand; and so went with his armies, and manned the bank of Tigris all along, from the head thereof, to the very sea, with forts everywhere built upon the bank thereof: and because that work, by reason of the length thereof, required no small number of men, therefore Eumenes and Antigenes obtained of Pencestes to send them 10 thousand archers more out of Persia, [ Diodorus. year. 1. Olymp. 116.]

Antigonus, going with his army to the Kings palace in Susa, there made Seleucus, Governor of that Country, and leaving a sufficient army with him, willed him to besiege the Castle there: and when Xenophilus the Treasurer, refused to obey his commands, he about the rising of the dog-star, with his army marched by night-journeys to the River Copatres, where it falls into the Tigris; but lost a great multitude of his men, by the way, in regard of the excessive heat of the season: and whereas he found that river, when he came to it, to be four acres broad, therefore he got together a small quantity of flat-bottomed boats, and in them put over some of his Foot, bidding them there to attend the coming of the rest. Whereof Eumenes being advertised by his scouts, (and he was at that time but 80 furlongs off from the place) presently with four thousand Foot, and 1300 Horse, passing the bridge of Tigris, found three thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse, of Antigonus his army put over, and no less than six thousand of others, who were forraging about the Country; all these he suddenly set upon, and routed them. As for the Macedonians which made resistance, he forced them to the river; where running headlong into their boats, and overcharging them, they sunk, so that few of them escaped: and they that would not venture upon the River, were taken prisoners, to the number of four thousand: so saith Diodorus. But Piutarch saith, that when Antigonus passed the Pasitigris, and the rest of the army perceived it not, Eumenes himself met him, with his own company, and slew many of his men, and filled the River with dead carcases, and besides, took four thousand prisoners.

Antigonus, seeing he could not pass that River, retired with his army toward a city called Balaca, seated upon the River Ulaie, where staying some certain days, he refreshed his army, which was tried out with the vehemency of the heat, and purposing from thence to go to Ecbatane, he went not by the high-way, both by reason of the immoderate heat, and because it would take him up no less than 40 days journey, in going: but by the Cossaeans, which was the shorter cut, and not so exposed to the scorching of the sun, as the other was, wherein nevertheless, he lost a multitude of his men, and hazarded all the rest, and yet at nine days end, hardly came to any habitable place in Media: where when the whole army began to grumble, for that within the space of 40 days, they had received three such blows, he commanded Pithon to go over all Media, which he did, and brought him in two thousand Horse, and a thousand Horses ready furnished, and so many loads of munition, that all the army might thereof be completely furnished; and withal, five hundred talents out of the Kings treasure. Antigonus disposed of those Horse among his other Troups; and distributed the Horses, among those who had lost their own, and gave the beasts of draught or carriages, freely among those that wanted them, whereby he quickly regained the love and favor of his army again, [ Diodorus. year 1. Olymp. 116.]

Eumenes with his men, removing from Passtigris toward Persia, came to the Regal seat of the kingdom, called Persepolis at the end of 24 days march; where his whole army was entertained, and most magnificently feasted by Pencestes the Governor of that Province, after sacrifice offered to the gods, and among them to Alexander and Philip; and as Plutarch adds, a sheep was given to every man of them, for his own particular sacrifice. But when Eumenes perceived that his purpose was hereby to ingratiate himself with the army, and to gain to himself the soverreign power and command thereof, he caused a forged letter to be written to himself in the name of Orontes the Governor of Armenia, an intimate friend of Pencestes, in Syriac characters, purporting that Olympias, with Alexanders youngest son, having destroyed Cassander, had recovered again the kingdom of Macedon, and that Polysperchon, with the main power of the Kings army and his Elephants, had put over into Asia, against Antigonus, [ Diod. ib. Polyae. stratag. lib. 4.] These letters therefore going for current, every man cast in his mind, that Eumenes would be all in all, and the great man to advance whom he pleased, and to punish whom he thought fit, and therefore resolved to depend on him: and he, as he found any averse from him, called them in question, in form of law; beginning with Sibyrtius the Governor of Arachosia, and so made them all afraid; and in the mean time courted Pencestes, and held him on, with all terms of love and friendship: telling him what heaps of honor and wealth he would cast upon him when time should serve; and by that means held him quiet, from attempting any further against him, as he had begun to do, [ Diod. Ib. ]

And being further desirous to oblige the rest of the Governors of Provinces, and Commanders to himself, he made as though he had wanted money; and therefore exhorted them to contribute what they could spare, for the Kings service: and having by this means gotten out of them to the sum of 400 talents, he made them who seemed most fickle to him before, most sure to him now, for fear of losing the monies which they had lent, [ Id. ib. and Plut. in Eume. ]

In the lesser Asia Attalus, [Year of the World 3689. c.] and the rest of the Commanders with him, after one year and 4 months siege endured, and much hardship suffered therein, were forced at last to render themselves, [ Diodorus. year 4. Olymp. 115.]

In the greater Asia, Antigonus removing with his army out of Media into Persia, Eumenes preparing to march against him, and offering sacrifices, fell a feasting with his Captains: and, therein following their humor, over-drank himself so far, that he was fain to lie by it, and so hindered his march for certain days: Whereupon his soldiers said, that other Generals could feast, but Eumenes could do nothing but command and fight. Yet after a little while, he recovered himself, and went on upon his march, wherein Pencestes and Antigenes led the Van: and he in a Lictier came after with the Elephants. And now the two armies were within a days journey each of other: when the scouts came in, and brought tidings of their approach, and what numbers they were, and what ways they took; whereupon each party prepared for the field. But when Eumenes, lying in his Lictier, came not into the Camp among them, the chief soldiers in every company, resolved not to stir a foot further, unless Eumenes himself came into the Camp among them. Whereupon he was carried in his Lictier, and so went from one quarter to another throughout the army, and gave order everywhere for the ranging of it, whiles Antigonus looked on, and laughed at him for his labor: and so the battles were ranged on both sides, but could not come to fight, the ground was so bad that lay between them, [ Diodorus. year 1. Olymp. 116. Plut. in Eumene. ]

Wherefore drawing off each from other three furlongs space, they spent four days, in light skirmishes, and forraging the Country thereabouts, being pinched on either side, with hunger, and want of other necessaries: and on the fifth day. Antigonus fell again a practicing with Eumenes his army to betray him, upon hopes of huge rewards: but his agents were sent away by the Macedonians with great indignation and threats, if they offered to come again in that errand. After which Eumenes, having gotten intelligence that Antigonus had a purpose to remove his Camp, by night, three days journey off, to a place called Gubiene, a country abounding with all provisions, sent some trusty men under color of run-awayes, to inform Antigonus, that Eumenes would fall upon his Camp that night: and whiles Antigonus was preparing to rceive him there, Eumenes stole away with his army, to get to Gubiene before him, and there to take up his station for his Camp. Antigonus finding at length that Eumenes had put a trick upon him, though Eumenes was gotten six hours march before him, yet he followed after him; and willing Pitho to come fastly after, with the main body of the army; he, with a company of the swiftest that he could choose, gat before him, and shown himself upon a hill, where Eumenes must needs see him. Eumenes gathering thereby, that Antigonus with all his army was there, made a stand, before he came to the very place, where he intended to pitch his Camp, and there ranged his battle in array, and the mean while, came Antigonus his army up unto him: thus these two great Generals used their wits, and put tricks each upon the other, [ Diodorus Ibid. ]

And here now, being in the Country of the Paraeteceni, these two Generals ranged each his army, in excellent array, and with great judgment, as Diodorus sets it down at large. Eumenes had with him 35 thousand Foot, and six thousand, and one hundred Horse, and 114 Elephants. Antigonus on his part, had 28 thousand Foot, and upwards: 8500 Horse, and 65 Elephants. These fell to work, in most manfull wise, and continued on the fight without shrinking on either side, till almost midnight, the moon being then at full. When being spent on both sides, they were fain to give off fighting, and to fall to work upon encamping: there died on Antigonus his side, 3700 Foot, and 54 Horse, and about four thousand maim'd. Eumenes lost of his Foot 540, and a very small number of his Horse, and upward of 900 hurt. [ Id. ibid. ]

Eumenes would fain have gotten the corpses of such as he had lost to bury them, in sign of a total victory: but the army would not, but would needs return to the place, where their stuff was laid, being somewhat far off, and so Eumenes was fain to let that alone.

But Antigonus forced his men to camp near the place where the battle was fought, and where his men lay dead, & there burying them, bare himself for master of the field; and gave it out, that the victory was his, saying, That he who had power to bury his dead, was ever to be counted conqueror of the field: so having buried them by break of day, and detaining by him the herald which came to him, to beg the bodies of the dead, sent him back at night again, and gave leave to come and bury the bodies the next day.

But himself having sent away the herald, presently marched away with all his army, and by long stages came to Gamarga in Media, far off from Eumenes; which Country, being of Pithons government, was wonderful plentiful of all provisions, and able to maintain great armies, [ Ibid. ] And so Eumenes having beaten Antigonus in the Country of Paraetecene, sent him away to take up his winter quarters in Media, [ Emil. Prob. in Eumene. ] in a place there called Gadamalis, all. Gadarlis, as Diodorus, or Gadamarlis, as Polyaenus nameth it.

Eumenes, hearing by his scouts that Antigonus was gone, would not follow after him, both because his army was not in case, and also for that he had a great desire to enterre his dead, in the most solemn wise, that possibly he could. Among whom there was one Ceteus, which commanded those who came to him out of India, at whose burial there grew a great contention, between his two wives, there present, which of them should have the prerogative and honor, to be burnt alive with him; the younger of the two having gotten the preeminence of the other, who was great with child, went into the fire, and left the other to live, whether she would or no; but she also, for very grief thereof, pined away and died, as Diodorus more at large declareth.

Eumenes, having finishished these obsequies, removed from thence into Gabiene, which was distant from where Antigonus lay with his army, if one would go thorough the Countries which were inhabited, 25 days; but if thorough the desert, then but nine days, journey: so far did they winter each from other, and gave their armies leave to breath, and to recover their spirits again, against the next spring. [ Id. ]

In this mean while, Cassander the son of Antipater, desirous to make himself absolute King of Macedon, made away with Olympias the mother of Alexander the Great, and married Thessalonice, the daughter of Philip, (not of Aridaeus, as Justin mistaketh it) and Alexanders own sister: and that done, sent Alexander the son of Alexander the Great, being a very child, with Roxane his mother, to be kept in the Castle at Amphipolis, [ Diod. year 1. Olymp. 116. Justin. lib. 14. in fi. ]

When Eumenes his soldiers had taken a little breath, they grew heady and insolent withal, and in spite of their Commanders, camped where they listed all the country of Gabiene over, so that some of their tents were no less than a thousand furlongs off from their head-quarter, [ Plutarch ] for they chose their quarters, not according to any discipline or order of war; but to satisfy the luxurious appetite of their own humors, [ Emil. Prob. ]

Antigonus, being advertised hereof, & finding himself too weak for the enemy, whiles he was in any good array, resolved to set upon them, in this disorder as they were: and therefore casting it abroad, that he would march with his army out of Media into Armenia, upon the sudden, & in the depth of winter, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith Diodorus, ( i. e.) about the season of the Winter Tropic: leaving the ordinary way, marched thorough the Desert, making fires in the day time, and putting them out at night, least that any perhaps seeing them a far off, might discover his approach to the enemy. But when they had spent five days in this tedious journey, the soldiers for very cold fell to making of fires by night as well as by day: which some of the dwellers in the Desert espied, and presently getting upon Dromedaries which commonly run 1500 furlongs in a day; gave notice thereof to Eumenes and Pencestes, [ Diodorus. Plut. and Emil. Prob. ]

Pencestes stood like a stock at the hearing of this news, [Year of the World b.] and seeing the rest no less amazed thereat than himself, began to think of running away; but then came Eumenes, and dispersed this could, bidding them not fear, and assuring them, that he would take order, that the enemy should not come into those parts, these three days, no nor four: or as Emilius hath it, not in five; wherefore he sent messengers about into all parts, to require them to repair to their head-quarter: and then he went about himself with certain nimble officers, and caused fires everywhere upon the hill Countries to be made, so as Antigonus might see, and take notice of them: and all within the compass of some 70 furlongs, that from thence Antigonus a far off might gather, that all his army was there come together. Antigonus esping those fires, began presently to imagine that he was betrayed, and his counsels discovered by some of his own people, and that Eumenes was coming to fall upon him with his whole army: and fearing to hazard his tired army, against Eumenes his fresh and lusty soldiers, turned aside out of the plain, into a more winding way, and there stayed one whole day, to rest his men, and to refresh his beasts, that all might be in the better case to fight, in need should be, [ Idem. and Polyaenus, stratag. lib. 4.]

Mean while Eumenes his army, for the most part, was come to their Rendezvous: and his soldiers seeing his surpassing dexterity and wisdom in ordering things, desired him to order all matters himself: whereupon Antigenes himself, who had ever hitherto stood firm unto him, and Theudamus, the two Commanders of the silver Targateers, moved with envy, practiced with other Captains of the army to kill him; which when Eudamus, who commanded the Regiment of the Elephants, and one Phaedimus, (being two of those, who had lent him monies, and were in feat of losing it, if he miscarried) understood, they forthwith disclosed the practice to Eumenes: and he, saying, that he had to do with a company of brute beasts; went presently and made his will, and then burnt his Cabinet of papers, least after his death, they should tell tales, and prove dangerous to those that had written them, [ Plutarch. ]

And now the day came, that should try the matter between Antigonus and Eumenes, which Diodorus at large describeth. Antigonus had with him 22 thousand Foot, and 9 thousand Horse, with 65 Elephants. Eumenes his army consisted of 36. thousand, and 700 Foot, and 6 thousand and 50 Horse, and 114 Elephant. The field where they fought was very spacious, sandy, and waste; whereupon such a dust presently arose, upon the first stirring of the Horse, that if a man were never so little off, he could not possibly discern what was done: which Antigonus observing, sent forthwith away some Median Horse, and certain Tarentines out of Italy, to set upon the baggage of the enemy, which were left, about five furlongs off, from the place, where the fight was. And Pencestes the Governor of Persia, being frighted by Antigonus, got out of the dust with his horse, and drew with him some 1500 more. But the silver Targateers which were on Eumenes his side, making a strong impression upon Antigonus his main battle, slew upward of 5 thousand of them upon the place, and routed all the rest, not losing so much as one man of their company. And so Eumenes had the better of the day, having not lost in all that battle above 300 of his men, [ Diodorus. Plut. Polyaen. stratag▪ lib. 4.]

When the Macedonians, after the fight was done, saw their carriages all taken, and their wives and children, and whatever else was dear unto them, taken prisoners, and carried away by the enemy, great sorrow and lamentation there was among them the Camp all over: whose dolorous complaints Eumenes seeking to pacify and asswage, put them in mind that they had slain 5 thousand of the enemies, and if they would but bear up a while, they should force them to sue for peace, and then all would be well again. That the loss they so much lamented, was but only some 2 thousand women, and a few children and servants, which they might better regain by pursuing the victory, then by letting it go now they had it in their hands. But the Macedonians plainly told him, that they would neither flee now they had lost their wives and children, nor bear arms against them, and withal fell a railing at him. Then Teutamus, of his own head, sent a messenger to Antigonus to desire him to send back their goods again which he had taken; and so the bargain was driven between them, that giving up Eumenes into his hands, they should receive every man his own again: And so the Macedonians, and ten thousand Persians which came with Pencestes, and the other Governors of places, and soldiers for the most part, left Eumenes, and went to Antigonus in his Camp, [ Idem. with Justin lib. 14. cap. cap. 3.]

The silver Targateers therefore, before they went, broke in upon Eumenes, and wrested his sword out of his hand, and bound his hands behind him with a greater, and upon the fourth day after the fight, delivered him bound to Nicanor, who was sent by Antigonus to receive him; Eumenes desired nothing of Nicanor, but that he would lead him through the midst of the Macedonians, and give him leave to speak his last unto them: which done, he went before his keepers into Antigonus his Camp, then followed the army which had betrayed their own Commander, and who were now themselves no better than so many captive slaves; and went in triumph of themselves, into their Conquerors Camp; and to make it a complete triumph of themselves, the Elephants also, and the auxiliaries out of India, brought up the rere. But Antigonus, for very shame and reverence of the old familiarity and friendship that had been between them two, would not suffer him to be brought unto his sight, but assigned him certain soldiers to keep him, [ Plutarch in Eumen • : Justin, lib. 14. cap. 4.]

Among those that were wounded, was brought also Hieronimus of Cardia, the Historiographer, who having been ever in great esteem with Eumenes during his life, found after his death, great favor also at Antigonus his hand, [ Diodorus. lib. 19. year 1. Olymp. 116.] This Hieronimus wrate a book, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : as Diodorus, [ lib. 18. p. 62.] and Josephus, [ lib. 1. cont. Apionem, pag. 1050.] term it, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in the proem of Roman Antiquities calls it) both importing as much, as Of the Successors of Alexander the Great, with the general History of his own time.

Antigonus, having now gotten both Eumenes and all his army into his hands, laid first hold of Antigenes, the Commander of the silver Targateers, and putting him alive into a coffin, there burnt him to ashes: and then put Eudamus, who brought Eumenes his Elephants out of India, and Celbanus, and some others whom he always had found his opposites, to death, [ D • odor. ]

When Onomarchus the Captain of the watch asked Antigonus, how he would have Eumenes to be kept? his answer was, as you would keep (said he) a raging Lyon, or an unruly Elephant: yet afterward, relenting a little toward him, he commanded his heavy chains to be taken off from him, and a boy of his own to be suffered to attend him, and to help to anoint him, and gave leave to his friends, that would, to visit him, and to supply him with necessaries. And now, although his own son Demetrius, and Nearchus the Cretian, were desirous, and labored to save his life, yet almost all the rest that were about him, pressed him by all means to rid him out of the way: yet for all this, Antigonus took seven days time to think upon it; and then, fearing least his Army might happen to grow into a mutiny about it, he gave order that no man should be suffered to come at him, and command his daily diet to be withdrawn from him: for he said, that sure his hand should never be upon him, who had formerly been his friend; and when he had neither eaten nor drank in 8 days space, and the camp was suddenly to remove, one was sent in to him, unknown to Antigonus, and cut his throat. Antigonus, in respect to his former familiarity with him, commanded his corps to be delivered to his nearest friends, to be buried as they thought fit: and they buried it in an honorable, but a military way, all the army following the bier, and burnt it, and gathered his bones into a silver Urne, and took care to convey them to his wife and children in Cappadocia, [ Diodorus, year 1. Olymp. 116. Plutarch and Emil. Prob. in Eumene. ]

Antigonus, returning into Media with his whole army, spent the rest of the winter in a town not far from Ecbatane, and distributed his army here and there over all that Province, and especially in the country of Rages, so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because there had been above 2 thousand cities and towns destroyed by earth-quakes in those parts, as Strabo says [ lib. 11. pag. 514.] out of Possidonius; where, when he discovered that Pitho, the Governor of Media, sought to oblige many of the soldiers by large gifts, and larger promises, to his own devotion, and to persuade them to a revolt from him, he dissembled the matter very handsomely, and gave it out, that he purposed to make Pitho Governor of the upper Provinces, and to leave a sufficient army with him, to maintain them: He wrate also his letters to Pitho, and therein earnestly entreated him to come away in all haste unto him, to the end (said he) that having consulted together upon some necessary matters, he might forthwith march away into the lesser Asia. Whereby, and by other letters sent him from friends, as he took them to be, Pitho, who was then in the furthest parts of all Media, in his winter quarters, being gouzeled, came to Antigonus, who, so soon as he had him, called him before a Council of war; and they quickly found him guilty, and chopped off his head, [ Diodorus, ut supra. ]

Antigonus, gathering all his army together, committed the Government of Media to Orontobazes, a Median born, but General of his army he made Hippostratus, who had 3500 foreign Foot soldiers under him. Himself taking with him the body of his army went to Ecbatane, where taking into his hands five thousand talents of massy silver, he marched into Persia, and it cost him 20 days journey before he arrived at Persepolis, the Capital City thereof, [ Ib. ]

While Antigonus was upon his way thither-ward, the friends of Pithon, and such as were his consorts in the plot which he was about, the chief whereof were Meleager, and Menoetas, with other well willers both of him and Eumenes, but were scattered abroad into corners, met together, to the number of 800 Horse, and fell first upon the lands and possessions of such of the Medes, as refused to join with them in this combination, and then set upon Herostrotus, and Orontobazus his Camp by night, and missed very narrowly of the prize they came for: but being over-laid with the multitude of their men, and having only enticed some of the Medes to run the same course with them, were fain to retire; yet some of the nimblest of them, (and they were all horse-men) made many incursions upon the Country people, and raised many hububs among them; but were at last enclosed in a place compassed about with Rocks, like a pinfold, and were there partly slain, partly taken. But Meleager and Cranes, and the better sort of them, that would not yield, died like men, with their swords in their hands. [ Ib. ]

So soon as Antigonus came into Persia, the people there did him all kingly reverence and honor, as to the man that was now, without controversy, sole Lord of all Asia; there, calling a Council of his Nobles together; he propounded to them the matter of the government of the several provinces to be considered of: in which consultation, they left Carmania to Tlepolemus, Bactria to Stasanor, and Parapamisus to Oxyartes the father of Roxane, because they could not well be taken from them, to hold as they did before. Into Aria was sent Euitus, and he coming shortly after to die, Euagoras was put in his room, a man of wonderful valor, and grave wisdom withal, [ Ibid. ]

Antigonus sent for Sibyrtius, a well willer of his, out of Arachosia, and confirmed him in his government of that province, and gave him a whole thousand of the most turbulent and seditious silver Targateers, which had betrayed Eumnes; these he appointed to him, under a color of serving him in the war, but indeed of purpose to destroy them; for he gave Sibyrtius instructions withal to employ them in all break-neck services, till he had consumed them, that there might not a man of them ever return into Macedon, or see the Greek coast again, [ Diodorus. Ibid. with Plut, in Eumene and Polyaenus, Stratag. lib. 4.]

Antigonus, finding that Pencestes was very much beloved in Persia, made it one of his first works to strip him of that government. And when all the natives there, repined at it, a certain chief man among them, called Thespias, spake openly against it; and said, That the Persians would be governed by no other man but Pencestes: whereupon he slew Thespias, and made Asclepiodorus Governor of Persia, and held on Pencestes with vain hopes, of preferring him to higher preferments elsewhere, until he had drawn him quite out of the Country, [ Diodorus. Ibid. ]

Whiles Antigonus was upon his way to Susa, Xenophilus, who had the keeping of the Kings treasure there, being sent by Seleucus, went and met him at Pasitigris, and offered him his service, in whatsoever he should be pleased to command him. Antigonus received him very graciously, and made as if he honored him above all the friends he had; fearing least he might happily alter his mind, and keep him out when he came thither. But when he came into the Castle of Susa, he possessed himself of it, and there got the golden vine, and store of other such like rarities, to the value of 15 thousand talents, all which he turned into ready coin, besides Crowns of gold, and other presents, and spoils taken from the enemy, which amounted to five thousand talents more, besides a like quantity which he collected out of Media, so that in all he made 25 thousand talents, [ Id. Ibid. ]

Antigonus left for Governor of the province of Susa, one Aspisus, a native of the Country: but purposing to carry away all this money to the sea side in Asia, he caused cartage to be provided for that purpose, and so taking all along with him, he took his journey toward Babylon, [ Diod. Olymp. 116. year 2.]

When at 22 days end he arrived at Babylon, there Seleucus, the governor of that Province, received him with all royal presents, and feasted his whole army; but when he struck one of the Captains without acquainting Antigonus therewith. Antigonus willed him to give an account of all the monies of the public stock, which he had there received since his coming to the place: But Seleucus answered him that he was not bound to make an account for that which was given him by the Macedonians, for the service which he had done to Alexander in his life time: and when grutches grew daily between them, Seleucus, finding himself too weak for Antigonus, and fearing least he might happily be sent packing out of the World, as Pitho, the Governor of Media, was, he fairly stole away with 50 horse only in his company, and betook himself to Ptolomei in Egypt; for now all the world talked of his debonanairity, and how propitious he was to all, who in their necessities fled unto him, [ Id. Ibid. and Appia, in his Syriaca. p. 121.]

When Antigonus grew now very jolly, for that without being forced to draw blood of his old friend, and without stroke stricken, he had quietly gotten into the possession of Babylon, the Chaldeans told him, that if he let Selucus go, all Asia would be his; and himself should one day lose his life in a battle against him, he repented him that he had let him go, and sent men after him, to take and bring him back again; but they, having pursued him a while, gave him off, and returned without him to Antigonus, [ Diodorus, ibid. ] And he thereupon, turned Blirores the Governor of Mesopotamia out of his place, for suffering Seleucus to pass that way, [ Appia. ib. ]

Seleucus, having got safe into Egypt, was entertained by Ptolomei, with all expressions of love that might be: and having laid open the proceedings of Antigonus against himself, stirred up Ptolomei to engage in a war against him, [ Diod. ib. with Pausanias in his Attica, p. 5.]

Seleucus, [Year of the World 3690] from thence sent some of his trusty friends into Europe, to persuade Cassander, who then commanded all in Macedonia, and Lysimachus, who did the like in Thracia, to make war upon Antigonus: and Antigonus, guessing what his intentions were, sent his Agents to Ptolomei, and Cassander and Lysimachus, to entreat them all three, to continue their love and friendship to him, as in former times, [ Diod. ut su. ] but Seleucus had so wrought with them, that they all joined together with him in a firm league, against him, [ Appia. ut sup. ]

Antigonus, having made Pitho, who came out of India, Governor of Babylon, marched forward toward Silicia; and coming to Mallos, which is a city in Silicia; there he distributed his army into their winter quarters, it being then the time when Orion sets, ( i. e. ) in our month of November: and he received in the city of Quindi of the same Province, 10000 talents: and 11000 talents more out of the yearly revenue there [ Diodorus. ibid. ]

And now Antigonus, was removed into the uper Syria, when Ambassadors came to him from Ptolomei, Cassander, and Lysimachus, who being brought into him as he sat in Council, made their demands according to their instructions, which were, that he would deliver up all Cappadocia and Lycia to Cassander, Phrygia bordering upon Hellespont to Lysimachus, all Syria to Ptolomei, and the Province of Babylon to Seleucus; and all the common stock of moneys which he had encroached upon since the death of Eumenes, to be shared equally among them: whereunto he answered roughly, that he was now upon making a war against Ptolomei, and that his purpose was not to have any sharers therein with himself, either of peril or profit, [ Diod. and Appia. ut sup. Justin, l. 15. c. 1.]

The Ambassadors returning with this answer, Ptolomei, Cassander, and Lysimachus, buckled themselves instantly to a war against him, by sea and land, [ Id. ] And Antigonus, perceiving what a storm was ready to fall upon him, sought the alliance and confederacy of other Cities and Nations, and Princes, for his assistance in this war: and to this purpose, he dispatched away Agesilaus to the King of Cyprus, Idomeneus and Moschion to Rhodes, and one Ptolomei, his own brothers son, into Cappadocia, with an army, Aristodemus into Laconia, with a thousand talents, to hire soldiers from thence, and disposed Becons and Curriers throughout all Asia, which was wholly at his command, thereby to give and get knowledge of all things that passed, in a moment.

Having taken this order, and being upon his march into Phenicia, there to provide him of a fleet, and encamping near to Tyrus, in Phoenicia, he sent for the petty Kings and Governors of those parts, to come unto him; and when they came, dealt with them to join with him, in furnishing out a fleet, and in building of more ships, because all the ships that belonged to Phoenicia, were at that time with Ptolomei in Egypt. He gave them order likewise, to bring him in, 4500000 bushels of wheat (for to so much, came the yearly expense of his army) and then set men on work, to fell timber, and to build ships, and to draw the materials for them, from mount Lebanon to the sea side, employing therein 8000 men to work, and 1000 beasts for carriage, [ Id. ]

Whiles Antigonus was thus employed, and had his Camp by the sea side, came Seleucus with an hundred ships royally furnished, and in a scornful manner, skirred along under the noses of them; which when it seemed not a little to trouble the minds of his new associates, Antigonus bad them be of good cheer, saying, that ere the end of that Summer, they should see him put to sea with a fleet of 500 sails, as good as those. Mean while returned Agesilaus with his Embassy out of Cyprus; and brought word that Nicocreon, and the most potent Kings of that Island had already confederated with Ptolomei, nevertheless, that Cittieus and Lapithus, and Marrius and Cirenytes, would join with him: whereupon he left three thousand men under the command of Andronicus, to maintain the siege against Tyrus, and with the rest of the army marched against Gaza and Joppe, which stood out against him, and took them by force, and such of Ptolomeis men as he found there, he took and distributed them among his own companies, to serve him in his wars, and placed Garrisons in both places to keep them in obedience: which done, he returned to his standing Camp before Tyre, and prepared all necessaries for a siege against it. [ Id. ]

At the same time Aristo, who was entrusted to carry Craterus his bones, delivered them to Phila, the daughter of Antipater, who was married first to Craterus, and afterward to Demetrius; whose father Antigonus had persuaded him to marry her, and when he shown himself averse from the match, by reason of the inequality of years between them, she being by so much the elder of the two, he would always round him in the ear with that saying out of Eurypedes,

Where he prettily put in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ( i. ) to marry, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ( i. ) to serve, meaning that a man must do anything to serve his own turn: but this Phila was a woman which was reputed to excel both in wit and wisdom, whereby she often repressed the tumultuous spirits of the most turbulent soldiers in the army, and preferred in marriage at her own cost, the sisters and daughters of the poorer sort among them, [ Id. with Plut. in the Life of Demetrius. ]

Aristodemus, being sent with other Captains into Laconia, and having there gotten leave of the Spartanes, to raise soldiers there, got together eight thousand men out of Peloponesus, and upon conference with Polysperchon, and his son Alexander, joined them both in a firm league of amity with Antigonus, and made Polyspercon their General, and Polyspercon he there presently made Commander over the forces which he had raised in Peloponesus, but prevailed with Alexander to pass over into Asia, to Antigonus, [ Diod. ]

Ptolomei, another of his Captains, going with an army into Cappadocia, and there finding the City Amisus besieged by Asclepiodotus, a Captain of Cassanders, raised the siege, and secured the place: and so having sent Asclepiodorus packing, upon certain conditions, recovered that whole province to Antigonas, and marching from thence thorough Bithynia, came upon the back of Zibytes, King of Bithynia, whiles he was busy in the siege of two cities at once, that of the Assacenians, and the other of the Chalcedonians, and forced him to raise his siege from both, and then falling to capitulations both with him and with the cities that were besieged, and having received hostages of them, removed thence toward Ionia and Lydia, for that Antigonus had written to him, to secure that coast, with all possible speed, having intelligence that Seleucus was going into those parts with his fleet, and thither indeed Seleucus was come, and besieged the City Erythrae: but hearing of the approach of Ptolomei, the nephew of Antigonus, left it, and went his way as he came, [ Id. ]

Mean while Alexander the son of Polyspercon came unto Antigonus; where, calling together the whole army, with the strangers that were in it, he opened to them what Cassander had done, protesting before them, that he would revenge the murder by him committed upon Olympias, and deliver Alexander his Kings son, with his mother Roxane, out of prison, in Amphipolis, and break off that yoke, which Cassander had laid upon all the Cities of Greece, by his putting his garrisons into them, and then sent back Alexander, Polyspercons son, with five hundred talents more, into Peloponesius, [ Id. with Justin lib. 15. cap. 1.]

Then, having gotten a fleet from Rhodes, with other new built ships of his own, he set sails for Tyre; and having all the sea at his command, kept it so, as no supply of victual, or other necessaries, could come thither, whereby that city fell presently into great distress, [ Diod, ]

Ptolomei of Egypt, hearing what a declaration Antigonus with the Macedonians had made concerning the delivery of all Greeks from the thralldom of Cassander, made the like declaration for himself, as desirous that all the world should take notice, that he was no less zealous for the liberty of all Grecians, than Antigonus was, and then joined to his party, Cassander the Governor of Caria, who was a man of a great power, and had many great Cities under his command. And although he had formerly sent three thousand soldiers to the Kings of Cyprus, yet he now sent them 10 thousand more under the command of Myrmidon an Athenian born, and an hundred sails of ships, commanded by Polyclitus: but General over all, he made his brother Menelaus, [ Id. ]

These coming into Cyprus, joined there with Seleucus and his Fleet, and in a Council of War, advised together what course was fit to take. The result of all which deliberation was, That Polyclitus with fifty sail should pass into Peloponesus, and there make war upon Aristodemus, and Polyspercon, and Alexander his son: That Myrmidon with an army of foreign nations, should go into Caria, there to help Cassander the Governor of that Province, against Ptolemy, a Captain of Antigonus, which lay heavy upon Cassander; and that Seleucus, and Menelaus, staying in Cyprus, should bear up Nicocreon the King, and the rest of their confederates against their enemies, which warred upon them. Having therefore thus divided their forces, Seleucus went and took Cerynia and Lapithus; and having drawn over Stasiaecus King of the Malenses to his party, he forced the Prince of the Amathusians to give him hostages for his fealty in time to come: as for the City Citium, seeing it would come to no agreement with him, he fell to besiege it with his whole army, [ Id. ibid. ]

About the same time, came 40 sail of ships, out of Hellespont and Rhodes, under the command of one Themison their Ammiral, to Antigonus: and after them, came Dioscorides, with 80 sail more; though Antigonus had already a Navy of his own, new built in Phoenicia, to the number of 120 ships, reckoning in those which he left at Tyre: so that he had in the whole, 240 ships of war, of which there were 90 of four tire of oars: 10 of five, 3 of nine, 10 of ten, and 130 open gallies. Then dividing this Navy, into parts, he sent 50 of them into Peloponesus, and the rest he committed to Dioscorides, his own brothers son; with this charge, that he should keep the Seas, and help his friends as their occasions required; and that he should gain unto his party such of the Islands, as hitherto stood out against him, [ Ibid. ]

Polyclitus, Seleucus his Lieutenant, sailing from Cyprus, came to Cenchrea, which was a Port of Corinth; where when he found that Alexander, Polyspercons son, had fallen off from Antigonus, to Cassander, so that he now found no enemy there to encounter, as he expected, he changed his course, and set sail for Pamphylia; and from thence, sailed to Aphrodisiades in Silicia, and there understood, that Theodotus, a Captain of Antigonus his Navy, passed by from Patara, a Port of Lycia, with the Rhodian Fleet, furnished with Mariners out of Caria, and that Perilaus with a land army, coasted along by the shore, for the defense of the Fleet, if need should be. In this case he used his wits, to save himself out of this brake; for he landed his men, and laid them close in a fitting place where the land army must needs pass: and himself with the Fleet went and lay behind a Foreland, near to the place, waiting for the coming of the enemy: and so it fell out, that Perilaus coming along, fell into the ambushment that was laid for him: where himself was taken prisoner, and of his men, some were slain, and the rest fell alive into their enemies hands. The Fleet at sea, seeing the land army engaged, hasted to their relief: but then Polyclitus, coming upon them in this confusion, with his Ships in good array, put them easily to flight: so it came to pass that Polyclitus took all their ships, and the most part of the men in them: and among the rest, Theodotus himself their Ammiral, sorely martyred with wounds, of which he shortly after died, [ Ibid. ]

Polyclitus, having sped so well on all hands, sailed back first to Cyprus, and after that to Pelusium in Egypt: where Ptolemy richly rewarded him for so great a service: and withal, promoted him to a far higher dignity and place of honor than he was in before; as the author of so great a victory: but released Perilaus, and some other of the prisoners, which Antigonus desired by a messenger sent to him for that purpose. And then himself going to a place called Ecregma, came to a parlie with Antigonus; but Antigonus refusing to grant him what he demanded, he left him, and returned, [ Ibid. ]

Cassander put over an army out of Macedonia into Caria, [Year of the World 3691] both to help the Cities there which had confederated with Ptolemy, and Seleucus, and also to find Antigonus work there, that he might have no leisure to come into Europe: and the Commanders of this army, Cassander the Governor of Caria, and Prepelaus, hearing that Ptolomei, Antigonus his General in those parts, had laid up his army in their winter quarters, and that himself was now busy in the burying of his father, lately deceased, sent away Eupolemus, with 8000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, to a place called Caprima in Caria, to lie in ambushment for him there: but Ptolemy, getting notice thereof by some that fled over to him, got together out of the next quarters 8300 Foot, and some 600 Horse, and with them falling unlookt for into the enemies trenches, and finding them there all fast asleep, took Eupolemus prisoner, and forced all the rest to submit to his discretion, [ Diodorus. year 3 Olymp. 116.]

Antigonus, seeing that Cassander put in for the Sovereignity of Asia; left his son Demetrius in Syria, with instructions, to intercept Ptolemeis men which he suspected were then coming with an army further up into Syria; and to that purpose, left with him 10 thousand Foot of other nations, and two thousand Macedonians, 500 out of Lycia and Pamphylia; Persian archers and slingers 400, and moreover five thousand Horse, and upward of 40 Elephants, and four men for his counsellors, Nearchon, Pitho, who came lately from Babylon, Andromicus, and Philippus; all men of mature age, and judgment, and such as had attended upon Alexander, in all his wars: for Demetrius himself was but a young man, not passing the age of 22 years, [ Id. ibid. ]

Upon Antigonus himself, whiles with the rest of the army, he went to pass the Taurus, there fell a mighty snow, wherein he lost a multitude of his men: whereupon he returned back into Silicia, where he advised himself of a better way to pass that mountain, and with less damage to his army; and so coming to Celaenae in Phrygia, he there bestowed his army into their winter quarters, [ Id. ibid. ]

Tyre, when it had stood out the siege one whole year and three months, at last surrendered to Antigonus upon articles, by which Ptolom • i the King of Egypt's men, went away with their bag and baggage: and Andronicus was left to hold the place with a Garrison, [ Id. year 2. Olymp. 116. and Olymp. 117. year. 1.]

Medius, being sent for by Antigonus to come to him with his fleet, which he had in Phoenicia, upon his way met with the fleet of the City Pydna, and brought both it, and all the men in it, under his subjection, [ Id. year. 3. Olympiad. 116.]

Cassander, the Governor of Caria, being over-laid by the enemy, came to this agreement with Antigonus, that he should give up all his army to Antigonus, and suffer all the Greek Cities there, to live after their own laws, and should hold the government which he there had, as by grant from Antigonus, and should carry himself as a firm friend to Antigonus in time to come, and for performance hereof, gave his own brother Agathon in pledge; yet shortly after, repenting him of his bargain, got his brother again out of their clutches, that had him in keeping, and sent his agents to Ptolomei and Seleucus, to come speedily and help him; which Antigonus took in such ill part, that he forthwith sent both by sea and land his forces, to fet the Greek Cities at liberty; and to that purpose made Medius his General by land, and Docimus his high Ammiral by sea. These coming to Milecum, dealt with the inhabitants to stand for their liberty, set upon the Castle and took it, with the Garrison that was therein, and restored the City to her pristin, liberty, [ Id. year 4. Olympiad 116.]

Mean while Antigonus took Tralles, and going before the walls of the City Caunus, and sending for his fleet, took that likewise, all save the Castle: and having cast a trench round about that also, he made continual assaults upon it, where there was any hope of entry. He had sent Ptolomei to the City Iassus, but he was sain to come back and join again with Antigonus, and so all these Cites came at that time into his subjection. [ Id. Ibid. ]

The Cyrenians, [Year of the World 3692] falling off from Ptolomei, [The Julian Period 4402] besieged the Castle there, so fiercely, [Year before Christ 312] as if they would presently have taken it: and when messengers came from Alexandria, persuading them to desist, they struck of their heads, and fell to work against the Castle harder than ever. Ptolomei, exceedingly moved herewith; sent thither one Agis, a Captain of his, with an army; and withal, a navy to assist him by sea, under the command of Epaenetus. Agis pursuing the war against these rebels vigorously, took the City of Cyrene by strong hand, and committed the authors of this sedition to prison, and then sent them bound to Alexandria, and disarmed the rest: and so having set things in order there, as he saw cause, returned into Egypt, [ Id. year. 1. Olympiad 117.]

Ptolomei, having had this good success at Cyrene, took shipping, and with his fleet passed over into the Isle of Cyprus, against those who rebelled there against their Kings, and having gotten Pygmalion, who traded with Antigonus, into his hands, put him to death: then took he Praxippus King of the Lapithi, and Prince of Cerynnia, who was suspected of a revolt, and laid them fast: he took likewise Stasiaecus, a petty King of the Malians, and destroying their City, removed the inhabitants from thence to Paphos: which done, he made Nicocreon Commander over all Cyprus; and gave him the Cities, together with the revenues of all the Kings which he had cast out of their dominions, and then went with his army into the upper Syria, and sacked the Cities of Possideum and Potamos in Caria; and that done, he went with a flying army, and took Mallus in Silicia, and sold away all the inhabitants thereof for slaves, and wasted all the region thereabouts: and having stored all his army with wealth, sailed back again to Cyprus, [ Id. Ib. ]

Mean while, Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, kept in Coelosyria, expecting the coming of the Egyptians: but hearing what work Ptolomei had made of so many Cities in Syria, he left Pithon to command in those parts, leaving his Corseleteers and Elephants with him, and he with his Horse, and companies of light armed soldiers, highed him away in all speed toward Silicia, to aide them which for want of help were distressed there: but coming too late, and finding the enemies all gone, he returned speedily to his Camp again, spoiling many of his Horse by the way; for in six days space, he marched from Mallus, 24 days journeys by their ordinary stages, so that thorough immoderate travel, none of the servants or Horse-boys were able to keep them company, [ Id. Ib. ]

Ptolomeus, seeing all go everywhere as he would have it, for that present, returned into Egypt; but not long after, being put on by Seleucus, for the hatred he bare to Antigonus, he resolved to march into Coelosyria, and there to try it out with Demetrius; wherefore gathering all his army together, he marched from Alexandria to Pelusium, having with him 18000 foot, and 4000 horse, whereof some were Macedonians, and some hired soldiers: the Egyptians, some served to carry their darts and weapons, and other luggage of the army, and some for soldiers, and having passed the desert from Pelusium, he encamped near the old city of Gaza in Syria, not far off from the enemy. And Demetrius on the other side, called all his army out of their winter quarters and appointed them their rendevouz at Gaza; there to attend the coming of the enemy, [ Ibid. ]

In the 117 Olympiad, Ptolomei overthrew in a main battle near Gaza, Demetrius the son of Antigonus, surnamed afterward, Poliorcetes, ( i. e. ) the City-taker; as Castor, the Historiographer reporteth, cited by Josephus, [ lib. 1. cont. Apion. p. 1048.] the particulars of which fight are related by Diodorus Siculus, in his history of that Olympiad, where he saith that there were taken prisoners of Demetrius his men, to the number of 8000 and upward of 500 slain; but that is to be amended, and made 5000 out of Plutarch. But among the Nobles that were there slain, one was Pithon, who was at that time joined in commission with Demetrius, and Boeotus, a man who had long lived with Antigonus the father, and was ever privy to all his designs, and partaker of all his counsels.

Ptolomei and Seleucus took Gaza, but Demetrius, by the help of a good pair of spurs came to Azotus: about midnight following, having road 270 furlongs, and from thence sent to beg the bodies of his dead for burial: which Ptolomei and Seleucus not only at first word granted, but also sent him back his own pavilion, with all the furniture thereunto belonging, free, and without ransom, adding thereunto a generous message, that they fought not for pray, but for honor, and to see who should wear the Garland, [ Diodorus, Vt. Sup. Plutarch. in Demetrio, and Justin. lib. 15. cap. 1.]

Demetrius, being no longer able to hold out, in the case he was in, dispacht away a messenger with his letters to his father, who lay then in Phrygia, to pray in aide of him, and to come away speedily to his help; and he himself coming to Tripoli in Phoenicia, sent for the soldiers that were in Silicia, and elsewhere in Garrisons remote, and far distant from the enemies quarters, to come unto him, [ Diodorus. ]

But Antigonus, when he heard the news, said that Ptolomei had now gotten the victory, of a company of beardless boys; but that he should fight next time with men: yet that he might not quell the courage of his son, and because he so desired, he gave him leave to fight again with him himself, if he saw cause, [ Plutarch. in Demetrio. ]

Ptolomei sent the prisoners which he had taken into Egypt, there to be distributed, among the several regiments of his fleet: and when he had honourably enterred his own that were slain, he went forward, and set upon the Cities and strong places of Phoenicia, besieging some, and persuading others of them to yield unto him, and having taken Sidon, he went and encamped before Tyre, and sent to Andronicus, Captain of the Garrison, there to render up the City to him, tendering him large promises both of wealth and honor: but he not only answered, that he would never betray the trust which Antigonus and his son Demetrius had put him in, but also used many reviling speeches against Ptolomei, but yet a little after, when surprised by a mutiny of his own soldiers, he fell into his hands, Ptolomei forgetting that by-past railing of his, highly rewarded him, and took him into the number of his friends, and honourably prefered him, [ Diod. ]

Seleucus, taking with him 1000 Foot of Ptolomeis men, (as Appianus hath it: for Diodorus says but 800.) and 200 Horse, went with so small a train to recover his Government of the Province of Babylon; and coming with them into Mesopotamia, he there dealt with such Macedonians as he found dwelling in Carran, and some of them by persuasions, some by plain force, he drew to go along with in this journey of his. Now no sooner had he set foot within the territory of Babylon, but the inhabitants came flocking to him; and offered him their service in the recovering of his right. Polyarchus also, who bare some kind of office among them, came unto him to receive his commands, with a full thousand of men completely armed. But they who stood for Antigonus, when they perceived the ge • eral, and irresistible inclination of the multitude toward him, fled all to the Castle, which was commanded by Diphilus, and Seleucus, fell presently to besiege it; and having taken it by force, he there delivered such children and friends of his, as Antigonus, when Seleucus for fear fled away into Egypt, had there committed to prison. This done, he then fell to raising of soldiers in the Country, and having bought Horses, distributed them, among those who were fit to ride them. And withal, carrying himself fairly and amiable unto all sorts, made them all ready to run any hazard with him, and so in a trice recovered all his government of Babylon again, [ Diod. with Appian. in his Syriaca, pag. 121.]

But then Nicanor, whom Antigonus had made Governor of the province of Media, marched against him with 10 thousand Foot, and seven thousand Horse, and Seleucus made no tarrying, but went out to meet him, having with him in all little above three thousand Foot, and four hundred Horse, and passing the River Tigris, when he heard that the enemy was not far off, he hid his men in the fennes thereby, purposing to set upon Nicanor at unawares, and Nicanor, when he came to the bank of the Tigris, and found no enemy there; went and encamped near to a post-house of the Kings; little thinking the enemy had been so near. But the night following, when contemning his enemy, he cared not to keep a due watch, after a military manner, Seleucus fell upon him, and raised a great tumult in his army, for when the Persians put themselves forward to fight, Euager their General, with sundry others of their Commanders, happened to be slain: after which broile, the greater part of Nicanors army, what for the present danger they were in, what for the mislike they had of Antigonus his government, left him, and came to the service of Seleucus. Whereupon Nicanor, fearing lest at the next bout, his soldiers would deliver him up to Seleucus, fairly stale away with some few of his friends, and fled thorough the desert home into Media again, [ Diodorus. ]

Selucus, having by this means gotten a potent army about him, and continued his fair carriage to all men as before, easily procured the provinces of Media and Susa, and other countries bordering thereupon, to come under his subjection, and then sent Ptolomei word, how he had sped, having now gotten a full royal power and majesty into his hand, as [ Diod. year 1. Olymp. 117.] declareth. From whence it is, that from this year, Eusebius deduceth Selucus his principality or reign: and with all notes, that the Edesseni begin their Epoch, and the story of the Maccabees their account of the Grecian reign. And out of doubt from the Autumn of this very year, that is, from September. or Octob. of the year 4402, according to the Julian Calendar, it is, that the composer of the second book of Maccabees reckons his Grecian years, & the Jews there, aeram Contractium, (i. e.) their account of Contracts, and those of Edessa, and other Syrians, their Epoch of the Seleucian race, and the Arabians, the years of Alexander Dehilkarnain, as they term them, and yet the writer of the first book of Maccabees begins his account of the Grecian year, from the spring precedent to this autumn, and Ptolomei of Alexandria, in his great Syntaxis begins his Chaldean account, from the Spring following.

Ptolomei of Egypt, [Year of the World 3693] staying still in Coelosyria, sent one of his Nobles about him, called Cilles, a Macedon born, with a great army against Demetrius, who lay encamped in the upper Syria, willing him to fight with him, and to turn him quite out of all, that is called Syria, or to coup him up, and tread him to dirt, where he lay. Demetrius understanding by his spialls, that Cilles with his army lay at Myus carelessly, without keeping watch or ward, leaving his carriages behind him, marched away with a company of light-footed lads, which travelled all night; and a little before day fell in upon Cilles his Camp, put all in a confusion, took it, and Cilles himself prisoner, and with him seven thousand soldiers, and a great booty besides: yet because he thought Ptolomei himself was coming after with all his army, he therefore pitched his Camp in a place where he had a bog on the one hand, and a great Lough on the other to secure him. [ Diodorus. year. 1. Olymp. 117. and Plut. in Demetrio. ]

Demetrius sent news of this his good success to his father Antigonus, where he lay at Celenae in Phrygia, soliciting him by his letters, either to send an army speedily, or to come himself in person into Syria. Antigonus, having read the letter, was wonderful joyful at the news, both because the victory was gotten by his sons own conduct and ordering of matters in the fight, and also for that he had shown himself a man worthy hereafter, to wear a Crown upon his head. [ Diodorus. ] But Demetrius, with his fathers leave, sent back Cilles and all his friends to Ptolomei again, thereby, not to lie any longer in his debt, and to cry quittance with him for his former kindness in that kind, [ Plut. ]

Antigonus with his army removed out of Phrygia, and having in few days passed the Taur • s, came to his son Demetrius. And Ptolemy, by the advice of his Council, thought fit to leave Syria; but before he went, he laid waste and destroyed the principal Cities which he had there at that time in his possession; as Acon in Sytophoenicia, and Joppa, and Samaria, and Gaza of Syria: and then taking along with him out of the country, whatever he could drive or carry, loaden with wealth he returned into Egypt, [ Diodorus▪ year 1. Olymp. 117.]

A multitude of men there was, who seeing his good disposition, and clemency of nature, would needs along with him into Egypt; among whom there was one Hezekiah 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e. ) a high Priest (perhaps a secondary one; for the chief High Priest at that time was Onias the first) of the Jews: a man of about 66 years of age, and much respected among his people, very eloquent, and of much experience in the affairs of the world. This and much more of this Hezekiah is related by Hecataeus the Historian (who conversed with him in Ptolemeis army) in a peculiar Treatise which he wrote, of the Jews: where he also maketh a large narration of another Jew, which he grew acquainted with, called Mosollamo. all. Meshullamo: as followeth.

When I went, saith he, toward the red Sea, there was one among the rest, of a Troup of Horse of the Jews, which went to convoy us, called Mosollamus, a high-spirited man, and the best archer of all the company, who espied a certain wizard in the company which stood still; and desired all the company to do the like, whiles he observed a certain bird that flew, to divine thereby: and asked him the reason why he stayed: and when the wizard shown him the bird which he had in his eye, and said withal, that if it were expedient for the company to stay there, that bird would stay where she was: but if she rose, and flew before them, then they should do well to go forward too: but if she flew back, then all the company ought also to return. Then this Mosollamus said nothing, but d • ew his bow, and shot, and killed the bird, and when the wizard and others there present grew angry at it, and cried shame of him for so doing: Why are you so angry, quoth he? and why do you take this unlucky bird into your hands? Could she that knew nothing of what was to betide herself, tell anything of what would befall us in this our journey? for if she had had any knowledge of things to come, she would never have come hither, here to be shot to death by Mossollamus a Jew.

Many things besides there are, which [ Josephus in his book, contra. Apion. ] recites, out of the same book concerning the Jews. As namely, that at that time, there were to the number of 1500 Priests, which received tithes, and governed all things belonging to the common wealth: and Demetrius Phalareus, in his Epistle to Ptolomaeus Philadelphus, (found in Aristeas his book of the 70 Interpreters, and in the same Josephus, lib. 12. Antiquit. cap. 2.) out of the same Author, yields the reason why no heathen Poet, or Historian, makes mention, either of those sacred books, or of those men who lived according to the rule delivered in them: to wit, for that they contain a sacred and a venerable rule, which was not to be taken into, or uttered by unhallowed mouths.

Antigonus, [The Julian Period. 4403] when he had without stroke striking recovered all Syria, [Year before Christ 311] and Phoenicia, into his hands; took a journey into the country of the Arabians, called the Nabathaeans: for, conceiving that they never much favored his proceedings, he appointed one of his Nobles called Athenaeus, with 4 thousand Foot, and 600 light-Horse, to fall in upon them, and to bring away what spoil he could get out of their Country. And now the time grew near when all bordering Nations used to come thither as to a common Mart, to sell off to them their commodities, and to buy from them the merchandise of their Country. To this Mart therefore the Nabathaeans now went according as they were wont, leaving their wealth, and old men with their wives and children, upon the top of a rock; Athenaens, watching this opportunity, marched speedily to this rock, and having marched out of the Province of Edom, the length of 2200 furlongs, in three days and three nights space, late in the night, the Arabians knowing nothing of his coming, possessed himself of it. The soldiers which he there found, he partly put to the sword, and partly made prisoners of them, and such as were wounded, he there left behind him; and carried from thence the greatest part of their mirrh and frankincense, with 500 talents of silver, and staying there not past three hours, for fear of the countries coming in upon him, returned presently again: and now, he with his soldiers having gone 200 furlongs, could go no further for very weariness, and therefore rested them there, keeping neither watch nor ward; as presuming that the country people could not reach thither in two or three days after, [ Diodorus, year 1. Olympiad 117.]

The Arabians, being acertained of what had fallen out, by those which had seen the army of the enemy: left the Mart, where they were met, and returned to the rock, and being there more fully informed by the wounded persons which were left, what way they were gone, incontinently followed after them: and because Athenaeus his men kept no watch, and after their long journey lay weary and fast asleep, some of their prisoners stole away from them: from whom when their countrymen, whom they met, had learnt how the enemies Camp lay, they hasted to the place, and coming upon them at three of the clock in the morning, fell into their trenches, to the number of 8 thousand of them, and cut the throats of some snorting in their cabins; others that made resistance, they slew: to make short, they utterly destroyed all their Foot, only 50 of their Horse got away, and they wounded too, for the most part; and so the Nabathaeans, having recovered their goods again, returned to the Rock: and by a letter of theirs written to Antigonus in Syriac characters, complained of Athenaeus, and his wrong doing, and excused themselves; to whom Antigonus wrote back again cunningly, telling them, that Athenaeus was well enough served by them: blaming him for doing what he had done, and assuring them, that he had given him no such order, [ Id. ibid. ]

But Antigonus, having for a time made fair weather with these poor Nabathaeans, shortly after, chose out of all his army, 4 thousand Foot, light-armed, and the swiftest of foot that he could find, and to them added 4 thousand Horse, willing them to take in their knapsacks, as many days victuals as they could well carry, and such as needed no cooking; and assigning Demetrius, his son, to command them: he sent them away in the first of the night, with this charge, that he should by all means be revenged of them. He therefore travelled 3 days journey thorough the Desert, hasting to fall upon them at unawares: but their scouts perceiving the first approach of the enemy toward their borders, made fires, and by them gave notice of their coming to the Country: whereupon they presently gat them to their Rock, to the top whereof there was but one way up, and that made by hand too; and there leaving their baggage, left withal, a sufficient guard to keep it; and the rest went and drave away their cattle, some to one place, some to another in the Desert. Demetrius, when he came to the Rock, and saw all the cattle driven away, presently went to besiege the Rock; but when they that were in it manfully defended it, and by the advantage of the place, had all the day long the better of it, Demetrius at last was fain to draw off: and seeing he could do no good upon them, made a peace with them, upon hostages given him, and such gifts as were agreed upon between them, and so removing with his army 300 furlongs off, encamped near to the Lake Asphaltis, or Dead Sea, [ Id. ibid. ] but Plutarch says, that he went thence, with a huge booty, and 7 hundred Camels.

Antigonus at his return to him, having heard the relation of his voyage, blamed him for his making a peace with the Nabathaeans; saying, that those barbarous people, having so escaped, would thereupon grow more insolent than before: yet commended him for discoveing the Lake Asphaltis, seeing that from thence he might raise some yearly revenue to himself: and made Hieronymus Cardianus the Historian, his Treasurer for that revenue; whom [ Josephus, lib. 1. cont. Apion. ] noteth to have been made President of Syria by Antigonus: and very deservedly blameth him, for that in his History he maketh no mention of the Jews, considering that he lived near unto, and almost among them; this Hieronymus was commanded to build ships, and to gather together in one place all the bitumen, or liquid brimstone that could be gotten out of that Lake: But the Arabians coming together to the number of 6 thousand men, set upon them as they were in their ships gathering this brimstone, and shot them almost all to death with their arrows; whereby Antigonus lost all hope of making any standing revenue that way, [ Diod. ]

Antigonus, understanding by letters from Nicanor the Governor of Media, and others, how Seleucus prospered in those parts, sent his son Demetrius with 5 thousand Macedon Foot, and 10 thousand mercenaries, and 4 thousand Horse; with charge, that he should march to the very walls of Babylon; and having recovered that Province, should from thence march down to the Sea: and he, parting from Damascus in Syria, went vigorously on to fulfil his fathers commands. But Patrocles, whom Seleucus had left President of Babylon, so soon as he heard that Demetrius was falling into Mesopotamia, not daring to stay his coming, because he had but a small power about him; commanded the rest to leave the City, and that passing the Euphrates, they should flee, some into the Desert, others over the Tigris, into the Province of Susa, and to the Persian sea: and himself with a company which he had about him, trusting in the bars of the Rivers, and dikes of the Country thereabouts, instead of so many Fortresses and Bulwarks for his defense, kept himself still within the bounds of his own government, and cast about, how to entrap his enemy; sending ever and anon tidings to Seleucus in Media how things went with him, and desiring aid to be speedily sent unto him, [ Id. ]

Demetrius, when he came to Babylon, and found the City itself void of inhabitants, fell presently to besiege the Forts and Castles that were therein: and having taken one of them, gave the spoil thereof to the soldier; and turning out Seleucus his men, put therein a Garrison of his own, consisting of seven thousand soldiers; but not being able to take the other, in hast, after some few days siege, departed, leaving Archelaus, one of his trusty friends, to maintain the siege about it, with five thousand Foot, and 1000 Horse: and himself seeing the time run out, which his father had appointed him, to finish his work in, bad his soldiers rap and rend what ever they could light on in all that province, and take it to themselves: and then took his journey back into Asia; whereby, he left Seleucus more grounded, and better settled in his government than before. For why, said men, should Demetreus wast and spoil the Country, if he took it for his own? [ Id. with Plut. in Demetrio. ] Whereupon the Chaldeans reckon the Epocha, or beginning of the Seleucian regin in Babylon, from this time▪ rather than from the former.

Demetreus returning into Asia, quickly raised the siege, which Ptolomei had laid to Halicarnas • us, [ Plut. in Demetrio. ]

And now Cassander, Ptolomeus and Lysimachus, made peace with Antigonus, upon such articles, as follow, to wit, That Cassander should command all in Europe, until Alexander the son of Roxane, came to age. That Lysimachus should hold Thrace; and Ptolomei Egypt, with the bordering Countries of Libya and Arabia: And Antigonus should have the command of all Asia to himself: but this campact between them held not long, for everyone took one occasion or other, to encroach upon more than his part came to, [ Diod. year. 2. Olymp. 117.]

Cassander, seeing Alexander the son of Roxane to grow up, and hearing a brute cast abroad among the Macedonians, that it was high time, that the young King should now be freed from his prison, and take the rule of the kingdom into his own hands, took a fright hereat, and gave order to Glaucia the keeper, to murder Roxane, and the King her son; and burying their carcases, in some secret place, should by all means possible conceal their deaths. [ Id. Ib. ]

Parysades the King of Bosphorus Ci • erius dying, after that he had reigned 38 years, left his kingdom to his eldest son Satyrus, which he held nine years only, [ Id. year. 3. Olymp. 117.]

In Pelopones • s, [Year of the World 3694] Ptolomei, a Captain of Antigonus, falling off from him to Cassanders side, sent soldiers to a most trusty friend of his, called Phoenix, and one to whom he had committed the managing of the government of Hellespont; advising him withal to man his Forts and Cities, and to stand upon his guard; and no longer to be at Antigonus his command, [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 117.]

On the other side, Ptolomei of Egypt cried out upon Antigonus, for that he, contrary to agreement, had put Garrisons of his own, into sundry Cities of the Greeks in Asia side: and thereupon sent Leonides, a Captain of his own, into Silicia Asp • ra, and there possessed himself of certain Cities and places belonging to Antigonus; and moreover sent his agent to some Cities appertaining to Cassander and Lysimachus, that they would follow his advise, and not suffer Antigonus, to grow too fast in power. [ Id. Ibid. ]

Antigonus sent his younger son Philippus, to make war upon Phoenix, and others who had revolted from him in Hellespont, but his so Demetrius, he sent into Silicia against Ptolomei of Egypt, who going in hand with the errand he was sent in, routed the Captains of Ptolomei, that there were, and recovered the Cities which he had taken. [ Ibid. ]

Polyspercon in Peloponesus cried out in like manner upon Cassander, and affecting the government of Macedon, sent for Hercules, a son of Alexander the Great, begotten upon Barsine, and now of the age of 17 years; and sent about to those, who were enemies to Cassander, to help to set this young man in his fathers kingdom, [ Ib. ]

Ptolemy of Egypt, having all Cyprus under his command, and finding that Nicocles the King of Paphos, negotiated under hand with Antigonus, sent two confidents of his own, Argaus and Callicrates, with instructions, to make away Nicocles; wherefore passing into Cyprus, and taking with them a certain number of soldiers from Menalaus, who commanded the army there: they beset the house of Nicocles, and then telling him, what Ptolemeis pleasure was, advised him, to dispose of himself for another world. And he at first went to clear himself of what was laid to his charge, but when he saw that no man hearkened to what he said, drew his sword and slew himself. Axiothea his wife, hearing of her husbands death, took her daughters, who were all young, and virgins, and slew them, and was earnest with the wives of Nicocles his brothers, to accompany her in her own death. Whereas yet Ptolomei had given no order concerning any of them, save only to preserve them. The brothers also of Nicocles, shut every man his own doors upon him, and set fire thereon, and slew themselves, and so the whole race of the Kings of Phaphos, came to a tragick and lamentable end. [ Diod. ib. and Polyae, Stratag. lib. 8.]

Agathocles King of Sicilia, sai • ing about this time into Afric, there to make war upon the Carthaginians, there fell so great an Eclipse of the Sun▪ that the stars appeared everywhere in the firmament, and the day was turned into night, [ Diod. year 3. Olympiad, 117. Justin. lib. 22. cap. 6.] which dreadful Eclipse of the Sun; the Astronomical tables show to have fallen upon the 15 day of our Angust, i • this year.

Epicurus, being now 32 years of age, read publicly both in Mitylene and Lampsac • s five years together, [ Diog. La • rtius, in the Life of Epicurus. ]

In Bosphorus Cimmerius, Eumelus, younger brother to Satyrus, compacting with some of the natives adjoining; laid claim to the kingdom against his elder brother, whereof Satyrus being informed, went against him with a great army, and passing the river Thapsus, when he came near his quarters, fortified his Camp, with his Carts and Waggons, wherein he had brought an infinite quantity of provisions: and ranging afterward his army in the field. Himself, as the manner of the Scythian Kings was, led the main battle, in his Army, he had not above two thousand Greeks, all. one thousand, and as many Thracians, all the rest were Scythians, which came to assist him, to the number of 20 thousand, and no less than ten thousand Horse. Eumelus was borne up, by Ariopharnes King of Thracia, with 20000 Horse, and 22000 Foot, Satyrus encountered first with Ariopharnes, in a skirmish of Horse, and routed him; and then overthrew his brother Eumelus with his Foot, and forced all to retreat into the Kings palace, which was enviromed with a river, and steep rocks, and thick woods about, [ Diod. ]

Satyrus at first went and wasted the enemies Country, and set fire on their vilages, and drew from thence a huge spoil, and then making away thorough their fen country, came to their wooden Castles, and took them, and crossing a river, felled a vast wood, thorough which he must needs pass, that would come to the Kings palace, in which work the whole army, spent three days, and so came to the walls of the Castle, There Meniscus, woe led the mercenary companies, having gotten in at a passage, though he fought very manfully, was nevertheless, being overlaid with the multitude within, forced to retreat: and Satyrus coming to his relief, was wounded in the arm with a spear; which was so sore, that it forced him to retire to his Camp, and the next night, died thereof. And Meniscus breaking up the siege, drew off the army, to a City called Gargaza, and from thence carried the Kings body down the river, to a City called Panticapaeum to his brother Prytanis: who having magnificently buried it, and laid up the relics, in the Kings sepulcher, went presently to Gargaza, and there took into his hands the army, and the kingdom withal. [ Ibid. ]

Then came the Agents of Eumelus to him, to treat concerning a partage of the kingdom between them two; which he would not hearken to: wherefore leaving a strong Garrison at Gargaza, he returned to Pantacapaeum, there to settle the affairs of his kingdom. But a while after, Eumelus, by the help of some Barbarians, possessed himself of Gargaza, and of sundry other Towns and Castles: and after that, overthrew Prytanis in a battle, and having shut him up in a neck of land, near the lough of Maeotis, forced him to render himself upon conditions, which were, to give up all his army, and to depart the kingdom. Nevertheless, when Prytanis returned to Pantacapaeum, which is the place where the Kings of Bosphorus keep their standing Court, he there endeavored again to have recovered his kingdom: but being foild there again, he fled to a place there called the Gardens, and was there slain, and his brother Eumelus reigned in his stead, five years and five months, [ Ibid. ] [Year of the World 3695]

Eumelus, [The Julian Period. 4405] to establish his kingdom, [Year before Christ 309] put to death all the friends, and wives and children, of both his brothers, Satyrus and Pritanis, only Parysades, Satyrus his son, being but a very youth, escaped his hands: for, by the benefit of a swift Horse, he got away to Agarus King of the Scythians. But when Eumelus saw that the people repined at the loss of their friends which he had murdered, he called them all together, and there excused himseself, and restored to them their ancient form of government; and restored moreover to the Citizens of Pantacupaeum, their former immunities, and promised to discharge them of all kind of tributes, sparing for no fair words, which might reconcile the hearts of the people to him: whereby having gotten all their good wills again, he held a just and moderate hand over them, and grew afterward into no small admiration for all kind of virtue among them, [ Ibid. ]

Ptolemy of Egypt, hearing that he had lost all again in Silicia, put over with his fleet to Phaselis, and took that City by force; and from thence passing into Lycia, took Xanthus by assault, and the Garrison of Antigonus that was therein; then sailing to Caunus, took the City upon surrender, and then set upon the citadels and forts that were in it, and took them by assault, as for Heracleum, he utterly destroyed it, and the City Persicum came into his hands by the surrender of the soldiers that were there put to keep it, [ Diod. year 4. Olymp. 117.]

Then sailing to Coos, he sent for Captain Ptolomei to come unto him: that same was Antigonus his brothers son, as was said before; and had an army committed to him by Antigonus: but now, forsaking his Uncle, he clave to Ptolemy, in all his ways. Parting therefore from Chalcis, and arriving at Coos, Ptolemy at first received him in all courteous manner; yet after a while, when he saw the insolency of his carriage, and how he went to allure the officers by gifts, and secret meetings with them, fearing the worst, he clapt him up in prison, and there poisoned him with a draught of hemlock▪ as for the soldiers that came with him, he made them his own by large promises which he used towards them, and distributed them, by small parcels among the rest of his army, [ Id. ibid. ]

Cassander, fearing least the Macedonians would fall over to Hercues, the son of Alexander the Great, who was then fourteen (as Justin, or rather seventeen, as Diodorus hath it) years of age, struck in with Poly • percon, and by his means procured both him and his mother Barsine to be privily murdered, and their bodies to be hid deep enough in the ground, least by their solemn Funerals the truth might happily come to light. And how that Alexanders two sons were both rid out of the way, and dead, and no heir of his body left to succeed him▪ every Governor made himself a King of the Province which he held, nor more, nor less, than if he had won it by the sword, and right of war, [ Id. ibid. and Justin, lib. 15. cap. 2.]

Ptolemy, [Year of the World 3696] sailing from Myndus along the Islands which lay in his way, [The Julian Period. 4406] came to Andros, [Year before Christ 308] and putting out the Garrison that there was; restored it to her former liberty, [ Diodorus, Olymp. 118. year 1.]

Cleopatra, the Daughter of Philip, and Sister to Alexander the Great, being incensed against Antigonus, of her own accord, inclined to Ptolemy and left Sardes, to go unto him▪ but the Governor there, to whom Antigonus had given in charge not to hurt her▪ stopped nevertheless her going, and afterward by his command, and the help of s • me of • er women about her, privily got her to be murdered: But Antigonus, who would no ways be thought guilty of her death, put some of those women to death for having a hand in her murder: and buried her with all the magnificence that might be, [ Id. ibid. ]

Ophellas, who had thrust out Thimbro, and reduced the Cyrenians under the obei • sance of Ptolomei, challenged now, Cyrene itself, with the Cities and Regions thereunto adjoining, as his own: and not therewith content, began to look after greater matters, and to have higher projects in his brains: and whiles he was casting these maginations in his mind, one Ortho of Syracusa, came to him in a message from Agathocles, soliciting him to join in arms with him against the Carthagi •• ans; telling him withal, that if he subdued them▪ he would make him Sovereign of all Afric. This therefore coming in the way, so heightened him in his former hopes, that he readily hearkened to him, and sent his Agent to Athens, from whence he had married his wife Euridice, the Daughter of Miltiades, to pray their aid and association in this war, [ Id. ibid. ]

Many there were of the Athenians, [Year of the World 3697] and other Grecians, [The Julian Period. 4407] which willingly hearkened to this motion, [Year before Christ 307] hoping thereby to have the sharing of the richest pieces of all Afric, with all the wealth of Carthage amongst themselves. And now Ophellas, being fully provided of all necessaries for such a voyage, drew out his army, consisting of 1 • thousand Foot, and six or seven hundred Horse, and one hundred Chariots, with above 300 mendrivers; and soldiers to manage them: besides extraordinaries and followers of the Camp, to the number of 10 thousand more; many of which, drew their wives and children with their stuff and baggage along with them: so that they looked more like a Colony going to be planted, than an army marching against an enemy. Having therefore marched 18 days journey, and in them gone 3 thousand furlongs, they came to a City called Automulus, in the western border of Cyrenaica, and there they encamped, and rested themselves: then removing again, they travelled thorough a dry and thirsty Country, and full of noisome Serpents, and came at last, after two months miserable travel, with much ado, to Agathocles his Camp, where they pitched their Camps at a small distance each from the other, [ Id. ibid. ]

Agathocles, hearing of his approach, went to meet him, and advised him by all means to have a care of his army after so tedious and hard a journey, and to see them well refreshed, and having often supped together, at last Ophellas adopted Agathocles for his son: but he, when upon a time the greater part of Ophellas his army was gone a forraging into the Country, suddenly called an assembly of his own army, and before them accused Ophellas, for that being called for an assistant in this war, he went about to betray him; and having incensed the multitude, drew out his whole army in battalion against him and his Cyrenians: Ophellas growing amazed at this unexpected alteration, put nevertheless himself, and the men he had with him into a posture of defense; but the enemy being too quick for him, and he too weak for them, he was there slain upon the place, and Agathocles, when he was dead, persuaded the rest that were left, to lay down their arms, and then telling them what great things he would do for them, persuaded them to take his pay, and so rid himself of Ophellas, and got all his army to himself: but such of the • as he found not fit and serviceable for th • war, those he sent away to Sy • acusae, of which few yet arrived there, being for the most part cast away in a fierce tempest, that fell upon them a • sea, [ Id. Ib. with Justin, lib, 22. cap. 2.]

After Ophellas his death, Cyrene, and all Libya returned to Ptolomei's obeissance again. [ Suid. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .]

Demetrius Poliorc • tos, [Year of the World 3698] or, [The Julian Period 4408] as Pliny renders it, [Year before Christ 306] Expugnator Urb • um, (i. e.) the City taker, being furnished with two strong armies, one by land, and another by sea, and provided of weapons, and all other necessaries for the war, set forth from Ephesus, to set the Grecian Cities at liberty, [ Diod. year. 2. Olympiad 118.] and carrying with him five thousand talents of silver, came to Pyrae • m, the port of Athens, with 250 sails of ships, upon the 26 day of Thargelion, ( i. e. ) about the 31 day of our May, as Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius, • aith. And having been received into Athens, took the City of Megara, and because Cassander had put a Garrison into Munichium, which was the Fort or Castle of Athens, under the command of one Dionysus, therefore he rased it to the ground.

In the year when Anaxicrates was L. Chancelor in Athens, as among others▪ Philochorus hath it, who lived at this very time, in his Attic. History, [lib. 8. cited by Dionysius Halicarnassus, in his Dinarchus ] reporteth, to w •• , toward the end of his Chancellor-ship, and withal, [ year. 2. Olymp. 118.]

When Euridice, the relict of Opheltas, all. Ophellas, Prince of Cyrene, who was slain the year before, returned to Athens. Demetrius the son of Antigonus married her; which marriage, the Athenians took as a great honor done to them: and thereupon they began, and were the first that honored Demetrius and Antigonus, with the title of Kings; who otherwise refused that title, as the only mark of regality, which hitherto remained entire and untouch • , to the stock and linage of Phllip and Alexander his son, [ Plut. in Demetrius. ]

Demetrius, being re-called out of Greece by his father Antigonus, to make war upon the Captains of Ptolemy, in the Isle of Cyprus, put over first into Caria, and from thence went into Silicia, and furnishing himself there with shipping and men, sailed thence into Cyprus, with 15 thousand Foot, and four hundred Horse, and a fleet consisting of 110 ships, of three tire of Oares a piece, of singular swiftness, and 53 not so swift, as the other, yet men of war, as the other were, besides ships of burden of all sorts, answerable to so great a multitude of Men and Horses, as were in them to be wa • ted over.

Being landed, he first encamped near the shore, not far from Carpasia, and drawing up his ships to land, fenced them there with a deep trench, and ramparts, and then went, and by force took Urania and Carpasia, and leaving a sufficient guard to defend his trenches about the fleet, marched forthwith to Salamis. [ Diodorus. year 2. Olympiad 118.]

Menelaus, the brother of Ptolemy, and chief Commander of the Isle, being then in Salamis, and seeing the enemy, within 40 furlongs of the City, drew out of the Garrisons adjoyng, to the number of 12000 Foot, and 800 Horse, and went to meet him; but not able to endure the i •••• ssion of the enemy, fled, and Demetrius, following him hard at heels▪ to the very gate • of the city, took to the number of three thousand of his men, and slew one thousand more upon the place: the prisoners he distributed among his own companies to serve him: but finding that they were ever ready to fly over again to Menel • us, because their wealth was in Ptolomeis hands in Egypt, he shipt them all away to Antigonus his father. [ Id. Ibid. ]

Antigonus at that time was building a City in the upper Syria upon the river Orontes, called after his own name, Antigonia, laying out great sums of money upon it, and taking in within the walls 70 furlongs of ground: for the place itself was very oppertune, to lie as a yoke, both upon Babylon, and the upper provinces, and also upon the nether, as far down as Egypt. [ Ibid. ]

Menelaus, flying back to Salamis, resolved there to endure a siege, and dispatched away a messenger to Ptolemy, for more help, telling him what danger he was in. And Demetrius fell presently to work, dressing his Engines of battery, to take it by force: among others he had one special Engine, which he called Helepolis, ( i. e. ) one that would not fail him in taking any City, which it was bent against, besides sundry other great rams and galleries for them. But they within, in the night time threw fire-works upon them, and consumed the principal of them, with the greatest part of the men that kept them: yet Deme • rius would not off, but pr • ssing the siege both by sea and land, thought in time he should not fail but have it, [ Ibid. ]

Ptolemy, hearing of the loss of his men, took presently shipping with an army well furnished for sea and land, and arriving at Paphos in Cyprus, took boats from the Cities adjoining, and went to Citium, distant from Salamis 200 furlongs: his whole Fleet consisted of 140, or, as Plutarch hath it, 150 sail; the biggest whereof was of five tire of oars, the least of four: and these were attended with 200 ships of burden, containing no less than 10 thousand soldiers; and sent word to Menelaus, that when he saw them in heat of fight, he should then set out of the Port of Salamis, with 60 sail of ships, and fall in upon the rere of the enemy, and disorder them, all that possible he could. But Demetrius foreseeing what might be; as he left a part of his army to maintain the siege by land, so he gave order to Antisthenes his Ammiral, with ten ships of 5 tire of oars a piece, to lie at the mouth of the Haven of Salamis, and to keep in the Fleet that there was, so that they should not be able to come out: and having first ranged his land army upon the shore and forelands looking into the sea; took ship himself, and with a Fleet of 108. or as Plutarch hath it, of 180 ships, the greater sort whereof were of 7 tire of oars, the least of four, put out to sea, [ Diod. and Plutarch. ]

Ptolemy, in the wing where himself was, utterly routed the enemy, sinking some of their ships, and taking others with the men in them; and then returning thought to have done the like with the rest: but when he came, he found his left wing wholly routed by Demetrius, and him in hot pursuit of them; wherefore he made back to Citium. But Demetrius committing his men of War to Neon and Burichus, to pursue the enemy withal, and to take up such as they found swimming for their lives, returned to his own Port whence he set out, [ Diodorus. ]

Mean while, Menelaus sent out his 60 ships as he was commanded, under the command of Menaetius, and he entering a fight with those ten ships that were set to keep him in, [Year of the World 3690] brake thorough them, and they fled for safety, to the army that was at land; and Maenetius his men seeing they came too late, to act according to their instructions, returned again to Salamis, [ Id. ]

Ptolemy, seeing no good to be done in Cyprus, returned with eight ships only into Egypt, [ Id. with Justin, lib. 15. cap. 2. and Plut. ] and Menelaus hereupon gave up both the city, and also all his Forces both by land and sea to Demetrius: his Forces were 1200 Horse, and 12 thousand Foot, all Corseleteers. [ Plut. ] And Demetrius having in a short time taken in all the rest of the Cities and Forts of the Island, distributed the Garrison soldiers, among his own companies, to the number of 16 thousand Foot, and 6 hundred Horse, [ Diodorus. ]

He took 100 ships of lading, wherein there were almost 8 thousand soldiers. Of ships of War he took 40 with the men in them; and of those which were bilged in the fight, about 80. all which, leaky as they were, and full of water in the hold, they drew to land, under their Camp, near the City. Demetrius had twenty of his own ships sorely hurt in this fight, which yet being recured, and rigged up again, proved serviceable as before, [ so saith Diodorus. ] But Plutarch thus; Of Ptolemeis ships there were 70 taken, with the men in them • , Soldiers and Mariners; but of the rabble, and hang-bies which were in the ships of burden, and slaves, and friends, and women-kind; with arms, and monies to pay the soldier, and engines, nothing escaped, Demetrius took all, and carried it to his Camp: Among the rest, there was one Lamia, renowned at first for her excellent skill in playing upon the Recorder, and afterward a famous harlot, and though she were then past her prime, yet Demetrius, younger a great deal than she, fell in love with her; and she so far caugh • • nd enamored him, with the pretines of her discourse and behavior, that he grew a • fare in love with her, as other women were with him, [ Plut. ]

Demetrius buried the bodies of the enemy, that were slain, very honourably; and dismissed such as he had taken prisoners, and gave the Athenians arms enough to furnish 1200 men, [ Plut. in Demetr. ] He sent home Leontiscus, Ptolemeis son, and Menelaus his brother, and his other friends, with fitting provision for their journey by the way; not forgetting what Ptolemy had formerly done to him in the same kind: using these enterchangeable and reciprocal offices of love and kindness, in the very heat of war, that it might evidently appear, their contention was for honor, and not for hatreds sake, it being the fashion, it should seem, in those days, to wage war more religiously, than now men use to observe the laws of friendship in time of peace, [ Justin, lib. 15. cap. 2.]

Demetrius dispatched away Aristodemus the Milesian, with the news of this victory to his father; which Aristodemus was reckoned the prime flatterer in all the Court: and coming to Antigonus, stood still a while, and held him in suspense, what the news might be; till at length he burst out with these terms, God save the King Antigonus, we have overthrown King Ptolemy at sea; Cyprus is ours, we have in our hand 16 thousand 8 hundred of his men prisoners: to whom Antigonus answered; and God save thee too: nevertheless, because thou heldest me so long in suspense before thou toldest me thy good news, thou shalt in some sort be punished too; for thou shalt stay a while, before thou receive thy reward for thy good news, [ Plut. ]

Antigonus, p •• ed up with pride upon this victory, assumed to himself a Crown, or Diadem, and the Title of King ever after; and thereupon Ptolemy also, least he should any ways seem to hang the head upon this late ill success, or be the less regarded among his subjects, took the Crown and Title of a King to himself likewise: and in all his letters from that time forward, wrote himself King: And by their example, other Governors of Provinces did the like; as Seleucus, who had lately subdued the upper Provinces to himself, and Lys • machus, and Cassander, seeing there was neither mother, nor brother, nor son, of Alexander the Great now left alive, [ Diodorus. and Justin. lib. 15. cap. 2. Plut. in Demet. and Appian •• , in his Syriaca. pag. 122.]

Seleucus wrote himself King, [Year of the World 3699] not only of Babylon, [The Julian Period. 4409] but also of Media, [Year before Christ 305] having with his own hand slain Nicator, all. Nicanor, whom Antigonus had placed Governor there, [ Appia. ib. ] taking to himself also the surname of Nicator, all. Nicanor (for so we find him also stamped in his coins,) not from Nicator, or Nicanor, whom he so slew; but from the many and great victories which he gat, [ Appia. ibid. pag. 124. and Ammia. Marcell • nus, lib. 23. Histor. ] for having subdued the Bactrians, he proceeded and took in all the rest of the countries which Alexander had formerly subdued, as far as the River Indus, and added them to his own Dominion, [ Justin, lib. 15. cap. 4. Appia. in his Syriaca. pag. 123.]

King Antigonus, (for so hereafter we must term him) his youngest son coming to decease, buried him, in a kingly manner; and calling home Demetrius out of Cyprus, commanded his whole army to meet at his new City of Antigonia; for he was purposed to march from thence into Egypt: wherefore leading the Foot himself, he went thorough Coelosyria, having in his land army 80 thousand Foot, and about 10 thousand Horse: and he made Demetrius Ammiral of his Fleet, giving him order to keep close to the shore, in sight of the land army, having in all 150 fighting ships; and 100 more of burden, wherein was an infinite store of arms of all sorts: and when the Pilots told him, that now was the time that the seven Stars were ready to set, and would set the 8 day from thence, (to wit, in the beginning of April, he told them they were too timorous to make good sea-men of, [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 118.]

Antigonus, coming with his army to Gaza, and purposing to fall upon Ptolemy before he was provided for him, commanded his soldiers to take with them 10 days victual, and getting together Camels out of Arabia, he loaded on them 130 thousand bushels of wheat, and infinite store of hay upon other beasts of carriage, and carrying his munition in carts, went thorough the Desert, not without some trouble to the army; for that they met with sundry fenny and dirty places by the way, especially about the place called Barathra, [Id. ibid. ]

Demetrius, with his ships loosing from Gaza, in the dead of the night, was for many days together becalmed, so that the lighter ships were fain to towe the ships of burden after with ropes▪ but after this, and so soon as the seven Stars were set, a northerly wind rose, and fell upon them, with which, many of the ships of 4 tire of oars a piece, were driven on shoat, near to the City Raphia, where was no commodious landing for them: but of those which carried the artillery, some of them were sunk, and the rest recovered Gaza again: yet some of the best of them bare up, and came under the promontory of Cas •• s. That Foreland is not far distant from the River N • le; but is no place fit for shipping, especially if any tempest be, there is no coming near it: wherefore every ship dropping two anchors a piece, two furlongs off from land, were • ain to ride it out, in a huge sea, and in the midst of a thousand dangers, and were driven to that extremity, that had the tempest lasted but one day longer, having spent their fresh water, they must all necessarily have perished for very thirst. But in this great extremity of theirs, the storm ceased; and Antigonus with his army coming to the place, there encamped, and the weather-beaten men came ashoar and refreshed themselves in the Camp: nevertheless in this tempest, there were lost, three ships o • 5 tire of oars a piece, out of which, yet some men escaped alive to land, [ Ibid. ]

From hence Antigonus removed and sat down with his army 2 furlongs off from the River Nile: But Ptolemy having man • ed all the bank of the River with strong Garrisons, sent some in River-boats, that going as near the further bank as safely they might; they should there proclaim, that if any of Antigonus his army would come to him, he would give him, if a common soldier two pounds, if a Captain, a whole talent for his pains. No sooner was this proclaimation made, but a multitude of Antigonus his men which served him for pay, grew very desirous to be gone: yea, and some of his Captains also, for that, and some other reasons, had a mind to be going too. But when Antigonus perceived that a multitude of his men were flying away from him, he disposed archers, and s • ingers, and other engines of War, to keep them from flying over the water in boats, and if any were lighted on that went, he put them to death with horrible torments, [ Ibid. ]

Antigonus, gathering together his ships which came, though late, to him; went to a place called Pseudostomon, thinking there to have landed some of his men: but found a strong Garrison of the enemy there, and was beaten off from thence with bows and slings, and other Engines of war; and therefore the night drawing on, he went his way, giving order to the masters of every ship to follow the lanthorn of the Ammiral, and so come to the mouth of the river Nile, which is called Phagneticum, but the next morning, finding that a many of his ships had lost their way, and were gone he knew not whither, he was fain to come to anchor there right, and to send away the swiftest ships he had, all the sea over, to look out, and bring in the rest unto him. Mean while, time ran on, and Ptolemy, being advertised of the approach of the enemy, went forthwith to the relief of his men, and ranged his army all along the shore, in the enemies sight. Then Demetrius, finding no possibility of landing here neither; and being informed, that if he should land, yet the Country adjoining was naturally fenced and fortified with fens, and moorish grounds, set sail, and returned, [ Ibid. ]

But, as he was going, the wind struck up to the North, and with a mighty tempest, drave three of his ships, of four tire of oars, and some others of his men of war, upon the shore, all which came into Ptolemeis hand; the rest, with much ado, recovered Antigonus his Camp. Now Ptolomei had placed strong Garrisons, at everyone of the mouths of the river Nile, and had an infinite number of river boats everywhere ready, and stored with darts and slings, and men which knew right well how to use them; which troubled Antigonus very sorely, for the mouth of the river at Pelusium, being strongly guarded by Ptolemy, he could make no use of his ships at all: and for his land force • , the river Nile, which beginneth always at the coming of the sun into Cancer to swell, but at his entering into Leo, overfloweth all his banks, was now grown to that height, that they could do little, and, which was worse, with his long lying both food for men, and fodder for cattle, began to fail, [ Ib. ]

Wherefore Antigonus, seeing his army to hang the head, called them all together, and before them all, propounded it to the Captains, whether of the two were best, to stay and fight it out now, or to return into Syria for the present; and to return again better provided the next year, and when the waters should be lower. And when every man's voice was to be gone; he bad his soldiers truss up their trinkets, and his Navy keeping still along the shore by them, he returned into Syria, [ Ibid. ] Which fruitless issue of this journey, Medius one of his Nobles, is said to have foreseen in a dream: for it seemed to him, that he saw Antigonus with all his army to contend in a race at Olympus, called Diaulus, (i. e.) a double course, wherein at the first setting out, they seemed to run exceeding well, but after a while, to grow somewhat wearish: and when they came to the race-post, and were to turn about it, and return to the barriers whence they set out, (for that was the manner of this double course) they grew so out of breath, that they could go no further, [ Put. in Demet. ]

Ptolemy, growing glad at heart, that the enemy was thus gone, offered sacrifice to his gods, for this great benefit bestowed upon him; and made withal, a magnificent feast for his Nobles: and wrote away letters to Seleucus, Lysimachus and Cassander, of his prosperous success; not forgitting to tell them what a company of Antigonus his men, had fled over to him. And now having rescued, as it were, Egypt, a second time, and gotten it by his sword; he thought he might lawfully reckon it his own, and returned in triumph to Alexandria. [ Diodorus. ] Whence it is that Cl. Ptolemaeus, in his Reg. Cano, counts the beginning of his reign over Egypt, from this time, reckoning from the death of Alexander the Great to this time, full 19 years: for the 19 year from the death of Alexander the Great ends just, according to his account, with the sixth day of this present November, which we are now upon, of the year 4409, according to the Julian account.

Whiles these things thus passed in Egypt, Dionysius the Tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus, (as Diodorus writes) died; having then reigned 33 years, as Athenaeus [lib, 12. cap. 26.] recordeth: though Memnon saith, that he reigned but 30, and Diodorus but 32. years: of whose incredible fatness, besides Memnon, Nymphis, Heracleotes, in his book of the City Heraclea, cited by Athenaeus in the place aforesaid, maketh mention: and so doth Elia. [Var. Histor. lib. 9. cap. 13.] To him were born two sons by Amastris, all. Amestris, the daughter of Oxethras, brother to Darius the last of Persia, which was at first given in marriage to Craterus, by Alexander: the eldest of these sons was called Clearchus, the younger Oxathras; and by Diodorus. Zathras: Dionysius, therefore by his last will, left the government of his kingdom, and charge of his two children, who were yet very young, to his wife, joining some other in commission with her. [ Memnon in Excerpt. Photii. cap. 5. with Diodorus, year. 3. Olympiad 118. and 119. year 3.]

Menedemus going from Patara in Lycia, [Year of the World 3700] Commander of three ships, [The Julian Period. 4410] each of them between two and three tire of oars apiece, [Year before Christ 304] took a ship of four tire of oars, coming out of Silicia, wherein were found letters from Phila, together with rich and royal apparel, and other furniture most curiously and costly wrought, sent to Demetrius Poliorcetes: all which Menedemus sent to Ptolemy in Egypt. This affront envenomed Demetrius against the Rhodians, as he then lay in siege before their City to take it: yet after a years time spent about it, by the mediation of the Athenians, they came to this agreement, That the Rhodiaus should assist Antigonus and Demetrius, in their wars against any, save only Ptolemy: and so the siege brake up, [ Diod. Olymp. 119. year 1. and Plut. in Demetr. ]

The Rhodians, so soon as the war was ended, sent some of their Priests to consult the Oracle of Ammon, whether they should worship Ptolemy as a god or no; and being answered, yeas, they presently consecrated to him a foursquare Grove in their City; building on every side thereof, a gallery of a furlong in length, and called it Ptolomeum, or Ptolemeis gallery: and then was also the surname or title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e. ) Savior, first given him by them: to wit, for that he had saved them from the force and violence of Antigonus and Demetrius, and not by the soldiers, for, his saving of Alexander in the City of the Oxydracans, (of which before) as some have imagined, [ Arria. lib. 6. pag. 131. and Steph. in the word Oxydras. Diodorus, ut supra. ]

Eumelus, the King of Bosphorus Cimmerius, having now reigned there 6 years, came to his end by a mischance: for, making haste homeward out of Scythia to a certain solemn sacrifice that was then to be offered, and was in a Coach running upon four wheels, and drawn with four horses, and covered over with a Canopy, coming to his Palace, the horses took a fright, and ran away with him: and when the coach-man could not hold them, Eumelus for fear least they would run down some precipice or other, leapt out of the Coach; but his sword hanging in the wheel, he was whirled away with it, and so killed; after whom, succeeded Spartacus his son, who reigned 20 years, [ Id. year 3. Olymp. 117. and year 1. Olymp. 119.]

Seleucus, [The Julian Period. 4411] crossing the River Indus, [Year before Christ 303] made war upon Sandrocottus, all. Androcottus; for that he, [Year of the World 3701] at the same time when Seleucus laid the foundation of his greatness in the East, had murdered all the Governors, which Alexander had set there, and took all India into his own possession, [ Justin, lib. 15. cap. 4. Appia. in his Syriaca. page 122. 123.]

Now as he was going to make this war, a wild Elephant of a vast bigness came to him upon the way, and as if he had been tame, and brought up to it, suffered him to get up, and proved a prime and singular Elephant for the war. [ Justin, ibid. ] Whereupon, traversing all India over, with 600 thousand men, brought it entirely into his own subjection, [ Plu. in Alexan. ] and then making himself King over them, freed them from a yoke of strangers, to bring them under another of his own, [ Justin, ut sup. ]

Megasthenes, in his Indica, writes, that he oftentimes repaired to him, whiles he remained with Sibyrtius Government of the Arachosians; as [ Arria. lib. 5. cites him ] and withal says, that he had seen in his army 400 thousand soldiers, [ Strabo, lib. 16. page 709.]

Cassander, [Year of the World 3702] King of Macedon, [The Julian Period. 4412] sending his Ambassadors to Antigonus, [Year before Christ 302] desired him to make a peace with him. But when he would not, unless Cassander would absolutely stand to his mercy: then, upon conference with Lysimachus King of Thrace, they both agreed to send their Ambassadors to Ptolemy, King of Egypt, and to Seleucus, King of the upper Provinces of Asia, crying out upon the pride and surquedry of Antigonus, expressed in his answers, and remonstrating to them, how far this war concerned them both, [ Diodorus. year 3. Olymp. 119.] Wherefore perceiving that Antigonus his purpose was to take them to task one after another, whiles they never cared to make it a common cause; they heartened each other by their m • ssives first, and then appointed a place where all were to meet; and resolved to contribute their several stocks to the maintenance of this war: but because Cassander himself could not be there, by reason he had an enemy so nigh at hand, therefore he sent Lysimachus, with all the power which he was able to make, and infinite provisions for them, [ Justin, lib. 15. cap. 2.]

Seleucus, having made affinity with Sandrocottus, King of India, gave him all those Regions lying upon the bank of Indus, which Alexander had taken from the Arians, and made them Colonies of his own, setting Governors over them, and received of him for a present 500 Elephants, [ Stra. lib. 15. pag. 724. Plut. in Alex. and Appia. in Syria. pag. 123.] And so having made all peace in the East, prepared himself for the war against Antigonus, with his consorts, according to agreement in the West, [ Justin, lib. 15. cap. 4.]

Lysimachus, putting over into Asia side with his own army, came before Lampsacus and Paros, and, because they submitted readily to him, he restored them to their ancient liberty; but having taken Sigaeum by force, he put into it a strong Garrison of his own, and then committing six thousand Foot, and 1000 Horse, to the charge of Prepelaus, sent him to take in the Cities of Ionia and Eolia, and himself went before Abydus, carrying all manner of Engines of battery, and other necessaries with him. Nevertheless, when an army sent from Demetrius for the defense of that place arrived, he gave off that siege; and having taken in Hellespont and Phrygia, he went on and besieged the City Synada, where the king Antigonus his Magazine lay, and the same time drave over Docimus, a Commander of Antigonus his party, to stand for the common cause, and by his help, took both Synada and other Forts and places belonging to Antigonus; and where his treasures were laid up. [ Diodorus, year 3. Olympiad 119.]

Mean while, Prepelaus, who was sent to make war upon Ionia and Eolia, by the way, took Adramittium, and besieged Ephesus, and so terrified the inhabitants, that they submitted to him, and finding there the hostages which the Rhodians had given, he sent them all home again to their friends: nor did he any hurt at all to the Ephesians themselves in their persons; only set on fire all the ships which he found in their harbor; because the enemy commanded, as yet, all at sea: and for that, the issue of the war was hitherto uncertain: after this he joined to him, and the common cause, the Teians, and Colophonians; but as for Erythrae, and Clazomenae, they had succor sent into them by sea; and therefore he could not take them: but having wasted their territories, he departed, and went for Sardes, and there he drew over by fair words, two of Antigonus his Captains, Phoenix and Docimus; and took the City itself, all save the Castle, into his protection; as for the Castle, Philippus, a friend of Antigonus, kept it, and would not betray the trust which he had reposed in him. [ Id. Ibid. ]

Antigonus was at that time, [Year of the World 3703] wholly taken up in making sports and feasts, at his new City of Antigonia; and had proclaimed great prizes for such as would put in for them, and huge wages to all cunning artificers, that could be gotten. But when he heard how Lysimachus was come into Asia, and by what multitudes his soldiers revolted to him, he brake off his sports, and yet disbursed among the wrestlers, and artificers that were already thither come, to the sum of 200 talents; and then taking his army with him, he marched away, and by long journeys, hastened to meet the enemy; and so soon as he came to Tarsus in Silicia, he there out of the monies, which he took with him out of the City Quindi, he gave his army three months pay before hand: and besides this, brought three thousand talents along with him from Antigonia, to the end he might not be to seek for money, if need should be; then passing the Taurus, he hasted into Cappadocia, and reduced such as in the upper Phrygia and Lycaonia, had revolted from him, to serve him in the wars, as they did before. [ Ibid. ]

Then Lysimachus, hearing of the enemies approach, fell to consult with his council, in this imminent danger, what were fittest to be done: and their advise was, by no means to hazard a battle, till Seleucus came down out of the upper provinces; but to possess himself of the surest places, and to intrench himself, in the strongest manner that possibly he could, with ramparts, and palisladoes and stakes: and there expect the coming of the enemy. Lysimachus having heard this advice, put it seriously in execution, and Antigonus on the other side, so soon as he came in sight of his Camp, drew out in batalion, and provoked Lysimachus to a fight, but seeing he would not, he went and kept all the passages, by which any victual might come unto the Camp, whereupon Lysimachus, fearing least, food failing, he might happily 〈◊〉 alive into Antigonus his hand, removed by night, and having marched 400 furlongs, came to Dorylaeum, and there encamped: for that in those parts, there was store of corn, and other provisions in abundance, having a river at the back of him: wherefore, having there raised a work, and enclosed it with an exceeding deep trench, and three rows of stakes upon the top of it, he made all as sure as art could make it. But Antigonus, finding the enemy gone, pursued after him with all speed, and coming near the place where he lay entrenched, and seeing no disposition in him to fight, he presently fell to work, and drew another trench round about his Camp to besiege him there, and to that purpose caused all kind of instruments of a siege, as darts, arrows and Catapults thither to be brought, and though many skirmishes were made about the trenches, because Lysimachus his men fought from their works, to hinder the enemy in making theirs, yet it so fell out, that Antigonus his party had still the better of it, [ Ibid. ]

But in process of time, Antigonus his works came to be almost finished round about, and Lysimachus his provision began to fail; wherefore Lysimachus, taking the advantage of a tempestuous night, gat him away with his army, and thorough mountainous countries, came to his winter quarters. But when Antigonus the next morning saw that the enemy was gone, he also marched after him thorough the champion country. But by reason there fell great store of rain, and the ways were foul, and full of sloughs, he lost many of his carriages, and some of his men also in that journey: and the whole army was distressed therewith: wherefore, both to spare his army, and because the Winter quarter came on, he gave off the pursuit of him, for that time; and casting about for the fittest places to winter in, distributed his army into them, [ ib. ]

And Lysimachus, in like manner, sent his army to be quartered in the country of Salmonia, having made large provision for them out of Heraclea: for that he had made an alliance with them of that City; by marrying Amestris, the widow, as was said before of Dionysius, and tutrix of his two young children; and Governesse for the present of that City, [ Id. ibid. with Memnon, in Photios, cap. 5.]

At this time Demetrius, being sent for by his father out of Greece, made peace with Cassander; and, steering a straight course thorough the Islands of the Egaean Sea, came to Ephesus: and there landing his army, encamped before it, and reduced it to their former obedience; and suffered the Garrison which Prepelaus had put therein, to depart with safety. And putting a strong Garrison of his own into the Castle there, marched away with the rest of his army as far as Hellespont, and reduced the Lampsacenians and Parians to his subjection. And from thence going to the mouth of Pontus, encamped near to a place called the Temple of the Chalcedonians, and there fortified: which done, he left there 3 thousand Foot, and 30 sail of good ships to keep it; and sent the rest of his army to quarter for that Winter, in sundry places thereabouts, [ Diodorus. year 3. Olymp. 119.]

About this time, Mithridates who was subject to Antigonus, being suspected of favoring Cassanders party, was slain at Cius, in the country of Mysia, where, as also at Arthinas, he had continued Prince 35 years, [ Id. ibid. ] Of whom divers Authors speak diversely. For this Mithridates, is that son of Ariobarzanes, a man of the Royal blood of Persia, and descended from one of those seven which destroyed the Magi there: as we may gather out of [ Polybius, lib. 5. pag. 388. and Florus, lib. 3. cap. 5. and Sext. Aurelius, Victor. de Vir. Illustr. cap. 76.] surnamed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e. ) the Builder; and lost the succession of the kingdom of Pontus after him down to Eupator, all. that Mithradates, who maintained so long a war against the Romans: as Strabo tells us, [ lib. 12. pag. 562.] whence it is also that Tertullian, [ lib. de Anima.] I learn (saith he) out of Strabo, that Mithridates got the kingdom of Pontus by a dream: the Story is this; Antigonus in a dream, thought that he had a field full of a golden harvest; and that Mithridates came and cut it, and carried it away into Pontus: whereupon he purposed to apprehend and kill him; whereof Mithridates being advertised by Demetrius, fled away with six horse only in his company, and fortified a certain Town in Cappadocia, where many men joined with him: and so he obtained to himself, both Cappadocia, and also many other Countries of Pontus, and left them to the eighth generation after him; and then it was extinguished by the Romans, [ Plut. in Demetr. and Appian. in his Mithridatica, pag. 176.] Lucian, [in his book of Long-lived men, pag. 176.] out of Hieronymus Cardianus, and other Writers reporteth, that he lived, to the age of 84 years; and that his son, called also Mithridates, succeeding him in his Principality, added to his Dominions Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia, and held them 36 years, [ Diodorus. ut sup. ]

Cassander sent one Pleistarchus into Asia, with an army of 12000 Foot, and 500 Horse, to assist Lysimachus; and he, coming to the mouth of Pontus, found that streite kept by the enemy: and thereupon despairing of any passage that way, went to Odessus, which lies between Apollonia and Galatia, over against Heraclea, where a part of Lysimachus his men lay: but finding no ships there, for his transportation, he divided his army into three parts; and the first part that set out, landed safely at Heraclea; the second miscarried by the enemy, which were set to keep that streite of Pontus. The third, wherein Pleistarchus himself was, was so overset with a violent tempest, that the greatest part of the ships, and men in them, perished; and the ship wherein himself was, being a goodly ship of six tire of oars, was cast away likewise: and of all the men in her, which could not be less than 500. only 33 escaped, of which Pleistarchus himself was one, who getting upon a plank of the ship when it split, was cast on shore half dead: yet being a little recovered, was carried to Heraclea, and there growing strong again, went to Lysimachus in his winter quarter, having lost the greater part of his army by the way, [ Id. ibid. ]

About the same time Ptolemy, coming with an exellently well appointed army out of Egypt, reduced all the Cities of Coelosyria, to his obedience, but when he lay in siege before Sidon, there came a false rumour to his ear, that a battle had been fought, where •• n Seleucus and Lysimachus were beaten, and fled to Heraclea, and that Antigonus thereupon was hasting into Syria with his victorious army. Ptolemy, giving over-light credit to this report, made a Truce with the Sidonians for five months; and putting Garrisons into the other Cities which he had taken in those parts, returned into Egypt, [ Ibid. ]

Whiles these things thus passed, 2800 of Lysimachus his chief soldiers fled over to Antigonus, and Antigonus entertained them very curtously, and furnishing them with such pay as they said Lysimachus ought them, gave them also for a reward of their so doing, large monies over and above, [ Ibid. ]

At the same time also, Seleucus with a great army came down out of the upper provinces into Cappadocia, and wintered his army in tents, which he brought ready made for them. His army consisted of 20 thousand Foot, and 12 thousand horse, (reckoning in with them his archers on horseback) and 480 Elephants, and iron Chariots one hundred, thus these Kings forces came together, purposing the next summer to try for the mastery between them.

Pythagoras the soothsayer, as formerly for Alexander the Great, and for Perdiccas, so now for Antigonus, fell to his divinations by the bowels of beasts offered in sacrifice; and finding the strings or fillets wanting in the liver of them, told Antigonus that his death was thereby portended. [ Arian. lib. 7. pag. 160.]

Alexander the Great also appeared to Demetrius in his sleep, all gloriously armed, and asked him, what was the word which he and his fathe purposed to give; and he answered, Jove and victory, then replied Alexander, Therefore will I go over to thy enemies, for they will take me for theirs. [Plut. in Demetrio. ]

Antigonus, hearing that there were so many Kings gotten together against him, vantingly said, that he would scatter them all like so many birds out of a bush, yet the enemies approaching, he was observed to be more lumpish and silent then he used to be, and showing his son to his army, told them, that this was the man, that must be his successor. And, which they marvelled at, more than all at the rest, had speech with him in his tent often times all alone, whereas formerly, he would never impart any secret at all unto him. And when his army was all ready ranged in batalio, and he going out of his pavilion to them, he stumbled, and fell all along upon his face, and being sorely troubled thereat, and got up again, he begged of the gods to send him either a victory that day, or a death void of pain, [ Plut. Ib. ]

This fight, between these so many Kings, was fought at Ipsus, a Town in Phrygia, [ Arria. lib. 7. Plutarch in Pyrrho, Appian. in Syriacis, pag. 122. Diod. and Porphy year 4. Olymp. 119.] to wit in the beginning of that year. In which battle Antigonus and Demetr • us between them had above 70 thousand Foot, 10 thousand Horse, 75 Elephants, and 120 Chariots, and Demetrius with the best part of his Horse, charged upon Antiochus the son of Seleucus, and his successor afterward in his kingdom, and having most valliantly routed him, but over rashly pursuing him, and too far, was the cause of the loss of that victory to his father; yet in that pursuit, Pyrrhus made his brave valor and worth, conspicuously to appear, who being then but 17 years of age, and thrust out of his kingdom by the Epirotes his subjects, joined himself with Demetrius, who had married his sister Deidamia, who was intended for Alexander, the son of Alexander the Great, by Roxane, [ Id. in Pyrrho. ]

Seleucs, seeing Antigonus his batalion destitute of all help from their Horse, made as if he would have fallen upon them, but withal, very advisedly invited them rather to fall over unto him: whereupon a great part of them did so, and the rest fled; and turning upon Antigonus, one of them cried out, saying, These come upon thee, O King: and he aswered, But Demetrius will come and help us: and whiles he stood looking still for Demetrius his return to rescue him, the enemy came on, and poured on their darts, as thick as hail upon him, and in that storm, he fell: whereupon all forsook him, and shifted for themselves, only one Thorax of Lari •• a staid by the body of him, [ Id. in. Demetr. ] His body was afterward taken up, and buried in a royal manner, [ Diod lib. 21.] Plutarch tells us, that when Antigonus was upon his late voyage into Egypt, he was then little less than 80 years of age; Appianus, that when he came upon this journey, he was upward of fourscore years old. But the whole term of his life, was 86 years, as Porphyry affirms, cited by Scaliger in his Greek fragments of Eusebius, [lib. Ult. ] But Hieronymus Cardianus the Historiographer, and one who lived with him (as Lacianus, in his book of Long-Lived men, voucheth him) affirmeth, that he lived 81 years, and no more.

Demetrius, seeing all lost, with five thousand Foot, and four thousand horse, fled away with all possible speed to Ephesus; where, when all men began to fear, lest for want of monies, he would fall a plundering of the Temple of Diana, and he himself thought he should not be able to hol • his soldiers hands from it, he hasted thence with all speed, [ Plut. in Demetr. ] and taking his mother Stratonice, and all his treasure with him, sailed to Salamis, in the Isle of Cyprus, which was at that time under his command, [ Diod. lib. 2.]

The Kings that had gotten this great victory, fell presently a sharing this great kingdom of Antigonus and Demetrius, among themselves, and laid every man his share, to the dominions which he formerly possessed. [ Plut. in Demetr. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 122. with Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 410.]

But when they could not agree about the partage of the spoil, they fell again into two sides between themselves; for Seleucus joined presently with Demetrius, and Ptolemy with Lysimachus, [ Justin, lib. 15. cap. 4.] for Seleucus and Ptolemy, were, without compare, the two mightiest of them all; and therefore the contention between them was propagated, and continued to their posterities, under the names of the Seleucians, Kings of the North, and the Ptolemeis Kings of the South; as we find foretold [ in the 11 chapter of the prophesy of Daniel. ]

After Onias, his son, Simon, succeeded him in the Priesthood at Jerusalem: surnamed the Just; because of his great zeal and fervency in the worship of God, and the exceeding love, which he ever expressed to his country-men the Jews, [Josephus, lib. 2. cap. 2.] of whom in the book of Ecclesiasticus, [cap. 50. v. 1.] we find this testimony given; Simon, saith he, the High Priest, the son of Onias, who in his life time repaired the House again, and in his days fortified the Temple; and by him was built from the foundation the double height ( or curtain ) the high fortress of the wall about the Temple. In his days the cistern to receive water, being in compass as the sea, was covered with plates of brass. He took care of the Temple that it should not fall, and fortified the City against besieging. How was he honored in the midst of the people at his coming out of the Sanctuary? [ See Salian. his Annals, To. 5. year of the World, 3675. and Scaliger, in his Animadversions, upon Euseb. an. 1785.] This man is said to have sat High Priest there 9 years by [Scalig. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 50.]

Seleucus, [Year of the World 3704] upon the 23 day of our April, [The Julian Period. 4414] offering sacrifice to Jupiter in the mount Casius, [Year before Christ 300] consulted him also concerning a place, where to build a City in; when presently an Eagle came and caught away a piece of flesh from the alter, which she is said to have let fall, in a place near the sea, below Palaeopolis, (a little city built in former times by Syrus, the son of Agenor, on a hill thereby) in a sea town of Pieria: Whereupon, Seleucus fell presently to lay the foundation of a great City, which he built there, and called it after his own name, Seleucia, [ Johan. Malela, in his Chron. not printed. ] wherein yet, others say, that he followed not that act of the Eagle, but the flash of some lightening that appeared to him, and that thereupon the lightening was ever after in that place celebrated with set hymns and praises, as if it were a god itself, [ Appia. in Syriac. pag. 125.]

Seleucus himself proceeding, came to Iopolis, a City built in the hill Country of Silphium; and there the third day after his coming, falling upon the first of Artemisium; ( i. e. ) of our May, offered sacrifice to Jove the Thunderer, in a certain Chapel, said to have been anciently there built by Perseus the son of Danae: And afterward coming to Antigonia, and there offering sacrifice to Jove, upon the alters newly then built by Antigonus, he together with Amphion the Priest, prayed that Jupiter would show him by some sign, whether he should inhabit Antigonia itself, calling it by some other name, or whether he should go and build a new City in another place: and then again it is said, that an Eagle came and caught away a piece of flesh from the alter, and let it fall near the hill of Siliphum. Whereupon it was, that over against that Hill and Iopolis therein built, near the River Orontes, where was a Town called Botzia, he laid the foundation of h • s wall, upon the 22 day of the month Artemisium at the rsing of the sun: which City he called after the name of his son Antiochus; and therein eftsoons erected a Temple to Jupiter Botzius. These and many more like things, doth Johannes Malela an Antiochian borne, deliver concerning the origin of this City; which Eusebius also in his Chron. affirmeth to have been built by Seleucus in the 12 year of his reign. Now this Metropolis of Syria, was afterward made a Tetrapolis; ( i. e. ) a fourfold City, being divided into four Regions, making, as it were, so many Cities: for that everyone of them, had a proper wall built about itself, and one common one, which enclosed them all: of which, the first only was built by this Seleucus Nicator. The second was the work of the Inhabitants themselves. The third was finished by Seleucus Callinicus: And the fourth, by Antiochus Epiphanes, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 750.]

Now that Seleucus called this City after the name of his son Antiochus, besides Malcla and Cedremus, Julian also the Apostate, in his Misopogon teacheth us: whereas yet Strabo, and Appianus and Trogus Pompeius, tells us, that he called it Antiochia, after the name of his father Antiochus, [ and Justin, out of Trogus Pompeius, lib. 15. cap. 4.] saith, that herein he consecrated the memorial of a twofold beginning; for, saith he, he called the City after the name of his father Antiochus, and consecrated the fields about it, to Apollo; because forsooth, his mother Laodice, would needs make him believe, that he was begotten on her by Apollo: and therefore Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, a place much renowned for the Grove of Laurel trees that there was, and no less than 80 furlongs in compass, was consecrated to Apollo: whence as this day it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e. ) Daphne near unto Antioch, [2 Maccabees chapter 4. verse 33.] So the City it self of Antioch, is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i. e.) Antioch near unto Daphne, by other Writers.

Seleucus, utterly demolishing Antigonia, conveyed the materials down the river Orontes, unto Antioch; and transplanted from thence, to the number of 5300 Macedonians and Athenians, which Antigonus had there planted, unto his new city, [ Jo. Malela, ] though Diodore says indeed, that Seleucus did destroy Antigonia, but adds that he transported the inhabitants thereof, to his new city Seleucia, [ l. 20. year. 2. Olym. 118.] But Strabo also maketh mention of the inhabitants of Antigonia, removed to Antiochia, [ l. 16. p. 750.] where he also adds, that some of the race and offspring of Triptolemus, and Argivians, which were long ago sent with him to seek out Io, were there planted by Seleucus; which yet were none other than those Grecians out of Peloponese, which Stephanus Byzantius saith, were placed to dwell in Antioch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ( i. e. ) in Antioch by Daphne. To which purpose also is that saying of Jo. Malela, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. (i. e.) Seleucus himself besought some of the Grecians of Ionia, and translated those Grecians which dwelt in Iopolis, to make them inhabitants of Antioch, and whom he made Citizens there, as men of a more sacred and generous kind, than the rest: compare this here with Scaligers notes, upon the 1713. number of the Euseb. Chron. ]

Lysimachus the King of Thrace took to wife Arsinoe, the daughter of Ptolomei, not Ptolemy Philadelphus, as in Memnon, [cap. 5.] but of Ptolomei the first, the son of Lagus, surnamed the deliverer, as we learn out of Plutarch in Demetr. and Justin, [lib. 17. cap. 2. and lib. 24. cap. 2.] and even out of Memnon himself, in Excerpt. [cap. 9.] of Ptolemy the first, I say, and Euridice, as we find in Pausan his Attic. [pag. 8.] whereat his former wife Amestris, the relict of Dionysius, the King perforce, or tyrant, or a usurper of Heraclea, grew so offended, that he left him, and returned to Heraclea, and there built a City near the Euxian sea, which he called after his own name Amastris, and sent for men out of Sesamus, Cytrous, Cromnus and Teios, and other places to inhabit it. [ Memnon. Excerpt. cap. 5. with Strabo lib. 12. pag. 544.]

Seleucus, [Year of the World 3705] following the example of Lysimachus, [The Julian Period. 4415] sent his Ambassadors, [Year before Christ 299] and by them desired to have Stratonice, the daughter of Demetrius, surnamed Poliorcetes, and Phila, for his wife. Whereupon, Demetrius, taking his daughter along with him, took shipping, and with his whole fleet which attended him at Athens, set sails for Syria. But by the way touched in Silicia, which Plistarchus, the brother of Cassander, then held, as allotted to him by a general consent of the Kings, after the battle wherein Antigonus, his Grandfather was slain. This Plistarchus conceiving himself wronged by Demetrius his setting foot upon his land, went and complained thereof to Seleucus, and expostulated the matter with him; for that without the consent of the other Kings, Ptolemy and Lysimachus, he had entered into a league and affinity with Demetrius, a common enemy to them all. Hereupon Demetrius in a rage went from thence to Quinda, where when he found yet remaing of the old treasure of Alexanders, 1200 talents, he took them all away with hm, and weighed anchor, and to sea, as fast as he could high him, [ Plut. in Demet. ]

Seleucus came to meet Demetrius, and his wife Phila, at a place called Orossus, and first invited them to dine with him at his pavilion in his Camp: after which Demetrius invited him aborad his ship of 13 tire of oars high, after which they spent whole days in familiar discourse together, without arms or guard about them, till at length Seleucus married Stratonice, and with her returned in great pomp and magnificence to Antioch.

Demetrius, having possessed himself of Silicia, dispatched away his wife Phila to her brother Cassander, to excuse such matters as Plistarchus, might happily have laid unto his charge, and whiles she was away, his other wife Deidamia came to him to Athens, where after a short while, she died. [ Ibid. ]

Seleucus desired Demetrius to let him have Silicia for a certain sum of money, [Year of the World 3706] which when he would not grant, [The Julian Period. 4416] Seleucus in a choleric way, [Year before Christ 298] demanded to have Sidon and Tyre out of his hands, and this seemed an injurious act of his, that having made himself Lord, and possessing all from India, to the Syrian sea, yet he was of so poor a spirit, as to trouble his father in law, being otherwise under a cloud of adverse fortune, for two such poor Cities, as Tyre and Sidon were. Wherefore Demetrius stoutly answered, that if he were a thousand times overcome, yet he would never buy a son in law at so dear a rate; and thereupon fell presently a fortifying of those two Cities, which were such sores in Seleucus his eyes, [ Ibid. ]

Cassander, [Year of the World 3707] having had the rule and government of things in Macedonia 19 years, died, leaving three sons, Philip, Antipater, and Alexander, begotten on the body of Thessalonice, the sister of Alexander the Great, all which reigned after their father three years and six months only, [ Dexippus and Porphyrius, in Scaligers Greek Eusebians, pag. 48. 228.]

Philip the elder of the three, coming shortly after his fathers death to fall away and die of a consumption, his two younger brothers, Antipater and Alexander, fell together by the ears about the kingdom, [ Justin lib. 16. cap. 1. Pausa, in his Baeot. pag. 287. and Plut. in Pyrrho & Alexan. ]

This Antipater, Dexippus, and Euseb. in Chron. call by the name of Antigonus: nor could Hermippus understand any other, where he saith, that Demetrius Phalereus, after the death of Cassander, for the dread he had of Antigonus, fled to Ptolemy, surnamed the Deliverer, [Diog. Laertius, in Demet. Phal. ]

Pyrrhus also, at the same time, remained with Ptolemy, as a hostage in Egypt: where he married Antigone the Daughter of Berenice the Queen, by Philip her former husband, [ Plut. in Pyrrho. Pausan. in Attic. pag. 10.]

Pyrrhus, [The Julian Period. 4417] by the help of Antigone his wife, [Year before Christ 297] having obtained both a Fleet of ships, and store of money withal, from Ptolemy; set sail for his old kingdom Epirus; and there came to a composition with Neoptolemus, who had usurped his kingdom, upon terms, to hold it jointly with him, [ Id. ibid. ]

Eupolemus, the Historian, deduceth his Chronologue from Adam, and the coming of the children of Israel out of Egypt, down to the fifth year of this Demetrius, reckoned from the death of his father Antigonus, and to the 12 year of Ptolemy, reckoned from the utter extinction of Alexander the Great, his Race, of which I spake toward the end of the year of the World, 3695, in his book of the Kings of Judah; as we find in the [1 book of Strom. of Clemen. Alexan. ]

Demetrius, [Year of the World 3708] Poliorcetes, [The Julian Period. 4418] ( i. e. ) the City sieger, [Year before Christ 296] wasted the City of Samaria, which Perdiccas had formerly new rebuilt, [ Euseb. Chron. ]

Velleius Paterculus, [Year of the World 3709] in the first book of his History, [The Julian Period. 4419] tell us, [Year before Christ 295] that Pyrrhus began his reign, when Fabius Max. and Q. Decius Mus, were each of them, the fifth time Consul of Rome; to wit, when Neoptolemus being slain, Pyrrhus took the sole possession of Epirus into his hands: and then, remembering how much he had been beholding to Berenice and Ptolemy, by whose favor it was, that he had thus recovered his kingdom; he called his son, which Antigone now bare unto him, by the name of Ptolemy; and having built a new City in a neck of land in Epirus, he called it after the name of his wives mother, Berenice, [ Plut in Pyrrho. ]

In the 36 year of the Periode or account of Calippus, [Year of the World 3710] the 25 day of the month Possideon, in the year 454. of Nabonassar, the 16 day of Paophus, 3 hours after midnight, the 21 day of our Decemb. Timochares observed at Alexandria in Egypt, that the Moon rising to her utmost height northward, touched upon the most northerly Star of those which are in the head of Scorpio, [ Ptol. in his great Syntax. lib. 7. cap. 3.]

In the same year also, [The Julian Period. 4420] upon the 15 day of Elaphebolion, [Year before Christ 294] the 5 of Tybus, four hours before midnight upon the 9 of our May, the same Timochares observed the conjunction of the Moon with Spica Virginis, [Id. ibid. ]

Thessalonice the Queen, and relict of Cassander, the Daughter of Philip, father of Alexander the Great, begotten upon the Daughter of Nicasipolus, was murdered by Antipater her own son; yea, though she begged life of him by those paps which gave him suck: the reason was, for that in the partage of the kingdom, made between him and his brother, she seemed a little inclined to her youngest son Alexander. And Alexander, to revenge this murder of his mother, prayed in aid of all the friends he could make; of Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, of Demetrius Poliorcetes, in Peloponesus, [ Justin, lib. 16. cap. 1. Plut. in Pyrrho. & Demetr. Pausan. in Boeot. pag. 287.]

Lysimachus the King of Thracee, for the dread he had of Demetrius his coming, persuaded with his son in law Antipater, rather to agree with his brother, than by falling out with him, to draw upon himself an old hereditary enemy of his fathers, [ Justin, ibid. ] And knowing well, that Pyrrhus would do anything for Ptolemeis sake; he sent certain forged letters to him, as sent from Ptolemy, wherein he advised him, to receive a gratuity of 300 talents from Antipater, and to give off his journey into Macedon for the support of Alexander against his Brother. But Pyrrhus perceived this trick of his: for opening the letter, he found not there the usual salutation from Ptolemy to him: which was, Pater filio, ( i. e.) The father to his son: instead whereof, it was here written, King Ptolemy to King Pyrrhus, sendeth greeting: and withal Demetrius his sudden falling in upon Macedonia, brake off all these devises of Lysimachus, [ Plut. in Pyrrho. ]

Ptolemy of Egypt, took the whole Isle of Cyprus out of Demetrius his hands; the City Salamis only excepted, where he besieged Demetrius his mother and children that were therein: and them, having at length taken the City, he sent home unto him honourably attended, and with rich presents bestowed on them, for their journey, [ Plut. in Demetr. ]

Demetrius, having gotten Alexander into his hands, and slain him, possessed himself self of the kingdom of Macedon, [ Justin, l. 16. cap. 1. Pausan. Boeot. pag. 287. Plut. in Pyrr. & Demetr. and in his Treatise, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : ( i. e.) of shame facestnesse; and held it seven years, as the same Plutarch affirmeth.

Lysimachus, [Year of the World 3711] being at that time engaged in a war which one Dromichetes a King of the Getes made upon him, [The Julian Period. 4421] least he should be forced to maintain a war against the King of Getes, [Year before Christ 293] and Demetrius both at once, gave up that part of Macedon, which belonged to his son in law Antipater, and so made peace with him, [ Justin lib. 16. cap. 1. with Strab. lib. 7. pag. 302. & 305.]

Dromichaetes his hap was to take Lysimachus prisoner, but used him very kindly [ Strabo. Ut supra. Diodorus, in Excerpt. H. Vales. pag. 257, 258.] and Lysimachus gave him his daughter to wife, and gave up into his hands that part of Thrace, which lay beyond the Ister, for a dowry with her. [ Pausani. in Attica. pag. 8.]

Clearchus, the King perforce, or Tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus, going to help Lysimachus in his war against the Getes, was taken prisoner together with him, and when Lysimachus was gotten at liberty himself; he, by his wisdom, used the means to procure his liberty also, [ Memnon. in Excerpt. cap. 6.]

When Simon, [Year of the World 3712] surnamed the Just, the High Priest at Jerusalem, was dead, leaving behind him one only son Onias, then an infant, his brother Eleasar, the son of Onias the first, took upon him the high priesthood of the Jews, [ Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 2.] and is said to have sat there 32 years, in Scaligers Greek Eusebian fragments. [pag. 50. and 162.]

After the return of Lysimachus from the Getick war, Agathocles, his eldest son, and who was taken prisoner in the first battle that ever he was in, as some report, took to wife Lysandra, the daughter of Ptolemy of Egypt, surnamed the deliverer, and of Euridice his wife, [ Pausan. in his Attic. p. 8.]

After this, Lysimachus, passing with his Navy over into Asia, seized on such as there were in subjection to Antigonus and Demetrius, [ Id. Ib. with Plut. in Demet. ] where whiles he lay before Ephesus, and they had to help them one Mandro, an arch Pirate, who often brought in thither rich prises which he had taken: Lysimachus fell a bribing of him, and wan him over to betray the City to him, and for the effecting thereof, put into his hands certain valiant Macedonians, whom he with their hands bound behind them, brought like prisoners into Ephesus; and they spying their time, got arms in the Castle where they were, and took the City for Lysimachus, [ Jul. Fronti. Stratag. lib. 3. cap. 3.] and whereas the City of Ephesus being seated in a low ground, was a while after infinitely annoyed by an inundation of the sea coming in upon it, and quite drowned by it, of which deluge we may read an epigram in Stephanus Byzantinus, made by one Duris, Lysimachus now removed it into another place; and being new built, called it after the name of his new wife Arsinoe, though after his death, it quickly returned to her former name and appellation of Ephesus, [ Strabo lib. 14, p. 640. and Stephanus in Ephesus. ] and to replenish his new City with inhabitants, he demolished the two Cities of Lebedus, and Colophos, and removed the dwellers in them to it; which destruction of those two famous Cities, Phoenix in his Iambicks, grievously deploreth, [ Pausan. ut sup. ]

Seleucus, [Year of the World 3713] to stiff such Cities as he had built in Asia, [The Julian Period. 4423] and the lower Syria, [Year before Christ 289] and especially Antioch, the Metropolis of all the rest, removed the Jews from their own dwellings into them; giving them everywhere equalpriviledges, prerogatives and immunities with the Macedonians, both in Towns and Cities, [ Euseb. Chron. Joseph. Atiquit. lib. 12. cap. 3. & lib. 2. Cont. Apio. pag. 1063.] But of the Cities which he built, he named 16 after the name of his father Antioch, Antiochia; and six others after the name of his mother Laodice, Laodicea; nine of them from himself, Seleucia; three from his wife, Apamea; and one from his last wife, Stratonice: and to the rest, he gave certain Greek and Macedonic names, as came in his head: as Berraea, Ed • sla, Peila, and the like, [ Appian. in Syria. ]

Agathocles, [Year of the World 3715] the Tyrant of Sicily, [The Julian Period. 4425] coming to die, [Year before Christ 289] shipt away his wife Thoxena, with his two children, which he had by her, being very little ones, with all his treasure and family, and rich furniture, wherein he exceeded all other Kings, and sent them into Egypt, • rom whence he took her, fearing least so soon as he was dead, they should be made a spoil to some or other, together with his kingdom. Though his wife, entreated hardly, that at least she herself, might not be forced to leave him, whic • the breath was in his body; pleading for herself, that when she married him, she contracted a society with him of all fortunes, as well bad as good, and that she would willingly hazard her own life, to be with him at the hour and instant of his death, and his children, little though they were, yet hardly could they be drawn off 〈◊〉 holding by him; and in the end, part • ed from him with a doleful cry, and p • ttifull lamentation, when the wind served, and they must be gone, and so soon as they were gone, he breathed our his last, and gave up the ghost, [ Justin, lib. 23. cap. 2.]

Clearchus and Oxathres, [The Julian Period. 4426] the two Kings of Heraclea in Pontus, [Year before Christ 288] when their mother Amestris had gotten a ship-board to be gone from them, in a most barbarous manner, caused her to be thrown over-board, and drowned in the sea, [ Memnon Excerp. cap. 6.]

Lysimachus, [Year of the World 3716] desirous to revenge the death of Amistris, sometime his wife, came into Heraclea, and showing there all fatherly affection to Clearchus and those who were nearest about him; first slew him, and then his brother Oxathres, [ Id. cap. 7.] seventeen years after the death of Clearchus their farther: as may be gathered out of [ Diodorus. year 3. Olymp. 118.] and so, having reduced that City and territory thereunto belonging into his own power, and obliged it to himself, he took all the treasure belonging to those Tyrants, and whatever they had scraped together, into his own hands, and leaving the City in full liberty, and to live after their own laws, he returned into his own kingdom, [ Memnon, ut sup. ]

Strato of Lampsacus, the son of Arcesilaus, and surnamed Physicus, succeeded Theophrastus in his school; which Strato was the teacher and bringer up of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, who gave him for his pains, taken in his education, as it is said, fourscore talents, [ Diog. • aert. in Strabone. ]

Demetrius Poliorcetes, seeking to recover all his father Antigonus his Dominions, was now ready to land in Asia, with so huge an army, as no man after the days of Alexander the Great, to that time, had the like; for in his army he had no less than 100 thousand Foot, wanting two; and little less than 12 thousand Horse: in his Fleet he had full 500 ships; whereof some were of an excessive bigness, as of 15 or 16 tire of oars. Before his going, he made a firm league with Pyrrhus; for fear least he, moving some troubles in his absence, might interrupt, and hinder him in his main design, [ Plut. in Demetr. & Pyrrho. ]

Seleucus, [Year of the World 3717] Ptolemy, [The Julian Period. 4427] and Lysimachus, [Year before Christ 287] fearing, as well they might, whither this excessive preparation tended: combined together, and making one body of all their Forces, began to find him work, and to make war upon him in Europe; and in all their three names sent Ambassadors to Pyrrhus in Epirus, advising him to invade Macedon: nor should reckon that a league, which he had made with Demetrius, since he therein had no intention of peace; but only a purpose to be at liberty himself, to make war upon whom he pleased: Pyrrhus easily assented hereunto: debauched Demetrius his army, put him to flight, and took the kingdom of Macedon into his own possession, [ Id. ibid. Justin, lib. 16. cap. 2.] And this was the first time, as [ Pausan, in Attic. pag. 11.] noteth, that ever Pyrrhus was Master of some few Elephants.

But when Lysimachus came, and pretending that he had a hand in the quashing of Demetrius as well as Pyrrhus, and therefore craved halfs with him in the kingdom of Macedonia; Pyrrhus, doubting of the firmity of the Macedonians unto him, yielded thereto, and so came to a division of the kingdom of Macedon with him by Cities and Regions, [ Plut. ut sup. ]

But in this mangling of things, Lysimachus, finding that his son in law Antipater, complained openly that his father in law had cheated him of the kingdom of Macedon, made short work, and slew him: and because his daughter Euridice Antipaters now Relict, repined at the death of her husband, therefore he committed her to prison. And so the whole house of Cassander paid Alexander the Great the price, whether of his own death, or whether of the destruction of his Race, partly by murders, partly by torments, partly by parricidial acts committed in his own family to the utter extirpation of it, [ Justin, ut sup. ]

Thus Demetrius, being in an instant stripped of his kingdom, fled to Cassandria. But his wife Phila swallowed up with grief, and not enduring to see her husband fall again into the condition of a private man in a foreign country, and despairing of all better success in time to come, poisoned herself, and died, [ Plut. in Demetr. ]

When Demetrius lay at the siege of Athens, which had revolted from him to Pyrrhus, Crates the Philosopher, being sent in Embassy to him, persuaded him to raise his siege: whereupon, getting all his ships together, and putting aboard them eleven thousand Foot, besides his Horse, he sailed away into Asia, there to get all Caria and Lydia from Lysimachus. There Euridice the sister of his wife Phila, met him not far from Miletus, bringing with her Ptolemais, her daughter by Ptolemy of Egypt, whom his son in law Seleucus, had formerly spoken to Ptol • mei to bestow on him. Demetrius therefore now married her, by the good will of Euridice; and of her Demetrius begat Demetrius, who afterward reigned in Cyrenia, [ Ibid. ]

In this voyage, Demetrius took in many Towns and Cities, some by fair means, some by force, and some fell over from Lysimachus to him, who also brought great store of men and means with them. But when Agathocles the son of Lysimachus came towards him with an army, he marched up into Phrygia, purposing to invade Armenia, 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 and thereby to make a combustion in Media itself, and consequently to feel the pulse, of the upper provinces of Asia, and how they stood affected to him; for that there he might happily find many a lurking hole, if need should be: as for Agathocles, who followed him, he often worsted him in small encounters, but never came to a main battle with him, [ Ibid. ]

Nevertheless, failing many times of food for himself, and fodder for his Horse, he found himself sorely distressed, especially by an error committed in passing the Lycus, he lost many of his soldiers, which that fierce river swept away. And at last by a pestilence following the famine in his army, he lost eight thousand of his company, and was fain with the rest to come back to Tarsus in Silicia, where his purpose was to refrain all kind of injury and oppression of the people, as appertaining to Seleucus, whom he would not offend in any kind. But that could not be; considering the extreme necessity his army was in, and Agathocles kept all the passages of the Taurus, wherefore he wrote his letters to Seleucus; wherein complaing of his own hard fortune, he humbly besought him to compassionate his case, as a poor kinsman of his, and one that desired to be pitied, even of an enemy, [ Ibid. ]

Seleucus, [Year of the World 3718] taking into consideration the distressed estate of his father in law, wrote to his Commanders and officers in those parts, to supply him with all necessaries in a kingly manner, and not to suffer his army to want in any kind. But there was one Procles, an intimate friend and familiar of Seleucus, who wrought so far with him, by suspicions which he put into his head against Demetrius, that he presently led an army against him into Silicia. Demetrius, wondering at this sudden alteration in Seleucus, drew off presently into the craggy mountains of Taurus, and from thence sent his agents to him, to desire, that by his good leave, he might fall upon some free state or other, among the Barbarians; and there spend the remainder of his life, without ranging the world over any longer: but if not, yet that he would suffer him to winter quietly where he was, and not to expose him, in the extremity he now was in, to the force and fury of his enraged enemy. Seleucus made an ill construction of all these motions, and therefore granted him only, that, giving up into his hands the principal of his friends which he had about him for hostages and pledges of his good abearance, he should spend two months of his winter quarters in Cataonia, which was a country bordering upon Cappadocia, and withal, stopped up all passages which led from thence into Syria. [ Ibid. ]

And now Demetrius, being thus closed up like a wild beast in a den, having Agathocles the son of Lysimachus on the one hand, and Seleucus on the other, to watch him; turned himself to try what he could do by force, and wasted some of the provinces belonging to Seleucus, and in every encounter, had the better of him; and when Seleucus let his iron Chariots fly upon him, Demetrius sundry times routed them also, and put his enemies to flight; and took the passages of the mountains, casting out the Garrisons which Seleucus had there placed for the keeping of them. And growing now confident of his own strength, resolved to throw at all, in a pitch battle with Seleucus, when upon the sudden, a grievous sickness fell upon him, which utterly overthrew the state, both of his body, and also of his affairs, and hopes in the world; for that during his sickness his soldiers all abandoned him, some falling away to his enemies, and others disbanded, and went where they pleased. [ Ibid. ]

Whiles Demetrius thus lay under the lash of Seleucus in Syria, Lysimachus set upon Pyrrhus, in Macedonia; and in five years and six months space, wan it all from him, [ Dexip. and Porphy. ]

Demetrius, at the end of 40 days, being recovered of his sickness, taking such soldiers with him as were left, removed his Camp, making as if he would march into Silicia; and the night following, without sound of trumpet, turned short another way: and having passed the hill Amanus, ravaged and plundered all that Country as far as Cyrrhestica, a region in Syria. And when Seleucus came thither with his army, and encamped not far from him. Demetrius with his men came upon him by night, whiles he slept, yet he, getting notice of his coming by some that fled over to him, start out of his bed, and commanded an alarm to be sounded; and whiles he was putting on his shoes, cried out to his friends, that he had to do with a fierce wild beast: and Demetrius, finding, by the noise which he heard in the enemies Camp, that his coming was discovered, retired presently, and went his way. [ Plut. in, Demet. ]

So soon as it was day, Seleucus followed and overtook him; and Demetrius giving one wing to be led by a captain of his, led the other himself, and routed the wing of the enemy, on his side; then Seleucus leapt off his Horse, and took off his helmet, and with a target in his hand, shown himself bare faced to the mercenaries of Demetrius his army, and exhorted them to leave Demetrius, and fall over to him, and to be once so wise, as to understand, that it was more in favor of them, than of Demetrius, that he had refrained thus long from falling on them: whereupon they all cried out, God save Seleucus, and calling him their King, abandoned Demetrius, and served him, [ Ibid. ]

Demetrius; supposing this to be the last reverse of fortune, and worst that could befall him, retired to the streits of the mount Amanus, and there spent that night in a thick wood, with those few friends which he had about him: purposing from thence to go to the City Caunus, and hoping there to get shipping for some other country to flee unto. But when he saw that he had not so much as one days provision for them neither, it fell out so luckily with him, that an old friend of his, Sosigines, came and brought him 400 Crowns. This supply he hoped would carry him and his to the sea side; and therefore went by night, to pass the top of the mountain: yet because he saw by the fires everywhere made, that the enemy lay in his way, in great despair he was fain to return to the place whence he set out. And there, when one of the company told him; he should do well to put himself into Seleucus his hands, he drew his sword, and would have there present fallen upon it; but being persuaded by his friends about him to forbear, he sent to Seleucus, and submitted both himself and all that he had to his will and pleasure, [ Ibid. ]

Seleucus, having heard the message, gave order presently to his servants, to fit up a Royal Pavilion in most princely manner to receive Demetrius in; and dispatched away one Apollonides, who had formerly been an intimate friend of Demetrius, to comfort him, and to tell him, that there was no cause of fear, seeing he was to come to an old friend and son in law of his: when this came to the ears of Seleucus his servants, first by one and one, and anon after, they all flocked in great multitudes to Demetrius: which act of theirs, instead of compassion, caused envy towards him, and made his foes to alienate Seleucus his good intentions, from him; telling him, that no sooner should Demetrius be seen in the Camp, but he should find strange alterations, and innovations in it, [ Ibid. ]

Hereupon, Pausanias was sent with a train of about a thousand men, Horse and Foot together; who put all others from him, and instead of bringing him to Seleucus his presence, carried him away to a certain Foreland lying out into the Sea, in Syria. In that place was he kept ever after, with a strong guard upon him; but sufficient allowance made him, wanting for no monies, no walks, no gardens, nor places of hunting, or other recreations, that his heart could with: and his friends that had followed him, had free leave to have access unto, and converse with him: nor passed there a day, wherein some or other came not unto him, to see him from Seleucus, with friendly messages from him, and to bid him be of good comfort, and to put him in hope of his further liberty upon reasonable conditions: so soon as Antiochus (which was Seleucus his son) and his wife Stratonice were come to Court, [ Ibid. ] yet [ Diodorus, lib. 21.] tells us, that he was all this while kept prisoner at Pella, [ Hen. Vales. in Excerpt. pag. 262.]

Demetrius, being fallen into this condition, wrote to his son, and other Captains, and friends of his at Athens, and Corinth, and other places, that they should give no credence to any letters that might happen to come to them as sent from him, or sealed with his seal: but should look to, and order all, for the behoof of his son Antigonus, as if himself were actually dead, [ Plut. in Demetr. ] from whence it is that Porphyry deduceth Antigonus his reign over Greece from this time; to wit, from the tenth year before he added the kingdom of Macedon to his other Dominions: which Prophyrie telleth us further, that this Antigonus, from a place called Goni in Thessalia, where he was bred and brought up, was surnamed Gonates, [Scalig. in Graec. Eusebia. pag. 226.] Now Antigonus, hearing the news of his fathers captivity, took it very heavily, and put himself into mourning weeds, and wrote away his letters, as to sundry other Kings, so to Seleucus himself, in all humble manner and suppliant-wife, offering himself, and whatever he could call his, in pledge unto him for his father; the like letters and messages came to Seleucus from sundry Cities and Potentates, on his behalf, [ Plut. in Demetr. ]

Only Lysimachus by his letters advised Seleucus to take heed how he let a man go, of so ambitious and turbulent a spirit, so ambitious of Sovereignty, and so encroaching upon the rights of all other Kings, and offering him 2 thousand talents gratuity, if he would send him packing out of the World: but Seleucus, who had never any good opinion of the man, upon this letter of his, grew into utter detestation of him, as of a barbarous and execrable person, and spared not to let fall foul words to his Ambassadors, for that they went about to persuade him, not only to break the word and promise which he had given, but also to commit so prodigious a murder upon a person, so many ways and so nearly allied unto him: nevertheless he wrote away his letters forthwith to his son Antiochus, who was then in Media, for his advise, what he should do with Demetrius now he had him: for that, of himself, he was purposed to let him go at liberty, and to restore him in all points to his former state and glory of a King; which he therefore thought fit to communicate to him, because he had married his daughter Stratonice, and had children by her, [ Id. Ib. and Diod. in Excerpt. published by Hen. Vales. lib. 21.]

Demetrius, [Year of the World 3719] being hitherto confined to that Chersonese or neck of land, [The Julian Period. 4429] at first, [Year before Christ 285] forbare not to exercise himself in hunting, and other sports: but by little and little grew idle and rechlesse, and fell to potting and dicing, and spent his time for the most part that way. Plut. in Demet. ]

Ptolemy of Egypt, surnamed Soter, having children first by Euridice, the daughter of Antipater, and then by Berenice, whom Antipater sent as a companion only with his daughter, into Egypt, drawing now near to his end, left Ptolemeus, surnamed Philadelphus, one of his sons, which he had by Bernice, to succeed him in the kingdom, as Pausan. in Attic. affirmeth. [Justin lib. 16. cap. 2.] telleth us, that before ever he grew into any infirmity of body, he put over his kingdom to his said son, and that he gave his reasons for his so doing to the people. But Lucianus in Macrobiis, and Porphyry in the Greek Eusebian fragments, [pag. 225.] tell us, that when he had reigned 38 years alone, he then joined his son with him in the kingdom, and so held it jointly with him two years. But I conceive, that it was in the 39 year, beginning after the death of Alexander, that he took his son Philadelphus into the consortship of the kingdom with him, and that in remembrance thereof it was, that Dionysius the Astronomer, framed a new Era or Calendar, to be reckoned from the summer of this year, 3719. as Clan. Ptolomeus showeth in his Great Syntaxis, out of the said Dio • ysius his celestial observations, which Dionysius is the same man, and none other which this Ptolemeus Philadelphus sent into India, as Pliny [lib. 6. cap. 17. reporteth. ]

Hermippus says, that Demetrius P • alereus advised Ptolemy, the father, by all means to join with him in his kingdom, one of his sons begotten of Euridice, and not of Ber • nice: and Heraclides, (reported by Diog. Laertius in Demetr. Phaler. in his Epitome of the successions of Sotion,) saith, that when the said Ptolemy would needs give the Diademe to his son Philadelphus, Demetrius said to him, Sir, take heed what ye do; if you give it once away, you will never have it again; yet did the father for all this, not only give him the Crown in the open sight of all the people, but also attended on him as one of his ordinary guard or Pensioners, saying, That it far surpassed the having of a kingdom, to be the father of a king, [ Just in lib. 16. cap. 2.]

Ptolemeus surnamed Ceraunus, ( i. e. ) Lightning, either for his quickness and celerity in dispatch of business, or for his fierceness of nature, as Memnon saith, the son of Euridice, seeing his younger brother made King before him, for fear of what might follow, got him privily away, and fled to Seleucus; and he pitied his ease, as of the son of a friend, and entertained him with large and honorable allowance, not without some signification, that when ever his father came to die, he would set him in his throne in Egypt, [ Memnon in Excerpt, cap. 9. & 13. Appian an Syriac. pag. 128.]

In the 124 Olympiad, as we find in Cyril of Alexandria, [ lib. 1. cont. Julia. ] the image of Serapis was brought from Sinope, upon the Euxine sea to Alexandria, in the reign of Ptolemeus Philadelphu • , as some think, or rather under Ptolemy the first, his father, (for in the beginning of this Olympiad it was, that they reigned jointly, as was said before) for, that Ambassadors were sent from him concerning this very thing to Scydrothenis, who was at that time King of Sinope in Pontus, Cornelius Tacitus showeth at large in the fourth book of his History, toward the end thereof.

In the same Olympiad, [Year of the World 3720] as we find in Euseb. Chron. Sostratus of Cnidus built the Pharus, [The Julian Period. 4430] of watch-tower, [Year before Christ 284] in Alexandria, of which Pliny, [lib. 36. cap. 12.] speaketh in this wife, Magnificatur turris a rege facta, &c. (i. e.) Much renowned, saith he, is the Tower built by a King in the Isle of Pharus, which makes the port of Alexandria, which Pharus cost 800 talents the building: wherein (to omit nothing great was the mind of Ptolemy the King, in that he suffered Sostratus, the Architict of that great work, to set his name upon it. The use of which Tower was, to bear a light in it, for the help of those who travelled by sea in the night season: and by day, to show them the way into the port, and how to avoid the shelves that lay before it. [Strabo lib. 17. pag. 791.] calls this Sostratus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. ( i. e.) the friend of Kings; meaning, of the two Ptolemeis, father and son, who, as I shown before, at this time held that kingdom in consortship together: and withal, relates the inscription which Sostratus there made of himself; as thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Softratus a Cnidian born, the son of Dexiphanes, to the gods the delivererers, for the benefit of the sea-men, and Lucian in the end of his book, of the right writing of a History, hath the same, saving, that he saith; Sostrates inserted it somewhere cunningly, and of himself, and not, as Pliny, by the sufferance and good liking of the two Kings. For when he built the Tower, he graved this inscription somewhere in the inside of it; and then plastered it over, and upon that plaster, set the name of the Ptolemy, whoever it were, that then reigned, conceiving that it would come to pass in some short time, (as indeed it did) that the upper inscription, together with the plaster, would fall off, and then his own name, that was graven under in good stone, would appear.

But to the end that there might be a safe arrival made for shipping to this Pharus, which lay 7 furlons distant from the main land, there was made a huge causei, which joined the Island to the Continent, and made it now to be no longer a distinct Island; but a Chersonese or Peninsula, and a part of the Continent, joining to Rhacotis a suburbe of the City of Alexandria: of which [ In. Caesar, in lib. 3. Commenta. De Bello civi. ] toward the end thereof, speaketh in this wise: Pharus, saith he, is a tower in that Island, of a woundrous heighth, and sumptuously built, which is so called from the Island itself whereon it stands: This Island lying over against Alexandria, makes an arm of the sea between a sure haven for the Cities use; but, a superioribus Regibus; (for so it should be, as Brodaeus, Scaliger, and Salianus have well observed, not, a superioribus Regionibus, as the vulgar printed Copies have it) ( i. e.) by their Kings in elder ages, had a narrow causway of 900 paces long been made thorough the sea, which by the help of a bridge joineth it to the town, for we may in no sort give credit to that fable of [ Ammia. Marcell. lib. 22. of Johan. Malela, lib. 9. cap. 2. of the Author of the Fasti siculi of George Cedremus, and Joh. Tzetza, ] who dream, that both the tower itself, and causway, were the work of Cleopatra, the last Queen of Egypt.

Spartacus, the King of Bosphorus Cimmerius died, when he had reigned 22 years, as Diodorus telleth us in the year 1. of the 119. Olympiad: after whom, as it seemeth, succeeded his son Parysates, of whom I spake in the year of the World, 3695.

Demetrius Poliorcetes, who had now laien three whole years confined in a Promontory or Foreland of Syria, partly with laziness, partly with potting and gormandising, fell into a sickness, and died, [ Plut. in Demett. ] 17 years after the decease of his father Antigonus: as [ Dexippus, Porphrie and Eusebius say: ] Seleucus was ill spoken of abroad in the world about his death: and indeed, he repented him often, and blamed himself for being so jealous and suspicious of him. But Antigonus, Demetrius his son, when he heard that the Relics of his father were coming towards him, put to sea, with all the shipping that he could make, and met them about the Isles, and there receiving the ashes of his fathers body, laid them up in a golden Urne, and covering them over with a veil of Scarlet, and a Diadem or golden Crown set thereon, and using all Rites Pomps, and Ceremonies usual and belonging to so great a Funeral, carried them along with him first to Corinth, and afterward to Demetrias, a City so called after his fathers name, and by him peopled with men, drawn out from the lesser towns and villages of Iolcos in Thessalie.

Seleucus, having now gotten all that which Demetrius possessed in Syria, and Asia, properly so called, made of both those kingdoms one entire Empire, [ Euseb. Chron. ] at which time the Jews paid him 300 talents yearly for their tribute: yet they had no foreign Ruler set over them, but were governed by their High Priests, and according to the fashion of their country, [ Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2.]

In this year, [Year of the World 3721] Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, surnamed Soter, died; after his joining his son with him in the consortship of the kingdom, or the Epoch of the Dionysian account, 1 year, and almost 3 months after the death of Alexander the Great, 39 years and 4 months, or thereabouts (for which others reckon 40 full years; but [ Clau. Ptol. in Reg. Can. ] 39. years only) when he had lived full 84 years, as [ Lucian hath it in Macrobils. ] The countries and kingdoms which he held in his possession, are all contained, [ Idyll. 17.] of Theocritus the Poet; as namely, Egypt, Phoenicia, Arabia, Syria, Libya, Ethiopia, Pamphilia, Silicia, Lycia, Caria, and the Isles of the Cyclades. And the truth is, that he is said to have joined in arms with Seleucus, against Demetrius, upon express conditions, that the dominion of all Asia should be to Seleucus, but Phoenicia and Coelosyria he would have to himself. But the Seleucians say, nay; but that Ptolemy entered into an association of arms against Antigonus, not to gain anything thereby to himself; but only to help Seleucus in the claim which he laid to Coelosyria; and that, that, upon the death of Antigonus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, was it which cast Coelosyria upon Seleucus, [ Palyb. lib. 5. pag. 410.] Now although there be no doubt but that Phoenicia and Syria, as Theocritus also testifieth, did sometime belong to Ptolemy; and that he after the death of Antigonus, who had wrested them out of his hands, subdued Syria again to himself; as [ Pausan. in Attic. ] relateth: yet we have already shown, that Tyre and Sidon, were in the possession of Demetrius Poliorcetes; and after his death, if not before, both those two places and all the rest of Syria, came into Seleucus his possession.

Josephus, [ lib. 12. cap. 2.] gives Ptolemeus Philadelphus 39 years of his reign, reckoning as it seemeth from the time, that he first reigned jointly with his father: for after his fathers death, Clemens Alexandrinus gives him but 37 years, [ Claud. Ptolemaeus, in Reg. Can. 38.] and so do Porphrie, Eusebius, and others. Whereas, according to my acco •• , he reigned after his fathers decease, 37 years and almost 8 months, but in all, 39 years, wanting one month. But how long soever he reigned, certain it is, that he put to death his younger brother Argaeus, as guilty of conspiring his death, so did he another brother of his, born of Euridice, as detected for soliciting the Isle of Cyprus to a revolt from him, [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 6.] Whereby it seems, that he little deserved that specious name of Philadelphus, (i. e.) a lover of his brethren. Theocritus in his 17 Idyllion saith, that he had in his dominions 33339 Cities, and is said to have been of so great power, that he exceeded therein, his father Ptolemy the first: which Jerome confirmeth out of Histories, upon [ Daniel, cap. 11.] and so doth Appianus Alexandrinus, out of the Records of the Kings of Egypt, in his preface to his History of the Romans, unto whom for this purpose we may add, what Athenaeus, [