Commentary on Daniel

1. Doctr. That the ende of civil government is the peace and prosperity of the subjects.

v. 2. which is the 31. of the former chapter according to the usual division: Peace be multiplied unto you. Nebuchadnezzar a wise and politic King sendeth this salutation to his subjects: showing thereby that a good Prince is not only to wish, but to procure the peace of his subjects: therefore the Apostle would have prayer made especially for kings, that under them we may live a godly and peaceable life, 1. Tim. 2. 1. This Tully well perceived thus writing, vt gubernatori cursus secundus, Medico salus, Imperatori victoria, &c. as the pilot of a ship propoundeth to himself the prosperous course of the ship, the phycisian the health of his patient, the captain victory, so the good governor seeketh the welfare and happy life of his citizens. lib. 5. de repub.

2. Doctr. That we are to pray even for Tyrants and cruel governors.

v. 16. The dream be to them that hate thee. In that Daniel prayeth for Nebuchadnezzar, and wisheth that this calamity might fall upon his enemies, and that he might escape it; it showeth, that the subjects are to pray even for the prosperity of evil governors: for even under them they receive some benefit: a bad government is better then no government. So the Prophet Jeremiah biddeth the Jews pray for the prosperity of the city, whether they were carried captive, for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace, Ierem. 29. 7. And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications, and prayers should be made for kings: who then were Tyrants, and persecutors of God's Church.

3. Doct. Of the office and parts of a good Magistrate.

v. 19. Nebuchadnezzar is compared to a goodly fair spreading tree: by the which similitude are set forth many excellent parts, that should be found in a Prince. 1. As the tree spreadeth her boughs abroad, and who so will cometh under the shadow of them, so a Prince should give access to all his loving subjects freely to come unto him, not to shut himself up from them. 2. The beauty of the tree and comely grace, setteth forth the majesty and authority of the Prince, which ought to be reverenced of all. 3. It is full of fruit, so the King should yield relief unto his subjects, be bountiful and beneficial, not gathering or taking from the subjects, where the necessity of the government requireth not. 4. The shadow of the tree signifieth defense from wrong: that under the government of the Prince subjects may find comfort and relief. 5. The birds dwell in the branches, and the beasts couch under the shadow: so the king should to all his subjects high and low extend his favor, according unto every ones quality and degree. ex Polan.

4. Doctr. God tempereth and moderateth his judgments with mercy.

v. 22. Seven times shall pass over thee, till thou know, &c. God might in his justice have suffered Nebuchadnezzar all his life long, for his exceeding great pride, to live among the brute beasts: but he doth only limit him a certain time so long, till he was brought to acknowledge God: So that God remembereth mercy in the midst of his judgments, according to that saying, Psal. 30. 5. Weeping may abide at evening, but joy cometh in the morning. Bulling. And the Apostle saith, God is faithful, and will not suffer you to be tempted above that you are able, but will even give the issue with the temptation, that ye may be able to hear it: As here Nebuchadnezzar had a gracious issue of his temptation.

5. Doctr. Of the necessity of good Counsellers.

v. 24. Let my counsel be acceptable unto thee. Happy was this king, which had so faithful a Counselor at hand to advise him: But miserable is the state of such Princes, who are beset with bad counselors, as Rehoboam was, who followed the heady and rash counsel of the young men: such a wicked counselor was Haman to Ahasuerus, and Achitophel to Absalom. Therefore Hom • dius a wise Senator of Rome, as Fulgosus writeth, lib. 7. was wont to say, that he had rather have an evil Prince with good counselors about him, then a good Prince with evil. If he be an enemy to the Commonwealth, who clippeth the kings coin, he is much more, which by evil counsel corrupteth the mind of the Prince. Pintus.

6. Doctr. What manner of alms are acceptable unto God.

v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness, &c. Simply to give alms, it is not pleasing unto God; for the Pharisees gave alms, but it did nothing avail them, because they did it of a vain ostentation: they which give alms, and yet live in sin, as though they would buy out their licentious life by their sin, do therein deceive themselves: the Apostle saith, Without faith, it is impossible to please God, Heb. 11. 6. alms then not proceeding of faith, can not be accepted. Augustine therefore saith well, Qui vult ordinate eleemosynas dare, debet à seipso incipere, &c. he that will give alms orderly must begin with himself: he must first look into his own conscience, and see his own poverty and nakedness: mendicat à te anima tua, esurit iustitiam, thy own soul beggeth of thee, it hungereth after justice. Perer.

7. Doctr. Of true repentance.

v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness, &c. 1. Here the parts of true repentance are set down, which are these two, to depart from sin, and to follow righteousness: as the Prophet Isai saith, Cease to do evil, learn to do well, Isa. 1. 16.

2. Hence also the effects of true repentance are gathered, which are the fruits of righteousness: so that in vain doth one afflict himself, if he do not alter and change his life: such are reproved by the Prophet, Isa. 58. 5. that did afflict their souls for a day, and bow down their head like a bulrush, and yet continued in their sin.

3. The quality of true repentance is here also expressed, that it may not be deferred or put off, but speedily prosequuted: which is signified by this phrase of breaking off. As the Apostle to the Hebr. c. 3. 7. urgeth that place, today if you will hear his voice, harden not your hearts.

4. The benefit of true repentance followeth, it procureth peace, and tranquility, and preventeth the judgments of God: as here Nebuchadnezzar is promised, that by this means, his peace might be prolonged: So our blessed Savior saith, Luk. 13. 3. Except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish. Polan.

8. Doctr. That God seeth and knoweth all things.

v. 28. While the word was in the kings mouth, &c. God heard the very proud words which Nebuchadnezzar spake, and in that very instant and moment, sent his Angel to denounce the judgment decreed against him. So then nothing is hid from God, neither our thoughts, as the Prophet David saith, Thou understandest my thoughts a far off, Psal. 139. 2. nor our words, as it followeth in the same place, v. 4. There is not a word in my tongue, but thou knowest it wholly, O Lord: much less can our works be hid, as Rev. 2. 2. I know thy works. So that as the Apostle saith, All things are naked, and open to his eyes, with whom we have to do, Heb. 4. 13.

9. Doctr. God's judgments come of a sudden.

v. 28. As a voice came from heaven, even while the word was in the kings mouth: so the judgments of God overtake the wicked when they look not for them: so Noah's flood came upon the old world, and the destruction of Sodom upon the wicked: So the day of the Lord, as the Apostle saith, shall come as a thief in the night, and as the travel upon a woman with child, 1. Thess. 5. 2. 3. It behooveth us therefore to be sober and watchful, as our blessed Savior saith, Those things which I say unto you, I say unto all men, watch, Mark. 13. 37.

10. Doct. God's judgments meet with sins in the same kind.

v. 29. They shall drive thee from men. Nebuchadnezzar is here punished in the same things wherein he had sinned: he was not so much lifted up before in pride, as he is now humbled, and cast down: As he had banished many out of their countries, and taken them captive, so he is now exiled himself, and driven from the company of men: his food was dainty and delicate before, now he feedeth with oxen: then he was appareled in purple, and other rich attire, now horrido pilo totus obtegitur, he is all covered with hair: then he was anointed with balm and precious ointment, now he is wet with the dew of heaven. Oecolampad.

11. Doct. True repentance is the gift of God.

v. 31. At the ende of these days I Nebuchadnezzar lift up mine eyes to heaven, &c. Until it pleased God to turn this proud kings heart, nothing could make it stoop. He had received many warnings, and was foretold of this his downfall, and was advised by Daniel by repentance to prevent this calamity: and being in this great misery, he was not moved therewith, till the time was expired, and the Lord moved his heart: So our blessed Savior saith, John. 6. 44. No man cometh unto me, except the father draw him, &c.

1. Controv. That the virgin Marie was not without sin.

v. 12. Leave the stump, &c. Pererius allegorizing this vision of the tree, thereby would have shadowed forth the beautiful state of man in Paradise before his fall: and by the stump and root remaining, he understandeth the virgin Marie, peccato Adami nullatenus infectam, not infected at all with the sin of Adam. And Christ is the branch that sprouteth out of this root.

Contra. 1. This comparison first is unfit: for here a stump only remaineth without any branches at all: he cannot find then here both a stump, and a branch. 2. This stump is bound about with a chain: and what other chains is man's nature bound with, then with the chains of sin: his own application maketh against him. 3. It is a most blasphemous opinion, and contrary of the Scriptures, that Marie was without original sin: for the Apostle saith, All men have sinned, Rom. 5. 12. none are excepted but Christ, Heb. 4. 15. Marie also confessed her self a sinner, in acknowledging that she also had need of a Savior, Luk. 1. 47. see more hereof, Synops. Centur. 2. err. 79.

2. Controv. Against freewill.

Lyranus by this stump remaining, understandeth free will: per hoc germen significatur liberum arbitrium reuerti potens ad bonum, by this branch is signified free will, which hath power to return unto that, which is good.

Contra. 1. The vision it self overthroweth this conceit: for this stump is bound with a chain, it could not sprout of it self, till the chains were taken away, and before God had given Nebuchadnezzar an understanding heart, he could not so much as lift up his eyes to heaven: therefore this is but a weak ground to build free will upon. 2. Beside the Scripture evidently speaketh, that there is no power or ability in man so much as to think a good thought, 2. Cor. 3. 5. And our Savior saith, Without me ye can do nothing, John. 15. 5. see more hereof, Synops. Centur. 4. err. 46.

3. Controv. Against the invocation of Saints.

v. 14. The sentence is according to the petition of the holy ones. The Romanists do thus understand this place, that the holy Angels made request for the king, that mercy might be shown him: and hence would infer, that we are to make our prayers unto them.

Contra. 1. That this place hath no such meaning, is shown before, Quest. 18. the Angels pray not against God's will, that Nebuchadnezzar might escape this calamity, for it was already decreed with God, that it should fall upon him: but they desire rather, that what God had decreed in heaven might accordingly be fulfilled in earth. 2. And although it be granted, quod been nobis afficiantur, that they are well affected toward us, and wish well unto us, yet it would not follow, that therefore we should pray unto them. Oecolampad. see hereof, Cent • r. 2. err. 8.

4. Controv. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdoms.

v. 22. Till thou know, that the most high beareth rule over the kingdoms of the earth, and giveth it to whomsoever he will. This Sovereign power belongeth unto God to dispose of kings, and kingdoms, to pull down, and set up: then it is presumptuous arrogancy in the Pope, to challenge unto himself any such supereminent power over kings, unto whom he himself ought to be subject, according to S. Paul's rule, Rom. 13. 1. See before chap. 2. controv. 6.

5. Controv. Against satisfaction by works.

v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness. The Latin interpreter readeth, redeem thy sins by righteousness: whereupon Pererius with other Romanists do collect, that works of righteousness, and mercy, do satisfy for sin, and are available ad expianda peccata venialia, to expiate venial sins. And to that purpose he urgeth that place, Prov. 16. 6. By mercy and truth iniquity shall be forgiven.

Contra. 1. It is before sufficiently declared, Quest. 30. that the true reading here is not, redeem, but, break off thy sins. 2. Though that other reading be retained, the meaning only is, that he should redeem, and satisfy men whom he had wronged. 3. And this had been impossible for him to do, to make recompense to so many, whom he had cruelly handled the space of 40. years. 4. And if he would not make satisfaction unto men, much less unto God. 5. Wherefore in these words, non exponitur modus redimendi peccata, sed modus potius agendi, the way of redeeming his sin is not declared, but the way rather of working, such as becometh those that are truly penitent: first then his sins must be forgiven by faith, before he can bring forth the works of repentance. Iun. 6. Further, as Nebuchadnezzar could not satisfy for his sin, no more can any man: for our best works are imperfect: our righteousness is as a stained clout, Isa. 6. 6. but that which must satisfy before God, ought to be perfect, and absolute: it is therefore the most perfect righteousness of Christ, and none other, that is able to satisfy God's justice for our sins.

7. And concerning that place urged out of the Proverbs, either it may be understood not of mercy which we show, which is called an active mercy, but of mercy shown unto us from God, which is a passive mercy, by the which our iniquity is forgiven: as Junius proveth by the words following, by the fear of the Lord they depart from evil: or else the meaning is, by the works of mercy we are assured our sins are forgiven us, Genevens. as in the like sense our Savior saith, Many sins are forgiven her, because she loved much, Luk. 7. 47. her great love was not the cause, but the sign rather and effect of the forgiveness of her sins. And so the Apostle saith, 1. John. 3. 14. We know, that we are translated from death to life, because we love the brethren: he saith not we are translated, but we know, we are. But of the question against satisfaction by works, see more Synops. Papism. Centur. 4. err. 78.

6. Controv. Of the certainty of remission of sins.

v. 24. The Latin readeth, It may be God will forgive thee thy sins: whereupon Pererius inferreth, nemini liquido cognitam remissionem peccatorum, that remission and forgiveness of sin is not certainly known unto any.

Contra. 1. It is shown before, Quest. 31. that the word here used, is not a particle of doubting, but rather it serveth to exhort, and stir up to have further confidence in God, and to take away carnal security. 2. But that by faith we are undoubtedly assured of the remission of sin, the Scripture evidently showeth: Rom. 5. 1. Being justified by faith, we are at peace with God: but our conscience cannot be settled, or at peace, unless it be assured of God's favor in the remission of sins: likewise, Rom. 8. 16. The same spirit beareth witness to our spirit, that we are the children of God: but how can we be assured, that they are the children of God, if their sins be not forgiven them. See further hereof, Centur. 4. err. 56.

7. Controv. Which be the good works of Christians.

v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness, &c. Here good works are defended to be the works of righteousness and mercy. Among the Romanists, these are counted their good works, suscipere peregrinationes, erigere statuam, &c. to vow and take in hand pilgrimages, to set up an image, to found crosses, Calvin. But these are not the works which God is pleased with: those are the works acceptable unto him, not which man's curiosity hath invented, but such as God himself hath appointed for us to walk in, Eph. 1. 10. The hypocrites say, Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, &c. will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, or with ten thousand rivers of oil, &c. But the Lord maketh answer, what works he requireth, To do justly, to love mercy, to humble thyself, &c. Mich. 6. 7.

8. Controv. That God's providence, is not only a bare prescience or permission.

v. 32. According to his will he worketh in the army of heaven, &c. Polanus hence refelleth that error of certain Lutherans, who affirm, providentiam Dei nihil aliud esse, nisi praescientiam, that the providence of God is nothing else but a certain prescience. formul. concord. fol. 249. for here it is evident, that God is not a fore • eer, but a doer: that all things in heaven and earth fall out according to his will: as Psal. 135. 6. Whatsoever pleased the Lord, that did he in heaven and earth, &c. And Luther himself was of another judgment, whose words are these, Deus omnia infallibili voluntate, & praevidet, proponit & facit, &c. that God by his infallible • ill doth foresee, propound, and do all things, &c. Polan.

Calvin further urgeth this place against those, which make a distinction between the will of God, and permission: As though he suffered some things which he would not have done, which should argue impotency and weakness in God, as though he should suffer some things against his will. A voluntary permission there is in God, in leaving men unto themselves, and suffering things to work according to their kind: but an inuoluntarie permission there is not in God, to suffer anything, which he would not have done. He suffereth sin to be done, though he will it not to be done, yet it is his will it should be done, because he knoweth how to make it serve unto his glory: yet he is no way the author of sin, nor yet accessory unto it.

9. Controv. Against the presumption of the Pope, who would be without check and controlment.

v. 32. None may say unto him, What doest thou? This prerogative and privilege this great king giveth only unto God, to be controlled of none, nor to give account of his doings to any. Therefore the presumption of the Pope is intolerable, who challengeth that to himself, which is only peculiar unto God. As thus his clawbacks and flatterers write of the Papal preeminence and privilege, non est de eius potestate inquirendum, quum primae causa nulla si caus • , no man must inquire of his power, seeing he is the cause of causes, and of the first cause there can be no cause, &c. secund. Bald. in capit. E • cles. &c. And, nemo potest dicere Papae, &c. no man must say unto the Pope, why do you so. distinct. 40. c. si Papa. Hereof F • ederick the 2. Emperor complained in an epistle to Otto Duke of Bavaria, Rationem actuum nemini quasi sit Deus, reddere vult, id quod soli Deo conuenit, vsurpat &c. he will render account to none of his doings, he usurpeth that which only agreeth unto God, that he cannot err, &c. Annal. Aventin. lib. 7. ex Polan.

1. Observ. Worldly and carnal men do only crave the help of the godly in the time of need.

v. 5. Till at the last Daniel came before me. If the Soothsayers and Sorcerers could have served Nabuchadnezzers turn, he would not have sought unto Daniel: but now all other means failing him, he craveth his help to expound the dream: like as men in their health regard not the physicians, but in their sickness run unto them: So Jeroboam when Abiah his some was sick, sent unto Ahiah the Prophet, 2. king. 14.

2. Observ. Witches and Sorcerers not to be sought unto.

Nebuchadnezzar called all his wise men together, to unfold the secret of his dream, but they could do him no good: by which we are taught, not to run unto any such for help: 1. because they cannot help, they are both ignorant, and know nothing, and of no power, and can do little, as is evident in these Chaldean wizards, who did but deceive and abuse the king. 2. Such do use the conference of wicked spirits, and therefore to go unto such, were to forsake God: As Ahaziah in • eeking unto Beelzebub the god of Ekron, did therein deny that there was a God in Israel, 2. King. 1.

3. Observ. Prosperity is dangerous.

v. 9. The boughs thereof were fair, and the fruit much. Nebuchadnezzar in his flourishing and prosperous state is compared to a good tree both fair and fruitful: this his prosperity did lift up his heart, and made him proud, and therefore his boughs were broken off, to make him know himself: So riches and abundance are but a snare to them, which know not how to use them: therefore the wise man prayeth that God would not give him riches, least I be full and deny thee, Prov. 30. 9. They say that the palm tree will not grow in a sat ground, but in a light and sandy: and if the soil be strong and fertile, they must cast salt and ashes at the root to qualify the strength of the ground: So if prosperity be not seasoned with the salt of grace, it is unfruitful and unprofitable. Pintus.

4. Observ. Ministers must be faithful in delivering the truth, though it be not pleasing.

As Daniel verse. 2. delivereth the interpretation to the king of this fearful and terrible dream, though he knew it should not be welcome unto him: so must Ministers in their office be faithful, as the Apostle saith, It is required of the disposers, that everyone be found faithful, 1. Cor. 4. 2. They must fear rather to offend God, then to displease men. So the Lord saith to his Prophet, Crie aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet: and show my people their transgression, &c. Eli was judged for sparing and forbearing his wicked sons; 1. Sam. 2. and the false prophets are threatened, for flattering the people, and sowing pillows under their elbows, Esech. 13. and the watchmen, which tell not the people of the sword coming, shall bear their sin: the Lord will require their blood at his hand, Esec. 33. 6.

5. Observ. We must look unto God's providence in our affliction.

So Daniel saith, c. 2. 21. It is the decree of the most high, which is come upon my Lord the king: When the Lord layeth his hand upon his children, they must look unto him that correcteth them, and humble themselves before him, and not murmur against him, seeing it cometh not by chance, but as it pleaseth the divine providence to dispose, as the Prophet David excellently saith, I held my peace because it was thy doing, Psal. 39. 4.

6. Observ. Of the utility and benefit that cometh of true and effectual repentance.

V. 33. My glory and beauty was restored unto me, &c. Nebuchadnezzar after his seven years humiliation, is restored unto as great honor as ever he was: So Job after he had been afflicted, was raised up to a more glorious and flourishing estate, then he had before: David after his long time of persecution was established in the kingdom: so affliction, and if it work true humiliation and repentance, bringeth greater joy and comfort in the ende, as the Apostle saith, one light affliction which is but for a moment, causeth unto us a far more excellent and eternal weight of glory, 2. Cor. 4. 17.

7. Observ. Of the greatness of the sin of pride, and how the Lord abhorreth it.

V. 28. While the proud word was in the kings mouth, whereby he boasted of his goodly buildings, which he had made not for God's honor, but his own, even in the same moment did the Lord cast him down from his princely throne. So Daniel saith, c. 5. 20. when his heart was hardened in pride, he was deposed from his kingly throne: therefore let all those take heed by this example, whose hearts are lifted up, ascribing their gifts and works to their own wit, industry, and strength, or making their own glory and praise, the ende and scope of all their doings: for the Scripture saith, the Lord resisteth the proud, 1. Pet. 5. 5.

8. Observ. God fighteth for us against the Devil.

V. 27. According to his will he worketh in the army of heaven. The Lord is the commander of the Angels and princes: both good and bad are subject unto him: all things in heaven and earth are swayed according to his will, which is much to the comfort of God's children, that nothing can hinder their salvation: neither Angels, nor principalities, nor powers, height nor depth, can separate them from the love of God in Christ, Rom. 8. 39. And so our Blessed Savior saith, My father is greater then all, and none can take you out of his hand, John. 10. 29.

Quest. 1. Why this chapter is transposed and not set down according to the order of time.

1. It is evident by the last verse of this chapter, that this history fell out in the last year of Balthazars reign, for at this time Babylon was taken: but the prophesies and visions contained, cap. 7. 8. were shown unto Daniel before, the one in the first year, c. 7. 8. the other in the third, cap. 8. 1.

2. The reason hereof is this, because Daniel would set down together all the matters of fact and history unto the 7. chapter, and then follow the prophetical visions together, which only were revealed to Daniel, from cap. 7. to the ende; beside this chapter hath a very fit coherence with the former: for as there it is shown how Nebuchahnezzar was punished for his pride, so the like is set forth here in the fall of Balthazar.

3. It is like that many other memorable acts fell out in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, his son Evil-merodach, and this Balthazar, but Daniel only toucheth such things, quorum vtilis futura erat posteris memoria, the memory and knowledge whereof might be profitable to posterity: as were these miraculous works of God, which were shown upon these kings, Theodoret.

Quest. 2. Of the kings of Chaldea which succeeded after Nebuchadnezzar.

1. Josephus setteth them down in this order, after Nebuchadnezzar he nameth his son Abilomarodachus, then Niglisar his son, and Labosardachus his son the father of Balthazar: the same order followeth Eusebius differing somewhat in names: he calleth these four Amilmathapacus, Egressa • ius, Labosardochus, Balthazar: so also Jerome and Lyranus.

2. Metasthenes as Pintus allegeth him, saith that Evil-merodach had three sons which succeeded one another, the first Niglazar, or Regassar, who reigned 2. years, then Lab-assar-dach, who reigned 3. years, and the third was Balthazar.

3. But all these are deceived: for it is evident out of the S ••• pture, Ierem. 27. v. 5, 6, 7. that after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded only his son, and his sons son: there were not then 4. descents, but only three from Nebuchadnezzar, who was the grandfather, not the greatgrandfather of Bal • hazar: for after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded Evil-merodach, 2. king. 25. 27. and after him his son Balthazar, thus Hugo. Vatab. Inn. Oecolamp. Calvin.

4. But hereupon riseth this difference, that this Ncega-letzer, or Niglazar did depose Evil-merodach his kinsman, who together with his son Balthazar lived in exile among the Medes, and in the mean time Neegaletzer, or Niglazar possessed the kingdom: and so indeed there were four in all, but one of them was an usurper, Polan. see more hereof afterward, quest. 20.

Quest. 3. Of the diverse names of this Balthazar.

1. He is here called Belshatzar, which signifieth a searcher of treasure, of belash, scrutatus est, he searched, and atzar, treasure: he is called of Metasthenes, Balt—assar, and in the vulgar Latin, Balsasar, of the Septuag. Baltasar.

2. He was also called Nabobonidus, or Naboan with Josephus, or Nebonidachus in Eusebius, or as others Nebonidus: which signifieth a prince expelled.

3. Herodotus calleth him Labynetus, or Labunit • s, the son of Nitocris, whom he maketh more famous then Semiramis: but here Herodotus falleth into great error, making these two famous Queens but five ages or generations one before another, whereas from Semiramis to Nitocris, there were run a 1500. years. Peter.

4. Pererius thinketh, that this Balthazar was called Merodach, because Jeremiah saith, cap. 50. 2. Bel is confounded, Merodach is broken down: where Merodach which signifieth sceptrifer, a scepter bearer, is there understood rather of their idol Bel, as appeareth by the phrase, is broken down: which title also they gave unto their kings, Iun. annot. some think that Evil-merodach was so called, as to say prince of Merodaci • , the name of a region of Babylon, which Ptolemy calleth Amordacia, Polan.

Quest. 4. In what year of Balthazars reign this history fell out.

1. Pererius thinketh it was in the 17. year of his reign. Hugo Cardinal. in the 18. year: Metasthenes giveth unto Balthazars reign 5. years: Calvin saith he reigned 8. years, and this happened in the last year of his reign.

2. But it was rather in the third and last year of his reign, as Oecolamp. Bulling. for if so many as 17. or 18. years be allowed unto Balthazars reign, there will be more then 70. years of captivity, which now were expired at the taking of Babylon, and Cyrus entrance: for 37. years were gone of the captivity before Evil-merodach began to reign, 2. king. 25. 27. then Evil-merodach reigned as some account 30. years, Bulling. others give him but 23. Oecolampad. Calvin. they that give the least reckon 18. years, Josephus. there could not then be yet 18. years remaining. And that it was in the third year rather, then in the 5. or 8. this may be a probable reason, because there is mention in Daniel of no more then the 3. year of Balthazar, c. 8. 1.

Quest. 5. Of the greatness of Balthazars feast.

Vers. 1. He made a great feast. We read of other feasts as great as this, as that which Ptolemy the last king of that name, the father of Cleopatra, made unto Pompey: who envited a thousand of his captains to a feast, setting before everyone of them a cup of gold to drink in, and changing the dishes with the messes. But Alexanders feast also exceeded this, who at the solemnizing of his marriage bid 10. thousand gh • stes, giving unto everyone of them a golden cup. And Ahasuerus feast went beyond these, who had at one feast all the princes and captains of his kingdom and provinces, which were an 127. Esther. 1. 1. But of all other that was the greatest feast, which Plin • e writeth to have been made by Pythius, who entertained all Xerxes huge army, which consisted of 700. thousand, and 88. thousand men: and promised them pay for five months. 2. Yet this was a great feast, wherein were present a thousand of Balthazars nobles, and if there were so many of his princes, the rest of the company and followers far exceeded. Hugo thinketh that there were many more, for here a certain number is taken for an uncertain: but this was a sufficient company for a Princes feast. And it fell so out by God's providence, that all these should be here assembled together, that they might all taste of the same calamity: as Jeremiah prophesieth, c. 50. 35. A sword is upon the Chaldeans (saith the Lord) and upon the inhabitants of Babel, and upon her princes and wise men, Polan.

Quest. 6. Of the manner and order of this feast.

1. The Latin interpreter readeth, and everyone drank according to his age: which is two ways understood, either that they sat down according to their age, or that they did drink in measure, everyone according to his strength; sic Lyranus. Perer. Hugo. Pintus. But beside, that to sit according to their age, is not to drink according to their age, and it is not like that there was any order or measure observed in drinking, in this riotus feast, there is no such thing in the original: but thus are the words truly interpreted, he drank wine before a thousand, so also the Septuag.

2. Which words some of the Rabbin's do so understand, as though the king did strive with these thousand of his princes, who should drink most, Osiander. Some think thereby is noted his vnshamefastnesse, that whereas he used at other times to be drunk in secret, now he is drunken before a thousand witnesses: But although hereby is noted his intemperance, that before his nobles took such fill of drink, encouraging them to do the like by his evil example, yet here is an allusion to the fashion of that country, the princes used to take their meat alone: but now to give the better welcome, he doth not only drink before them in the same place, yet at another table, as Vatablus, but he enteraineth them as his guests, eating and drinking together.

Quest. 7. Of the occasion of this feast.

1. Jerome from certain Hebrews reporteth, that Balthazar having heard, that the Jews were to be held in captivity 70. years, which time now by his account was expired, doth make a feast, as insulting against the Lord's people, as though all were fables, & that no such thing was to be expected▪ But Jerome counteth this as a fable, for those 70. years were not yet expired.

2. Some think that the Chaldeans had chased away the Persians and Medes from the city, and thereupon the feast was made▪ Some that Cyrus and Darius being overcome, did •• mage to the king, & were at this feast, while in the mean time their army divided the river into diverse channels, and so made it paessable, and by this means took the city: for if this had been so, after Daniel had expounded the writing upon the wall, and had said, thy kingdom is divided, and given unto the Medes and Persians; ver. 28. if Cyrus and Darius had been present, they would have made them sure enough.

3. Some conjecture that the Persians might seem to give way for a time in policy to make the Babylonians more secure, and that they thereupon for joy made this feast: But they which write of these wars, report that Cyrus of a long time had now besieged the city.

4. The occasion then of this feast was indeed an annual solemnity, which they kept yearly about the 16. day of the month which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Loon, which continued five days together, wherein the servants bear sway in every family, and for that time their masters were subject unto them: and they used to choose one out of their company appareled like the king, whom they called in the Chaldee language Segane, which signifieth a Prince, Iun. Cyrus as Xenophon writeth, took his opportunity by reason of this feast, to assault the city more strongly. Now the Babylonians were secure, both being confident in the strength and defense of the city, which was compassed both with high walls, and with the great river Euphrates: as also they had provision laid up in the city, as both Xenophon and Herodotus write, for 20. years and more. And this made them so secure.

Quest. 8. Who commanded the vessels of the temple to be brought, and how.

V. 2. Balthazzar while he tasted the wine. 1. The word is beteghem, in the taste, which word also signifieth counsel, advise; and thereupon Ab. Ezra thus interpreteth it, in consilio vini, he commanded as the wine advised him, vino dictante, the wine thus decreed: but this interpretation, as Calvin noteth is too curious. 2. Junius readeth, ad gustandum vinum, he sent for the vessels to taste wine in them: But it seemeth they had well drunk wine before, ver. 1. and this was a fruit of their excess and drunkenness. 3. The word chamra, which here signifieth wine, some would derive of the Hebrew word chamar, that signifieth an asse, and understand hereby that some Agaso, some base fellow that kept or drave asses, was set up in this feast to be their king, and that at his bidding all things were done: they suppose him to have been such an one, as is used to be called the Lord of misrule: but that Chamra is here taken for wine, is evident, ver. 1. the king drunk wine. 4. wherefore the usual reading is best: the king in the tasting of wine, &c. that is, when his heart was merry and overcome with wine, as R. David and R. Levi read, he was temulentus, now drunk with wine.

Quest. 9. Of Balthazars profaning of the holy vessels.

Balthazar offendeth diverse ways. 1. In his presumption, he aduentureth to do that which neither Nebuchadnezzar, nor Evil-merodach, his grandfather, or father before him attempted: for none of them are read, to have brought forth these sacred vessels, Calvin. 2. then he profaneth the holy vessels in turning them to profane uses, which were consecrated and dedicated only to the service of God: Bulling. 3. he bringeth them forth not for any necessary or sober use, but in this drunken and lascivious feast, he causeth them to be set before combibo • ibus & scortis, his drunken companions and harlots, Bulling, for here were present his wives and concubines, Bulling. 4. But the greatest impiety of all was, that they praised their abhominable idols; not only giving them the honor of their plenty and feasting: for it was the manner of the heathen in the beginning of their feasts to sacrifice unto their gods, Perer. but they ascribed this victory unto their idols, when these vessels were taken from the Temple at Jerusalem, as though their filthy idols were stronger then the God of Israel, Bulling.

Quest. 10. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did not likewise profane the vessels, in laying them up in his idols temple.

1. It will be objected, that Nebuchadnezzar did as much profane them, by placing them in the Temple of his idols, as the Philistines in bringing the Ark into the house of Dagon: but there the Lord shown his judgment even upon their god in striking off his head and hands, and punished also the Philistines for that profanation, 1. Sam. 5.

2. The answer here is, that the contempt was not alike: for the Philistines presented their idol with the Ark as a monument of their victory, and so robbed God of his honor, but Nebuchadnezzar of some religious respect did lay up these vessels in the Temple, as not fit to be profaned and turned to any common use: and therefore so long as the vessels were there kept, the Lord seemed not to be angry, Hugo ex gloss. This also may be added, that the Ark was a more sacred thing, then the golden vessels▪ for that was not lawful to be touched or seen of any; therefore the abuse offered thereunto was more heinous.

Quest. 11. Of the blind and obscure idolatry of the Chaldeans.

1. V. 4. They praised the gods of gold &c. 1. Concerning their blind idolatry, 1. they used to set up their images before their faces, in some human shape, to the which they sacrificed in the beginning of their feasts, as Athen. lib. 8. Dypnosophist. c. 13. 2. These were made of diverse metals, according to the property of those things which they represented: as they made the image of the Sun of gold, of Mars of iron, of the Moon of silver: as Alexander the coppersmith is said to have made silver shrines for Diana, Act. 19. Lyranus. 3. And further how absurd and foolish the Chaldean idolatry was, is thus described, Baruch, c. 6. v. 3. You shall see in Babel gods of gold and silver borne upon men's shoulders: v. 9. they make crowns of gold for their heads. v. 13. one holdeth a scepter, as though he were a certain Judge of the country, yet cannot slay such as offend him. v. 14. another hath an axe or dagger, or an axe in his right hand, yet is not able to defend himself in battle. v. 16. their eyes are full of dust. v. 17. the Priests keep the Temples shut with doors and bars upon them, as gates are shut up round about upon offenders. v. 18. they light up candles before them, &c. such is the vanity of their idols, and the blindness of those which worship them.

2. And what their obscenitie was in their idolatrous service, is shown in the same place, v. 42. the women girded with cords, sit in the streets, and burn straw: and if one of them be drawn away, and lie with any such as come by, she casteth her neighbor in the teeth, because she was not so worthily reputed, nor her cord broken. Herodotus showeth at large the manner of this vile custom among the Babylonians, how every woman once in her life is bound to go to the temple of Venus, and there to sit, until one come and cast money into her lap, which she taking must rise and go aside with him, and suffer him to have his pleasure of her. They which are beautiful are soon dispatched of their attendance, but they which are deformed are fain to sit two or three years, till some stranger come unto them. Thus their idolatry was joined with obscenitie: as at this time, while they praise their gods of silver and gold, they have their concubines present. And therefore Balthazars fault was the greater, quia vasa illa exposuit vxoribus & concubinis, because he did expose those vessels to his wives and concubines. gloss. ordinar.

Quest. 12. How far it is lawful to apply sacred things to profane uses.

1. Polanus is of opinion, that it is not lawful at all to transfer things consecrated unto God to any profane use: for if Balthazzar were reproved for profaning the holy vessels, much greater is the fault of Christians to abuse such things: & so he concludeth, papistis erepta, &c. things taken from the Papists, if they be consecrated unto God, eidem dicata maneant, they must so remain still.

Contra. 1. There is great difference to be made between things rightly consecrated unto God, and true religion, and things applied to superstitious uses, as Melancthon well saith, res consecratas sine verbo Dei, non esse discernendas à prophanis, that things consecrate without any warrant of God's word, are not discerned from profane, &c. there is not then the like reason between the vessels of the Temple, which were consecrated to God's service by his own commandment, which were no ways to be profaned, and such things as are dedicated to Popish superstition, which have no such warrant. 2. It is evident that Hezekiah, when he brake down the hrasen serpent, which was abused to idolatry, did apply it to profane uses, calling it but a piece of brass, 2. King. 18. 4.

2. Lyranus opinion is, that the consecrated things, the property and form not altered, should not be translated unto any other use: and therefore saith he, it was decreed, vt calix in propria forma, non vendatur nisi alteri Ecclesiae, &c. that a chalice in the proper form, should not be sold, but unto another Church. Contra. But there may be such necessity of the Church and Commonwealth, as to redeem captives, to maintain war, that the chal • ces may be melted, and turned into money: And so was it made lawful by an Imperial constitution of Justinian, that to redeem captives it should be lawful to sell the vessels and ornaments of the Church, and this reason is yielded, non absurdum est animas hominum quibuscunque vestimentis praeferri, it is not inconvenient, that the souls of men should be preferred before vestments.

3. It is not then simply unlawful to translate upon some urgent occasion things consecrate to religion to some other uses: wherein these several considerations must be observed.

We must distinguish between things devoted unto God and his service, and things ordained to superstitious uses, which have no right consecration.

1. Concerning superstitious implements they may be converted to other uses. 1. so that it be done sine furto, without theft, or any disorderly manner: not by any private man, but by such as have authority. 2. It must be provided, that sufficient maintenance be remaining unto the Church, such superstitious dedications being cut off: quantum opus est Ecclesus, impertire debent, they must impart unto the Church so much as is sufficient. 3. The things superstitiously abused, and evil employed, as to maintain idle bellies, and Abbeylubbers, should be converted unto good uses, the maintenance of preachers, relief of the poor and such like. 4. The things taken from Ecclesiastical use, must not be abused to riot and excess: which made Balthazars fault the greater, in profaning these holy vessels in his drunken feast. And so it hath been the miserable use in some places, that great men, consumptis bonis in conuiuijs, frequenter se conuertunt ad spoliandum ecclesias, &c. having consumed their own goods in banketting and feasting, do often fall to the spoiling of Churches. gloss. ordinar. 5. A difference is to be made in those things which are consecrated: some are of necessary use, and are not to be alienated: some were added of superfluity, and were not so pertinent, or properly belonging to the Church: as the politic dominions, and civil jurisdictions, which were given to Ecclesiastical persons, were not so fit to be administered by them: Melancth. But the tithes of the Church, as the proper maintenance thereof, and originally theirs, it had been happy, if they never had been alienated.

2. Now as touching things consecrated unto true religious uses, there is less liberty in alienating of such things: where these cauteles must be observed. 1. We must distinguish between those things, which are of necessary use in God's service, and those which are not so necessary: as the high Priest gave David Goliaths sword, which was consecrated unto God, but of no use in his service: the holy vessels, which were used in the Temple, he would not so easily have given him. 2. Even those Church implements▪ which are used, must give place to necessity, and to works of charity, as is shown before: for God will have mercy, and not sacrifice: to adorn Churches with gold, and to suffer the poor members of Christ to starve, is not pleasing unto him. David in his extreme hunger did eat of the show bread, which it was not lawful for any but the Priests to eat. 3. But like as David, if he could have provided other bread, would not have eaten of that: so all means must first be used, and the last refuge must be to the Church goods, in such extreme cases, and urgent necessities.

13. Quest. Of the fingers, which appeared in the wall, how they were caused.

1. R. Saadiah thinketh that this was the hand of the Angel Gabriel, who is called the man Gabriel, c. 9. 21. and here it is said to be a man's band: but the same word is not used in both places: for here the word is enosh, home, and in the other, ish, vir: this then is but a weak reason.

2. The most think this was done, ministerio Angelico, by the ministry of Angels, Oecolamp. Lyranus operatione Angeli, by the operation of an Angel, Pint. so also Osiander. but Daniel saith, v. 24. that the hand was sent from God.

3. Wherefore I rather think with Calvin, that Deus scripsit virtute su • , God did write it by his power: digiti Iehovae fuerunt, they were the fingers of God, Polan. who procured or caused by his power a man's hand to appear: not that it was indeed a man's hand, but had the similitude thereof, Calvin.

4. Rupertus more particularly saith it was the hand of Christ, thus writing, qui per lapidem de monte sine manibus, in prima, &c. be which is described by a stone cut out of the mountain without hands, in the first vision, and is expressed by his own name in the second (where he is called the son of God) and by the name of watchman, and the holy one, in the third, per manum scribentis designatur, is designed by the hand of a writer in the fourth.

5. But that is too curious, which is observed by the ordinary gloss. God is the writer, the hand is the son of God, by whom he made all things, digiti spiritus sanctus, the fingers are the holy Ghost.

14. Quest. Whether it were the likeness of a • hand only, and seen of Balthazar alone▪

1. Lyranus thinketh it was only the similitude of an hand: it was not manus scribentis secundum existentium, the hand of a writer having any true existence, for then it would have been seen of others as well as of Balthazar, whereas it is said only of Balthazar, that he saw it, Contra. Pererius here refelleth the opinion of Lyranus. 1. The Scripture setteth it down simply, that the fingers of a man's hand appeared: there is no note of similitude added. 2. Though it is said expressly, that Balthazar saw it, it followeth not, but that others might see it also. 3. Neither is his reason good, though the rest had not seen it: for God may open the eyes of some to see such visions, which others see not: as the young man with the Prophet, saw not at the first the fiery chariots and horse which the Prophet saw, till his eyes were opened, 2. king. 6. Perer. 4. Hereunto may be added, that God useth not to feed men's eyes with phantasies, but true appearances: fantastical apparitions are the illusions of Satan. 5. And as it was a true writing remaining upon the wall, so was it a substantial hand that wrote it.

2. Some think further, that Balthazar first and only saw this sight, and not the rest of the gh • sts: as Balaam's asse saw the Angel, before he saw it: so Oecolampad. Calvin speaketh doubtfully: the king saw it, proceres forte non ita, the nobles perhaps not: But I rather think with Junius, that it was seen of all, vt omnes euidenter animaduerterent, &c. that all men might see evidently, it was the hand of God. And so much may be gathered, v. 10. the Queen came in by reason of the talk of the king and his Princes: this strange sight was the matter of all their talk.

15. Quest. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand.

1. The time is noted, that it might evidently appear, propter quod erat vindicta, wherefore this revenge came, Lyranus. for as he was in the middes of his cups, and blasphemed God, and praised his idols, then this hand was sent: like as before while the word was in Nabuchadnezzers mouth, the sentence was pronounced against him for his pride. gloss. ordinary.

2. The fingers of an hand appeared: the hand is the instrument of working, Deus exerit manum iam percussurus, God putteth forth his hand now ready to smite: it signifieth therefore the celerity of God's judgments. Bulling.

3. And in that the hand was seen to write, it showeth the certainty of the judgment: sententia iam scripta & lata est, the sentence was written and decreed against him. Oecolamp.

4. And the hand was seen in loco aspectabili, in a conspicuous place, over against the candlestick; not in a corner of the house, but over against the middes, where they used to set up their lights, Polan. and upon the white pargent of the wall, that it might be the better seen, Bulling.

16. Quest. Why this hand appeared over against the candlestick.

1. The most do make this the reason of it, vt melius appareat manus, &c. that both the hand, and that which was written, might better appear. gloss. ordinar. H • g. vt illustretur scriptura, that the writing might be more conspicuous: so the place where it appeared was very bright, tum ob alborem parietis, both because of the whiteness of the wall, and the light of the candlestick, Bulling. and Calvin giveth a reason of it, fuit nocturnum conviuium, it was a night banket.

2. Junius in his Commentary thinketh that this writing was made the more conspicuous, non solum luce diei, sed etiam lampadum, not only by the light of the day, but of the lamps also: But it is not like they would set up lamps and lights in their feasts by day.

3. I rather approve Junius judgment in his annotations, whom Polanus followeth, who thinketh, that this was an hanging candlestick prepared to give light against the night: for till then was the feast protracted: it was not de nocte coeptum, begun in the night: for afterward Daniel is rewarded, being clothed with purple, and a chain of gold put about his neck, with proclamation made, that he should be the third in the kingdom; which is not like to have been done in the night: as it may appear also by the sending for of the Chaldeans and wise men: and further it is like it was done in the day, that God's judgments might be so much the more manifest and evident to all men. This place, over against the candlestick, is mentioned, because it was a conspicuous place, about the middes of the house, where their lights used to hang. Polan.

17. Quest. Of Balthazars sudden fear, and the manner thereof.

v. 6. The kings countenance changed. 1. This sudden passion and great fear of the king is set forth by the parts, it was both internal: his thoughts troubled him, then it wrought upon his body, by diverse degrees, first, his countenance was changed, waxing wan and pale, the blood running all to the heart and vital parts, as it useth to do in such sudden fear: Lyranus, then his body so trembled, that both his loins did shake and quake, in so much, that he was constrained se discingere, to vnbrace himself, as it were sweating & swelling for fear, Iun. Polan. and then his knees smote together, and it is like also that his teeth chattered in his head. Hug.

2. Though Balthazar understood not the meaning of this writing, yet he trembled and feared, expecting some present judgment, because his own conscience accused him. And though the wicked for the most part are hardened, and are not much moved by the judgments of God; yet God's hand was here upon Balthazar, and struck terror into his soul; this being as the last summons, to call him before the Lord's tribunal seat. Polan.

3. This his terror might have been a preparation to his repentance, if he had had grace to use it: sed in medio cursu defecit, he gave over in the middes of his course: for these his passions did soon vanish away: he was not much moved afterward, when Daniel had shown unto him, how present the danger was, and at hand. Calvin.

18. Quest. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest.

1. Lyranus moving the like doubt, why Nebuchadnezzar upon his second dream called not for Daniel with the first, c. 4. giveth this reason, that Daniel was at that time absent about some necessary affairs, and the king expected his coming: which was the cause, why he commanded not all the Soothsayers to be killed, as he did the first time he dreamed: But neither was that the cause then, but rather Nebuchadnezzar was still addicted unto his superstitious Chaldeans, and would not have used Daniel at all, if he could have found any help at their hands: neither can this reason be alleged here, for it seemeth Daniel was much neglected.

2. Wherefore, as Osiander well collecteth, it seemeth that Daniel so much esteemed in Nabuchadnezzers time, was not employed under licentious Balthazar: he was a stranger in Court, and grown out of knowledge, and therefore the old Queen, to whom he was known in Nabuchadnezzers days, maketh first mention of him.

19. Quest. v. 8. How it came to pass, that the wise men could not so much as read the writing.

1. Lyranus thinketh the Chaldees could not read the writing, because it was written in Hebrew letters, which they were ignorant of: but there being such great affinity between the Hebrew and Chaldee tongue, it is not like there was such difference in the characters, but that the learned among them might have read them.

2. The Hebrew Cabbalists imagine, that the letters were inverted, and the words transposed, and set out of order, and so they could not read them: but it seemeth by Daniel's reading of the writing, and setting down of the words in order, as they were written, that there was no such transposing.

3. Pererius thinketh the meaning is, that they could not read the words with any understanding, they knew not what words to join together, to make any sense or construction of them: but it is evident by Daniel's speech afterward, that they could neither read the writing at all, nor give the interpretation: for first he saith, This is the writing: it should seem then, that they could not so much as spell the words: and then he addeth, This is the interpretation, v. 26.

4. Wherefore it is most probable, that this writing was written in some strange and unknown characters unto the Chaldeans: or rather which is most like, that they were so blinded, and astonished by the power of God, that they could not read it: they were caecitate & stupore perculsi, smitten with blindness and stupidity. Polan. so also Calvin.

20. Quest. What Queen it was, which came in.

v. 10. Now the Queen by reason of the talk of the King, &c. came in. 1. This Queen was not Balthazars wife, as Porphyry scoffingly objected, that she knew more then her husband: for of his wives mention is made before, v. 3. that his wives and concubines drunk in the vessels of the Temple which were brought.

2. Origen, and so also Theodoret, take her to have been the mother of Balthazar: so Bullinger allegeth Herodotus to have been of the same opinion, who calleth the mother of Labynetus, which was this Balthazar, Nitocris, whom he maketh as famous as Semiramis: so also Polanus.

3. But Josephus opinion, which Jerome followeth, and Lyranus, think that this Queen was grandmother to Balthazar, and wife sometime to Nebuchadnezzar; whereof these two reasons may be yielded: 1. one which Theodoret allegeth, verisimile est eam seni • confectam, &c. it is like, that she being stricken in years, did not give her self to drinking and dancing, and such other sports, &c. this conjecture showeth it to be more probable, that she was his grandmother, then mother: for his mother could not be so old, he having reigned but 3. years, being the eldest son, and heir to the kingdom. 2. the other reason Lyranus urgeth, which Pintus also approveth, because she speaketh of things done in Nabuchadnezzers days, which showeth, mulierem fuisse iam vetulam, that she was now a very old woman, Calvin.

21. Quest. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar is called Balthazars father.

1. Some think that Nebuchadnezzar was his great grandfather, and that Balthazar was not the third, but the fourth from him: so Josephus whom Jerome and Beda follow: see before, qu. 2. But this cannot be so, because Ierem. 27. v. 5, 6. the Lord promiseth the kingdom to Nebuchadnezzar, and to his son, and to his sons son, and stayeth there.

2. An other opinion was of Alexander Polyhistor, and Alpheus, with others, whom Josephus mentioneth, lib. 1. cont. Appion. that four reigned after Nebuchadnezzar: 1. Evil-merodach. 2. Niglasar his sisters husband, who killed him. 3. Labosardach his son, who was deposed for his misgouernment, and slain: and then Balthazar was chosen by common consent. But by this account Balthazar should not be at all of Nabuchadnezzers stock and line, contrary to the Scripture, which calleth him his son.

3. The author of the Scholastical history saith, that there were two Nabuchadnezzers, the father and the son: and that Evil-merodach was brother to the second, and reigned after him, who had three sons which succeeded one another in the kingdom after him, Niglazar, Labosardach, and Balthazar: so he maketh Nebuchadnezzar the great, grandfather of this Balthazar, and Balthazar to reign in the fifth place. But it is evident in story, that Evil-merodach succeeded next to Nebuchadnezzar his father, not to his brother of that name: for Nebuchadnezzar is held to have reigned 43. years at the least, as Josephus: but he reigned rather 45. in the 8. year of his reign Jeconiah was carried captive, in the 37. year of whose captivity, which was the 45. year of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-merodach began to reign, 2. king. 25. 27.

Pererius misliketh this opinion, because he maketh two Nabuchadnezzers, whereas sacrd & profana historia vnum tantum agnoscit, both the sacred and profane histories (saith he) acknowledgeth but one Nebuchadnezzar king of Chaldea, &c. wherein I wonder at his forgetfulness, being otherwise a most diligent writer, seeing Josephus evidently maketh two Nabuchadnezzers, the father, to whom he ascribeth 21. years, and his son, to whom he giveth 43. years lib. 10. antiq. c. 11.

4. The fourth opinion is of Theodoret in this chapter, and Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr. histor. that Nebuchadnezzar had two sons, Evil-merodach the elder, and Balthazar the younger, who reigned successively one after another: and so they think, that Balthazar was in deed the son of Nebuchadnezzar: But this cannot be so: for seeing this Balthazar was the last of the Chaldean kings, and Jeremiah prophesied that the kingdom should be given to Nebuchadnezzar, and to his son, and to his sons son, now this prophesy should not be fulfilled, if the kingdom did only remain to him, and to his sons.

5. Not far differing from this opinion, is that which is found in the book of Baruch, c. 1. 11. Pray for Nebuchadnezzar, and for the life of Balthazar his son: where the author of that book, seemeth to make Balthazar the eldest son of Nebuchadnezzar, as next heir to the kingdom. Pererius would thus help the matter, that either Nebuchadnezzar had an other son called Balthazar, who should have been king if he had lived, or that Evil-merodach was also so called: thus also Emmanuel Sa. But neither of these assertions can be proved out of the Canonical Scriptures, which evidently testify, that Evil-merodach was the son of Nebuchadnezzar, and not Balthazar, 2. king. 25. 27. and Ierem. 52. 31.

6. Pintus hath another conceit, that Evil-merodach might be called Nebuchadnezzar, which was a general name to all the Chaldean kings, as the Emperors were called Caesar's, of the first Emperor: and thus he saith Balthazar was Nabuchadnezzers, that is, Euilmerodachs son: but nowhere in Scripture doth it appear, that Nebuchadnezzar was a general name to the kings of Chaldea, neither that Evil-merodach or Balthazar are so called.

3. Pererius opinion is, that Balthazar was the nephew, not properly the son of Nebuchadnezzar, yet he reigned not in the third place, but in the fifth: there came between two other named by foreign writers, Niglasar, and Labosardach, the first was Euilmerodachs sisters husband, who slue Evil-merodach, and so reigned, and Labosardach his son after him, who was deposed and slain for his cruelty: and then Balthazar, who fled unto the Medes, was restored unto the kingdom: so Joseph. lib. 1. cont. Appion. Now Pererius reason is this, why some other reigned between, because otherwise the term of 70. years captivity cannot be made up: for the captivity began in the 19. year of Nebuchadnezzar, when Jerusalem was taken, there remained 25. years of his reign, who reigned in all 43. Evil-merodach 18. years, and Balthazar 17. all these years make but 60. there wanted yet 10. years, which must be made up by the reign of others coming between.

Contra. 1. Though Pererius opinion be admitted as probable, that some usurpers came between Evil-merodach, and Balthazar, yet the reason which he urgeth, is not sufficient: for the 70. years captivity do take beginning rather from the 8. year of Nebuchadnezzar, when Jeconiah went into captivity, 2. king. 24. 12. for from that time the Prophets do begin the account of the 70. years, Ezek. 1. 1. and c. 24. 1. and in other places of that Prophesy. And Nebuchadnezzar reigned 45. years: 8. years before the captivity began, 2. king. 24. 12. and 37. years of the captivity: 2. king. 25. 27. so that the ten years which are wanting, may thus be filled up.

8. Pererius thinketh, that the strange names of Niglazar, and Labosardach, mentioned by Josephus, were the same with Evil-merodach and Balthazar, called by other names, in 2. cap. Daniel. But Josephus, and other writers whom he followeth, as Berosus, Alexander Polyhistor, with others, make these diverse kings from the rest: for Josephus nameth Abilomarodach beside, who in Scripture is called Evil-merodach.

9. The truth then is this, that Evil-merodach, as Pererius reporteth out of some writers, was slain by Niglazar, or Neegal-etzer his sisters husband; or as Junius out of others, he was expulsed out of his kingdom, and he with Balthazar his son lived in exile among the Medes: in the mean time Niglasar, and his son Labosardach after him, a while usurped the kingdom, and after that Balthazar was restored: So that Balthazar was in deed the right nephew of Nebuchadnezzar, yet called his son according to the phrase of Scripture: see before, quest. 2.

Quest. 22. Of the Queens oration to the King.

It consisteth of 4. parts: 1. the salutation: O King, live forever, whereby she doth insinuate her self, 2. the proposition, which containeth the drift and scope of her speech, that he should not be troubled, v. 10.

3. The narration followeth containing a reason, why he should not be troubled, because there was a man found in his kingdom, who was able to reveal this secret. In this narration three things are expressed, 1. a description of Daniel by his gifts, 2. the experience of his gifts in the days of Nebuchadnezzar, which were three: light or illumination by God's spirit, understanding in the apprehension of those things which were revealed, and wisdom in wisely and fitly applying the same. 3. then the approbation of his gifts, and public testification by his advancement: he was set over all the wise men.

4. The fourth part is the conclusion, that Daniel might be sent for to interpret the kings vision: with a repetition of the argument taken from his sufficiency and ability, which consisted either in his gifts, which are the three before named, an excellent spirit called before (light,) understanding, and knowledge called before (wisdom:) or else in the exercising and use of these gifts, specially in the expounding of dreams, more generally in declaring hard sentences, and most generally of all in declaring any manner of doubts, or hid matters, v. 12.

Quest. 23. Of the excellent wisdom and other princely parts in this old Queen.

1. In that she came in upon this occasion to the banket, not having been there before, therein she was an example of great temperance and sobrieti • , in not being present at this riotous seast, Polan. 2. her wisdom appeareth in the whole course of her speech: she saluteth the king with loving words to insinuate her self, therein also giving an example of due reverence to be yielded unto kings, Bulling. 3. she is sola admiratrix viriutum Danielis, found to be the only admirer of Daniel's gifts, Oecolamp, and setteth him forth as one excelling all other in the gifts of wisdom and understanding. 4. And beside in making mention of Nebuchadnezzar, a prince of great wisdom and judgment, who advanced Daniel for his excellent wisdom, ostendit eum nimis crass arrare, she showeth that he greatly erred in neglecting such an excellent man in his kingdom, and seeking satisfaction of others, where it was not to be found, Calvin, herein then appeareth her faithfulness in giving such good advice unto the king. 5. And the Queen whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris, is by the same author commended for a woman of great wisdom, whereof he giveth this experiment: she caused her tomb to be made in an high and conspicuous place over one of the gates of the city, with an inscription to this effect, that if any of the kings of Babylon wanted money, if he opened that sepulcher, he should find enough: Afterward Darius of Persia opened the tomb, wherein he found nothing but a writing to this effect, that if he had not an insatiable mind, he would not have raked in the tombs and ashes of the dead. 6. This woman for her great age and experience, like to have been the wife of Nebuchadnezzar, was of great wisdom: she was not Balthazars wife, as is before shown, quest. 20. And therefore Porphyry his scoff, that the wife here shown her self wiser, then her husband, is soon answered.

Quest. 24. Of Balthazars speech to Daniel.

v. 13. Art thou that Daniel, &c. 1. he upbraideth him with his captivity, which art of the children of the captivity, &c. Junius and Polanus following him think, that he moved this question to be certain of his person: but there being no more of that name, or of those excellent parts, it is rather to be imputed to his pride, as insulting over the poor captives, and vaunting of the victory, which his predecessors had gotten: the Queen wisely concealed this, hoc vnum commemorat gloriosus rex, but the king remembereth this one thing more then the rest, Oecolamp. so also Bulling. The gloss. saith, that he asked this question, because the Prophets were only of the nation of the Jews: But if the king had held such an opinion of the Jews, he would not have relied upon his Chaldean Soothsayers: therefore these questions rather spirant superbiam regis, do breath out the pride of the king, Osiander.

2. The kings simplicity appeareth, that saith no other thing then was put before into his mouth: as unwise and simple Princes use to speak unto their people conceptis verbis, & in aurem suggestis, in a set speech, and suggested as it were to their ears, Bulling.

3. Detegitur eius socordia, his carelessness appeareth, that hath nothing but by hear-say, Calvin, that he did not take knowledge himself of so worthy and excellent a man, as Daniel was.

4. Dubitanter loquitur, he speaketh doubtfully, v. 16. if thou canst, &c. he had yet more confidence in his Chaldees, Oecolamp. 5. Non quaerit consilium, &c. he doth not require any counsel how he might escape this danger, but only to know the meaning of the dream, Pelican.

Quest. 25. Of Daniel's answer to the king, and the several parts thereof.

It consisteth 1. of the exordtum, or preface, and 2. of the narration.

1. In the preface there is 1. a refusal of the kings rewards, then a promise and undertaking to interpret the dream.

2. In the narration there is first a redargution, and reprehension of the king, showing the cause why the Lord sent this strange sight, v. 25. then the interpretation of the vision.

In the reprehension 1. there is a commemoration of that which happened to Nebuchadnezzar to v. 22. 2. an application thereof to the king.

In the commemoration, 1. the benefits are rehearsed, which God had bestowed upon Nebuchadnezzar, a kingdom, majesty, authority, and honor, v. 18. 2. his unthankfulness is shown, that abused his authority and power to cruelty, injustice, and tyranny, v. 19. 3. his punishment is declared 1. in his deprivation and deposing from his kingly estate. 2. in the misery that befell him, living and dwelling among brute beasts, to v. 22.

In the application the reprehension is set forth first negatively, that he was not moved with an example, which was so near him, even in his grandfather, who is here called his father: Then affirmatively, he had lift up his heart, which is described by four effects. 1. in that he had brought forth the vessels of God's house. 2. he had profaned them, in that he, his princes, wives, and concubines, drunk in them. 3. he praised their idols, which are described, 1. by their matter, they were made but of silver, brass, and such like. 2. by their impotency, they could neither see, hear, nor understand. 4. he gave not glory unto God, which is aggravated by two benefits, the giving him of his life and breath, and in protecting him, in whose hand is thy breath, and all thy ways, &c.

3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dream, v. 25. to 29.

Quest. 26. Of Daniel's abrupt beginning, in his speech to the king, v. 17. Keep thy rewards to thyself.

The reasons why Daniel useth no insinua • ion or salutation to the king, were these; 1. In respect of his age and gravity, such a simple and plain beginning became him: for he was 90. year old, if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captivity. 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office, being a Prophet, and now consulted with concerning the will and counsel of God, to show his contempt of the kings gifts, Iun. 3. hoc ips • monstrauit abiectum, &c. in that he saluteth him not as a king, giving him his titles, he therein showeth that he was now rejected of God, no longer to be king, Oecolampad. 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impi • & desperate • , he would speak the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man, of whom there was small hope, and therefore he doth rip up his sin, and searcheth it to the depth, Calvin.

Quest. 27. Why Daniel rejecteth the kings rewards.

1. That was not only the reason, in respect of his office because he was a Prophet, least he might seem to have made merchandize of his prophetical gift, as Polan. and to fulfill that saying in the gospel, ye have freely received, freely give, Lyranus. Pelican. for then he should not by this reason have received any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar.

2. Neither was this the cause, tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciper • , it was not fit for one telling hard news to receive gifts, gloss. ordinar. for then neither should Daniel have received any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar, after he had expounded the dream of theimage, which foreshowed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzar's kingdom.

3. And to say, that Daniel affected no such honors, because he was now old, is an insufficient reason: for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places, but only for the good of the L • rds people.

4. But the special reasons, are these two, noluit ab homine impi • , &c. he would not receive any gifts of a wicked man, Osiander, as Abraham refused to take anything of the king of Sodom, and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman, who was a stranger: As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat, the time of subjection unto this king, and of his government, was at an ende, Calvin. and therefore he refused these honors at his hand, who was as no king, but rejected of God.

Quest. 28. Why Daniel received the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar, and refuseth them from Balthazar.

1. The reason of this difference is, because Daniel knew that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdom, which the Lord had give • to him, and to his son: and therefore he made no refusal of the honors which were offered unto him, because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead: But the case was now otherwise: for he knew that Balthazars kingdom was at an ende, and these honors under him he could not long hold: and the Monarchy of the Chaldeans being at an ende, he could not thereby advantage the people of God, Polan.

2. Because also their was greater obstinacy and stubbornness in Balthazar, then there was in Nebuchadnezzar, ideo oftendit se minus ei defer, quam avo, and therefore he showeth, that he doth not so much respect and honor him, as his grandfather, Calvin.

Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusal accepted afterward of these rewards, v. 29.

This shown no inconstancy at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done unto him, which before he in words refused. 1. It is like, that they were very urgent and instant upon him to accept of the kings offers. 2. Chrysostom giveth this reason, that if he had been stiff in refusing still, it would have been thought, quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset, that he himself had doubted of the truth of his answer: and therefore to take away that suspicion, he upon that instance accepteth of the rewards: so also Occolampad. Bulling. 3. An other reason was, qui mundi diuitias contempserat, ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur, least he which had despised the riches of the world, should have seemed to have set the king himself at naught, he accepteth of the kings offers, Pintus. 4. If he had still obstinately refused, he might have been brought in suspicionem proditionis, into suspicion of treason, Calvin. as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king, if he had refused Balthazars rewards and offers. 5. signum fuisset timiditatis, it had been also a sign of fearfulness, that by this means he might have lien hid still, and so escaped the danger, being called to no public place: he therefore in accepting of these honors, ostendit se imperterritum, showeth himself without fear, Calvin.

Quest. 30. Whether in these words, he put to death whom he would, v. 19. Nebuchadnezzar's tyrannical government be expressed.

1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzar's tyranny and cruel government, as though he put to death the innocent, and spoiled men of their goods, without just cause or equity: for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power, the next v. following showeth, But when his heart was puffed up: this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar, and his heart not yet lifted up.

2. Neither yet do I think with Bullinger, that it is like, that Nebuchadnezzar, non injust suum administrauit regnum, did not unjustly administer his kingdom: for the contrary appeareth, c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slain without cause, for that they could not tell the king his dream, which he had forgotten: and c. 3. he commanded the three servants of God to be cast into the fiery furnace, for refusing to worship the idol which he had set up.

3. Nor yet can it be proved by this place, that princes have authority, to take away their subjects lives and goods at their pleasure: for even kings themselves must remember, serationem summo regi reddituros, that they also shall give account unto the the great king, Calvin.

4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate, of the kingly power, Calv. neither touching the abuse or right use thereof: But showeth to what eminent authority God had exalted him, that he might exalt and cast down whom he list: to show that God had given him this great honor and power, for the which he was feared of all. This amplitude and greatness of his authority is set forth by two effects. 1. the one is in his subjects, they feared and stood in awe of him, both for the inward conscience which they had of authority, and in respect of his great and absolute power: the other is in the king himself, he might do and did what he would, both the lives and goods of men were at his beck, Polan. Daniel therefore rather speaketh, what he did de facto, in fact, then, de iure, of right.

Quest. 31. Of the writing and the interpretation thereof in general.

v. 24. Then was the palm of the hand sent, &c. Three things are here declared. 1. the manner of the writing. 2. the matter. 3. the meaning. 1. The manner is set forth in these four points, 1. the time is expressed, then and there, when the king had profaned the holy vessels, and blasphemed God. 2. the author and efficient cause was God. 3. the iustrument, a palm or part of an hand. 4. the form, it was in writing.

2. The matter which was written consisted of four words, the first being twice repeated.

3. The meaning and interpretation consisteth of three parts. 1. the certain determination of God, who had now numbered and fulfilled the time of his kingdom. 2. the inquisition and examination: God having weighed him found him to be too light. 3. the execution of God's decree: his kingdom was divided and given to others.

Quest. 32. Of interpretation by writing in general.

1. By this example of Daniel, who scanneth the words themselves, and thereupon groundeth his interpretation, the Rabbin's would warrant their devise of their Cabbalisticall interpretation, whereby they take upon them by hunting after syllables and letters to find out mysteries in Scripture: thinking that they may take unto themselves the like liberty, which Daniel here used.

2. Contra. 1. They must first be sure, that they have the like prophetical spirit, which Daniel had, before they may adventure upon such mystical interpretations. 2. the occasion is not alike: this writing was extraordinary, and therefore it was obscure and mystical: but the writing of the Scripture containeth an ordinary and plain form of doctrine, and therefore it is not in such curious manner to be handled. 3. neither did Daniel here examine every letter and syllable, as the Cabalists do, but taketh the words only as they lie in order, and maketh up a full sense of them.

Quest. 33. Why the first word Mene is doubled.

1. Some do give this reason of this repetition, the word mene, is derived of manah which signifiech to number: and first they would have signified the numbering of the years of his kingdom, then the days and term of his life: But this is too curious: and the interpretation is of his kingdom: God hath numbered thy kingdom.

2. Bullinger taketh it to be according to the Hebrew phrase, as they use to say, clamando clamauit, in crying he cried: moriendo morieris, in dying thou shalt die, which phrase is used for more vehemency of speech.

3. But there is beside an allusion here unto the manner of taking account, and numbering: men for failing will number twice, to be sure that they number right: so by this twice numbering, is signified that God had most exactly nnmbred the term of his kingdom: so R. Saadia, whom Polanus followeth: so also Calvin.

4. Junius thinketh that by numbering is meant, the singular care which God had of that kingdom: singulari quadam ration curatum est, that God after a singular manner took care thereof, as they use to do, which have things in number and account: but it rather showeth, that the time and term of his kingdom was determined: as the next words declare, and hath finished it: sic Lyranus. Hugo. necesse est vt finem accipiat,&c. now his kingdom must needs be at an ende, because it is fulfilled, Calvin.

Quest. 34. Of the meaning of the word Tekel.

1. Tekel signifieth he hath weighed, this phrase is taken from merchants or goldsmiths, that use most exactly to weigh their gold, and that which is light, they do reject and refuse: So God had most exactly tried and examined the life and works of Balthazar, and found them too light.

2. Some do thus apply this similitude, as though the sins of Balthazar should be weighed in one balance, which was pressed down, and in the other which was light, his piety and virtue, which appeared to be very small, Perer. Hugo thus expoundeth: God hath weighed the time of thy life, iamillud declinare pronuntiat, and now he pronounceth it to be declining, as a scoale that inclineth, and sinketh down: But rather Balthazar is found, being weighed against God's justice, to be in the light scoale, quasinullum pondus haberet, as though he had no weight at all, as Daniel here expoundeth, Calvin.

3. Thus is this phrase used in Scripture, as Job saith, c. 6. 2, 3. O that my miseries were laid together in a balance, it would now be heavier then the sand of the Sea. His meaning is, that if his miseries were valued in an equal judgment, they would be found to be heavier then they seemed to be: Pintus giveth this sense, as though Job should think that his afflictions being weighed against his sins, would be found too heavy for them: but Job was far from accusing God of such injustice, that his miseries and sorrows laid upon him, were greater then his sins.

4. But it will seem strange, this phrase of weighing in a balance, being used to signify a just examination, and trial, that Apocal. 6. 5. he which sat upon the black horse, (whom Pintus expoundeth to be the devil) should have a pair of balances in his hand: for it is far from Satan to do things in measure and weight: Pintus therefore giveth this sense: he is said to have a balance, non quod illa vtatur, sed quod videatur vti, not that indeed he useth a just balance, but seemeth to use it: But the sense of the place rather is this, by the black horse is signified dearth, famine, and scarcity of all things: and by the balance, that by a scant and exact weight their corn and food should be weighed unto them.

5. In this interpretation two things are insinuated, 1. the examination and trial of Balthazar in the judgment of God: he was weighed. 2. then the event and issue, he was found too light, Polan.

6. Deus non vtitur communi trutina, God useth not here a common balance or scoale, he hath a balance of his own: though Balthazar might be approved in the judgment of others, yet God's judgment was otherwise, he found him too light, Calvin. like as the goldsmith useth more exact weights then other Merchants and tradesmen, so the Lord's exact judgment far exccedeth man's.

Quest. 35. Of the meaning of the word Pheres.

1. Whereas the word written upon the wall was pharsin, in the plural, they have divided, and here it is put in the singular, pheres, he hath divided, therein is no great difference: for by both are expressed the causes subordinate one unto another: in the singular it is understood of God, who was the principal author, and chief worker: in the plural it is understood of God's iustruments in this work, the Medes and Persians, Polan.

2. And in the word pheres, there is an evident allusion unto the word paras, which signifieth the Persian.

3. It is also put in the preter tense, he hath divided, to show the certanitie thereof: before the Lord it was as already done.

4. Two things are here prophesied, that this kingdom should be divided, and between whom, the Medes and Persians, for so Darius and Cyrus did as it were devide the kingdom between them: Darius had Babylon, and Cyrus Assyria, leaving Babylon to Darius, himself going in expedition against the Scythians.

5. This Isaiah prophesied of, above 200. years before, as Pererius, rather an 170. years as Polanus, that the Medes should be sent against the Chaldeans, Isaiah. 13. 17. behold I will stir up the Medes against them.

Quest. 36. Of the tropologicall, that is, the moral application of this vision

1. By the hand writing upon the wall, is signified the justice of God, which both praescribit supplicia, & suo tempore infert, prescribeth aforehand punishments due unto men's sins, and in due time bringeth them forth and inflicteth them: it also may be applied unto the judgment of the conscience, wherein are written, and as it were scoared up the sins, which one committeth: as Job saith, c. 13. 26. thou writest bitter things against me, and makest me to possess the sins of my youth.

2. And by the three words may be signified, the three last things which shall come upon sinners, the remembrance whereof useth to be most grievous unto them, death, final judgment, and bell. By the numbering of the days and the fulfilling of them, men are brought to think of their ende, as Job saith, c. 14. 5. are not his days determined, the number of his months is with thee? by weighing in the balance is signified the most perfect judgment of God in the last day: And by division the punishment of hell, where the wicked and reprobate shall forever be divided and separate from God's presence, Perer.

Quest. 37. Why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honored hearing so evil news.

1. Josephus giveth this reason, that although Daniel had told heavy things unto the king, yet he kept his promise, and seemed not much to be moved, thus thinking with himself, quod non bona audierat, sui fati culpani esse, non prophet • , that it was his own fate and destiny, not the Prophets fault, that he heard no better news, the Prophet did but discharge his duty: But it is not like, that the king had any such thought, or so equal consideration.

2. Jerome giveth two other reasons hereof: aut post long a tempora credidit futura, he did think that these things might come to pass long after; or in honoring the Prophet he might think to obtain pardon of his sin: But the city being now besieged, if the king had not been altogether besotted, might have put the king in mind of his present danger: and it seemeth by his security, that he had no such good thought, as to think how his sin might be forgiven him.

3. Some think the king kept his promise, ne coram hominibus mendacij arg • eretur, left he might before men have been found in a lie, Lyranus. And it was the constant use and custom of the kings of Persia to keep their word: intelligebat proprium esse regis veritatem seruare, he understood it was the property of a king to keep the truth, Pintus. so also Occolampadius, sanctissima esse, &c. the things which the kings promised were most sacred.

4. The king might have some care of his credit to keep his princely word, as Herod had to perform his wicked oath: But this the king did rather being carried with great admiration of the divine wisdom, which was in Daniel, Osiander. And herein the king shown his carnal security, incolume regnum sibi promisit, he still promised unto himself a safe estate and prosperous kingdom: Bulling. Calvin thinketh that although Balthazar were somewhat moved with this commination, yet he caused Daniel to be honored, to set a good face upon it, ne signum aliquod praeberet timiditatis, that he should not seem to show any sign of fearfulness: But it rather shown his stupidity and great security, as before is noted.

Quest. 38. Of the honors bestowed here upon Daniel.

The honors and favors here conferred upon Daniel, are either the ensigns of honor, or the government it self upon which the other ornaments attended.

1. The ornaments of honor are two, purple raiment, and a chain of gold. Lyranus here noteth that there were four kind of ensigns and ornaments of estate: the purple to be or other precious garment, a chain, a ring of gold, and a crown: all these things concurring together, did signify the regal dignity: but being more or few, and not all, designabant participationem honoris regij, they did but show the participation of the kingly honor, as Joseph had three of them, when he was advanced of Pharaoh, a ring, costly raiment, and a chain of gold, Gen. 41. 42. but he had not the crown or diademe. So Mordecai was honored with princely raiment, and a diademe, but mention is not made of the kings ring, and chain of gold, Esther. 6. 9.

2. The honor it self which is bestowed upon Daniel, is, to be the third man in the kingdom, which Josephus expoundeth, that the third part of the kingdom should be given unto him: but that is not like that the king would give away any part of his kingdom: Jerome thinketh he was made one of the three, which was set over the kingdom, as cap. 6. 2. But if Daniel had been in that place before, then Darius needed not to have advanced Daniel again to be one of the three rulers. Therefore Theodoret taketh it, he was the third man in honor and authority next to the king, so also Lyranus, the king was the first, the Queen or heir of the kingdom might be the next, and Daniel the third.

Quest. 39. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honors.

1. Though Daniel were unwilling to receive these honors, yet seeing they were forced upon him, he is content to accept of them, least if he had refused still, in suspitionē proditionis veniret, he might have been brought into suspicion of some treason or practice against the king, Polan.

2. And beside, foreseeing that the kingdom should come unto the hands of the Medes and Persians, he accepted of them, vt postea noti • r fieret Persi • , in solatium filiorum Dei, that he might thereby be better known unto the Persians, for the comfort of the children of God, gloss. ordinar, O ••• lamp.

3. And beside, these ornaments being a sign of freedom and of dignity, it was fit that Daniel, to whom the king had objected before his ser • itude and captivity, should not refuse them, whereby he was now made free and honorable in the city.

4. If these vestures had been any special ornaments of the idolatrous priests and Soothsayers, as some think, it is like that Daniel so holy a man, would have utterly rejected them: Polan. see before quest. 29.

Quest. 40. Why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance, as he had done Nebuchadn • zzar before.

1. One reason hereof may be yielded to be this, the same which Theod • r • t • lleadgeth, why it pleased the Lord to chastise Nebuchadnezzar for a time to humble him, and afterward raise him up again, but Balthazar is cut off altogether: because Balthazar was more indurate and hardened in his sin, seeing he had Nebuchadnezz •• example before him, and yet would not be warned. And so the Prophet obi • cting here unto Balthazar his fathers example, which he made no use of, saw that there was small hope of his repentance.

2. And further Daniel did see by the spirit of prophesy, hanc sententiam non fuisse come • natoriam, sed plane absolutam, that this sentence pronounced against Balthazar, was not by way of commination, which useth to be conditional upon men's repentance, as was the threatening of Jonah against Nineveh, but it was peremptory and absolute: and as Bal. hazat was confirmed and settled in his sin, so this sentence was irrevocable. Perer.

41. Quest. v. 30. Whether Balthazar were slain at this time.

1. It is the opinion of some, that Balthazar was not slain at all when the city was taken, but that Balthazar, called in foreign histories Nabonidus, when the city was besieged by Cyrus, did yield himself, and so he not only obtained his life, but had a place of habitation assigned him in Carmania, where he died: thus seem to write Alexander Polyhistor, Megasthenes, Alpheus, as they are cited by Joseph. l. 1. cont. Appion.

But it is untrue, that Balthazars life was spared, for the Scripture here evidently saith, that he was slain: this favor indeed Cyrus shown to his grandfather Astyages, whom he deposed from his government being a tyrant, as Herodotus and Justinus write: it is not like, that he would use such clemency toward his mortal enemy: at the least, if there had been any such thing, which would have tended much to the praise and honor of Cyrus, Xenophon, who is very large and lavish in setting forth the praise of Cyrus, in all likelihood would not have omitted it.

2. Wherefore the truth is, according to the Scripture here, that Balthazar was at this time slain: and thereunto agreeth Xenophon, that the king of Babylon himself was put to the sword, when the city was taken. lib. 7. de Cyri institut.

42. Quest. Whether Balthazar were slain the same night, and the city taken.

1. Some seem to be of opinion, that this murder was committed upon Balthazar a long time before the taking of the city by the Medes and Persians, about 17. year, before, whom they say was slain by the Babylonians, and one of the conspirators called Darius the Median, was chosen king in his place: and that this was done many years before Cyrus invaded Babylon. This conceit they would ground upon the report of Berosus and Megasthenes. But they do greatly mistake one thing for another: for he which was so deposed by the Babylonians, was Labosordach the son of Niglasar, or Neege-lasar, who had before expelled Evil-merodach called Labinitus by Herodotus, together with his son Balthazar, called also Labinitus the second, which name signifieth, a Prince expulsed: and because he fled unto the Medes, he was called Medus, a Median: this was not Darius then of the Medes, which was set up by the Babylonians, but Balthazar called Labinitus of the Medes, because he lived an exile there, Iun. in commentar. see before, qu. 21. 9.

2. Josephus saith, non multum abijt temporis, much time passed not after Daniel had expounded this vision, when both the King and the city was taken by Cyrus. If Josephus understand, not many hours after, he agreeth with the Scripture; but if he mean many days, or months, he is deceived.

3. Zon • ras affirmeth this to have been the opinion of diverse, that Balthazar was slain the same night, but he seemeth not to be of that opinion: which seemeth strange, that he being a Christian writer, should speak so doubtfully of a thing so evident in the sacred story.

4. All these things are evident out of Scripture: 1. that Babylon, after 70. years of the Jews captivity, should be surprised and taken, Ierem. 25. 12. 2. that the king himself should be slain at the taking of the city: as Isa. 14. 4. The oppressor shall cease. v. 22. I will cut off in Babel the name and the remnant, the son, and the • ephew: for Balthazar was nephew to Nebuchadnezzar. 3. It should be done on a sudden: Isa. 47. 11. Destruction shall come upon thee suddenly, or thou beware. 4. and in the night: Isa. 21. 4. The night of my pleasures hath he turned into fear. 5. and in the time of their feast, therefore he is called the king of Sheshach, of the feast of their goddess Shacah, Ier. 25. 26.

Quest. 43. Whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon.

1. The Authors before rehearsed, which think that Balthazar was not slain, but yielded himself to Cyrus, and so was sau • d alive, do add further, that when the King heard that Cyrus was coming with a great army to besiege Babylon, he fled to a city called Borsippa, and thither Cyrus pursued him, and besieged him there, who seeing that he could not hold out, yielded himself unto Cyrus clemency.

2. But Xenophons opinion, lib. 7. is more probable, that the king was taken at Babylon, which is also most consonant to Scripture: for though it be not directly expressed, that he was slain in Babylon, yet it followeth by necessary collection, that that was the place, where Balthazar was both deprived of his life and kingdom. 1. There was the kings palace, c. 4. 27. where the Chaldean kings usually did reside. 2. there was the temple of Bel, where the vessels of God's house were laid up, c. 1. 2. from whence they were brought unto this riotous feast: but they could not have been fetch from Babylon to another place, seeing the city was now besieged by Cyrus. 3. and for the same reason so many nobles could not have been gathered together. 4. nor yet the wise men of Babel assembled. 5. neither is it like, that Balthazar being in such fear, would in that obscure place have made such a feast, whereas in Babylon he trusted to the defense of the city.

44. Quest. By what means Babylon was taken.

1. Some think that Cyrus and Darius did homage unto king Balthazar, and he thereupon made this feast, whereat they were present: who when they heard the prophesy of Daniel, and seeing the king and his nobles drunk with wine, took their opportunity, and so set upon them, and killed them. ex Hugon. But it is not like, that the king would have been so secure, if his enemies had been in his hand, but that he would have made them sure.

2. Some are of opinion, that the Babylonians hearing Daniel's prophesy, durst not resist their enemies, but gave up the city unto them. ex Perer. but it is not like, if the city had been yielded up, that Cyrus and Darius would have made such havoc of them, putting the king and his nobles to the sword.

3. Josephus saith, quod Cyro fortiter dimicante capta est Babylon,, that Babylon was taken, Cyrus strongly assaulting it: but, though the city were besieged, it seemeth by the great security and feasting in the city, that there was no such assault made.

4. Thomas thinketh, that seeing the Lord appointed by Cyrus to deliver his people out of captivity, that he by his power caused the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, subito siccari, of a sudden to be dried up: but seeing that neither in Scripture, nor in any foreign writer any such thing is spoken of, it is dangerous to imagine miracles without a good ground; and beside the river Tigris was a great way distant from Babylon: God indeed did extraordinarily assist Cyrus, as the Prophet saith, I will go before thee, and make the crooked straight: I will break the brazen doors, and burst the iron bars, Isa. 45. 2. but of the drying up of the river the Prophet speaketh not.

5. Wherefore this is most probable, as both Herodotus and Xenophon write, that when Cyrus saw that the city was otherwise invincible, he used this stratagem, he caused the river Euphrates to be divided into many channels, and so made it passeable, and then his army passed over, and by the guiding of Gadata and Gobryas two of the kings chief courtiers, they entered into the city. Herod. l. 1. Xenoph. l. 7.

45. Quest. By whom Balthazar was slain.

1. The Rabbins, and among the rest Ab. Ezra do think, that one of Balthazars Courtiers hearing Daniel's prophesy of the ruin of Balthazar, and of the kingdom, did presently slay the king, and carried his head to Cyrus, because he would execute the judgment of God against him: but the Lord needed not to have such treacherous executioners of his will. Calvin.

2. An other opinion is, that Balthazar was slain of Cyrus soldiers, while they set upon him, and he in the mean time defended himself with a sword. Lyranus.

3. But it is most like, that he was slain by the hands of Gadata, and Gobryas, which betrayed the city, and brought in Cyrus army, whom the king before had offended: for Balthazar had caused Gadata before to be gelded, and had slain Gobryas son in hunting, and they to be revenged conspired against him. Calvin. Bulling. Oecolampad. Polan. ex Xenophon. l. 7.

46. Quest. By whom the city of Babylon was taken.

1. The Grecian historiographers do ascribe this victory and exploit in taking of Babylon only unto Cyrus, as Herodotus, Xenophon: and the reason thereof is, because they followed therein the Persian histories, which ascribed the whole praise unto Cyrus: and beside, as Strabo writeth, lib. 15. the Grecians did extol the Persians beyond all other Barbarians, of whom they obtained many noble victories, which made for their own commendation.

2. Theodoret on the other side, thinketh that Cyrus did not join with Darius in this exploit: and he giveth these two reasons thereof: 1. because their reign is distinguished, c. 6. 28. Daniel prospered in the reign of Darius, and in the reign of Cyrus of Persia: but if they had both joined together, it had been but one and the same kingdom. 2. he that joined with Cyrus, was Cyaxares, whom it is hard to prove to be this Darius of the Medes: this Darius was before Ahasuerus, and Cyrus was after: and thus Theodoret would infringe Josephus report.

Contra. 1. At this time, when Babylon was taken, the kingdom of the Medes and Persians is only in Darius, who reigned not long, and then Cyrus succeeded: therefore their reign was distinguished. And that Darius held the kingdom of the Medes and Persians at this time, is evident, c. 6. 15. Perer. 2. In the Greek histories, as Josephus writeth, Darius is called by another name: and it is no rare thing, for one to have diverse names; and to be called by one in the Scriptures, by another in foreign histories: as Ezra 4. the king which hindered the building of the Temple, is called Ahasuerus, and Artaxerxes, who is the same, who is named Cambises by other historiographers, the son of Cyrus: so the last king of the Medes by Herodotus is said to be Astyages the son of Cyaxares, whom Diodorus calleth Apanda, the other Astibara: so also this Darius may be the same, who is called Cyaxares the son not of Astyages, but of Ahasuerus, c. 9. 1.

3. Wherefore Josephus opinion is more probable, whom Jerome followeth, that Darius and Cyrus with the power of the Medes and Persians joined together in the siege of Babel: which best agreeth both to the prophesy of Daniel here, that the kingdom was given to the Medes and Persians; and to the vision of the image, c. 2. where the second Monarchy next unto Babylon, is represented and set forth by the two arms of silver, which signified the two kingdoms of the Medes and Persians joined in one.

4. Xenophon, whom Junius followeth in his commentary, thinketh that although Darius was the chief procurer and beginner of this war with the Babylonians, yet he himself was not present in person, but stayed at home to defend his own kingdom of Media: but by the words of the text here, that presently after Balthazar was slain, Darius took the kingdom, it appeareth, that he was present then to take the kingdom upon him.

47. Quest. Who was chief in the taking of Babylon, Darius, or Cyrus, and why mention is made only of Darius.

1. Herodotus maketh Cyrus only the author and beginner of this war, and the chief contriuer of it; and Junius seemeth to be of the same opinion in his commentary: and further thinketh, that Cyrus spent one year in settling the kingdom of Babylon, and afterward resigned it to Darius called also Cyaxares: so that the first year of Darius reign was the second of Cyrus: but it is gathered rather by the text, that Darius took upon him the kingdom immediately after the taking of the city, and then began to reign.

2. The more probable opinion then is, that Darius was the chief author and beginner of this battle, and that thereunto he used the help of Cyrus then President of Persia: so Xenoph. and Josephus faith, when Darius did extinguish the Empire of Babylon, adiutus à Cyro, he was assisted by Cyrus. And this is most agreeable to the Scripture, which maketh the Medes the chief in this siege: Isa. 13. I will stir up the Medes against thee: and, Ier. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised up the spirit of the king of the Medes. So that the chief authority and power was in the Medes, but the dexterity in expediting of this business, and in using that stratagem in deviding the river, is ascribed unto Cyrus.

3. The victory then is specially ascribed unto Darius, though it were achieved and obtained by Cyrus skill and valor, for these three reasons, as Jerome briefly expresseth them: ord • aetatis, propinquitatis, & regni servatus est, the order of age, of affinity, and of the kingdom was kept. 1. Darius was now not only 40. year old, as Cicero saith, but 62. years old, Cyrus being a young man. 2. he was Cyrus great vnkle, his grandfather Astyages brother, and beside, as some think his father in law. 3. and now the chief dominion was in the Medes, from whom it was translated after Darius death, by Cyrus to the Persians.

48. Quest. Of the cause of this Babylonian war.

1. Heaodotus thinketh it was only Cyrus ambition, and immoderate desire of enlarging his dominion, that made him enterprise this battle: but this was not the chief cause: for Cyrus was but an assistant and associate unto Darius in this exploit, as is before shown.

2. The author of the scholastical history imagineth this to be the cause, that the mother of Baltbazar, for whose cause those hanging orchards were made in Babylon, was this Darius daughter; and now Balthazar having no son, Darius attempted to invade the kingdom, Balthazar yet living. But this is not like: for Darius could pretend no title at all by this pretext unto the kingdom, especially Balthazar, the right heir of the kingdom, being alive.

3. That cause is more probable, which is alleged by Xenoph. lib. 1. that the king of Babylon combining himself with the kings of Asia, was purposed to have warred against the Medes, who had then the chief dominion: and therefore Darius to prevent him, first setteth upon Babylon.

4. But what cause soever moved them, the special stirrer and instigator to this battle, was the Lord himself: as Ierem. 14. The Lord hath broken the rod of the wicked, and the scepter of the rulers: and Ierem. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised up the spirit of the king of the Medes.

5. For the Lord was provoked by the sins of Babel, and therefore brought this desolation and destruction upon them: which sins were these, 1. their cruelty and oppression: Isa. 14. 6. which smote the people in anger with a continual plague, &c. And they were not only cruel toward other nations, but specially against the people of God, when they destroyed their city and Temple: and therefore Jeremiah saith, c. 51. 11. It is the vengeance of the Lord, and the vengeance of his Temple. 2. An other of their great sins, was their superstition and idolatry, Ierem. 51. 44. I will visit Bel in Babel. v. 52. I will visit her graven images. 3. The Babylonians were given to diuinations, to sorcer • e, and enchantiments, for the which they were punished. Isa. 47. 9. They shall come upon thee, &c. for the multitude of thy diuinations, and for the great abundance of thine enchantments. 4. And to fill up the measure of their iniquity, Balthazar had in this his last, and as it were his funeral feast, profaned the vessels of the Temple, and blasphemed God. All these sins being put together made up the full measure, and cried for vengeance, which the Lord would no longer defer.

49. Quest. Whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according the predictions of the Prophets.

1. The Prophets spake of an utter overthrow and subversion of Babylon: as Isa. 13. 19. Babel the glory of kingdoms, and the beauty and pride of the Chaldeans, shall be as the destruction of God in Sodom and Gomorrhah: it shall not be inhabited forever, &c. and c. 14. 23. I will make it a possession for the hedgehogge, and pools of water, and I will sweep it with the besom of destruction, saith the Lord. Ierem. 50. 23. Babel is become desolate among the nations, &c. But at this time Babylon was not brought to such desolation: for it continued after the reign of Darius and Cyrus to the times of Alexander, being then a city of great riches and power.

2. Some to wind themselves out of this straight, do make an allegory of these prophetical predictions: whom Jerome justly reprehendeth in his commentary upon the 13. c. of Isa: for if still upon every doubt and objection, men should fly unto allegories, there would be no certainty of anything.

3. Calvin to dissolve this knot, saith, that Babylon was subdued twice, once by Cyrus and Darius the Mede, then afterward by Darius Hystaspes, by the help of Zopyrus, when 3000. of the nobles were hanged up, and many other put to the sword. But although this second taking of Babylon were more cruel and grievous then the other, yet neither at this time was it finally overthrown, as is before shown.

4. Wherefore it must be considered, that these prophecies were not fulfilled all at once, neither was Babylon at the first brought to utter desolation, but by degrees. 1. it was surprised by Cyrus and Darius, and deprived of the Empire and dominion. 2. afterward it was defaced by Darius Hystaspes, when they rebelled, and the walls were broken down to the ground. Herod. lib. 3. Justin. lib. 1. 3. after this, not far from Babylon by Seleucus Nicanor was built the city Seleucia, and by the Parthians the city Ctesiphon, Plin. lib. 6. c. 26. and so Babylon was almost exhaust by this means of the inhabitants. 4. In the Emperor Adrian’s time, as Pausanias writeth, lib. 8. Babylon nihil praeter muros reliqui habet, had nothing left but the walls. 5. In Jerome's time, as he writeth from the report of an Elamite, the walls of Babylon only served to keep in wild beasts for the kings game: and so he saith vsque in praesentem diem prophetia Babylonis impletur, even unto this day, the prophecy on Babel is fulfilled: Isa. 13. 20. Neither shall the Arabian pitch his teuts there, neither shall the shepherds make their folds there. And so accordingly it was fulfilled, as Jerome saith, praemultitudine bestiarum & daemonum nullus pastorum audet intrare, by reason of the multitude of beasts and of devils, (and unclean spirits that there haunted) no shepherd durst enter within the walls of Babylon.

50. Quest. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchy continued.

There are three general opinions hereof. 1. Some extend it not so far as to 70. years: 2. some limit it unto 70. years: 3. some make it far to exceed the tear •• of 70. years.

1. Of the first opinion are diverse, one disagreeing from another: Berosus from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers reign to the ende of Balthazars, counteth but 65. years, as Josephus allegeth him, lib. 1. cont. Appion. Alexander Polyhistor cited by Euseb. lib. 9. de praep. Evang. reckoneth but 62. years. Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat. and August. lib. 18. de civit. Dei, do make the sum but 48. years. But the Scripture evidently convinceth all these: which showeth that the Chaldeans should rule over nations 70. years, Ierem. 25. 11. and so long the Jews should be in captivity under them: but their captivity began under Nebuchadnezzar: from the beginning then of his reign to the ende of the Chaldean Monarchy, there must be 70. years at the least.

2. Some make but just 70. years, as Sulpit. lib. 2. sacr. histor. so also H. B. in the Concent of Scripture: Nabuchadnezers 45. Euilmerodachs 22. and Balthazars 3. do fill up the number of 70. years. But the captivity began not before the 8. year of Nabuchadnezers reign, when Iechonia was carried away captive, 2. king. 24. 12. from whence the Prophet Ezekiel counteth the years of captivity, Ezck. 1. 2. c. 8. 1. and in diverse other places.

3. Of the third sort, which extend the term beyond 70. years: first Josephus counteth an 118. years: to Nebuchadnezzar he giveth 43. years, to Evil-merodach 18. to Niglasar 40. to Balthazar 17. yet Beda and Rupertus think that the place in Josephus is corrupted: and Pererius also, because Josephus in another place, lib. 11. from the 18. year of Nebuchadnezzar to the destruction of Babylon, reckoneth just 70. years.

Paulus Orosius affirming that Babylon was taken by Cyrus at the same time when the kings were expelled out of Rome, which was in the 67. Olympiad, extendeth the Chaldean Monarchy 60. years beyond the due time; for Cyrus is held to have begun to reign in the 58. Olympiad.

Pererius holdeth that the Chaldean Monarchy endured 88. years, which he showeth thus: the captivity of the Jews began in the 18. year of Nebuchadnezzar, when Jerusalem was taken, which continued 70. years; unto this sum must be added 18. years, which were run before of Nabuchadnezers reign. But herein is Pererius error, he beginneth the captivity in the 18. year, whereas it must take beginning only from the 8. year of his reign, as is evident, 2. king. 24. 12. and shall afterward more fully be shown.

4. Therefore the true account is this: the 70. years captivity began when Ieconia was carried into captivity: for so the Prophet Ezekiel useth to reckon: as c. 1. 2. he maketh mention of the 5. year. c. 8. 1. of the sixth year. c. 29. 1. of the 10. year. c. 31. 1. of the 11. year. c. 32. 1. of the 12. year. c. 29. 17. of the 27. year: all which years are accounted from the captivity of Iechonia, as is evident c. 1. 2. which was in the 8. year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, 2. king. 24. 12. for then must begin the account of 70. years: unto which must be added 8. years of Nabuchadnezers reign, which were expired before: so the whole time of the Babylonian Monarchy, from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers reign, was not precisely 70. years, as Polan. p. 398. but 78. years. Bulling.

51. Quest. Of the years of the reign of the several kings of Babylon.

Concerning the number of the kings themselves, how many reigned after Nebuchadnezzar, is shown before, Quest. 21. about the years of their reign, there is great diversity of opinion.

1. Sulpitius giveth unto Balthazar 14. years: Eusebius to Enilmerodach and Balthazar together alloweth but 12. years, to Nebuchadnezzar but 36. Berosus with other ancient writers, cited by Josephus, lib. 1. cont. Appion. do give unto Nebuchadnezzar 43. years: 20. years to Evil-merodach: 4. years to Niglasar: 17. years to Balthazar. Josephus counteth 18. years for Evil-merodach, 40. for Niglasar, 9. months for Labosardach, and 17. years for Balthazar. lib. 10. antiq. c. 12. Pererius doth give 43. years to Nebuchadnezzar, to Evil-merodach and Niglasar between them 27. years, to Balthazar 17. years. But all these do manifestly err in these two things: first, they give but 43. years to Nebuchadnezzar, whereas he reigned 45. years: 8. years before Jeconiah his captivity, 2. king. 24. 12. and 37. years after, 2. king. 25. 27. And they suppose Balthazar to reign 17. years, whereas Daniel maketh mention only of the third year of his reign, c. 8. 1.

2. The more common opinion is, that Nebuchadnezzar reigned 45. years, Evil-merodach 22. as H. B. in his Concent, or 23. as Oecolampad. and Balthazar three. But these are decciued in beginning the captivity from the third year of Jehoiakim, when Jerusalem was first taken, in the first year of Nabuchadnezzers reign: whereas it must be accounted from Iechoniahs captivity, as is shown in the former question.

3. Therefore I think Bullingers account is rather to be followed, to begin the 70. years from Iechoniahs captivity, as Junius also doth, comment. in 9. Daniel. and then allowing unto Nebuchadnezzar 45. years, Evil-merodach must have 30. and Balthazar three, which make in all 78. years, the whole time of the continuance of the Babylonian Monarchy: from which sum 8. being deducted, for so many years reigned Nebuchadnezzar before he took Iechoniah prisoner, there will remain just 70. years, the time of the captivity.

1. Doctr. That God's judgments work diversely.

v. 6. Then the kings countenance was changed. Generally the denunciation or demonstration of God's judgments do awaken and rouse up the secure and sleepy conscience. But it hath a diverse operation in the Elect, and in the wicked and reprobate: In the Elect, the hearing of God's judgments doth sometime bring them to repentance for their sin, as it did David, or doth stir them up to be more zealous in performing their duty, as the Apostle saith, 2. Cor. 5. 11. Knowing the terror of the Lord, we persuade men: that is, seeing every one shall receive the things done in his body, as he saith in the former verse, that every one should have a care faithfully to perform his duty.

In the reprobate, either they are not moved at all at God's judgments, as Pharaoh at the first was not humbled at all: or else there is wrought in them a show of repentance for a time, as in Ahab: or they may be terrified with the fear of God's judgments, without any remorse at all, as is here seen in Balthazar.

2. Doctr. Of the momentary pleasures of the world.

v. 6. And his thoughts troubled him. Balthazar in the middes of his feast, when his heart was disposed to be merry, is stricken into his dumps: according to that saying of Amos, c. 8. 10. I will turn your feasts into mourning, and all your songs into lamentation: for like as the weather changeth, it is sometime fair, sometime foul: and as at the sea, whē it is calm suddenly riseth a storm and tempest: such are all terrene and earthly joys: Only our peace and joy in Christ is perpetual: as our blessed Savior himself saith, John. 16. 22. Your joy shall no man take from you: like as a stream, which continually runneth, such are spiritual joys flowing unto everlasting life: but the joy of the world is like unto sudden rain, which hastily runneth down, and is speedily gone.

3. Doctr. Man of himself cannot understand or perceive heavenly things.

v. 8. Then came all the kings wise men, but they could neither read the writing, &c. As these Ch • ldeans presuming upon their own skill, could neither read, much less interpret this divine writing; so man is of himself unapt and unable to apprehend any spiritual thing: the vision of the Prophets unto carnal men, is like unto the words of a book sealed up. Isa. 29. 10. the reason whereof the Apostle showeth, 1. Cor. 2. 14. The natural man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God, for they are foolishness unto him, &c.

4. Doctr. That God often useth weak instruments, as namely women, to effect his purpose.

v. 10. Now the Queen, &c. came into the banket house. The Lord useth oftentimes women in his service, which are the weaker vessels and instruments: both to show his liberty, that he is not tied unto any means, but may use any indifferently, and to declare his power in setting up weak means: and to bring down the pride of the wise, when they are confounded by the simple and unwise: As here the Lord gave more wisdom and understanding to this honorable and ancient Queen, then was in the king, and all his thousand nobles now assembled together: So the Lord raised up Deborah to have more courage and wisdom in her, then Baruch had. And thus in our age and memory, as Polanus noteth, Deus adhibuit Reginam Angliae ad confundendum Hispaniarum potent • ssimum regem, God hath used the Queen of England to confound the mighty king of Spame.

5. Doct. Of the oblivion and forgetfulness in Princes of those which deserve well of them.

v. 13. Art thou that Daniel: Daniel was worthy for his great wisdom, and necessary employment in the Babylonian state, to have been remembered of the king, as he had been honored of his predecessors: But such is the mutability of Princes favors: As in Egypt there rose up a Pharaoh that knew not Joseph, neither remembered the great benefits, which he had done for that nation. So Saul had soon forgotten David, that had played before him, and by whom he had found great ease: for not long after he asked Abner whose son he was: Therefore as it is in the Psalm, it is better to trust in the Lord, then to have any confidence in Princes.

6. Doct. Of the necessary and profitable knowledge of histories.

v. 18. The most high God gave unto Nebuchadnezzar thy father, &c. Here Daniel propoundeth unto Balthazar his father Nebuchadnezzar, and setteth before him the history of his life, by the which he might have learned great wisdom: The knowledge of former times is most profitable, therein we behold the equity of God's judgments, his justice, verity, wisdom, power: likewise we see in a glass the uncertain and changeable state of the world: And for our own direction we find, what to follow, and what to decline, as Diodorus Siculus speaking of the profit that cometh by histories, saith, pulchrum est ex aliorum erratis in melius instituere vitam, &c. it is a good thing by other men's errors to reform the life: The counsel of the ancient, because of their long experience, is commended and followed: But the knowledge of histories goeth far beyond, quanto plura exempla complectitur diuturnitas temporis, quam hominis aetas, in as much as the continuance of time comprehendeth more examples, then the age of man.

7. Doct. Of the use that is to be made of examples.

Examples are either old, such as fell out in former times, or they are new, such as happen in our own age and memory; and both are either domestical or foreign examples: But the domestical examples are more forceable and effectual to move, as here the example of Nebuchadnezzar is set before Balthazar. Thus it is much available to call to mind the examples of our fathers, and ancestors before us, to follow their virtue, and decline and shun their vices: And most of all we should observe, what hath befallen our selves in the former part of our life; as David did comfort himself when he went against Goliath, in the experience of God's mercy and power in delivering him from the lyon and the bear, 1. Sam. 17.

8. Doct. That flatterers are about Princes.

v. 23. Thou and thy Princes, &c. It may seem strange that among a thousand princes and noble men that were here assembled together, there was not one faithful counselor: But here we see fulfilled that saying in the Prov. 29. 12. of a prince that hearkeneth unto lies, all his servants are wicked: It seemeth that Balthazar was given to hear tales and lies, by which means it is like that Daniel was out of favor in Court, and therefore it falleth out just upon him, that he hath none about him to speak the truth: flatterers then are dangerous about princes, as Haman was unto king Ahasuerus: And like as oil doth soake into earthen vessels, being soft and smooth, so flatterers by their pleasant and smooth words do insinuate themselves.

9. Doct. God hath all things in number and account.

v. 26. God hath numbered thy kingdom. The years and days of the world, the term and continuance of kingdoms, the time of man's life are all determined with God: As Job saith, are not his days determined, the number of his months are with thee, thou • hast appointed his bonds which he cannot pass, c. 14. 5. So the times and seasons the Lord hath put in his own power, Act. 1. 7. neither the age of the world, not the term of kingdoms, not the space of man's life, can be measured or calculated by the skill of man: but the Lord only knoweth them, who hath numbered and appointed them, Polan.

10. Doct. Of the fall and ruin of great and famous cities.

v. 18. Thy kingdom is divided. Pererius out of Pausanias here allegeth how many cities, which had been renowned and famous in the world, were either utterly decayed; or much impaired; as the great city Nineveh, and the city Mycene, which ruled over all Greece, were in his time become desolate: so likewise Thebes in Boeotia, & another Thebes in Egypt, Delos in Greece, and the city Tyrinth, together with Babylon, which had nothing then left but walls, Pausan. lib. 8. which ought to teach men, not to put confidence in these earthly things, as Nebuchadnezzar did in his sumptuous and costly buildings, which after his time, came to utter ruin and desolation: so that it is now scarce known where Babylon stood.

1. Controv. That idolaters and worshippers of images, make them their gods.

v. 4. They praised the gods of gold and silver, &c. The Babylonians and other Gentiles were not so gross to think, that the divine essence consisted of silver or gold, or that the very images were their gods: for they did hold that their gods were in heaven: as the men of Lystra said, Act. 14. 11. gods like unto men are come down unto us, yet the spirit of God giveth this judgment of them, that they make such images their gods: because they have devised such of themselves, God requireth no such thing, to be represented by: Therefore vain is the defense of the Papists, which allege that they do not worship the image, but as it hath relation to him, that is represented thereby, Poaln. See further of this controversy, Synops. Centur. 2. p. 402.

2. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be retained, though they be not worshipped.

Like as they only do not worship God, which do pray unto him, and fall down before him, but they also which do fight for him: So they are not only worshippers of images, which do bow unto them, but they also which do maintain them, and strive still to have them retained: In this place they are not said to worship the gods of silver and gold, but to praise them. So they are praisers of images, which think they may be retained as ornaments in their Churches: for the very making of such images for any religious use, is accursed before God, and abominable, and therefore defileth God's house, it can be no ornament unto it. As Deut. 27. 15. Cursed is the man that shall make any carved or molten image, which is an abomination to the Lord, &c. God did not only forbid the Israelites to make them any such images, but he commanded them to break down and deface the images of the Canaanites, Deut. 7. 5. they might with as good pretense have kept them for ornaments, as the Lutherans do popish images in their Churches: But as Augustine saith, Deus istarum omnium superstitionum euersionem, iussit, permissit, exhibuit, God hath commanded, permitted, exhibited unto Christians the subversion and overthrow of all such superstitions.

3. Contro. That no Protestants but Papists are the profa • ers of holy things.

v. 23. They have brought the vessels of his house before thee. Pererius taketh here occasion, p. 399. to enueigh against protestants, whom he falsely and contumeliously calleth heretics, quires sacras Iudi • rio & contemptui habeant, &c. which do contemn and make a mock of holy things, which they take away from sacred places and persons, and put them to impure and wicked uses.

Contra. 1. We deny that Church vessels and implements taken from idolaters, are sacred things: they were never consecrate unto God, but to superstitious uses, and therefore it can be no sacrilege to convert such things to civil uses. 2. If any have abused such things notwithstanding to riot and excess, they are not to be excused. 3. But the Papists are the profaners of holy things indeed: they profane the Scriptures, not suffering them to be read to the people's understanding, and the Sacraments, in polluting them with their own inventions, they baptize bells, and make an idol of bread in the Eucharist. 4. the Church▪ maintenance by tithes they first took away from the Churches, and translated them to their Abbeys, where their fat bellied Monks wasted and consumed them in riot, as all the world knoweth.

4. Controv. That there are no certain periods of kingdoms.

Pappus here noteth, that concerning the periods of kingdoms, they are for the most part quingentorum annorum, of five hundredth years, or half so much: as the Assyrian Empire continued 520. years: from the going out of Israel are counted 480. years: and thence to the captivity of Babylon 430. years: from thence to the coming of Christ 490. years: the kingdom of Athens from Cecrope to Codrus, continued 490. years: and so long the commonwealth of the Lacedemonians from Lycurgus to the ende and subversion thereof: Some kingdoms continued but half the time of this periode, as the kingdom of Israel in Samaria 262. years: the Persian Monarchy 230. the kings among the Romans reigned 245. years.

Contra. 1. First they can define no certain periode of kingdoms: some will have 500. years the periode, some 700. some an 120. years: and here before diverse examples are alleged of unlike continuance.

2. The examples are impertinent: the Assyrian Empire is held to have continued above a 1000. years: the state of the Judges exceeded not 300. years: the 490. years till the coming of the Messiah, take not beginning from the captivity, but from the reedifying of Jerusalem after the captivity, as is evident, Dan. 9. and in that time there were great alterations in the commonwealth of the Jews.

3. But many contrary examples may be produced: the Roman state after the kings were expelled, under Consuls and Dictators eudured above 600. years: The dominion of the Turks hath borne sway a 1000. years, the kingdom of France hath continued a 1200. years: the state of Venice 800. And for short continuance, the Monarchy of the Athenians exceeded not 50. years: nor the Chaldee Empire many above 70. This therefore is a vain observation, of any such certain and definite periode of kingdoms.

4. Further in that this Chaldean Monarchy was dissolved because of their iniquity, two other errors are met withal. 1. of them which think that the alteration and change of kingdoms is ruled by the constellations, and aspects of planets: the Chaldeans were very expert in such contemplations, who could foresee no such thing, that their Monarchy was so near unto an ende. 2. they are also here confuted, which think there is a fatal destiny of kingdoms, that by an inevitable necessity, which dependeth upon the connection and concurrence of certain secundarie causes, commonwealths come unto their fatal ende: We see in this place that no such second causes here concurred, but it was God's decree, and the writing of his own hand, which dissolved the Babylonian state for the iniquity thereof.

1. Observ. Of the dangerous sin of drunkenness.

v. 2. Whiles Balthazar tasted the wine, &c. The king being intoxicate here with wine, casteth off all care of God and man, he falleth to profaneness and blasphemy, such are the fruits of drunkenness. It made Noah discover his nakedness. Lot to commit incest: it caused Benhadad with his 30. kings, to be overcome of a few, 1. king 20. And Simon the Macchabe being filled with good cheare was slain at a banket: Alexander the great killed more of his friends when he was drunk, then he did enemies in battle: Pythagoras therefore well said, ebrietatem brenem esse in saniam, that drunkenness is a short kind of madness. And Anacharsis his saying was, primum poculum vini esse sanitatis, alterum voluptatis, tertium contumeliae, the first cup of wine was for health, the next for pleasure, the third was raging and contumelious, &c. the Apostle therefore exhorteth, be not drunk with wine wherein is excess, Ephes. 5. 18. yea he showeth that drunkards shall not inherit the kingdom of God, 2. Cor. 6. 10. what madness then is it for so short and a beastly pleasure, to loose God's inheritance, at the least to put it in hazard.

2. Observ. Against carnal security.

This Balthazar being so near unto his destruction, gave himself to banqueting and feasting, to drink, and to be drunken: So the wicked and ungodly many times are most secure, when their judgment is at hand: according to that saying in the Proverbs, 16. 18. Pride goeth before destruction, and an high mind before the fall: thus it was said to the rich man, that laid up store for many years, this night shall thy soul be taken from thee, Luk. 12. Thus the old world was eating and drinking, when the flood came, and swept them all away: And Job's sons were feasting, when the house fell upon them, Job. 1. It therefore standeth us in hand always to be watchful, and always to shake off carnal security.

3. Observ. Of the terror of a wicked conscience.

v. 6. Balthazar was so terrified at this sight, that his loins trembled, and his knees smote together: the wicked, which always carry about with them a guilty conscience, are no otherwise affected when any sudden judgment overtaketh them, then if they were presented before God's tribunal seat to receive their everlasting doom: As the wicked in that day, shall say to the mountains and rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the presenc • of him that sitteth on the the throne, &c. Thus the heathen judge trembled, when Paul disputed before him of the judgment to come: Wherefore let us labor to have a quiet conscience, settled by faith in Christ: As the Apostle saith, being justified by faith, we are at peace with God: then shall we not fear the terror of that day, but rather love the appearing, of Christ, and desire his coming.

4. Observ. The graces of God in others must not be neglected.

v. 11. There is a man in thy kingdom: This honorable Queen only had respect unto Daniel: his great graces and wisdom were neglected of the king, and his nobles, even as Joseph was hated of his brethren, and David also of his: But the Apostles rule is, look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of other men: And set up (saith the Apostle) them, which are lest esteemed in the Church: There are many even in the Church, which for their wisdom and other gifts, are worthy to be advanced, which are not esteemed of, according to that observation of the preacher, cap. 10. 7. I have seen servants on horses, and princes (for their knowledge and gifts) walking as servants on the ground.

5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others.

v. 22. And thou his son (O Belthassar) hast not humbled thyself: His sin was so much the greater, because he had his fathers example before him, whom God had humbled for his pride, and yet would not be warned: as Lamechs profaneness is set forth, for that he threatened to kill a young man in his rage, flattering himself in his impunity, yet having before his eyes such a fearful example of God's severity upon Cain for the like sin.

6. Observe. The tyranny of the wicked shall have an ende.

v. 26. God hath numbered thy kingdom: The people of God endured much sorrow under the hard bondage and servitude of Babylon: but now their tyranny is at an end: So when the Israelites were most cruelly oppressed in Egypt, the Lord looked upon their affliction, & numbered Pharaohs kingdom. So the tyranny of the Roman Emperors was numbered, which for 300. years had persecuted the Church of God; and God raised up Constantine to be their deliverer: And in this latter age of the world, when the Pope had a long time raged against Christ's members, the Lord brought him to number and account, and hath freed his Church in many famous kingdoms from his Tyrannie.

1. Observ. Of the dangerous sin of drunkenness.

v. 2. Whiles Balthazar tasted the wine, &c. The king being intoxicate here with wine, casteth off all care of God and man, he falleth to profaneness and blasphemy, such are the fruits of drunkenness. It made Noah discover his nakedness. Lot to commit incest: it caused Benhadad with his 30. kings, to be overcome of a few, 1. king 20. And Simon the Macchabe being filled with good cheare was slain at a banket: Alexander the great killed more of his friends when he was drunk, then he did enemies in battle: Pythagoras therefore well said, ebrietatem brenem esse in saniam, that drunkenness is a short kind of madness. And Anacharsis his saying was, primum poculum vini esse sanitatis, alterum voluptatis, tertium contumeliae, the first cup of wine was for health, the next for pleasure, the third was raging and contumelious, &c. the Apostle therefore exhorteth, be not drunk with wine wherein is excess, Ephes. 5. 18. yea he showeth that drunkards shall not inherit the kingdom of God, 2. Cor. 6. 10. what madness then is it for so short and a beastly pleasure, to loose God's inheritance, at the least to put it in hazard.

2. Observ. Against carnal security.

This Balthazar being so near unto his destruction, gave himself to banqueting and feasting, to drink, and to be drunken: So the wicked and ungodly many times are most secure, when their judgment is at hand: according to that saying in the Proverbs, 16. 18. Pride goeth before destruction, and an high mind before the fall: thus it was said to the rich man, that laid up store for many years, this night shall thy soul be taken from thee, Luk. 12. Thus the old world was eating and drinking, when the flood came, and swept them all away: And Job's sons were feasting, when the house fell upon them, Job. 1. It therefore standeth us in hand always to be watchful, and always to shake off carnal security.

3. Observ. Of the terror of a wicked conscience.

v. 6. Balthazar was so terrified at this sight, that his loins trembled, and his knees smote together: the wicked, which always carry about with them a guilty conscience, are no otherwise affected when any sudden judgment overtaketh them, then if they were presented before God's tribunal seat to receive their everlasting doom: As the wicked in that day, shall say to the mountains and rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the presenc • of him that sitteth on the the throne, &c. Thus the heathen judge trembled, when Paul disputed before him of the judgment to come: Wherefore let us labor to have a quiet conscience, settled by faith in Christ: As the Apostle saith, being justified by faith, we are at peace with God: then shall we not fear the terror of that day, but rather love the appearing, of Christ, and desire his coming.

4. Observ. The graces of God in others must not be neglected.

v. 11. There is a man in thy kingdom: This honorable Queen only had respect unto Daniel: his great graces and wisdom were neglected of the king, and his nobles, even as Joseph was hated of his brethren, and David also of his: But the Apostles rule is, look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of other men: And set up (saith the Apostle) them, which are lest esteemed in the Church: There are many even in the Church, which for their wisdom and other gifts, are worthy to be advanced, which are not esteemed of, according to that observation of the preacher, cap. 10. 7. I have seen servants on horses, and princes (for their knowledge and gifts) walking as servants on the ground.

5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others.

v. 22. And thou his son (O Belthassar) hast not humbled thyself: His sin was so much the greater, because he had his fathers example before him, whom God had humbled for his pride, and yet would not be warned: as Lamechs profaneness is set forth, for that he threatened to kill a young man in his rage, flattering himself in his impunity, yet having before his eyes such a fearful example of God's severity upon Cain for the like sin.

6. Observe. The tyranny of the wicked shall have an ende.

v. 26. God hath numbered thy kingdom: The people of God endured much sorrow under the hard bondage and servitude of Babylon: but now their tyranny is at an end: So when the Israelites were most cruelly oppressed in Egypt, the Lord looked upon their affliction, & numbered Pharaohs kingdom. So the tyranny of the Roman Emperors was numbered, which for 300. years had persecuted the Church of God; and God raised up Constantine to be their deliverer: And in this latter age of the world, when the Pope had a long time raged against Christ's members, the Lord brought him to number and account, and hath freed his Church in many famous kingdoms from his Tyrannie.

1. Quest. What Darius this was, which took upon him the kingdom of Babylon.

1. The author of the scholastical history reporteth this to have been the opinion of some, that this Darius should be Balthazars grandfather by the mothers side, the son of his daughter, who seeing that Balthazar had no children, he thought by this attempt to cut off Balthazar, and so to possess the kingdom of Babylon. But this is very unlike, seeing Darius was so well affected unto Cyrus being but his nephew, that he should be so unnatural to his grandchild.

2. Theodoret thinketh, that this Darius was grandchild to Nebuchadnezzar by his daughter, and so he was a Chaldean by his mother, and a Mede by his father: and this he would thus prove, because the kingdom was promised to Nebuchadnezzar, to his son, and his sons son, Ierem. 25. 6, 7. now Balthazar was Nabuchadnezzers son, the kingdom then must according to that prophecy descend yet a degree further to some of Nabuchadnezzers stock, namely unto this Darius.

Contra. 1. Balthazar, as hath been shown before, was not son, but sons son to Nebuchadnezzar: for Evil-merodach was his son which next succeeded in the kingdom, 2. king. 25. 27. 2. seeing the kingdom was promised to his son, and sons son, this prophecy could not be fulfilled in Darius, who is supposed to have been his daughters son, not his sons son. 3. the kingdom descended not to Darius by inheritance, but was taken by conquest. Perer.

3. A third opinion is, that this Darius was he which was called Darius Hystaspes, who did war with the Chaldees, and took their city Babylon, and spoiled it: of this opinion was Porphyrius, as Jerome saith in 9. Daniel▪ and Tertullian. lib. adverse. Indae. Cyril. Hierosol; catech. 12. John. Johannes Lucidus de emendat. temp • r. Gerardus Mercator. in annalib. But these are greatly deceived, 1. because between this Darius the Mede, and Darius Hystaspes there was great difference: for the first was a Mede, the son of Ahasuerus the king, c. 9. 1. and reigned before Cyrus: the other was a Persian, not the son of a king, and he reigned the third after Cyrus. 2. And herein is their error, Babylon was twice taken, once by Darius and Cyrus together, and afterward by Darius Hystaspes by Zopyrus means.

4. Some other were of opinion, that this Darius was the same with Cyrus, because the Greek historians ascribe this victory and taking of Babylon only unto Cyrus, which Daniel giveth unto Darius: Theodoret maketh mention of this opinion in the beginning of his sixth oration upon this book: But this opinion hath no probability. 1. Darius was a Mede, but Cyrus was of Persia. 2. Darius was now 62. years old, and is thought to have reigned but a short time after, not above a year or two: but Cyrus was neither so old, held not then to be above 40. and he reigned diverse years after. 3. And c. 6. 28. Darius and Cyrus are named, as two diverse persons.

5. It was the opinion of some, as Jerome writeth upon the 5. chap. of Daniel, that this Darius was the same, who in Herodotus is called Astyages: of which opinion Eusebius seemeth to be, who maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes. And this seemeth to be favored by the Apocryphal story of Susanna, v. 65. that when Astyages was put or laid unto his ancestors, Cyrus of Persia took his kingdom.

But this opinion may thus be refelled: 1. because none of the foreign writers do make any mention, that Astyages had any war with the Chaldeans, or that he took Babylon. 2. And this Apocryphal story may be doubted of: for according to Xenophon, Cyaxares reigned after Astyages: and as Herodotus writeth, Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdom, and sent him to Carmania, and so took upon him the kingdom while he lived: the story of Susanna agreeth with neither of these reports.

6. The most general received opinion is, that this Darius called Cyaxares, was, as Xenophon writeth, the son of Astyages, and uncle by the mothers side to Cyrus, which Cyaxares was king of the Medes after Astyages: this opinion followeth Josephus, Jerome, Lyranus, Pintus, Oecolampad. Osiander, with others. But this is objected against this opinion: that Astyages had no son, but a daughter, Mandane, the mother of Cyrus, whom Astyages commanded to be slain, because the Astrologers told him, that he should have dominion over all Asia. And this is affirmed by diverse authors, that Astyages had no son, as Valerius Maxim. lib. 1. cap. de somnijs. Herodot. lib. 1. Severus Sulpitius, lib. 2. sacr. histor. And therefore Junius understandeth Xenophon to speak not of Astyages natural, but of his adopted son.

7. Josephus Scaliger in the 8. book of that exquisite work, which he hath written de emendat. tempor▪ is of this opinion, that be which is called Balthazar, is the same who is named of other writers Labosardach, the son of Ni • octis Nabuchadnezzers daughter, who was slain by the Babylonians, and then this Darius the Mede, the same who is called Nabonidus, was by a common consent chosen king in his place, who when he had reigned 17. years in Babylon, was overcome by Cyrus, and the city taken. Junius also in his annotation upon this verse, saith that this Darius the Mede, is the same who is called by the historians, Labonidus, or Labynitus.

Contra. 1. If Labosardach and Balthazar were the same, being the son of Nabuchadnezzers daughter, then was not the prophecy fulfilled, that the kingdom should be given to Nabuchadnezzers son, and his sons son, for it was to his daughters son. 2. when Balthazar was slain, Darius took the kingdom by force, it is not like they would have chosen him being a stranger unto it. 3. after Balthazar was slain, the kingdom was divided between the Medes and Persians it did not then quietly descend unto the Medes. 4. The Prophet Isai saith, c. 13. 17. Behold I will stir up the Medes against thee: the Medes then assaulted Babylon and took it by violence: a Mede came not unto it by election. 5. This Darius was king of the Medes and Persians, as it appeareth in the 6. chapter, how could that be, if he reigned in Babylon, and was overcome by the power of the Medes and Persians? 6. Concerning Junius opinion, I prefer his judgment in his commentary upon v. 11. 12. c. 5. that Balthazar is the same, whom Herodotus called Labunitus, or Nebonidus, which signifieth a Prince expulsed: because he with his father were both expelled by Niglazar: