Commentary on Daniel

1. Doctr. That order is necessary in a kingdom.

v. 1. Darius set over the kingdom an 120. governors, &c. This prudent Prince knew that no Commonwealth could stand without order: for like as in families, where confusion is, and no order, all things go to ruin, so much more in the great family of the Commonwealth without order all things soon come to decay. Therefore Jethro gave wise counsel unto Moses, that there might be captains over thousands, hundreds, fifties, one to be under another: And the Queen of Saba coming to Solomon wondered at nothing more, then to see the order of his house, 1. king. 10. So here the king first setteth a certain number of governors over his whole kingdom: then he appointeth three to take account of them, whereof Daniel was one. Bulling.

2. Doctr. Of the ende of Civil administration and government which must be for the common good.

v. 2. That the king might have no damage. Darius was careful that the treasure of the kingdom should be maintained: not therein respecting his own private gain, but his principal care was to uphold and support the charges of the kingdom: for the kings purse and treasure is for the maintenance of the Commonwealth: the Crown cannot want, but the whole Commonwealth will soon feel it. Though Princes may by their revenues and receipts maintain their princely dignity, and employ part thereof upon their pleasure, and bestow it, as they see cause; yet they must have care, that there be sufficient to support the burdens and charges of the Commonwealth: and to remember, that their subsidies are, ipsum sudorem & sanguinem populi, the very sweat and blood of the people, and therefore must be sparingly used, Polan. as Nehemiah had that respect unto the people (in respect of their present poor estate) that he did forbear to eat the bread of the governor, Nehem. 5. 14.

3. Doctr. How prayer should be made.

v. 10. He prayed and praised his God. Daniel only was not a petitioner unto God for the obtaining of good things, and the turning away of evil: but he also together gives thanks for the benefits received. Men then must learn not only to be beggars of God, but to offer up the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving also: as S. Paul exhorteth, that not only prayers be made, and intercessions, but giving of thanks, 1. Tim. 2. 1. And the Apostle followeth his own rule, Rom. 1. 9. First I thank my God, then he cometh to his prayer, v. 10. Always in my prayer, beseeching &c.

4. Doctr. Of kneeling in prayer.

v. 10. He kneeled upon his knees. Though a man may pray in his heart unto God without any outward gesture, as Moses did, Exod. 14. 15. when the Lord said unto him, Why criest thou unto me? when as Moses was not heard, nor his prayer perceived by any gesture, but he cried unto God in his heart: yet when as opportunity serveth, as it doth most fitly in private houses, and in public places of prayer, then it becometh us to humble our selves upon our knees, thereby to stir up our devotion, and to express our humility. Thus our Savior fell upon his face, when he prayed in the garden, and Daniel here prayeth upon his knees. If subjects humble themselves upon their knees to their Prince, how much more should we use all humbleness and lowliness in gesture before God?

5. Doctr. Of the ministry of Angels.

v. 22. My God hath sent his Angel, &c. God could at his beck have stayed the rage of the lions, as he commanded the Whale to cast up Jonah, but it pleaseth him for his own glories sake, and the comfort of his children, to use the ministry of his holy Angels and blessed spirits: as the Apostle saith, Are they not all ministering spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heirs of salvation? Heb. 1. 14. And in three things doth it please the Lord to use the ministry of Angels; in preserving and defending of his children, as Jacob saw the Lord's host, when he was afraid of his brother, Gen. 32. 1. or in the destruction of their enemies, as Sennacherib's host was smitten by an Angel, 2. king. 19. or in conveying blessings, as Manna is called Angels food, which was ministered unto the people by the Angels.

6. Doctr. How far the Prince is to be obeyed.

v. 22. Unto thee, O king, have I done no hurt: Hereupon Melancthon well noteth, that although Daniel did go against the kings Edict and decree, yet he had committed no evil against him: So if Princes command unjust and impious things, they are not hurt, if their precepts be not obeyed: neither must they think themselves despised, if God be preferred before them: As the Apostles resolution was, when they were forbidden to speak in the name of Jesus, Whether it be right in the sight of God, to obey you rather then God, judge ye, Act. 4. 19. And hereby Melancthon justly excuseth the Protestants of Germany for refusing to obey the Emperors edicts, made against the profession and professors of the Gospel.

7. Doctr. Of true miracles.

v. 23. No manner of hurt was found upon him. Hence Polanus well inferreth, divina miracula non esse praestigias, that divine miracles are not counterfeit tricks, such as are the juggling feats of Magicians: but the Lord's works are wonderful in deed: the three servants of God, which were cast into the fiery oven, had not so much as the smell of fire upon them: And Daniel hath no hurt by the lions at all: God only maketh true wonders. But the power of Satan and his ministers, is by false signs, and lying wonders, as the Apostle calleth them, 2. Thess. 2. 9.

8. Doctr. That the beasts and other creatures are ready to execute God's will.

v. 22. And hath shut the lions mouth. The unreasonable creatures, as here they do spare Daniel, so at other times, they are ready to execute vengeance: as the lyon that slue the Prophet, that was disobedient to the word of God, 1. king. 13. 25. and another was slain by a lyon, for not obeying the Prophet, 1. king. 20. 36. And the Lord sent lions upon the Samaritans, because they feared nor the Lord, 2. king. 17. 25. So whether it be to show mercy, or to execute judgment, the creatures are ready to perform the will of God, Polan.

9. Doctr. Of the force and efficacy of faith.

v. 23. Because he believed in him. Daniel here by his faith was delivered from the lions, because with a firm and assured trust he reposed himself upon God. So S. James saith, c. 5. 15. The prayer of faith shall save the sick: and as Clemens Alexand. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , faith is effectual and available to salvation. But though every faithful man have not this particular and peculiar kind of faith, (which is called the faith of miracles) yet they are assured by their faith to be everlastingly saved, though they are not thereby secure and assured always of temporal deliverance.

10. Doctr. The magistrates office is not only to procure things temporal, but spiritual also for their subjects.

v. 26. As Darius here maketh a decree that all men in his kingdom should fear Daniel's God, so it belongeth to the magistrate not only to procure outward peace, and to watch over the people for their bodily and worldly wealth; but to see also, that they profess true religion, and be brought to the right knowledge of God, Papp. Thus did the good kings of Judah, David, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah, they abolished idolatry, and superstition, and planted true religion.

1. Controv. Against canonical and stinted hours of prayer.

1. Bellarmine upon this example of Daniel doth ground the institution of their canonical hours, the third, ninth, and sixth: and Pintus addeth further, not only at these three times, but seven times a day doth the Catholic Church pray, septem horis canonicis, in the seven canonical hours: as David saith, Seven times a day will I praise thee, Psal. 119. which was shadowed forth by the seven times blowing of the trumpets, Josh. 6. 4.

Contra. 1. They do in these positions contradict themselves: for if they would prove by Daniel's example, that there are three canonical hours, how come they to have seven. 2. David prayed also at midnight, Psal. 119. v. 62. beside his seven times a day: then by this reason there shall be yet more then 7. canonical hours: and David in that place by seven times, understandeth many, according to the phrase of Scripture, Levite. 26. 18. and Prov. 24. 16. A just man falleth seven times. 3. not only these hours, but all other are consecra • ed to prayer, according to the saying of the Apostle, 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually: As David prayed in the morning, evening and at noon, Psal. 55. 17. and he used to remember God upon his bed, and in the watches of the night, Psal. 63. 5. and our blessed Savior continued all night in prayer, Luk. 6. 12. 4. Yet it is convenient in respect of our infirmity, that men should tie themselves to certain hours for their private prayers, without superstition: that although it be free for us to pray at all times, quisque tamen sentire debet suam infirmitatem, vt remedia sibi accersat, yet every man must take knowledge of his infirmity, and use the helps and remedies to stir up his dullness by keeping his set hours of prayer, Calvin. yet so as his affection and devotion be not tied unto these hours, but that at all other times, as his necessity requireth, and occasion serveth, he be ready to call upon God. 5. As for Daniel's example, he kept not those hours, as being addicted in devotion and religious observation more to one time, then another, but because that he was most vacant and free from other employments, as is before shown, qu. 15.

6. But the Popish observation of canonical hours we refuse for diverse reasons. 1. because they think the very keeping of the hour is a part of God's worship. 2. they enjoin them with such necessity to be kept, as though they could not be omitted without mortal sin. 3. they think by this keeping of their canonical hours to merit at God's hand, Polan. see more hereof, Centur. 4. err. 90.

2. Controv. That it is no Apostolical tradition to pray toward the East.

1. Daniel here prayeth toward Jerusalem, which was scituate southwest from Babylon: and the Sanctuary was toward the West, and the door of it opened toward the East: therefore the superstitious situation of Churches, as of necessity East and West, hath no ground out of the Scriptures, Oecolampad. the Apostle exhorteth men to lift up pure hands, every where, 1. Tim. 2. 8. Every place is fit to make our prayer in: and God is everywhere present to hear those which call upon him in faith: see more, Synops. Cent. 2. err. 52.

2. Beside, the heresy of the Ebionites is very gross, who held, that Christians should pray toward Jerusalem, as Irenaeus writeth of them, lib. 1. adverse. haeres. cap. 26. for now the Temple of Jerusalem, together with the ceremonies thereof is abolished, the true Temple Christ Jesus being come.

3. Controv. That the public profession of our faith is necessary, and it is not sufficient, to have it inwardly in the heart.

v. 10. Daniel opened his windows to the intent that he should be seen of all, not of vain glory, but that his constancy in the worship of God might be known to all, notwithstanding the kings edict to the contrary: Hereby is confuted the error of the Georgians, Libertines, and Nicodemites in these days: the same was the error of the Helchesaites in times past, that if any denied his faith in time of persecution, and kept it in his heart, he sinned not. And for the strengthening of this error, diverse reasons are brought.

1. They allege, that the Magistrate, who is in God's place, is to be obeyed, as the Apostle teacheth, that whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, Rom. 13. 2.

Contra. 1. Magistrates as they are in God's place, so they must command and rule according to the will and word of God: they have not received an absolute power to command what they list, but limited according to the rules of God's holy word. The Apostles themselves refused to obey the Magistrates which enjoined them not to speak in the name of Jesus, Act. 4. 19.

2. Men must have care of their wife and children, whom willfully for a man to forsake in casting himself into apparent danger, it were impious.

Contra. Wife and children ought to be loved, and cared for, but the love of Christ must be preferred: as our Savior saith, that he which loveth wife or children, more then me, is not worthy of me, Matth. 10.

3. But the shedding of Christian blood should be prevented: men should not offer themselves to apparent danger which giveth occasion of much bloodshed.

Contra. 1. The constant servants of God, are not the cause of bloodshed, but the wicked persecutors, which kill them cruelly and unjustly: as our blessed Savior saith, John. 16. 2. Whosoever killeth you, will think he doth God good service: and these things will they do unto you, because they have not known me. 2. The very death of the righteous is precious in God's sight, Psal. 116. 15. and God receiveth as much honor by the constant death of his Saints, as he doth by their godly life. 3. Otherwise the holy Martyrs should be blameable, because by their constant profession, murder and bloodshed is occasioned: whose memory is honorable before God, and man: as Eusebius maketh mention of a certain city in Phrygia, the citizens whereof together with the Magistrates professing themselves to be Christians, were all put to the sword under the persecution of Di • cletian and Maximinian, & their city burnt with fire. Euseb. lib. 8. c. 11.

4. They object, that it sufficeth to keep faith and religion in the heart: it is no • necessary in time of danger outwardly to profess it.

Contra. 1. S. Paul joineth both these together, to believe with the heart, and to confess with the mouth, Rom. 10. 10. 2. Peter denied Christ only with the mouth, yet he wept bitterly for this his fall▪ Eusebius writeth how the persecutors would draw Christians to their idolatrous sacrifices, and say they had sacrificed, and yet they did not: who notwithstanding were reproved, because they in silence suffered such crimes to be objected: but some would cry out, they had not sacrificed, but were Christians. 3. Chrysostom hath an excellent tractate of this, or who else was the author of that imperfect work upon Matthew, that we must confess Christ with all our senses: and if a man fail in any of them, it is no perfect confession of Christ: As, though thou doest not eat of things sacrificed to idols, if thou do but look upon them how beautiful they are, oculis negasti Christum, thou hast denied Christ with thine eyes: If one say unto thee, do but hear how such an one blasphemeth Christ: if thou hearken, iam auribus tuis negasti Christum, now thou hast denied Christ with thine ears: If it be further said, do but stay and smell the incense offered to idols, if thou smell, odoratu tuo Christum offendisti, thou hast offended Christ with thy smell: If thou eat not, but seem to taste, or touch the idolatrous sacrifices, gustu, tactu tuo Christum abnegasti, by thy taste, by thy touching thou hast denied Christ.

4. Pappus here showeth five reasons, why the confession of the truth should be preferred before all dangers or perils whatsoever. 1. There are great promises, which are made to such as confess Christ here: he will confess them before his father in heaven, Matth. 10. 32. 2. Debitum animi grati, the debt of a thankful mind requireth this at our hands, that we should freely confess the name of God, of whom we receive so many benefits in token of our thankfulness. 3. The great dangers must be considered, which men by not confessing of Christ, do cast themselves into: they do hazard their own souls, Mark. 8. 35. He tha • (by this means) shall save his life, shall loose it: and Christ will deny him in heaven, that shall deny Christ in earth, Matth. 10. 33. 4. The utility of our brethren, and general good of the Church, which is edified and built up by such examples of constancy, ought to encourage us. 5. And the singular examples of so many holy Martyrs and confessors of the truth, should embolden us. The Jews when Petronius attempted to bring in Caesars image into the Church, rather offered themselves to die, then to suffer it, Joseph. lib. 18. c. 10, 11. Polycarpus when the Roman governor would have compelled him to swear by Caesars fortune, openly withstood him, Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. And a noble man of Nicomedia pulled down and rent in pieces the Emperors edict set up against the Christians. Euseb. l. 8. c. 5.

5. Here I cannot omit that distinction of Calvin, of confession, that it is of two sorts, • um palam testamur, quod est in animo, when we do publicly testify what is in our mind: and this is not alwas necessary: the other kind is, ne aliquod peruersae simulationis signum demus, that we give not any perverse sign of dissimulation: and this must be perpetually observed: as Daniel here, though he doth not publicly proclaim his faith, yet by his gesture and behavior he doth show it.

4. Controv. That it is not lawful worshipping God to look toward an image.

Because Daniel prayed looking toward Jerusalem, the Romanists may infer, that it is as lawful to look toward an image, when they worship God: for, as they allege, they do not worship the image, but God represented by the image.

1. To pray toward Jerusalem was a ceremonial duty for those times: they looked that way toward the Temple, which was a type of Christ: as they looked toward the type and figure, so we must turn our eyes toward the body, that is, look up into heaven where Christ is. 2. They had a commandment to pray toward the Temple, and had a promise to be heard: but to worship God before an image is forbidden, and accursed, Deut. 27. 15. 3. We are not only forbidden in Scripture to worship any strange god, which is prohibited in the first commandment; but likewise it is unlawful to worship him in any other manner, then he himself hath prescribed, which thing is against the • econd commandment.

5. Controv. Against the Papists and Vbiqui • aries that hold a carnal presence in the sacrament.

As they offend which look toward an image, when they worship God: so likewise they that turn themselves with adoration toward the bread in the Eucharist, supposing there to be the bodily presence of Christ. In both these the Romanists are offenders. 1. Indeed if the humanity of Christ were corporally present, as they imagine, adoration were to be yielded unto it: As the Apostle saith, when he bringeth in his first begotten son into the world, he saith, and let all the Angels of God worship him: wheresoever Christ is present in his humanity, he is there to be worshipped. 2. Therefore the Vbiquitaries and Lutherans, which hold an omnipresence of Christ's flesh, and so affirm the same to be present in the Eucharist, and yet will not have it adored in the Sacramental bread, cannot justify with any show of reason this their assertion: for wheresoever Christ is, he is there to be adored and worshipped: neither need they to expect any new commandment • (as they allege) far Thomas, as soon as he knew Christ to be him, whom he felt, he presently worshipped, saying, my Lord, and my God. 3. But as these are overseen, in not adoring Christ whom they hold to be present, to they both are in error to maintain a carnal presence, the one with adoration, the other without, which is a fancy of their own: for the Scripture only commendeth unto us Christ to be spiritually by faith eaten and drunken in the Sacrament: as our Blessed Sauour himself, it is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing, the words that I speak unto you are spirit and life, John. 6. 63.

6. Controv. Of the false suggestions of the Papists against Protestants.

Like as these accusers of Daniel could find out no matter of accusation against him touching his life and office, but entrappe him in his religion, and do bring him into danger for his sincerity and truth: and then they accuse him as a contemner of the king, and his decrees, v. 13. The very same course do the Papists take against the Protestants: whom they cannot touch with any crime of life, they wind in for their conscience in religion: and they call that heresy, which is the truth and piety: And then, when they obey not their wicked and impious decrees, they accuse them as rebels to the Prince: Thus are the servants of God handled in Italy and Spain: so that there, Omnia cum liceant, non licet esse pium, when all things else are lawful, it is not lawful to be godly, Polan.

7. Controv. Of the unjust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruel inquisition, condemning the Protestants, their cause not being heard.

v. 16. As Daniel was presently brought and cast into the lions den, it was sufficient to accuse him, he hath no liberty given him to answer for himself: Thus both under the Pagan Emperors of Rome were the Christians proceeded against, being not suffered to come to their answer: as appeareth in the Apology of Justinus and Athenagoras: And this course the Spanish Inquisitors take in their cruel inquisitions against the Protestants to this day, condemning them in corners, and never bringing them to public answer, Polan.

8. Controv. Of the practicing of Popes against Princes.

v. 21. O king live forever. Daniel here prayeth for the life and prosperity of the king, who had unjustly persecuted him, and commanded him to be cast into the lions den: And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications should be made for Kings, who then were heathen and persecutors, 1. Tim. 2. 2. So the Christians used to pray for the heathen Emperors, wishing unto them vitam prolixam, imperium securum, domum tutam, exercitus fortes, Setum fidelem, a long life, a quiet Empire, a safe house, strong armies, a faithful Senate, a good people, &c. Tertull. in Apologet. c. 30.

Contrarie hereto hath been and yet is the practice of the Popes of Rome: they pray not for Princes, but rather seek to make a prey of them. They excommunicate princes, such as favor not their superstition, and stir up their subjects to rebellion against them. Gregor. 2. and 3. Leo. 3. did excommunicate the Emperors: Gregor. 7. waged battle against Henry the 4. he hired one to have brained him with a stone in the Church, but that the mischief was prevented, the beam being broken, and the stone falling down, which drew • he murderer to the ground after it: Clemens the 5. practiced to have poisoned Henry of Lucelburg the Emperor, in a consecrated host: Paschalis the 2. set Henry the 5. against Henry the 4. his father: Adrianus stirred up the Lombards against Frederike Barbarossa the Emperor, and betrayed him to the Sultane of Egypt: Such were the practices of late also of that bloody Sea, against our late renowned Sovereign, as in the conspiracy of Ballard with his confederates, and of Parrie incited by the counsel and gifts of the Cardinal of Coinie, to mu • there our worthy Queen Elizabeth, Polan. And now since his majesty came unto the crown, first treacherous Watson, with his adherents attempted against the kings Royal person: and since, that miscreant crew, Catesbie, Percie, Digbe, with their mates enterprised that monstrous attempt by gunpowder to have blown up the parliament house, and so at once to have made havoc of King, Queen, Prince, nobles, and the chief of the commons.

9. Controv. Whether one is just before God by an inherent justice.

v. 22. My justice was found out before him. It followeth not hereupon, because in this particular act Daniel was innocent before God, that therefore by any righteousness in us, we are justified before God: the justice whereby we are justified with God, is the righteousness of Christ imputed unto us by faith, and is not inherent in us, as the Apostle saith, that I may be found in him, not having mine own righteousness, which is of the law, but that which is through faith in Christ, Philip. 3. 10. Beside this justice which is unto eternal life, which is not inherent but imputed, there is, iustitia temporaria, a temporary justice or righteousness which is our innocence and holiness, which is called our Sanctification, and this is inherent in us, the first is called, iustitia personae, the righteousness of the person, which is justified by faith in Christ, the other is, iustitia causae, the righteousness of our cause. See more of this question of inherent justice, Synops. Centur. err. 56.

10. Controv. Whether Daniel's innocence were the meritorious cause of his deliverance.

According to the reading of the vulgar Latin, because my righteousness is found out before him, hence this collection is made by the Romanists, that Daniel's innocence was the cause of his deliverance.

Contra. 1. The word is not well translated, quia, or quoniam, because, but rather, propterea: therefore, as Iun. and Polan. for so the words, col kebel di, may be translated: and then the meaning is, that this deliverance of Daniel was only a testimony of his innocence, and to show the goodness of his cause.

2. But if it be translated, quia, because, it is not always taken as a causal, but as an illatiue particle, a word only of inference and consequence, as cap. 2. 43. whereas thou sawest iron mixed with clay, there the very same words are used, yet is it not there taken as a causal: for the kings vision and dream, was no cause of the things to come, which were revealed unto him: so Psal. 25. 11. David saith, be merciful unto mine iniquity, for it is great: the greatness of his sin was not the cause of forgiveness: this conjunction therefore always showeth not the cause.

3. There is great difference between these two, for ones innocence to be found before God, and for the same innocence to merit: for to merit is required that a man should do some work, dignum compensatione, worthy of compensation: but innocence is not man's work, it is God's work in man: for if the innocence and godnesse of the cause should deserve a temporal deliverance, then God should have dealt unjustly with many martyrs, which have not been temporally delivered, Polan.

4. The cause then of Daniel's deliverance, was indeed the faith of Daniel, as it followeth, v. 13. there was no hurt found upon him, because he believed in his God. And so the Apostle testifieth, Heb. 11. that Daniel by faith stopped the mouths of lions, & ex hac vera fide sequitur innocentia vitae, and out of this faith proceeded his innocence as a fruit thereof, Osiander, for otherwise without his faith, though this cause had been never so good, it should not have been accepted.

5. Here also we must distinguish between eternal deliverance, and temporal: God delivereth us from everlasting death, not for any respect of any righteousness in us, but freely of his own grace he respecteth us in Christ: but in particular deliverances, Deus potest respicere vniuscuiusque iustitiam, God may respect every ones righteousness, not as it is theirs, but as it is wrought in the by his spirit, Cal. So then as Melancthon saith, here are three things to be considered, saith whereby we are acceptable unto God: and so it is said here, that Daniel believed in his God: inchoata obedientia, our inchoate obedience, which is accepted with God, because we are justified by faith: & our righteousness, whereby we are just before men: both these are also here expressed in Daniel, my justice was found out before God, and unto thee O king have I done no hurt: To conclude then this point, a man's particular justice & innocence is rather an antecedent of his deliverance then a cause. And in some sort it may be said to be a cause also, yet not of it self, but as it concurreth with faith, for the which the Lord respecteth us, and our obedience, though imperfect in Christ, Iun. in comment.

11. Controv. That a general faith, called fides implicita, an implied faith, is not sufficient.

v. 23. Because he believed in God: not as the Latin hath, he believed God, for in the text there is the preposition beth: And hereby is signified, not a general apprehension only, that God was true of his promises, and that he was the only true God, creator of heaven and earth: as the Romanists do affirm faith to be nothing else, but generally to believe, whatsoever is contained in the word of God to be true, Bellar. lib. 1. de iustifi. c. 4. But Daniel here so believed in God, that he committed himself with firm trust and assurance unto him, & in eius gratiam recubuit, he relied wholly upon his grace, Calvin. And so the Apostle describeth faith, Heb. 11. 6. He that cometh unto God, must believe that God is, and that he is a rewarder of them that seek him: this faith only apprehendeth not God in general, that he is, but is joined with a particular assurance, that he will reward his faithful servants, and bring them unto life. And so Pintus one of their own writers, very well resolveth upon this place, vt mea fert opinio, credere hoc loco est actus fidei, charitate formatae, plenae fiducia in Deum: as mine opinion is, to believe in this place is an act of faith, formed (that is expressed) by charity, full of trust and confidence in God.

1. Observat. Of God's providence that watcheth over his servants.

Generally in this chapter, in that God delivered Daniel his faithful servant, from the rage of the lions, we see how God's fatherly care watcheth and awaketh towards his servants: so Noah was saved from the waters, Lot from the flames of Sodom, Jeremiah in the destruction of Jerusalem▪ We read that when the city of Syracus • was taken by M. Marcellus, which 〈…〉 that great Mathematician had defended a good while by his art and skill: of whom Marcellus gave charge, that he should be spared, yet he was slain by a soldier, as he was drawing of his lines, because he would not straightway follow him to their General, saying he would dispatch that, he had in hand, first: But God hath greater care of his, and continually protecteth them, Bulling.

2. Observat. Of the monstrous sin of envy.

v. 4. They sought occasion against Daniel. Envious men are always in excubijs, they are set in their watch, observing and marking other men's doings, to see if they can find any matter against them, Polan. 2. they are envious at other men's virtue, as here they cannot endure Daniel's piety and sincerity: like as the hen scraping in the dunghill contemneth a pearl, and preferreth a barley curnell: and as the Sun beams are offensive to those, that are blear eyed: so is virtue a grief to the envious, Pintus. 3. The envious person, propriae vtilitati est addictus, is addict to his own profit, neglecting the common good: as here these men seek to supplant Daniel, who was so necessary for the commonwealth. 4. And beside envy bringeth 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 most cruel • against Daniel's life, Calvin. • 5. The remedy against envy is 〈…〉 our selves with innocen • ie and integrity, as Daniel did, that the 〈◊〉 find 〈…〉 S. Peter saith, when they speak evil of us as of evil doers, they may be ashamed, which blame our good conversation in Christ, 1. Pet. 3. 16.

3. Observ. We must not give over our profession, notwithstanding any danger objected.

v. 10. Daniel though he knew of this bloody decree will not intermit calling upon God: so etiamsi centum mortes nobis occurrant, though an hundred deaths be set before us, we should not fall away from the true worship of God, Calvin. as S. Paul's excellent resolution was, Act. 2. 13. I am readi • not only to be bound, but to die at Ier • salem for the name of the Lord Jesus.

4. Observ. Of continuing in prayer.

v. 10. As Daniel prayed thrice a day, so thereby we are taught to persevere in prayer, according to S. Paul's rule, Rom. 12. 12. 1. Thess. 5. 17. for prayer is not auayleable unless it be servant, I am. 5. 16. and fervent it cannot be, if we give over and faint in our prayers, and continue not.

5. Observ. Of the terror of conscience.

v. 18. The king remained fasting. The Kings conscience was perplexed for this injustice shown toward Daniel: he careth neither for meat, delight, nor sleep: he had none in earth whom he needed to fear: but his conscience accuseth him before the great Judge, that shall call even kings to account: As it is written of Theodoricus king of Italy, after he had caused B • etius and Symmachus to be unjustly beheaded, how within a few days after a fishes head being brought before him, he imagined he saw Symmachus head, and thereupon was stricken with horror of conscience, and not long after died: let us then labor for a good conscience, which is as a continual feast. And here shall be an ende of this first Book, which is as the first course and service in this feast.

1. Quest. Of the order observed by Daniel, in the setting down of these visions.

This vision contained in this chapter, being shown unto Daniel in the first year of Balthazar, who was the last king of the Chaldeans, and before Darius, under whom that miracle fell out, in Daniel's deliverance from the lions, c. 6. is a manifest argument that the former story is transposed; this vision in time coming before it, yet in order being placed after it: the reasons hereof are these. 1. Theodoret saith, that in the former six chapters, historico more prophetiam conscripsit, he writ the prophecy after an historical manner, showing what things happened under Nebuchadnezzar, Balthazar, Darius; but in the six chapters following, he setteth down those predictions, quas • per diuinam reuelationem doctus est, which he was taught by divine revelation. 2. Jerome doth add further, that in the former chapters Daniel historically setteth down, quid mirabilium signorum acciderit, &c. what memorable signs happened under these kings; but in the rest of this book he declareth such visions, quarum solus propheta conscius est, which the Prophet only was privy unto himself. 3. Hugo giveth this reason: the things before historically rehearsed, tempore suo impleta sunt, were such as were fulfilled in Daniel's time; but these here following were visiones futurorum, visions of things to come to pass afterward. 4. Further, in the former histories God had appointed Daniel, interpretem & magistrum profanis regibus, an interpreter and teacher unto the profane kings: nunc praefecit Ecclesiae doctorem, now he set him up as an instructer of his Church, Calvin. 5. The former histories and miracles shown the calling of Daniel, and the confirmation thereof by signs and miracles: in these chapters Daniel exerciseth his vocation and function, in his prophetical visions, Iun. 6. Lyranus beside the reason before touched, that the former visions were partly historical, partly prophetical, and therefore were set down together, but these visions are mere propheticae, merely prophetical; assigneth also this reason, that the former visions belong unto the first coming of Christ, and therefore are set together: these following concern his second coming: but this is not so, for c. 9. there is a manifest prophecy of the first coming of the Messiah, and the very time is described: and though mention be made by the way (as it were) of the resurrection, and the final judgment, c. 12. yet the visions are principally intended to foretell such things, as should befall the Church of the Jews before the first coming of the Messiah.

2. Quest. Of the visions which follow in general.

1. Bullinger reduceth all the visions following unto four, making the visions in the 3. last chapters but one: for it is a continuance of the same prophecy: wherein the condition of the Church is described under the state of the Persians and Grecians, especially under Antiochus Epiphanes. c. 11. 2. Lyranus maketh five visions of them, thus distinguishing them: the first, c. 7. significat (vltimae) tribulationis totalem processum, signifieth the total proceeding in the last tribulation of (that) Church: the second, c. 8. which treateth of the combat between the Persians and Grecians, designat • iusdem tribulationis principalem conflictum, doth design the principal conflict of that tribulation: the third, c. 9. which prophecieth of the coming of the Messiah: and so, designat eiusdem tribulationis solatium, it showeth the comfort in the same tribulation: the fourth vision is of the man which appeared, prophesying of the deliverance of the people, & designat eiusdem tribulationis terminum, and showeth the ende of that tribulation, c. 10. the fifth is of the victory of Christ under the sign and figure of the king of the South, and the king of the North, & designat eiusdem tribulationis triumphum, it setteth forth the triumph over that tribulation. c. 11. But, as is shown before, the same vision is contained and continued, c. 10, 11, 12. 3. This vision in this chapter is general of the state of the four Monarchies, which afterward are particularly described: like as Cosmographers in the description of the world, do first set forth a general map of the whole world, and then particular tables of several countries: the same order Daniel observeth in these visions: in the 7. chapter, he is informed concerning the general condition and state of the four kingdoms: then in the 8. followeth a particular narration of the Persian and Grecian Monarchy: and in the 11. chap. a more large description of particular accidents under the divided kingdoms of the Grecians, one of the South, the other of the North. Bulling.

4. The sum then of these visions following is this. 1. The state of the Church of the Jews is described, how they shall suffer much affliction under the four Monarchies, but especially under the fourth. 2. But the affliction shall be but for a time, it shall ende at the coming of the Messiah: who shall of many be refused, and put to death, whereupon shall follow the destruction of Jerusalem, and dissolution of the Levitical state • 3. And then Christ at his second coming shall perfect all: the dead shall rise, some unto life, some unto everlasting condemnation.

3. Quest. Of visions in general.

1. Two ways did the Lord reveal himself unto his servants, either by oracle and lively voice, as he spake to Moses face to face, Numb. 12. 6. or by vision; wherein certain representations and similitudes of things were exhibited for the more lively demonstration of that thing which was revealed: in which visions sometime the truth it self of things to come was simply manifested without any other shadow, as Ezek. 40. sometime under the similitude of beasts and other things, demonstration was made, as here, c. 7, 8.

2. Visions were shown either unto men waking, or sleeping: and being waking they either saw them with their eyes, as Abraham was bid to behold the stars, for so should his • eede be in multitude, Gen. 15. 5. or in the mind, as in a trance: such was the vision of the 〈◊〉 cornerd sheet which Peter saw, Act. 10.

• . And visions also were declared unto men by dream, when they were a sleep in the 〈◊〉 as unto Jacob was shown while he slept, that vision of the ladder, Gen. 28.

〈◊〉 . This vision which Daniel saw was of both kinds: it was both a dream, and a vision: 〈◊〉 shown unto Daniel partly in his sleep, and partly being awake: God did give a b • essing unto Daniel's religious care to know the vision, vision redintegrans id ipsum, quod 〈◊〉 per somnum exhibuerat, renewing the same thing by vision, which he had exhibited before by dream, Inn.

Quest. 4. Of the time when this vision was re •• aled unto Daniel.

V. 1. In the first year • of Belshazzar, &c. 1. • ererius saith that this first year of Belshazzar, whom he supposeth to have reigned 17. years, was 18. years before the deliverance of Israel out of captivity, which was the 54. year of their captivity, and from the building of Rome, the 176 • year, when •• quinius Priscus was king of the Romans: But Pe ••• ius in this reckoning committeth diverse errors. 1. Belshazzar reigned not 17. years, but three years only: as hath been shown before, cap. 5. quest. 51. 2. the 54. year of the captivity was indeed the 18. year before their deliverance, but the first year of Belshazzar was in the 68. year of their captivity, 3. year before they were delivered. 3. the 54. year of the captivity did concur with the 190. year after the building of Rome, in the reign of Seruius Tullius, not of Tarquinius Priscus, as Bullinger well collecteth in his tables.

2. Pelanus also is deceived, which thinketh that this vision in the first year of Belshazzar, was 17. years before the ende of the captivity, for so long he thinketh Belshazzar to •• ue reigned: which was in the 34 • 9. year from the beginning of the world, and 552. before the coming of Christ: But three years only must be allowed unto Belshazzar: Berosus giveth unto him but 5. years, as M • t • she • es reporteth him in his book de iudicio temporum: and the 17. year before the captivity ended, was according to Bullinger • account, in the year of the world 3408. H. Br. in his account much varieth for the year of the world, making the first year of Belshazzar to fall into the year 3407. In these accounts there is great uncertainty, everyone following his own conjecture.

3. Herein therefore I approve rather Bullingers judgment, that this first year of Belshazzar, was only three years before the 70. years ended: for Daniel maketh mention only of the third year of Belshazzar, c. 8. 1. and now the time of their deliverance approached, and was near at hand, Oecolamp.

Quest. 5. Why the vision of the four Monarchies is again revealed unto Daniel, being shown before to Nebuchadnezzar, cap. 2.

1. The vision which Nebuchadnezzar saw was more obscure, aspiciunt quidem aliquid impij, sed in caligine, vt nihil distinguant, the wicked indeed see somewhat, but darkly, they cannot distinctly perceive anything: This vision which Daniel hath of the same thing is more distinct and manifest, Calvin.

2. An other reason of this repetition, is for more certainty: as Pharaoh had two dreams signifying the same thing, vt firmitatis indicium sit r • petiti • illa, that the repeating thereof might be a token of the firmness and certainty, Pap. & • ine noua repetitione non tam attenti essent Iudaei, &c. without a renewing of that vision, the Jews would not have been so attent unto the prophesies, Calvin.

3. Beside, it was requisite, that Belshazzar and his people, the times being now much declined, should be admonished, as Nebuchadnezzar was: and therefore this vision is only written in the Chaldee, that they might be without excuse: the rest of the visions following are not imparted unto them, because the Chaldes went on in their impiety, and shown themselves obstinate, Iun. in comment.

4. And in respect of the people of God, it was necessary, that the same vision in substance should be revealed, now upon the point of their deliverance, that they should not promise unto themselves a quiet state, no not after they were come o • t of captivity, but should know, that still they must be exercised under affliction, Calvin, Genevens.

Quest. 6. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had, and how it was revealed.

1. This prophetical vision was two ways shown unto Daniel, first by a dream, which was sent of God; and then this vision was revealed unto him again being awake: he saw it in his mind, Polanus. and therefore he calleth them the visions of his head: composita & sobria mente ab ipso visa, they were seen and perceived of the Prophet with a sober and well advised mind, Bulling, therefore he saith, I saw a dream, he porceiued and understood: Nebuchadnezzar had a dream, but he understood it not, Calvin.

2. This dream came in the night: which signifieth as Pelican▪ quod annuntiantur grauia, that many heavy things are declared; for the night is taken in Scripture for tribulation: But this rather was the meetest time for such visions, when the mind was freest from all other incumbrances: and when the external senses are quiet, facilius recipitur cognitto supernaturalium, the knowledge of supernatural things is more easily received, Lyranus.

3. This vision Daniel committeth to writing: some think, eum repent exilijsse ex lecto, that he of a sudden leaped out of his bed, least he should forget the dream • but that is a frivolous collection: hereby is signified, that Daniel knowing that this things was revealed unto him, not for himself, but for the general use of the Church, committeth the same to writing, Calvin. And where it is said. Daniel spake and said, this is to be understood of the writing, as is • uident in the first verse; he wrote the dream, and declared the sum of the matter, that is, in writing.

Quest. 7. What is meant by the four winds which strove together upon the Sea.

1. Jerome by these four winds understandeth the good Angels, who are compared to the winds in three respects. 1. for their celerity. 2. because they are invisible. 3. and are known only of us by their effects, as the winds are: and these good Angels do strive for the good of those several countries, over the which they are set: as the Angel which was president of Chaldea, labored that the Jews might remain still in captivity for the instruction of the Chaldeans: the Angel of the Hebrews, endeavored that they might be delivered: But, neither have the good Angels such special regiments assigned unto them, neither are their endeavors contrary each unto other, neither do any of them labor against the people of God, but they do all minister for the elects sake.

2. Albertus Magnus (so also Hugo, Lyranus, ) understandeth here the evil Angels, which are said to fight and strive, because they stir up men to strife and contention: but these are called the winds or spirits of heaven, which title is not given unto evil Angels.

3. Pererius by these four principal winds which do blow from the 4. corners of the earth, would have signified the 4. Monarchies, whereof one was in the North, another in the South, one West, another East: But the four Monarchies and kingdoms are understood by the four beasts, which rise out of the Sea.

4. Theodoret understandeth by these winds, the great commotions and perturbations, quae in exortu cuiusque monarchiae extiterant, which were raised in the beginning of every Monarchy: for Darius and Cyrus by tumult of war overcame Balshazar: so did Alexander the great the last Darius of Persia: And thus the Monarchies were translated not without great vexation and trouble: so also Bullinge • , Osiander. but these stirs and commotions follow upon the rising of these beasts, as procured by them: these winds go before, and bring forth these beasts.

5. Pelican by the winds understandeth the afflictions and persecutions of the Church: but these beasts were the causes of these afflictions: the winds go before, and are the causes of their coming forth.

6. Calvin thinketh that Daniel, similitudinem notam ominibus assumit, both take a similitude well known unto all: for the winds do not blow so much upon the solid earth, as upon the liquid Sea: by this similitude he showeth that the world shall be like a troublesome Sea.

7. Junius thinketh that mention is made of the winds, quia Deus solitus est seruos su • s praemisso ventorum impetu praeparare, because God useth to prepare his servants by sending the winds before, when they receive any visions as Elias was so prepared, 1. King. 19.

8. But beside these allusions, specially by these words is expressed the ministry of the Angels, who are compared to winds, Psal. 104. 4. which maketh the spirits or winds his messengers, so Revel. 7. 1. the four Angels are said to hold the four winds of the earth, that they should not blow: not that particular countries are assigned to the custody of Angels; which conceit is refuted before: but hereby is signified, that the Angels are like the winds dispersed everywhere in the world, as ministers of God's will, Iun. Polan.

9. Now whereas it is expounded afterward what the beasts signify, v. 17. but not what the words betoken, the reason is, the harder and hidden things are expounded, and some things are pretermitted, tanquam per se manifesta, as manifest of themselves, Oecolamp.

Quest. 8. Of the description of these beasts in general.

1. The cause is set forth, which raiseth up these beasts, the winds, which signify the ministering spirits, which are as swift as the winds to expedite the business committed unto them.

2. The place or subject is expressed, where these winds blow and work, the world, which is compared unto a Sea, in respect of the turbulent and changeable state thereof.

3. Then followeth a description of the effect, the bringing forth of these beasts, which are described, 1. by their number, they are four. 2. they are great. 3. by the manner, they ascend, by degrees these terrene Monarchies attained to their power and strength. 4. by the matter, they all came out of the Sea, they are all terrene and earthly. 5. by their fashion and form, they are one unlike another.

Quest. 9. Why the kings and kingdoms of the earth are likened unto beasts.

1. In that kings are resembled unto beasts, it is not spoken in disgrace of the honorable calling of Magistrates, which is the ordinance of God: and in these Monarchies there were some good Princes, as Cyrus, Artaxerxes, which favored the people of God: 2. But because many of those great kings were Tyrants, and oppressed the people of God, they are termed beasts: as Jerome saith, regnorum feritas bestiarum nomine demonstratur, the cruelty of those kingdoms is shown by the name of beasts. 3. So that which is essential in the calling of princes, namely, the institution and ordinance of God, is not here signified, but that which is accidental in them, the abuse of their government, which proceedeth not from the institutor, or institution, but from themselves, Calvin. Polan.

Quest. 10. Of the agreement between this vision of the 4. beasts, and that of the image shown to Nebuchadnezzar, cap. 2.

1. As there the king saw a great image, so here the Prophet nameth a great Sea. 2. here four beasts came up, and there the image is compounded of four metals, gold, silver, brass, and iron, which represent the four great Monarchies and kingdoms. 3. as there the iron and clay feet had their toes, which in number are ten, so the last beast here hath ten horns, v. 7. 4. there the kingdoms are likened to an image, and here they come out of the Sea, to show the mutable and changeable state of the world. 5. there a stone cut out of the mountain without hands, breaketh the image in pieces: here also one like the son of man taketh upon him the kingdom, rule, and dominion, Oecolamp. ex Euseb.

But yet herein is the difference between these two visions. 1. both in respect of the manner: that which is but there obscurely propounded, is here more evidently handled, Iun. commentar. 2. and of the person: There Nebuchadnezzar had a dream, but understood nothing: here Daniel seeth a dream, he hath a revelation in his dream, and the illumination of mind withal to understand it, Calvin.

Quest. 11. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchy.

Concerning this Monarchy two things are declared. 1. The flourishing state. 2. and then the declining thereof.

For their prosperous state, they are compared unto the lyon and the eagle. 1. The vulgar Latin readeth a lionesse, whereupon Jerome noteth two properties in the Chaldean Monarchy, ingentem ferociam & libidinem, their fierceness and intemperate lust: for the lionesse is more fierce then the lyon, and very insatiable and intemperate, not only coupling with the Lyon, but with the Hyena, and the Pardus, whereof cometh that mixed kind of the Leopard: but the word here used, arieh, signifieth a lyon, not a lionesse: therefore that note hath no ground, which the ordinar. gloss. borroweth out of Jerome, that for cruelty this Monarchy is compared to a lyonesse, rather then to a lyon.

2. There are diverse names given unto lions according to their age, ghur, is a lions whelp, chephir, a young lyon, ghur shacal, a middle lyon, laish, an old lyon, labi, a decrepit lyon.

3. The Chaldeans are resembled to a lyon, as Theodoret thinketh, because it was both the most ancient, and first of all, and it continued longest, almost a 1300. years, as Diodorus, and Ctesias G • idius write: but rather this comparison is made to show both the magnanimity and courage of them, as likewise withal, their cruelty and rage: In the image, c. 2. the Chaldean state is compared unto gold, and here to a lyon, which is the most excellent and heroical beast: thus also the Prophets resemble the Chaldeans to a lyon, Isa. 5. 29. Ierem. 4. v. 7.

4. By the Eagles wings is signified the great celerity and swiftness of the Chaldeans in their conquests and victories: so also do the other Prophets liken the Chaldeans to a swift Eagle, Ierem. 48. v. 40. Esech. 17. v. 3. by the two wings, are understood, the Babylonian and Assyrian state, which now were both joined together, by the which this Monarchy was carried aloft above all others: Melanct. Osiander.

Then followeth a description of their declining estate, in these four degrees. 1. the wings are pulled away: their dexterity and courage is taken from them: t • e Chaldeans gave themselves to idleness and pleasure: likewise the Persians pulled their wings, when they stripped them at once of all their dignity and government. 2. then it was reared from the earth: whereas they did fly aloft before, now it can scarce lift up the head from the ground: the Latin readeth it was taken from the earth: but the Chaldean state remained still after their wings were pulled, it was not utterly dissolved. 3. then he was set upon his feet as a man: they could no longer fly with Eagles wings, but stood upon the ground as other ordinary and private men. 4. and a man's heart was given him: they became timorous and fearful, in so much that when the city was besieged, the Babylonians durst not look out at their gates, Iun. comment. the Babylonians were tributary to the Persians, and were their servants to till their ground, and saluted them as their masters when they met them: they also maintained Cyrus garrison in Babylon: and so they which were lords before, became as ordinary private men, Polan. ex Xenophon.

Ibn Ezra, and Hyppolitus do expound this of Nebuchadnezzar: Lyranus also, and the ordinar. gloss. do not mislike that interpretation, which Hugo. Car. and Osiander also follow; how his wings were clipped, and his pride abated, when he became as a brute beast, deprived of his reason and understanding: and when he was restored to his understanding, he was as set upon his feet, and had a man's heart given him again, whereas he had a beasts heart before till 7. years were past: But because this is a description of the whole state and Monarchy, and Nebuchadnezzar was at this time dead, the former interpretation is better.

Quest. 12. Where the Chaldean Monarchy here described must take beginning.

1. Some think that the Assyrian Monarchy began in Nimrod, and so continued as Diodorus Siculus thinketh a 1300. years, unto Sardanapalus: who was the last king of the Assyrians, and against whom conspired Arbaces a Mede, and Phul Belochus the governor of Babylon, at such time as Jotham reigned in Judea, and Pekah in Israel: But exception may be made hereunto. 1. although Nimrod were mighty in his time, and reigned in Babel, yet not long after in Abraham's time, Chedorlaomer king of Elam or Persia, was greater then Amraphel king of Shinar, or Babylon, for Sodom and Gomorrhah were subjects to the king of Elam. 2. Herodotus counteth but 520. years for the whole time of the Assyrian Monarchy unto Sardanapalus. Pap. But whether the Assyrian Monarchy continued so long, or not, we are not here to fetch the beginning thereof so far for the application of this vision: for it is evident, that Daniel hath special reference to the state of that Monarchy then present.

2. Eusebius thinketh that these Monarchies are here understood, unto the which the Jews were subject 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from the times of this Prophet. And this seemeth the most probable, that this vision should begin from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar: for so in the vision of the image, c. 2. Nebuchadnezzar is expounded by Daniel, to be the head of gold, the first Monarchy.

3. Pappus beginneth the Assyrian and Chaldean Monarchy from the time of Sardanapalus: after whom the kingdom was divided: Arbac • s had Media and Persia, and Phul Beloch Chaldea and Assyria. 1. The first king then of the Chaldeans and Assyrians after the division of the Empire, was this Phul, who is supposed to have reigned 48. years: to him Menahem king of Israel paid a 1000. talents of silver which was imposed upon him, 2. king. 15. 19. 2. Next unto him was Tiglath Peleser, who overcame Pekah king of Israel, and carried captive all the land of Naphtali on this side Jordan, and all the country beyond, into Asshur, 2. king. 15. 29. he helped Ahaz king of Judah against Pekah king of Israel, and Rezin king of Aram, 2. king. 16. 7. he is said to have reigned 23. years. 3. Then succeeded Sa • manazar, who overcame Hoshea king of Israel, and took Samaria, and carried away the people captive, 2. king. 17. 3. 6. he reigned 11. years. 4. Sennacherib followed, who besieged Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah, and lost of his army in one night by the stroke of an Angel an 185000. men: to him are given but 7. years. 5. Sennacherib being slain by his sons, Asarchaddon his son succeeded, 2. king. 19. 37. who reigned 10. years. 6. About this time it seemeth that the Chaldeans overcame the Assyrians, and Berodach Baladan, that sent presents to Hezekiah to congratulate for his recovery, 2. king. 20. 12. had the whole Empire, who is held to have reigned 40. years. 7. Next to him was Ben Merodah who reigned 21. years. 8. Nebuchadnezzar the Elder followed, who overcame Egypt, whom Josephus affirmeth to have reigned but 21. years: but it is gathered that he reigned 35. years. Bulling. Papp. 9. After him was Nebuchadnezzar the Great▪ who reigned 45. years: he carried away Iechoniah prisoner in the 8. year of his reign, and • fterward took Jerusalem, and put out Zedekiahs eyes, and bound him in chains. 11. After him reigned Evil-merodach his son, who took Iechoniah out of prison in the 37. year of his captivity and imprisonment, 2. king. 25. 27. 12. The last of this race was Belshazzar, in the third year of whose reign was Babylon taken by Darius and Cyrus. Thus Bullinger and Pappus set down the succession of the kings of Assyria and Babylon.

4. But the Chaldean Monarchy in this vision reacheth not so high, as either to the division of the Empire after Sardanapalus, or the alteration of the kingdom under Berodach Baladan: Daniel only describeth the state of the Monarchy in his time, beginning at Nebuchadnezzar the great: as he expounded the like vision of the image, c. 2. resembling Nebuchadnezzar to the head of gold.

13. Quest. Of the second beast: and why the Persian Monarchy is compared to a bear.

1. Lyranus thinketh they are so resembled, because the bear is less cruel: and so the Persians were more equal toward the people of God: but in this sense, this vision should differ from the other, c. 2. where the arms and breasts, which signify the Persian Monarchy, appeared to be of silver, as inferior to the first, which was of gold.

2. In diverse other respects then the Persian state is resembled to a bear: as in their obscure beginning: the Persians were at the first a nation of no fame or renown: like as the bear, is at the first but a rude lump of flesh without any fashion, which the damme by continual licking bringeth to fashion. Perer. Pintus.

3. Beside, the bear is most patient of labor and hunger: all winter long they live without food, being nourished only by sleep, as Pliny writeth of them, lib. 8. c. 36. So the Persians 〈◊〉 a most frugal nation, for the most part they lived only of bread: and they dwelt among the mountains, as wild bears seeking their food. Perer. Hug. Card.

4. The bear is of a weak sight, and of a tender head, but of a vast and vnhansome body, whereby is signified that the Persians did fight rather with their vast and huge numbers, then with martial stratagemes and policy, Perer. as Cyrus was overcome of the Massagetes, and his head was cut off by Thomyris, having 200. thousand men in his army. Pisistratus being expelled Athens for his tyranny, was sent against Grecia by Darius, with an army of an 100. thousand footmen, and 10. thousand horsemen: and was overcome by Miltiades the Athenian captain in the fields of Marathon, only having a 11. thousand men. Xerxes with 10. hundred thousand men invaded Greece, and was overcome by Sea of Themistocles, and by land of Leonidas and Pausanias with a small number, and he himself constrained to flee away in a small boat. Leonidas at Thermopylae with 3000. men kept the straits against all the Persian army: and with 300. men set upon their host of 500. thousand, and slue of them 20. thousand; where he himself also, and all his company was slain.

5. They were like unto bears ob barbariem, because of their barbarousnes, Calvin. they were a savage and barbarous people brought up in the mountains: like as the bear is to the sight a more uncomely and unpleasant bea • t, then a lyon.

6. But herein the fittest resemblance is, the bear is, typus barbaricae & ferinae crudelitatis, a type of babarous and beastly cruelty, Iun. Theodoret hath special reference here unto the cruel torments, which the Persians used, in fleaing of men, and pulling off their skins, and hewing them into pieces: But generally rather is described the savage and cruel nature of that nation (as it followeth in the rest of the vision) by the ribs between the teeth, and their devouring of much flesh.

Quest. 14. Why the bear is said to stand upon the one side.

1. The vulgar Latin readeth, in parte stetit, it stood up on a part: but the true reading is, it stood upon one side, which the Hebrews expound, that this Monachie was not so cruel against the Jews, as the other: for diverse of the Persian kings were beneficial toward the people of God.

2. Jerome giveth this sense, they first rose up on a part, that is, surprised the Chaldean kingdom, that they might more easily subdue the rest.

3. Theodoret referreth it to that part of the kingdom, which the Persians held still under the Roman Monarchy, though the dominion of Egypt, and Asia minor, and Syria, were taken from them: but in this vision the Persian Monarchy is described how it was in the time of the pri • e and glory thereof, before it was dissolved by Alexander.

4. Calvin, and the Geneuens. following him, do understand it of the mean beginning of the Persians: respicit obscura initia regni illius, it respecteth the obscure beginning of that kingdom.

5. Vatablus understandeth it of the taking of Babylon: that the Persians leaned on one side, they only set themselves against the Babylonians, they spared the Jews, so also Pintus.

6. But the best interpretation is, it stood upon one side, ex duobus lateribus, id est, distinctis regnis, vnum effectum est, of the two sides, that is, two distinct kingdoms, there was one side, that is, one kingdom made: for the Medes and Persians joined together, Iun. in commentar. so also Bulling. Junius in his annotat. followeth another reading, retaining the same sense, dominatum vnum erexit, he erected one dominion: that is, subdued all other nations, and made but one dominion of them all: so also Polanus: the word satar, with a prick on the left side over shin, signifieth a side, also so D. Kimchi readeth: but with a prick on the right side, shatar, it signifieth rule and dominion: the first reading seemeth to be the fitter, because of the preposition lamed, set before lishtar, on the side, which is omitted in the other reading.

7. Oecolampadius thus interpreteth, he stood upon one side, that is, there was a place found for the Persians to be numbered among the cruel beasts: but this sense is not so proper.

15. Quest. Of the three ribs in his mouth, what they signify.

1. R. Saadia understandeth three kings which succeeded Cyrus: but Jerome refuseth this interpretation, because there were more then three kings of Persia: Osiander also expoundeth by these three long teeth, three great kings of Persia, Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes: but it appeareth not, seeing there were 10. kings of Persia, or according to Jerome 14. kings, why these three should be understood beside therest: Melancthon understandeth other three, Cyrus, Darius, Artaxerxes.

2. Hugo interpreteth these three teeth, which the Latin translateth, three orders, to be those three chief officers, which were set over all the kingdom, as we read, cap. 6. 2. so also Apollinarius: but these chief governors were the teeth rather of the beast, then the pray between the teeth.

3. Jerome understandeth the three kingdoms, Persia, Media, and Babylon: Hyppolitus the Assyrians, Medes, and Babylonians.

4. Calvin, and so Bullinger think not good to define any certain number by these three ribs: but by three ribs understand plures, many: for so they subdued not one kingdom, but many: and the words following seem to approve this sense, arise, and de • our much flesh.

5. Oecolampadius placeth not the force of the words, in the number of three: but in that they are said to be ribs, carnibus deuoratis arrodebat ossa, the flesh being devoured, he gnaweth the bones, not one only, but three together, to show him to be insatiable.

6. Junius in his commentary, by the three ribs, interpreteth, ex omni parte, that they shall devour on every side: because three ways only a beast useth to gnawe bones, before, and on each side.

7. But in his annotations he understandeth by the three bones, tres partes orbis habitabilis, the three parts of the habitable world; into the which the Monarchy of the Persians was extended: And so Theodoret expoundeth the three parts of the world, the East, North, and South: likewise Polanus.

Now of all these, the third exposition of the three principal kingdoms, Persia, Media, and Chaldea, seemeth to be most probable: because although Cyrus subdued many countries beside, yet these were the three sweetest bones, which he had first in his mouth: and after this he devoured and destroyed much flesh beside.

Quest. 16. Who said unto him, arise, and devour, &c. v. 4.

1. Herome, and Lyranus following him, with others, as gloss. interlin. gloss. ordinar. Hug. Card. do interpret this of Ahasuerus, who was encouraged by Haman to devour and destroy the Jews: But this being attempted only by Haman, not effected, cannot be the meaning of these words, which show, that as this beast had already a pray in his teeth, so he should devour more.

2. Pererius thinketh it may be referred to Cyrus, who was insatiable in his ambitious desire, and his ende was answerable thereunto: for he being overcome of Queen Thomyris, and 200. thousand of his men slain, she caused his head to be cast into a bowle of man's blood, uttering these reproachful words of him, bibe sanguinem, quem • itiuisti, & cuius insatiabilis semper fuisti, drink thy fill of blood, which thou hast thirsted for, and wast thereof insatiable, ex Justin. But seeing this vision containeth a general description of the whole Monarchy of the Persians, it is not so fitly applied unto one.

3. Calvin thus expoundeth, they said, that is, the Angels.

4. Bullinger saith, caelitus iussio descendit, that this commandment came from God: they were iussi à Deo, bidden of God: The Persians were raised up of God, who, though not the author of their cruelty, yet concurred as a just judge, using them as his instruments in punishing the sins of the world, Pap. mandatum ei diuinitus, &c. it was commanded him from God to enlarge his Empire, Iun. annotat.

5. As both these last senses may be received, so yet further here may be understood the instruments whereby the kings of Persia were stirred up, to destroy and devour: as Darius, called also Cyaxares, and the Hyrcanians, together with Gobryas a governor of Assyria, did stir up Cyrus against the Babylonians, Xenophon lib. 4. Mardonius likewise persuaded Xerxes to take in hand the war against Grecia, but Artabanus dissuaded him: in which war, as Orosiu • writeth, were consumed in three battles and in three years, 10. hundred thousand men. So that this Monarchy, thorough their ambitious desire to rule, was the cause of the effusion of much blood: as it is here said unto them, arise, and devour much flesh.

6. So then all these concurred together, in setting up this Monarchy, God is the author, the Angels as the chief ministers, and then other instigators and setters on, as the instruments: like as the Chaldeans provoked Nebuchadnezzar to cast the three Hebrews into the fiery furnace, cap. 3. and the Persian governors caused Daniel to be cast into the Lions den, cap. 6.

17. Quest. Of the Persian Kings with whom the Persian Monarchy began and ended.

1. Jerome, whom the ordin. gloss. followeth, reckoneth up 14. kings of Persia. 1. Cyrus. 2. Cambyses. 3. the Magi. 4. Darius, under whom the Temple began to be reedified. 5. Xerxes the son of Darius. 6. Artabanus. 7. Artaxerxes Longimanus. 8. Xerxes, another of that name. 9. Socdianus. 10. Darius Nothus. 11. Artaxerxes Memnon. 12. Darius Ochus. 13. Arses. 14. Darius the last, whom Alexander overcame.

2. Some do number eleven in this order. 1. Cyrus. 2. Ahasuerus Artaxerxes, which was Cambyses. 3. Darius Assyrius. 4. Artaxerxes pius. 5. Xerxes the terror of Grecia. 6. Artaxerxes Longiman ••• . 7. Darius Nothus. 8. Artaxerxes Memor. 9. Ochus. 10. Arses, or Arsanes. 11. Darius Codoma •• us, whom Alexander subdued: H. B. in the short view of the Persian Monarchy, following Beroaldus.

3. Some account not so many kings of the Persians, as Pappus nameth all these before rehearsed, omitting Arsanes who succeeded Ochus.

4. But the best numbering of them, is that which Junius in the argument of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, and Bullinger in his Chronicle tables followeth, who number 10. Kings of the Persians beside Smerdes the Magician, and his brother: and with them an eleven. 1. Cyrus. 2. his son Cambyses. 3. then the Magi. 4. Darius the son of Hystaspes. 5. Xerxes his son, who invaded Grecia with such an huge army. 6. Artaxerxes Longimanus, so called as it seemeth because one hand was longer then another. 7. Darius Nothus. 8. Artaxerxes Memnon, who committed horrible incest, and left behind him Darius Ochus. 9. This Ochus molested the Jews: Bagoas his captain polluted▪ the Temple, and deprived them of the privileges granted them by Cyrus, Darius, Artaxerxes: he was at last slain by the same Bagoas. 10. Then this Bagoas set up Arsanes the son of Ochus, and slue him also at the length. 11. The last was Darius Codomannus, whom Alexander vanquished. But Smerdes is rather to be omitted in this number, because he was an usurper, and reigned but 7. months: and by the same reason also Artabanus must be fetched in, and other usurper after Xerxes: and if Smerdes be admitted, Xerxes should be the 5. not the 4. king, as Daniel maketh him, c. 11. 2.

18. Quest. Of the third beast, called a leopard, and of the description of the third Monarchy.

There are four parts of the description. 1. à simili, from the similitude and likeness of the Pard, or leopard: whereunto in diverse respects Alexander is compared. 1. The Leopard is noted to be subtle and crafty, lying in wait for them which go by the way, as Jeremiah saith, c. 5. 6. A leopard shall watch over their cities, everyone that goeth out thence shall be torn in pieces: so Alexander by subtlety and policy prevailed much. 2. The leopard is very swift, as Habak. 1. 8. Their horses shall be swifter then leopards: So Alexander in a short time conquered the most known countries of all the world. 3. He is likened also to a leopard for his strength. Polan. 4. The Panther, Pard, or Leopard is full of spots, which either noteth the variety of countries and nations which Alexander subdued, Hug. or rather his variable and changeable nature, which was tempered both with excellent virtues, and notable vices. Perer. 5. The Leopard they say is taken by this means: it much coue • eth and desireth wine, which being poured near unto their dens, the sent thereof draweth them forth: and the hunters set not far off, vessels of wine, which the beast drinketh, till he falleth a sleep, and so is taken: And herein was Alexander like unto the leopard, who died of surfeiting, and drunkenness.

2. Then this beast is described by the adjuncts, it had four wings. 1. Some hereby understand Alexanders four virtues. 1. his strength of body. 2. courage of mind, which feared nothing. 3. dexterity and industry. 4. his great liberality and clemency. Lyranus. Perer. 2. Some by the four wings, and four beasts, understand the same thing, namely, his four successors, Melancth. Calv. but then should something in this description be superfluous. 3. Hereby rather is signified Alexanders great celerity, which is shadowed forth in the nature of the beast, but more lively expressed by wings: & he is said to have four wings, not two, quia nihil fuit velocius Alexandri victoria, because nothing was swifter then Alexanders victories, Hier. for in 12. years he made conquest of all the famous kingdoms of the world: yea in six years, as Jerome testifieth, he subdued all Egypt, a great part of Europe, all Asia even unto India: in the first year of his kingdom he took the city Thebes: in the 2. he overcame Darius armies at Granicum: in the 3. year he again overcame Darius at Issum: in the fourth year he took Tyrus, when he had besieged it 7. months, and then in the 5. subdued Syria, and Judea: in the 6. year he finally vanquished Darius at Arbela, and so possessed the Asian Empire. Polan.

3. Then this beast is set forth by the number of the heads, the beast also had four heads. 1. Junius hereby would not have understood four kingdoms, but the great dexterity of Alexander, in taking care for all the parts of his kingdom, as if he had had four heads. Iun. in comment. 2. The most do take them for Alexanders four successors in the kingdom: Cassander in Macedonia, Antigonus in Asia minor, Seleucus in Syria, Ptolemy in Egypt: so Oecolamp. Perer. Papp. Calv. with others: but these 4. kingdoms make the fourth beast, as afterward shall be shown. 3. Wherefore better are here understood the 4. chief captains of Alexander, which did aide him to achieve his victories, and afterward governed the kingdom under Aridaeus Alexanders brother, who being slain, they divided the kingdom among them: So Hugo saith, quatuor dicit duces Alexandri, he meaneth the four captains of Alexander, which afterward became his successors: so Junius in his annotations understandeth quatuor satrapiae, the four regements of the kingdom, which after Alexanders death should have come unto his two sons Alexander and Hercules, but they agreed to make Aridaeus Alexanders brother king, and appointed Antipater, to be protector of the kingdom: but at length, both Alexanders sons were slain by Cassander, and Aridaeus also: And then Cassander succeeded Aridaeus in Macedonia, and after him Antipater: And the other three in their several kingdoms, as is before expressed.

4. The last part of the description is from the efficient cause and author of this great dominion, which Alexander had, it was given him of God: and that he obtained not such great victories by his own power or policy, but by the extraordinary assistance of God, doth evidently appear by these four arguments. 1. because he in a shorter time subdued more countries then other 〈◊〉 captains have taken cities: as is before shown in the second part of the description. 2. in that he with so small an host of 30. thousand, encountered with such great armies of the Persians, first, with an 150. thousand, then with 400. thousand, and last of all with 10. hundred thousand, which Darius Codomannus had gathered together against him. 3. Alexanders security is an evident argument also thereof, who the same day that Darius was overcome, was so fast asleep in his Tent, that all his captains could not awake him, making a noise round about, for they durst not go in. 4. Alexander himself also confessed as much, who meeting Iaddua the high Priest in his pontifical robes, and falling down before him, and reverencing him, being asked the reason of Permenion, answered, that he worshipped not the man, but God in the man, who in the same habit had appeared unto him, and encouraged him to go on in his enterprise to overcome Asia, and promised to lead his armies: thus Josephus writeth, lib. 11. Antiquit. c. 8.

Quest. 19. Why the fourth beast hath no name.

1. The Hebrews do here imagine that although this fourth beast be not expressed by name, yet that it was a wild boar, whereby they would have signified the Roman Empire which destroyed Jerusalem: and they allege that saying in the Psalm, 80. 13. the wild boar out of the wood hath destroyed it: But seeing this last kingdom is described to be more fierce and cruel then the rest, it was not like to be resembled by the wild boar, which is not so terrible, as the other three beasts, the lyon, the bear, the Leopard, unto the which the other three kingdoms are compared.

2. Theodoret applying this vision to the Roman Empire, thinketh that this is the reason why certain beasts are before named, but none here: because in the other three kingdoms, there was a certain form of government by kings; but in the Roman state the form of government often changed: they were governed 1. by kings, 2. by Consuls. 3. by the Tribunes of the people. 4. by Dictators. 5. by Emperors. But it shall evidently appear afterward, that this vision is not to be extended to the Romans.

3. Jerome giveth this reason: the beast is not named, vt si quid ferocius bestijs supradictis cogitauerimus, hoc imperio Romanorum attribuamus, &c. that if anything can be imagined more cruel, then the forenamed beasts, it should be attributed to the Roman Empire: thus also Lyranus. gloss. ordinar. with others: Jerome's reason here in general is to be admitted, but he faileth likewise in his particular application to the Roman state.

4. Pererius hath this conceit, that if this last Monarchy here described, which he supposeth to be of the Romans, should be represented by any certain kind of beast, it is most like to be that, which Aristotle out of Ctesias Gnidius, saith is found in India, which he describeth in this manner: the name of the beast is Mantichora, it hath three rouse of teeth above and below: with lions feet, and of bigness and hair like to a lyon: with man's ears, a scorpions tail: it maketh a noise like a trumpet: as swift as an heart: so wild that it can never be tamed: it coveteth man's flesh most of all.

But both it may be doubted whether any such beast is to be found in the world: and if there were, seeing the spirit of God hath not expressed any particlar kind, it were great presumption for us to guess at it.

5. Wherefore those two reasons may be yielded, why no certain beast is here named: both in respect of this description here made, propter infinite am, varietatem, for the great variety of the parts (borrowing of some beast one, and of some another) it cannot be resembled to any certain kind, Iun. annot. And in regard also of the signification: no beast can be named so cruel, quod posset naturam ostendere istius bestiae, which can express the nature of this beast, Calvin, which can sufficiently portraite out unto us the cruelty of this fourth kingdom and government. Polan.

Quest. 20. Of the description of the fourth beast in general.

It is described 1. by three adjuncts, it was fearful, terrible, and strong. 2. by the effects, which are three, it devoured, brake in pieces, and stamped the residue under the feet. 3. by the dissimilitude and unlikeness which it had to the other beasts, it was unlike the beasts that were before it. 4. by the parts, it had iron teeth, and horns: the horns are first set down in general, it had ten horns, then there is a particular description of one horn, which is expressed by four arguments. 1. by the adjunct of the smalenesse, it is called a little horn. 2. by the manner of growing, it came up among the other. 3. by the effects, three of the other horns were plucked away before it. 4. by the parts, it had the eyes of a man, and a mouth, which is described by the effects, speaking presumptuous things.

Quest. 21. Whether the Roman or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast.

1. The Rabbin's by this fourth beast understand the Empire of the Turks, of which opinion are R. Ab. Ezra, and R. Saadiah; because mention is made afterward of one like the son of man, to whom power and dominion was given, which showeth that the Messiah should reign after this fourth kingdom should be dissolved, whom because they hold not yet to be come, they would have this vision understood of the Turkish Empire. And to make their opinion more probable, they join the Greek and Roman Empire together, comprehending them both under the third beast: And Ab. Ezra, doubteth not to call Alexander king of the Romans. So by this devise they would prove Christ Jesus not to be the Messiah, because he was borne under the third Empire.

Contra. 1. Herein the Rabbin's show their great ignorance in confounding the Greek and Roman Empire: unless it be because Constantinople was called new Rome, and they find that one of the Roman Emperors was called Alexander, which are slender reasons to confound the two Empires. 2. neither was Alexander known unto the Romans, who yet at time were of great power, and mightier then diverse kings. 3. this vision cannot be applied unto the Empire of the Turks: for it cannot be shown, how he hath 10. horns, that is, so many kings, nor what that little horn should be, before the which three other were plucked away.

2. Some do apply this vision to the Roman Empire alone, and that but unto the first coming of Christ, as Calvin.

3. Some do understand the Roman Empire, that it shall continue to the ende of the world: as Jerome saith, that toward the ende of the world when the Roman Empire shall be destroyed, there shall rise ten kings, which shall devide the Empire among them: But neither of these opinions can stand: for whereas these kingdoms are described by the similitude of beasts, whose cruelty they should imitate toward the people of God; before the first coming of Christ the Romans had not practiced such cruelty against the Jews, as that therein they should have been unlike to all which went before them: neither yet is the Roman Empire to continue unto the ende of the world, which was long since dissolved.

4. Pappus thinketh that both the Turkish tyranie, and the proud jurisdiction of the Popes of Rome, are described under this last beast, showing how all the properties of the little horn agree unto them both, in their small beginnings, their subtlety and hypocrisy, their blasphemy against Christ and his gospel: Neither need it seem strange saith he, that two diverse gouernements are signified by one horn, because they both propound unto them the same ende and scope, the subversion of the Church, and use the same weapons in general, cruelty, and blasphemy.

Contra. 1. This fourth kingdom shall be destroyed by the coming of the Messiah in the flesh, as was prophesied before in the vision of the image, c. 2. 44. and here also, v. 13. one like the son of man came in the clouds, which is to be understood not of his second commming to judgment, but of his first coming to finish the work of our redemption, as shall be shown more at large, when we come to that place: now neither Turk nor Pope were then head of the world, when the Son of man came in the flesh, nor diverse hundred years after. 2. this fourth beast should be more cruel, then any of the rest toward the people of God then, for whose comfort this vision was revealed to Daniel: but the Romans before the coming of Christ had been more equal toward the Jews, then any of the other Monarchies. 3. this horn came forth of the fourth beast: the beast signifieth but one Monarch or kingdom, as the other three before: therefore two kingdoms, and the same opposite the one to the other, cannot be comprehended under one horn: other reasons why the Roman Monarchy is not understood neither in this, nor that other vision tending to the same ende, c. 2. see at large, c. 2. quest. 49.

5. Seeing then that the Roman Empire is here excluded, all that labor may be spared which Pererius taketh to show wherein the Roman power consisted, by what means they attained unto their large dominion, and whether justly or unjustly, as impertinent to this place: yet it shall not be amiss, to take a short view of that, which is set down by him touching these three questions. 1. Their greatness consisted, first in the largeness of their dominion, which extended Westward to Spain, Southward to Ethiopia, and Eastward to Armenia: in so much that Appian affirmeth, that the other three Monarchies had not the half part, of the Roman Empire. Secondly, in their provision for war: the Romans had always in a readiness 200. thousand footmen, 40. thousand horsemen, 300. Elephants for war, 3000. chariots, amour in store for 300. thousand, 2000. ships, 1500. gallies, 80. great ships: this strength they were of under Adrian the Emperor, as Appian writeth. Thirdly, their strength consisted in their riches and treasure: they had of treasure in a readiness in diverse places, 75. thousand Egyptian talents: a talent of Egypt weighed 80 • . which is equivalent to 8000. Italian pieces of gold: the whole sum will amount to 600 times ten hundred thousand, that is, 600 millions of gold. 2. Touching the means whereby they enlarged their Empire, they were these. 1. the love of liberty. 2. their ambitious desire to rule. 3. their affecting of praise and renown. 4. their military discipline. 5. their courtesy to their friends, and severity against their enemies. 3. Some part of their kingdom they got unjustly, as Pompey took Asia from the rightful kings: Cyprus they took from Ptolemy, Sardinia from Carthage. Some countries were given and bequeathed unto them, as Asia by Attalus will, Bythinia by Nicodemus testament: the Cyrenians, and Pentapolis by Ptolemy, Libya by king Appio • , Perer. But all this discourse here is superfluous, seeing in this place we have nothing to do with the Romans, but as it is typically shadowed forth in the kingdom of the Seleucians.

6. It remaineth then that this fourth beast must represent the kingdom of Syria, wherein ten kings succeeded one another, the last of which was Antiochus Epiphanes, who is the little horn here spoken of: That this interpretation is most probable, shall appear in the handling of the several parts of this vision: neither is it new, taken up by Junius only, Polanus, and others; but Jerome maketh mention of one Polichronius, who so understood it and Theodoret also showeth the same to have been the opinion of some, though he resolve upon the Romans: And yet we deny not but that typically also under the kingdom of the Seleucians, is shadowed forth the Monarchy of the Romans, as S. John in the description of the beast with seven heads and ten horns, hath relation unto this vision, thereby implying the Roman Monarchy, Apocal. 13. 1.

Quest. 22. That the kingdom of Syria which was held by Seleucus, and his posterity, was the fourth beast.

Pappus, who expoundeth this fourth beast of the Turk and Pope together, against this other exposition taketh these exceptions.

Object. 1. Seleucus Nicanor is comprehended under the third beast, which is described with four heads: the beast is Alexander, and the four heads are his four sucessors that followed after him, of the which Seleucus was one: he cannot be both a part of the third beast, and the fourth also.

Contra. He is comprehended in the the third beast, as then governing under that kingdom: for Alexanders 4. captains, were at the first regents under Alexander and his successor Aridius: but he made the fourth beast, when he constituted and erected a kingdom to himself, and his successors: though the fourth beast had his beginning and first erection under the third, yet now the succession and continuance of that kingdom may make the fourth beast.

Object. 2. They which reckon ten kings of Syria, unto Antiochus Epiphanes, do insert two of the Egyptian kings, Ptolomeus Euergites, and Ptolomeus Philopator, otherwise they cannot make up the number: for there be but eight in all beside.

Contra. Though these two were kings of Egypt, yet by conquest they held for a time the kingdom of Syria: Ptolomeus Euergites expelled Seleueus Callinicus: and Ptolomeus Philopator expelled: Antiochus the great, though they were dispossessed again of the kingdom; yet because they did hold it for a time, they may be numbered also among the rest of the kings.

3. Antiochus Epiphanes is one of the ten horns: he cannot then be the other little horn, that plucketh away three horns before it, which maketh the eleventh.

Contra. The little horn is the last of the tenth, it maketh not the eleventh, the word is acharee, which the most translate, another, but it more usually signifieth the latter, this little horn then, was not another beside the ten, but the last of the ten.

Ob. 4. As in the third beast, the four heads do not signify 4. kindomes one after another, but four set up all at once: so these ten horns must signify ten kings or kingdoms all at once.

Contra. 1. Though these 4. heads, of the 3. beast do here signify 4. kingdoms raised up together: yet always it is not so: for Apocal. 17. 9. by the 7. heads, are signified 7. kings one succeeding another: as it is there said, verse. 10. five are fallen, and one is, and one is not yet come.

2. In this chapter the Angel expoundeth these 10. horns of succession: the last shall rise after them, v. 24. the latter of these ten shall be after the other, they were not then altogether.

3. Again, it is there said, v. 24. that these ten horns, should arise out of one kingdom: But in one kingdom at one time there could not be 10. kings.

Ob. 5. After the abolishing of the fourth beast, the kingdom is given unto the Saints, v. 27. but the Roman Empire came between the determination of the kingdom of the Seleucians, and the birth of the Messiah, in whom this spiritual kingdom of the Saints, began.

Contra. It cannot be gathered out of the text, that immediately after the destruction of this beast, the Messiah should come: but after Antiochus Epiphan • s, who is intended by that little horn, though other of the Seleucians succeeded, yet none of them afflicted the people of God as he had done: they had peace and tranquility from those foreign Tyrants of Syria: and yet there remained some life in the other beasts, though their kingdoms were taken away a long time before: as there was some relics of the Babylonian kingdom in the Armenians, of the Persian in the Parthians, of the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, after their power and strength was taken from them by the Romans.

Ob. 6. The ende of the world and final judgment followeth after the destruction of the fourth beast: but so did it not after the dissolution of the kingdom of the Seleucians.

Contra. That description v. 9. is not of the final judgment at the last day, but of that which God exerciseth in this world against the wicked: as Apocal. 4. 2. a throne likewise is set, and judgment prepared.

Ob. 7. After the kingdom of the fourth beast, the dominion is given unto the Saints: but the kingdom of the Seleucians fell unto the Romans.

Contra. The temporal kingdom was invested in the Romans: but the spiritual kingdom, was given to the Messiah, and in him communicated unto the Saints: of this spiritual, not of any temporal kingdom speaketh the Prophet, v. 14. which is described, by the universality, all nations and languages should serve him, and the eternity, his kingdom shall never be destroyed.

Ob. 8. Antiochus Epiphanes is described by a little horn, which came forth of one of the four horns of the goat, cap. 8. 9. which is taken for Alexander, and answereth to the third beast here: he therefore is comprehended under the third beast, he maketh not the fourth.

Contra. 1. That is a diverse vision from this, they are not then to be confounded together: he may belong to the second beast there, the goat, and yet make the fourth beast here. 2. This collection maketh strongly, to procue Antiochus to be the little horn here, because he is resembled to a little horn there, and other parts of that vision agree with this.

Object. 9. Against Antiochus whom they would have signified by this horn, the ships of Chittim are sent, c. 11. 30. but this beast is not destroyed by any human power, but by the judgment: of God in the ende of the world, Pappus.

Contra. 1. It followeth not, because God is said here to judge him, that therefore he used no human instruments: God destroyed the kingdom of Syria, by stirring up the Romans against them. 2. this place is not to be understood of the final judgment▪ as is shown before.

Quest. 23. Of the iron teeth, and other parts of the general description of the fourth beast.

1. They which understand the fourth beast to be the Roman Empire: some by the iron teeth would have signified the famous and valiant captains, by whose means the Romans subdued the nations: dentes regni sunt princip •• fortissimi, the teeth of the kingdom are the valiant captains, by whose means the king de • oureth as with teeth, gloss. So also Bulling. Such teeth were C. Fabricius, who subdued Pirrhus, M. Marcellus conquered the Germans: Paulus Aemilius Greece, Scipio Africanus Africa: Crassus and Pompey the East, Julius Caesar the West: Calvin by the iron teeth understandeth, audaciam & inexplebilem cupiduatem, their boldness, and insatiable desire of dominion; intelligitur Romani imperij crudelitas, the cruelty of the Roman Empire is signified.

But this doth evidently convince, that the Romans are not here understood at all: because this fourth beast should be more fierce and cruel then the rest against the people of God, the Jews, as v. 21. they shall make battle with the Saints: But till the coming of the Messiah, the Romans shown themselves more equal toward the Jews, then any of the former kingdoms.

2. Therefore by the iron teeth of the fourth beast, are better understood the cruelty of the kingdom of the Syrians, exercised against the people of God: and more particularly by the teeth, are expounded, duc • s & • opiae, their armies and captains, whereby they did bite and devour, and as it were grind the Jews. And for this cause, this beast is said to have nails or claws of brass, v. 19. whereby they did rent and tear in sunder the people of God: for they are the special object of their cruelty.

Quest. 24. Why it is said to stamp the residue under the seat.

1. They likewise which refer this to the Roman Empire do diversely expound it. 1. Bullinger taketh it to be a phrase of speech taken from wanton beasts, which being full, what they cannot eat themselves, do tread the rest under their feet: whereby he thinketh is signified the great insolenci • and cruelty of the Romans, in making havoc and spoil of all. 2. Oecolampadius understandeth it of their envy, quibus frui non poterat, alijs inuidens, &c. what they could not enjoy themselves they stamped under their feet, as envying that others should have it. 3. Calvin▪ whom the Gonevens. follow, doth expound it of this politic devise of the Romans, that what they could not quietly enjoy in other countries, they would give to other kings and rulers, whom they might use at all times as their vassals: Thus they advanced Masinissa in Africa, and gave him great gifts, that by his means, they might have Africa more peaceable. 4. the most do thus understand it▪ that whom they did not consume and destroy▪ tributo & seruituti subijcieba • t, they brought them under tribute and servitude. 5. the meaning is, that those whom they utterly destroyed not, they did as it were spurn with their feet, that is, by all means afflict and oppress them, Iun.

Quest. 25. Wherein this fourth beast was unlike the rest, v. 7.

1. They likewise which think the Roman Empire here to be shadowed forth, do make diverse applications of it. 1. Some do refer it, to the diu • rse form of government among the Romans, who were first governed by kings, then by Consuls, afterward by Tribunes, the Dec •• viri, Dictators: whereas the other Monarchies were perpetually ruled by kings, Bulling. Ofiand. 2. An other sense is: because in the former beasts, singula fortitudinum signa fuerunt, in hac omnia, there w • re some particular signs of fortitude, but in this all together, Jerome, Hugo. 3. or in imp • io Rom •• orum omnia simul fuere regna, &c. in the Roman Empire were joined together all those kingdoms, which were separated before: 4. It was monstrum insolitum, a strange monster, Cal. in respect of their strange rising up, and of their great power.

2. R. Levi thinketh, that this beast is distinct from the rest, to signify, that it should continue a long time: true it is, that the Syrian kingdom continued 248. years longer then the Persian Monarchy, or the Chaldean, counting from the beginning of Nebuchadnezzar's reign: but it is not the quantity or continuance of time, but the quality and condition, that maketh a thing like or unlike.

3. Wherefore this unlikeness to all the rest is understood of the cruelty, wherein it should exceed all the rest, toward the people of God: prae tyrannidis grauitate, in the greatness and grievousness of the tyranny, it should be unlike them, Iun. annot. Polan. And therefore in the vision of the image, c. 2. this last kingdom is resembled to the iron feet, which did break and bruise all in pieces.

Quest. 26. Of the ten horns, what is signified thereby, v. 7.

The diverse opinions which are held concerning the interpretation of these words, are of two sorts, some by ten understand not precisely a certain number, but an uncertain and indefinite, they take ten for many, as Num. 14. 22. they have tempted me ten times, Job. 19. 2. ye have ten times reproached me. Some understand according to the literal sense, so many kings precisely.

1. Of the first sort. 1. Some by ten kings understand all the kings which should be in the Romne Empire, from the beginning to the ende thereof, unto the coming of Antichrist; numero isto denario vniuersitas Regum significata est, &c. by this number of ten is signified the universal company of the kings in the Roman Empire, August, lib. 20. de ciuit. Dei. c. 23. 2. Some by these kings understand the several provinces and kingdoms which were governed by Proconsuls and deputies, the Roman Empire yet standing, Calv. 2. Some the kingdoms into the which the Roman Empire was divided and dissolved: as first it was parted into the East and West Empire: in the East sprang up the kingdoms of the Persians, Saracenes, and of other nations: in the West, of the Goths, Lombards, Huns, Bulling. so also Pintus, Sa, Oecolamp. Perer.

But all these are deceived. 1. in taking this number of ten for a number indefinite: for seeing this number is divided, as after mention is made of three kings, which shall be pulled away, a certain and finite number must be signified: and if ten did not betoken a certain number, the time should not be known, when the little horn, the last of the ten, should be expected. 2. The kings do not signify kingdoms, but so many kings out of one kingdom, as it is expounded, v. 24. the ten horns out of this kingdom, are ten kings that shall rise: they must rise out of one kingdom. 3. neither can these ten kingdoms, which they understand, be raised after the dissolution of the Empire; for the beast is not destroyed, that is the kingdom dissolved until the little horn came up, v. 11.

2. Of the second sort also there are diverse opinions. 1. Some by ten horns understand so many kings, which in the end of the world shall divide the Roman Empire among them, and then shall the eleventh horn rise up, which they suppose to be Antichrist: of this opinion is Jerome, whom Lyranus followeth, Hugo, gloss. ordinar. & interlin. But, as Oecolamp. noteth, we find this to be otherwise: for one part of the Roman Empire only which is in Europe, we see to be divided into ten kingdoms: as Portugal, Spain, England, France, Denmark, Suecia, Polonia, Bohemia, Hungaria, Naples: the other parts of the Empire were divided into more kingdoms.

2. Some understand the 10. Provinces, which were subject to the Roman Emperor, governed by Consuls: as Strabo lib. 17. reckoneth ten of them: But the Proconsuls and Deputies were not kings: and though they were as kings, they had their several provinces as their kingdoms, but these kings must come out of one kingdom.

3. Some do here number ten several kingdoms, into the which the Roman Empire was divided: as some do reckon these: Italy, Spain, France, Germany, Illyricum, Grecia, Africa, Egypt, Asia, Syria, Melancthon. Some do for Illyricum, put England, numbering the rest which are before rehearsed, Osiander. Some do name the ten kingdoms in Europe before specified, ex Pap. But it is evident, that more then ten kingdoms are risen out of the Roman Empire, seeing so many are found only in Europe.

4. Some then leaving this conceit of the Roman Empire, do find these ten horns, that is so many kings in diverse kingdoms, putting together Macedonia, Egypt, Syria: this was the opinion of Porphyry rehearsed and refuted by Jerome: for these kings must rise out of the same kingdom, as these ten horns came out of one and the same beast.

5. Wherefore these ten horns, were indeed ten kings of Syria, which the Seleucia • s held, one succeeding another, and these they were. 1. Seleucus N • canior. 2. An • iochus Soter, who was in love with Stratonica his fathers wife, whom he enjoyed by the means of Erasistratus his Physician, and reigned, his father yet being alive. 3. Antiochus called Theos, God, of the Milesians, for delivering them from the tyranny of Timarchus; him his wife Laodice, the daughter of Ptol • me Philadelphus, poisoned. 4. Seleucus Callmicus, whom Ptolemy Euergetes expelled his kingdom. 5. P • olome Euergetes. 6. Seleucus Ceraunus, Ptolemy Euergetes being expelled. 7. Antiochus the great the brother of Ceraunus, who had war with the Romans, and drave them out of Asia. 8. Ptolemy Philopator, who invaded Syria, Antiochus the great being otherwise occupied and busied, and held the kingdom a while. 9. Then Philopator being expelled by Antiochus and his sons, Seleucus Philopator succeeded. 10. And Seleucus being slai • e, then Antiochus Epiphanes the younger brother invaded the kingdom: who was the little horn here spoken of, and did rage most cruelly against the people of God, Iun. ann. there were after him other of the Seleucians, that held the kingdom of Syria, but they had not that power over Judea, which the other had; for Antiochus Eupator, and after him Demetrius the son of Seleucus, attempted in vain to subdue Judea unto their kingdom. Polan.

6. But here is some defference between Junius and Polanus account of these ten kings: Junius maketh Ptolemy Euergetes the fifth, who expelled Seleucus Call • nichus, and Seleuchus Ceraunus, the son of Callinicus the sixth: But Polanus omitting Ptolemy Euergetes, maketh Ceraunus the son of Callinicus the fifth, and the son of Ceraunus the s • xt, who being but a child, and not able to govern the kingdom, after he had reigned two years, was poisoined: But I rather follow Junius for these reasons. 1. seeing Polanus confesseth that Euergetes expelled Callinicus, and held the kingdom, he is as well to be counted among these ten kings, as afterward Ptolemy Philopator, who invaded the kingdom under Antiochus the great. 2. Seleucus Ceraunus reigned himself but three years, and next unto him succeeded Antiochus the great: no mention is made in some Chronicles of Ceraunus son coming between, Bullinger.

7. But against this interpretation of the ten kings of Syria, thus it will be objected. 1. Lyranus saith that these kings must not be understood per successionem vnius post alterum, by the succession of one after another, but they were all at one time, as the Angel expoundeth afterward.

Contra. 1. The contrary appeareth by the Angels exposition, that these kings shall one succeed another, as v. 24. the Angel saith, ten horns out of this kingdom, are ten kings that shall rise: now in one kingdom there cannot be ten kings at once, every king hath his kingdom: 2. as the three kings which shall be subdued, are understood successively, so are the ten: but these followed one another by succession: as Andreas whose opinion Hugo reporteth, thus expoundeth, alios duos sibi succedentes similiter occidet, he shall likewise kill two other kings succeeding one another.

2. Pererius objecteth that in the Syrian kingdom, there were but eight kings in all unto Antiochus Epiphanes.

Contra. There were but eight of that line: but two kings of Egypt, Ptolemy Euergetes, & Ptolemy Philopator, which held the kingdom by conquest, are to be numbered among them.

3. This fourth kingdom shall be more fierce and mightier, then any before it: but the kingdom of Syria was not mightier then Alexanders, Perer.

Contra. It is not said simply to be mightier, or stronger, but in respect of the Jews, whom they carried a more strong and terrible hand over, then did Alexander who favored them.

4. It may be objected, that this fourth beast shall devour the whole earth, and shall tread it down, and break it in pieces, v. 23. but the kingdom of Syria did not subdue the whole earth.

Contra. By the whole earth is here understood the whole land of Judea, as is expounded v. 25. he shall consume the Saints of the most high: and so thinketh R. Saadia, that the whole earth is taken here for Judea, which was brought into such subjection unto the kings of Syria, that Memnon in his Chronicle lib. 13. 14. calleth Antiochus warring with the Romans, the king of Judea.

Quest. 27. Who is signified by the little horn, ver. 8.

The diverse opinions here conceived about the interpre • ation of these words, are of five sorts. 1. Some apply them to the Empire of the Turks. 2. Some understand them of the Roman Empire. 3. Some of both joined together. 4. Some of Antichrist. 5. Some of the Syrian kingdom, and hold Antiochus Epiphanes, that cruel enemy of the Jews to be this little horn. All these opinions shall now be examined in their order.

1. That this little horn should be the Turk, it is the opinion of Melancthon and O • iander, and of Vatablus and Pintus, among the Romanists: unto whom they make all the properties of this little horn to agree: for as this is called a little horn, so Mahomet was of obscure beginning, who under the Emperors Heraclius and Honorius, about the year 600. by craft, cozenage, and sorcery did draw many after him: he is said to have the eyes of a man, because he was most cunning to deceive: he spake proud things: for Mahomet feigned that he had familiar conference with Angels, and that he was a great Prophet, and he said his law was better, then Moses or Christ's.

Melancthon to the same purpose, showeth, how these four things do fitly agree unto the Turkish Empire, the time of their rising up, their doctrine, power, and place of their dominion.

1. For the time, they sprang up, when the Roman Empire was decaying, and under the Emp • rours before named. 2. for their doctrine, they abolish the writings of the Prophets, and Apostles, they deny Christ to be the Savior of the world, and many horrible blasphemies do they utter against the Son of God. 3. their power exceedeth all other Monarchies: they have under their Empire the most part of Africa, and a great part of Europe, and Asia. 4. For their place, they came from the North, from the mount Caucasus, as Ezekiel prophesieth that Gog and Magog shall come from the North, Ezekiel. 39. 2.

But Pererius showeth by these two arguments, that the Turk is not here meant to be this little horn. 1. because when Mahomet did rise, there were not ten kings in the Roman Empire, it was not yet dissolved and divided into ten kingdoms, but remained whole under the obedience of the Emperor. 2. This horn shall afflict the people of God a time, two times, and an half, that is three years and an half: but Mahomet and his followers, have persecuted the Church of God many hundred years. 3. Burgensis addeth further this reason: that the Turk doth not make the fourth beast, which is the fourth Monarchy here described, nor that set forth in the Image, c. 2. because before the first coming of Christ, which is there spoken of, there was no mention at all of the Turks and Saracenes: and the four Monarchies were absolute in their times, that no other kingdom was able to resist them: So is not the Turk, for he is encountered with other enemies equivalent unto him: 4. But this further may disprove this opinion for the Turks: this fourth kingdom shall make war with the Saints and the people of God, which then were understood to be the Jews, the known, people of God: But the Turks are at this day great friends unto the Jews, of whom they borrow the greater part of their religion. This little horn then upon the reasons aforesaid, is not the great Turk, to whom by way of analogy many of the properties of this horn may agree, but historically it is not meant of him.

2. Of the second sort that here understand the Roman Empire, is R. Levi, who sometime maketh the next after the tenth Caesar, which was Traiane, to be this horn, sometime Constantine: But both of these were commendable Emperors: Traiane is renowned even among the Gentiles, and Constantine was a virtuous and religious Emperor, as all our histories do write of him.

3. Calvin would have this little horn to be Julius Caesar, Augustus, and the other which succeeded him: But seeing that the ten horns are expounded to be ten kings, the little horn being the last of the ten, cannot be the first, nor the second, or the rest in order: Julius Caesar was the first Emperor, next to him was Augustus, and so the rest that follow.

4. Oecolampadius doth indifferently understand this little horn to be both the Pope in the West, and the Turk in the East; which he expoundeth to be the beast with two horns, Apocal. 13. 11. the one pushing in Europe by • ypocrisie and deceit, the other in Asia and Africa, by tyranny and violence, so also Pap. But v. 24. the Angel expoundeth the ten horns to be ten kings of one kingdom: the Pope and Turk make not one kingdom, therefore they cannot both be this horn.

5. Some apply this prophesy unto Antichrist, whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world after the Roman Empire is destroyed, and divided among ten kings: Hier. Lyranus. Hugo. who out of Andr • as reporteth, that this Antichrist shall draw the Jews unto him, and re-edify the Temple at Jerusalem: But this is an old dream, that such an Antichrist shall come toward the ende of the world: this fancy is received both of Turks, who in their Alcaron speak of Antichrist that shall come, whom Christ shall destroy, and the Papists expect the like Antichrist to come, three year and an half before the second coming of Christ: Both of them are grossly deceived: for the little horn here described, should make war with the Saints, that then were the Jews, whose commonwealth long since was dissolved, and they through the world dispersed.

6. Bullinger understandeth this little horn to be the Pope, showing, how from small beginnings that Sea did grow up at the first, as a little horn, partly by the grant of the Emperors, as Boniface the 3. obtained of the Emperor Phocas to be called the Universal Bishop, partly by their pride and ambition: But still this principle must be held, that Daniel describeth here by this horn, a great enemy and persecutor of the Jewish nation, the people of God then: therefore this vision, although analogically it may be referred to the Pope the very Antichrist, of whom Antiochus Epiphan • s might well be a type and figure, yet literally and historically it is not so intended.

7. But the Hebrews of all other are the most malicious and absurd, who most blasphemously make Jesus Christ our Blessed Lord and Savior, this little horn: for so they say, his beginning was small and base, he came out of the fourth beast, he joined with the Roman Empire as appeared in Constantine: he spake presumptuous things, in making himself equal unto God, and changed times, in abrogating the ceremonies of Moses law, ex Paul. Burgensi. But all this is maliciously and ignorantly devised of the Jews. 1. because this horn is little at the first, it followeth not, that whosoever is little and small at the first, should be this horn. 2. neither is the Roman Empire this fourth beast: and though the Imperial authority did set forth and maintain the gospel of Christ, there is great difference between terrene dominion, and the spiritual kingdom of Christ. 3. out Blessed Savior was equal to his father as God, and as the true Messiah was to determine and abolish the legal ceremonies: The Jews therefore thus objecting, do but bewray their own ignorance, concerning the true Messiah.

8. It remaineth then, that this little horn was historically Antiochus Epiphanes, who was the te • th king of Syria from Seleucus Nicanor, and yet typically also Antichrist, as bath been shown in the former questions: and to him best agree all properties of the little horn, as shall be shown in the questions next ensuing: Thus Polychronius interpreted this place, whose opinion Jerome misliketh: lunius thus expoundeth, and Polanus following him.

Quest. 28. Who those three kings should be, signified by the three horns plucked away.

Some do take this number of three indefinitely for no certain number, some do strictly understand three as they are named: and each of these opinions hath diverse varieties and differences.

1. They which take it indefinitely. 1. Some by three kings understand many, R. Levi of many kings subdued by the Roman Empire, R. Saadia of the Turkish dominion, Oecolampadius of both: and the wearing of the Popes triple crown signifieth his dominion over three, that is, diverse kings: But where diverse numbers are named, and there is a division of number: as here of ten and three; there certain numbers are understood: otherwise if the number of ten should be taken indefinitely, and so the number of three; more should not be signified by ten, then by three, no certain number being contained in either.