Commentary on Daniel

Quest. 1. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set up this great image.

1. Some think that this was done not long after the former dream, which Nebuchadnezzar had: as the Rabbin's that imagine this image to be set up by the king, as an amulet or defense to prevent the effect of his dream. ex Calvin. But it is not like that the great impression, which that vision left behind it in Nebuchadnezzar's mind, could be so soon extinguished.

2. Theodoret and Chrysostom, in his sermon of the three children, following some Greek copy, read, that this image was set up in the 18. year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign. But then it should have been made before the destruction and desolation of Jerusalem, which is not like: for when Nebuchadnezzar had made an ende of his conquests, then it is probable he set up this image by way of triumph: and Azarias in his prayer, (though that part be Apocryphal, yet it may have some probability, for matter of story) maketh mention, that they had neither prince, nor sacrifice, or burnt offering: which showeth, that this fell not out before the destruction of Jerusalem: likewise Theodoret, who saith that this fell out paruo tempore, a small time after the first dream, which was in the second year, is contrary to himself: for between the second and 18. year, there are 16. years, which is no small time.

3. Pererius also is deceived, who thinketh that this was done after the 25. year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign: for the second year of his Monarchy he reckoneth to fall out in the 25. year of his reign: but this is before confuted, quest. 1. c. 2. where it is further shown, that this second year which is to be understood of Daniel's service and ministry, was in the 5. year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign.

4. Pelican saith this story happened 16. years after the dream; but that is uncertain.

5. Wherefore here somewhat is certain, that this story came after the interpretation of the kings dream set forth in the 2. chap. because ver. 12. mention is made of the advancement of Daniel's three fellows, which was immediately after Daniel had interpreted the kings dream, cap. 2. 49. somewhat is probable, that it was after the sacking and taking of Jerusalem, as is said before, Pap. for many of the Jews were now in captivity, ver. 8. something is uncertain, how long this history followed after the interpretation of Daniel's dream.

Quest. 2. To whom Nebuchadnezzar errected this image.

1. Lyranus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar set up this image for himself, requiring divine honor to be given unto it, as Caligula caused his image to be carried about the Roman Empire to be adored: so thinketh Hugo Cardinal. Pere. Pin. Pelli. But it is not like, that he which had so humbled himself before unto Daniel, could be so lifted up in pride, to make himself a god.

2. Neither is it like, that Nebuchadnezzar set up this image of a good intention, to the honor of the true God, as Bulling. Osiander. for then he would not so cruelly have persecuted the servants, and true worshippers of God.

3. Therefore, as Calvin writeth, videtur hanc statuam consecrasse alicui deorum, It seemeth he consecrated this image to some of his gods, as to Bel, or some other: as it appeareth both by the kings speech, ver. 14. will ye not serve my god? and by their words, that refused to worship the image, we will not serve • hy gods, Pap.

Quest. 3. To what ende this image was set up.

1. Some think, that by setting up this image Nebuchadnezzar would retain a memory of that image, which he saw in his dream, thinking thereby to please God, Pap. But then he would not have made such a cruel edict against the servants of that great God.

2. Again it may be thought, that he did it, to have an uniformity in religion, through all his dominions, which consisted of diverse nations, but then he would have commanded the like image to be set up in every province.

3. Calvin thinketh he did it to this ende to settle the superstitious worship of idolatry, least the Jews might have sought some innovation in religion.

4. But it is most probable, that Nebuchadnezzar did it by the advise of his nobles, and princes, of envy against the Jews, especially those which were advanced to place of government, that they might thereby entrappe them: which may appear so to be by these reasons. 1. by the like practice against Daniel, cap. 6. 2. by the general accusation of the Jews, ver. 8. 3. to what ende else tended the cruel edict of the king, but to be executed upon the Jews, whom they imagined would be offenders, Inn. Polan.

5. Theodoret thinketh that he made this image all of gold, to disgrace and discountenance the image, which he saw in his dream, the head whereof was only of gold. But that dream stroke him with such a terror, as that it is not like he would contemn it.

6. He might also in making such a huge and costly image intend therein to set forth the magnificence and riches of his kingdom; Pere.

Quest. 4. How it came to pass that Daniel • indred not the kings purpose, in setting up this image.

1. Some think that Daniel being present, tacuit videns se nihil proficere, did hoid his peace seeing that he could prevail nothing, but that the king was resolute in his purpose: Lyranus. But Daniel had sinned if he had been silent, be should have used the means and left the success unto God.

2. Osiander thinketh that Daniel used what persuasion he could, but seeing he was not heard he withdrew himself. But if Daniel had been present at all, it would have been suspicious, if he had now hid himself.

3. Pappus is of opinion, that Daniel was employed in some remote place of the province at this time: But though Daniel were now absent, he could not be ignorant of the kings purpose before, this great image was not made in a short time.

4. Wherefore it is not to be doubted, but that Daniel did discharge the office of a faithful servant unto God and counselor to the king before this, and did use all means to stay this ungodly enterprise, so far as he might go, without exasperating of the king too much, which would have kindled his anger against the whole nation: Therefore Daniel not prevailing, gave way unto the time, expecting some other means how it should please the Lord to convert the king.

Quest. 5. Of the place where this image was set up.

Vers. 1. In the plain of Dura. 1. Symmachus calleth the place Soraum, the Septuagint as Heirome saith interpreted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which he translateth viuarium, a place enclosed to keep beasts in; but these are far wide, it is a proper name, called Dura.

2. The interlinearie gloss, and historia scholastica, take it for the name of the floode, which compasseth that plain or field, where the Giants after the flood first built Babel.

3. Some think it was the town Doraba, situate upon the river Euphrates in Babylonia.

4. But it seemeth rather to be that place, which Ptolemy calleth Deera, situate between Chaltopis and Cissia, in the region Susiane: Ptolemy lib. 6. Geograph. cap. 3. Iun. Polan.

5. It is like it was set in a plain, where no hills were, that it might not be ouertipped by them, Pin.

Quest. 6. Of the greatness of this image compared with others and in it self.

1. Some greater images have been made in the world: as the image of the Sun at Rhodes, called colossus solis, was 70. cubits high; which was 12. years in making, and cost 300. talents: 56. years after it was made, it was cast down by an earthquake, and then the hugenes thereof appeared: few men could fathom that thumb thereof, and the fingers were bigger then ordinary images: it broke in pieces in the fall, and great caves and hoales were opened, wherein were couched huge stones to keep the image upright, Plin. lib. 34. cap. 7. Greater also then this was the colossus of Nero, which was an 110. foot long, and an another picture made of him in cloth, an 120. foot high: yet this image because it was of gold, in value may seem to exceed all other: the ordinary cubit is foot and half, but the Babylonian cubit as Herodotus saith, was 3. fingers greater then the common cubit: so that by this account, this image might be 67. ordinary cubits high. Herodotus writeth that in his time there was a golden image at Babylon, which was 12. cubits high, which might be that image, that every stranger was required to worship before he was permitted to come into Babylon to see the city, as Philostrat. saith, de vita Apollin. cap. 19.

2. This image was made proportionable to a man's body, every part answerable unto the other in due form and measure, by which proportion the greatness of every part of the image may be taken: there is the same distance between the ends of the fingers, the arms spread abroad, from one extremity to the other, which is between the crown of the head, to the soale of the feet, Plin. lib. 7. cap. 17. the face from the chin to the top of the forehead, is the tenth part of the length of the body. And the face is divided into three equal parts, from the chin to the nose, the length of the nose, and the breadth of the forehead: the length of the eye from one corner to another is the 45. part, and so is the distance between the eyes: the length of the nose is the thirtith part, and the widenes of the nostrils the 180, part: the compass of the ear and of the mouth, is the 15. part: the head from the chin to the crown, is the 8. part: the length and likewise the breadth of the breast, the sixth part: the nauill is in the midst of the body, dividing it into two equal parts, the length of the hippes, thighs, and legs is almost the half part: the length of the foot is the sixth part, and so is the space from the shoulder to the elbowe, and from the elbowe to the hand: the hand is the 10. part.

3. After this proportion, the whole image being 60. cubits in height, the face must be six cubits, the chin two cubits, the nose and forehead as much, the nostrils must contain half a foot, the compass of the ear and mouth 4. cubits, and so much the neck: the breast 10. cubits, the length of the thighs and legs 29. cubits, the foot ten, and the hand six: thus Pererius casteth the proportion of every part.

4. But herein is his error, he taketh the height of the body of the image to be 60. cubits, whereas, as Lyranus well noteth, in this measure is comprehended the foot also or foundation whereupon the image stood: for otherwise it should not be proportionable, being 60, cubits high, and but six cubits broad: for the length of a man is but six times to the breadth, and ten times to the thickness: If the body be six cubits high, it is but a cubit broad: then 6. cubits broad will have but 36. cubits in height.

5. As this image was huge in the height and stature, so it was very costly, being all of gold, though it be not necessary with Jerome, to think that it was made of solid gold, but either the outside only of it, was gold, or it was made hollowe, as Lyranus well coniectureth.

Quest. 7. Of the mystical application of this image.

1. Chrysostom by this golden image, would have covetousness resembled, which S. Paul calleth idolatry, Ephes. 5. 5. for the covetous man doth addict all his desire, and as it were consecrate his soul to the love of money.

2. Jerome compareth false doctrine unto this image, which heretics and false teachers do adorn and set forth with their wit and eloquence, as this image is made of gold.

3. Irenaeus maketh this image a pattern of the worldly happiness, which the devil entiseth and seduceth men to embrace, and as it were worship, setting aside the desire of heavenly things.

Quest. 8. Of the several names and titles of the kings nobles and officers here rehearsed. ver. 2.

1. The first are called in the Chaldee tongue, achashdarpenaija, which R. Joseph Kimhi deriveth of these three words, achash, which signifieth in the Aramites language great, and dar, to stay or remain, and panim, the face: they were such as always remained in the kings presence, and were next unto him. Montonus readeth, secund • s à rege, the next to the king: Satrapae, the great and highest men in the kingdom: L. V. Iun. Lyranus saith they are so called, tāquam satis rapientes, because they do take and snatch from the people: but that is no fit annotation here: the Septuag. call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , chief men, or of high place.

2. The second is signaia, which some translate, pontifices summons, the high priests: Pag. for sagan is so sometime taken for the second priest next to the chief: but it seemeth here to be a civil office, as all the rest are: some read duces, captains. V. as the Septuag. interpret, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , chief commanders or captains, so also Bulling, princes, Genevens. it rather signifieth here magistrates, governors. L. A. so Polan. Antistites, men of preeminence, Iun.

3. The third are called pachavatha: pecah, as R. David signifieth, a provincial, one set over a province: Iudices, judges appointed to hear causes in their circuites. L. duces, dukes. I. A. P. Geneuens. the Septuag. call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they which were set over some special places and countries: praesides prouinciarum, the presidents of provinces. V.

4. The fourth are Adargazaraija, which signifieth Senators, as R. David, and R. Saadiah: so also Iun. Judges, Geneuens. duces, dukes, L. rather 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the keepers of the laws, to see that they were executed, Pag. Vatab. Bulling.

5. The fifth are Gedaberaija, which signifieth those, which are set over the treasure, questores, V. P. the questors or receivers, Geneuens. not tyraennos. L. which Lyranus expoundeth exactors of tribute: but the word tyrant, is in this sense improperly used.

6. The sixth dethaberaija, derived of dath, a sentence, and bari, pure or fat, R. Saadiah: they were the lawyers or counselors, I. V. so also Bulling. Polan. Geneuens. the L. readeth optimates, the nobles, but that is too general a word.

7. The seventh Tiphtaice, which I. translateth, exactores, the exactors: the executioners of justice, V. Bulling. officers, Geneuens. such as had the charge and care to see justice executed.

8. The eight shiltonee medinatha, the governors of provinces, Gene. Iun. Vatab. of the word shelet, to rule: it is a general name comprehending all those which had any office or government in the provinces.

Quest. 9. Why Nebuchadnezzar only called his nobles and officers.

1. All the people could not possibly come together to one place, therefore the nobles are called, vt per principes seducantur & gentes, as Jerome saith, that by the nobles the people might be seduced.

2. These are first summoned, vt regi consentientes, as consenting to the king, and most forward to follow his mind: Lyranus. for such are the nobles, pendent à nutu regis, &c. & ad quaslibet flectuntur auras: ready to serve the kings humor, and are turned by every wind, Calvin.

3. And the Nobles are convented for the greater magnificence and majesty, that this image might have the greater reverence, and remain as a monument for a long time after, Osiander.

Quest. 10. ver. 5. Of the diverse kinds of instruments here rehearsed.

1. The first is in the Chaldee called karna of keren, a horn: the Septuag. translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of the trumpet, tubam, Lat. which Lyranus taketh for the usual instrument, which is sounded in the war: Pintus saith it was a crooked instrument made of brass: but it properly rather signifieth a horn or cornet: which is so called either of the matter, whereof it is made, or for the fashion, because it was like unto an horn. So the same word keren, signifieth the trumpet made of rams horn, which Joshua was commanded to make, when he compassed the walls of Ierecho: Josh. 6. another word chatzotzeroth, is used to signify trumpets made of metal, Num. 10. 2.

2. The second is called mashrokitha, which the Septuag, interpret by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a pipe or whistle, of sherach to whistle: the L. readeth, fistula, a pipe or flute: an instrument made of wood, with diverse hoales, to be played upon with the hand, Pin. such as sheep-herds use, it is not a trumpet, as Geneuens.

3. The third is kathrom, whence cometh the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , cithara, the harp, we have the like English word a citherne, but it is taken for another kind of instrument: the harp is an instrument well known: it is in form like a triangle, played upon with the fingers, Lyranus, made of wood, and the strings are seen on both sides, Pintus.

4. The fourth in the Hebrew is called Sabca, the Septuag. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which cometh near the Chaldee word: by the interpreters it is generally translated sambuca, which some think was triquetrum instrumentum imparibus sidibus, a threefold instrument with unequal strings, Iun. tetrachordum, with four strings, Athen. which was made of iron or brass, and played upon with an iron rod: Pint. But Lyranus rather thinketh it was a wind instrument, made of reed, and he deriveth it of sam, which signifieth the Suune, and buca, a trumpet, because it was used only in summer: but it is not like, that such rusticall oaten pipes were used in this solemn assembly. Hugo thinketh it was a kind of rural harp so called of the tree sambucus, whereof it was made, which was the elder tree: But I rather think with our english interpreters, Geneuens. that it was the sackebut, as the agreement with the Chaldee word sabca showeth.

5. The fifth pesanterin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Sep. the psalterie. L. A. P. I. nablium, V. which is the same with the psalterie: the word seemeth to be derived from the Chaldee, psanterie, with the change of one letter. Lyranus thinketh it was an instrument played upon with a quill, which we call a citherne. Pintus describeth it to be an instrument four square with ten strings: some think it was like an harp, but of more pleasant sound, to the which they used to sing holy hymns and psalms, whereupon it had the name psalterie; such as David used: and this is most like.

6. The sixth is called in the Chaldee sumphonia, which is the very same word in the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a symphonie, which R. Saadiah deriveth of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a pipe, with a bag joined unto it, a known rustic instrument: but it is rather, as Lyranus thinketh, that usual instrument, which blind men carry about, and play upon it with their fingers: and with the other hand make it sound with turning about of an iron, Pintus.

11. Quest. v. 5. Of their falling down and worshipping this image.

1. Jerome upon these words, thus writeth, that unless my memory fail me, if I run over the whole Scripture, I cannot find, quod sanctorum quisquam Deum cadens adoraverit, that any of the Saints falling down worshipped God, but they which worshipped idols or the devil fell down, and worshipped, as Satan said to our blessed Savior, All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me, &c. to this purpose Jerome: so also following him the ordin. gloss. and Hugo.

2. But Jerome's memory did here greatly deceive him indeed: for it is more usual in the Scripture for the Saints to fall down and worship God, then otherwise: as, Psal. 95. 6. the Psalmist saith, Come let us worship, and fall down, and kneel before the Lord our maker: the three wise men, Matth. 2. fell down and worshipped Christ: so did the blind man, John. 9. the Angels, Apoc. 7. 11. fell down upon their faces before the throne and worshipped: Pere. Abraham fell on his face, while God talked with him, Gen. 17. 2. so did Ezekiel, c. 1. 29.

12. Quest. That it is not lawful to bow unto an image, though one in his heart abhor it.

1. There are three sorts of men, which do think they may be dispensed withal for the outward reverent gesture yielded unto an image, having their heart free: as they which do it to conform themselves to please the Prince, or for fear to escape the peril of death, or some other grievous punishment: or such which do come unto idolatrous service, only to see the manner of it, and the pomp of Papal superstitious ceremonies.

2. But all these are found to be in great error. 1. the Lord in the second commandment directly forbiddeth to bow down unto such images. And the Lord saith to the Prophet Elias, that he had reserved seven thousand, that had not bowed their knees unto Baal, 1. King. 18. 19. 2. Our bodies together with our souls are the temples of the Spirit, and therefore neither the one, nor the other should be defiled, but preserved pure and holy for the Lord, Polan. 3. It satisfieth the idolaters themselves, if men be but conformable in their outward gesture, to their idolatrous service: as here Nebuchadnezzar exacteth no confession of the mouth, or subscription with the hand of or unto this image, but only to fall down and worship it. Calv. 4. In the purer ages of the Church even they were held to be idolaters, which being constrained by force, did yield the least outward service unto the idols of the Gentiles: as Origen, as Soudas writeth, was excommunicate of the Church, for holding a little incense in his hand before an idol. 5. The Romanists will not come at our Churches and service, where yet there is no external object that may offend them, therefore much less should Protestants show such weakness to assemble with them in their idolatrous temples, which lay so many stumbling blocks before the eyes.

13. Quest. Of the malicious accusation of the Chaldees against the Jews.

1. The malicious Chaldees were so incensed against the servants of God, that refused to worship the image, that they could not stay at all, but presently at the same instant they made complaint of them. 2. They bend their accusation, not only against those three, whom they held to be offenders, but against the whole nation of the Jews, v. 8. they grievously accused the Jews. 3. They by flattering speech insinuate themselves to the king, that they might be the better heard, O king live forever, v. 9. 4. Then they subtly seek to bring their persons into disgrace and hatred, 1. by their nation and country, they were Jews, the kings captives and vassals. 2. by their unthankfulness for the benefits which the king had bestowed upon them, who had made them governors, and chief officers, Bulling. 3. by their apostasy, that being called by Babylonian names, Shadrach, Meshach, Abednego, and so incorporated into that nation, yet were of a diverse religion and usage, Iun. 5. Then followeth the crime, which they object against them, which was threefold. 1. contempt of the kings commandment and decree. 2. irreligion in not worshipping the kings gods. 3. mutiny and sedition, in being singular among the rest, in that they did not fall down before the kings image.

14. Quest. Why they say in the plural they will not serve thy gods, v. 12. when as there was but one image.

Lyranus thinketh, that this image is called in the plural, gods, after the manner of the Jews, which use to call an idol so, though it be but one: as they said of the golden calf, Exod. 32. These are thy gods: but it is evident in the text, that by gods, they mean not the image; because they complain of 2. things, they would not serve thy gods, nor worship the image.

2. The ordi. gloss. which Hugo followeth, so also Pintus, think, that the gods here spoken of were diverse from the image: for this he set up for himself to be worshipped in it; but his gods he worshipped himself. But that they were not here two such distinct things, it appeareth; because the kings decree was only that they should fall down, and worship the image: which they transgressing, are said, therein also to have refused to serve the kings gods.

3. Wherefore it is evident, that this image was set up by the king to the honor of his gods, Calvin. which are so called in the plural, because they worshipped many gods: so that in one and the same action, in refusing to bow unto the image, they are held to be contemners also of the kings gods.

15. Quest. Why these three, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego are only accused.

1. It may seem that the principal and chief men were only or especially called, and that the vulgar and common sort of people were not all present: or at the least, the principal men were most marked, and observed, whose example the rest might follow, Pere, but it seemeth, by their general accusation of the Jews, v. 8. that there were more Jews present then these three.

2. It may be also supposed, that the vulgar sort of the Jewish people, which were present, did for fear do as the rest did, fall down and worship, therefore they were not complained of, Perer. It is very like indeed, that many Jews did fall away in time of captivity to worship the Chaldean images, because many of them had been idolaters in their own country, for the which they were carried into captivity: but that some other of the Jews beside these three, refused to fall down, may be gathered by the general accusation against the Jews, but principally against these three.

3. Wherefore this is like to be the cause, why these three are singled out, because they were advanced to honorable place of government, and for this cause were envied and maligned of the Chaldees: and this may be gathered by their manner of accusation, v. 12. wherein they specially urge that point, that the king had set them over the province of Babel, that seemed to be an eye-soar and a grief unto them. Why Daniel was not accused with the rest, it was by reason of his absence, as is shown before, quest. 4.

16. Quest. What age these three were of, when they were brought before the king.

1. Chrysostom thinketh, that these three were infantili aetate, but as infants and children, when this was done, homil. de trib. pueris. Augustine also, hom. 24. calleth them pueros, children. But this is not like that the king would set children in the place of government: for before this, at Daniel's request, they were made governors over the province of Babel, c. 2. 49.

2. Theodoret gesseth they were young men, in aetatis vere, in the spring, and (as we say) in the flour of their age.

3. Pererius thinketh they could not be less, then 35. years of age: for he supposeth they might be 10. year old, when they went into captivity, and in the 25. year of Nebuchadnezzar he had that dream of the image: But though Pererius opinion be probable for their age, yet his ground is uncertain: for the second year mentioned, c. 2. 1. was not the 25. but the 5. year of Nabuchadnezzers reign, as is shown, c. 2. qu. 1.

4. But Pererius laboreth to clear this point, because in their Missals they are called the three children: either for that they were children at their first going into captivity, or they are so called according to the phrase of Scripture, that young men, and they which were of perfect age are so called pueri, as Joshua, Exod. 31. being then above 40. year old, is called pure, the lad or servant of Moses.

Contra. 1. The word pure, when it is so applied, is referred rather to their ministry and service, then age. 2. we do not stand upon it how they are called in their Missals, it sufficeth us, that in the Scripture they are not called children, but gubhraia, men, v. 23. of the word gabbar, to be strong: they were then men of perfect age and strength.

17. Quest. Why Daniel made not intercession to the king for his three friends.

1. They which think Daniel was present, and that he either stood by the king who did not worship his own image, as gloss. ordin. Hugo. or that they did forbear to accuse him, because he was in great grace and favor with the king, Polan. which conceits see refuted before, quest. 4. those which affirm Daniel to be present, consequently must hold, that Daniel was silent, and spake not in the behalf of his friends: and Lyranus saith, vidit regem obstinatum in malicia, & ideo tacuit, &c. he saw the king settled and obstinate in his malice, and therefore held his peace. But Daniel had offended much, if being present, he should by his silence and connivence have betrayed these innocents, as the wise man saith, Prov. 24. 11. Wilt thou not preserve them, that are lead to be slain?

2. Pererius thinketh that Daniel being a great Prophet might foresee that God would deliver them out of this danger by some great miracle, that thereby the power and glory of God might be set forth: as our blessed Savior suffered Lazarus to die, that he might get greater glory by raising him up again out of his grave.

Contra. 1. Our blessed Savior and Daniel, the master and the servant, are not well matched together: Christ had all power and knowledge in himself, so had not Daniel. 2. he knew not of his deliverance from the Lions himself, when he was cast into their den: for then it had been no trial of his saith, if he had been sure to be delivered, much less is it like, that he foresaw the miraculous deliverance of these.

3. Therefore Daniel is excused by his absence, and ignorance: he neither was present, and so consequently was ignorant of all that now happened, being done speedily and in hast: see before qu. 4.

18. Quest. Of Nabuchadnezzers speech unto those three brought before him.

1. The equity of the king herein deserveth commendation, that would not presently give sentence against these persons, till he had heard their defense: as it was the commendable custom of the Romans not to deliver any unto death, before he that was accused had place to defend himself, Act. 25. 16. Bulling.

2. But herein appeareth the willful blindness of the king, that being seduced to set up such an abominable idol, he proceedeth to maintain it with cruelty. Pelican.

3. He doth first seek to win them by gentle speech: as though he could not believe it to be true, that they had done this thing, or if they did, it was of some oversight, rather then of purpose: which he was content to pardon, if now they would worship the image: but beside these fair speeches, he addeth also threatening. Bulling.

4. He peremptorily enjoineth obedience to his decree, not suffering it to be disputed or called into question, whether it were just or lawful: but it was his will so to be. Calv.

5. And at the last he endeth with blasphemy, extenuating the power of that great God, whom before he had acknowledged to be the God of gods, c. 2. 47. so Rabsakeh said to Hezekiah, that the Lord could not deliver Jerusalem out of his hand, 2. king. 18. 35.

19. Quest. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three convented before the king.

They answer with godly resolution and courage to every part of the kings speech.

1. Whereas the king first insinuateth himself, as though he did not believe, that they would do such a thing, and thereby suggesteth unto them, that they should be better advised: which kind of human and favorable questioning Suetonius noteth to have been much used by Augustus, who in examining those which were guilty, would seem as though he believed not any such thing to be done by them: to this uncertainty in the kings demand, they answer resolutely, that they needed no consultation in that matter, they had their answer ready, and were determined both what to say and do, to answer and suffer, We are not careful to answer thee in this matter.

2. To the kings blasphemy, that there was no God to deliver them out of his hand; they reply, that their God, whom they served, was able to deliver them out of his hand.

3. Touching the kings threatening of the fiery furnace, they answer in effect that it did not move them, they feared it not, though their God for some causes known to himself, should leave them in his hands, yet they would not worship the image.

4. And as the king would admit no discussing of his decree, but would have it absolutely obeyed: so they could not be removed from their religion: neither desired to have the same discussed or sifted: they would by no means consent to worship the image.

20. Quest. Why the Lord doth not always deliver his out of temporal dangers.

v. 18. But if not: These valiant servants of God, were certain of God's favor, that he would assist them with his spirit to suffer for his glory, but they could not certainly promise themselves temporal deliverance: wherein the Lord always showeth not his power for these reasons.

1. If the Lord should continually by some miraculous deliverance, rid his children out of danger; then would not the miracle be so great, and so neither God's glory nor power therein so much magnified, nor men thereat so much moved. Perer.

2. God suffereth his children to fall into temporal dangers, for the trial and probation of their faith and patience.

3. Thereby also God doth chastise his servants, to bring them to more effectual repentance. Papp.

4. And the Lord permitteth his children to be temporally tried, inuisibiliter eos ad gloriam transferendo, to bring them invisibly unto everlasting glory. Lyranus. ex Augustine.

21. Quest. Why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image.

1. The godly Hebrews were not ignorant how often they were charged by Moses, and the Prophets, not to bow unto, or worship images, as Exod. 20. in the second commandment. Deut. c. 4. and c. 27. Isa. 44. and Ierem. 10. and in many places beside: that no one thing in Scripture is more straightly given them in charge.

2. They had the example of the godly Patriarchs and kings, and other holy men, who had a perfect detestation of idols: as Jacob burned all the images in his house under an oak, Gen. 35. Hezekiah pulled down the brazen serpent, when they began to abuse it to idolatry.

3. Yea in the most corrupt times after their return out of the captivity, the Jews abhorred images: for when Pilatus and Petronius the presidents of Jewry had secretly brought the images of Tiberius and Caligula into the city, to be worshipped of the Jews, they manfully resisted, offering their necks and lives, rather then they would contrary to their law worship any images. Joseph. lib. 18. antiquit. c. 4. & 10. who further writeth, l. 2. cont. Appia. that when Alexander the great would have repaired the Temple and sepulcher of Bel the Chaldeans god at Babylon, and therein used the help of the Jews, they utterly refused.

4. Therefore that is a most malicious lie reported by Appollonius, Appian the Grammarian, and Cornelius Tacitus, that the Jews in the inwards of the Temple kept an asses head of gold, which they worshipped. ex Perer.

22. Quest. Whether the Prince is by fire and sword to root out them which are of contrary religion.

v. 19. Nebuchadnezzar commanded these three holy men to be cast into the fiery oven: wherein he offended three ways: 1. in the action it self, in forcing his religion by torment of death. 2. in the manner, he did it in his rage. 3. in respect of the persons persecuted, they were innocent, they suffered for keeping of the law of God: But that generally religion is not to be forced by torment, it may be thus persuaded.

1. It is against the nature of faith to be forced unto by violence: doceri non cogi vult fides, religion must be taught, not enforced. Polan.

2. Idolaters, heretics, and persecutors of the true faith, by unspeakable torments, and cruel death, did urge their heresies, idolatry, and superstitions to be kept: As this was the engine, wherewith the heathen Emperors assaulted the Christians, persecuting them by fire and sword: As Cornelius Tacitus writeth of Nero, that he caused the Christians to be burned specially in the night, in vsum nocturni luminis, instead of night lamps: So the truth is not to be defended and maintained by the same weapons, wherewith false religion fighteth: for the fruits of the spirit, are love, peace, gentleness, Gal. 5. 22.

3. But it therefore followeth not, because religion is not to be forced by punishment of death, that therefore everyone is to be left unto himself: there are other forcible means by penal laws to contain men in an uniform profession of the true faith, then by death. Josiah put down the Chemarims idolatrous Priests, but he put them not to death. 2. King. 23. 5.

4. Yet such as are manifest blasphemers and heretics, are to be cut off by the sword, as Servetus was at Geneva: so that in the inflicting of the punishment of death for false religion, a double difference is to be made: 1. between those, which do maintain manifest heresy and blasphemy, and such as hold other unsound opinions: and in the first sort, between such as are obstinate and perverse, and those which are seduced of ignorance and simplicity.

23. Quest. Of the extraordinary beating of the furnace.

v. 19. He charged, that they should heat the furnace seven times more. 1. In the Apocryphal narration here inserted in the Greek translation, it is added further, that the king commanded the furnace to be made hot with pitch, and towe, and a kind of liquid brimstone called naptha, and small twigges and spriggs of vines, or such like called malleoli, which some take for the small brush wood, apt to be set on fire, as Theodoret: some for such stuff besmeared with pitch, as Pererius showeth out of Nonius Marcellus.

2. And concerning naptha, whereof there are fountains in Babylon, which is an hot country full of brimstone, and in diverse places flaming out with fire: and as Plutarke writeth, the earth is so hot, that they are constrained to lie in water: this naptha is of such force, that whatsoever is besmeared therewith, taketh fire in such sort, as that it cannot be quenched but with vinegar and allume, and such like, as Sirabo writeth, lib. 16. how Alexander to take trial of the nature thereof, caused a boy being in the water to be anointed with naptha, and so a candle put to him, who so burned, that if they had not with much water, mire, and such like, quenched it, he had been consumed before them. Plutarke also in the life of Alexander reporteth, how the Barbarians, to show the operation of this naptha, did cast certain drops upon the way, which in the night took the flame one from another, that all the way seemed to be of a light fire.

3. But because in the original history there is no mention made of these things, that the fire should be tempered with: nor yet that the furnace should flame 49. cubits, v. 46. in the Apocryphal addition; we need not busy our selves with searching out the nature of these things: it sufficeth to know, as it is in the text, that the furnace was made hot 7. times more, then usually it was.

24. Quest. Of the exquisite cruelty and torments which these three were put unto.

1. Whereas in the punishing of offenders, Tyrants have satisfied themselves with simple death; in the persecuting of the servants of God, they used exquisite torments: as here the furnace is made seven times more hot: if any malefactor had been condemned to this punishment, the ordinary heat would have sufficed. Bulling.

2. Then he commandeth the strongest men to bind them, that they might use no resistance, and might be more strongly bound: and God so disposed, that the king should use the ministry of his most valiant men, that both the miracle might be the greater, in that the flame consumed these men, & exercitus cladem persentisceret, & he should be punished in the loss of his martial men: Lyranus. and here appeareth the madness of persecutors, who refuse not to be hangmen and tormentors themselves of God's servants, which they would be ashamed to do in the execution of ordinary malefactors, Osiander.

3. They are bound in their apparel, vt nihil ex illis reseruandum, &c. that nothing might remain or be reserved of them: and because they were in such hast.

4. They are cast into the middes of the furnace, that the fire might have the greater power over them, Bullinger.

25. Quest. Of the apparel, which they were cast into the fire with.

1. The first garment is called sarbal, which the Septuag. interpreteth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sarabaris, by the change of one letter: Jerome readeth, cum braccis, with their breeches or hose: for so he saith, that saraballa in the Chaldee language, signify the thighs: so also Hesychius interpreteth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to be the coverings of the thighs: and in the Sclavonian tongue, the wide slippers are called sarabarh, Polan. so also Pagnin. But it seemeth rather to signify the close coat, which covered not only the nether but the upper parts: as Tertullian. in lib. de pallio, writeth thus of Alexander, triumphalem cataphractam amolitus in captiva sarabara incessit, that laying aside his triumphant complete harness, he went up & down in a captive garment called sarabara, &c. it seemeth then it was such a garment, which covered those parts which used to be harnessed, the breast and upper parts, as well as the nether. Ab. Ezra and R. Levi take it for the upper garment, but that is rather the last, here named: it is more fitly taken for the coat, Genevens. or the short cloak and inward garment, as Junius and Vatablus express it by the word chlamys, which signifieth a short cloak.

2. The next garment is taken by some for their breeches, fem • ralia, Mont. tibialia, the hose, Vatab. Genevens. subligacula, their slops: but the word petaschon, their bonets, cometh near the word petasus, which signifieth an hat or bonet: and so the Septuagint and Jerome express it by the word tiara, a bonet, Polan. Lyranus. and Hugo Card. think that tiara signifieth both pileum, and palliolum, an hat, or Persian cloak: but it rather here signifieth the covering of the head: the other garments are here named beside: and it is the use of the Turks to this day to use certain bonets of fine linen wrapped together. Calvin.

3. The last word chirbelathhon, some interpret, tiaris, their bonets. V. cucullis, their boods, Montan, some, their shoes, L. bootes, sep. but it rather signifieth their cloaks, Genevens. and upper robes, paludamenta, Iun. for so the word chirbel signifieth to cover, Polan. as Pagnin translateth operimenta, their coverings.

26. Quest. Why Daniel was not cast into the fiery furnace with the rest.

The diverse opinions here of this matter, are of two sorts: some think that Daniel was absent, some that he was present.

1. They which hold him to have been absent, 1. some think he might be detained by sickness, and infirmity, Lyranus. but that is a mere conjecture. 2. some think he was employed in the kings offices, in some remote country, Papp. but Daniel's office was to sit in the kings gate and to attend the court, c. 2. 49. 3. some think that Daniel, seeing the king fully bent to go forward, withdrew himself home, and would not be present, Osiander. but this he could not have done without the kings great displeasure. 4. some that the king in favor sent him back, that he should not be brought into danger, Hug. Card. But the kings fury was such, that he would have spared none, that misliked his proceedings.

2. They which think Daniel to have been present: 1. some judge, that the Chaldeans would not accuse Daniel, because he was in such favor with the king, Calvin. Polan. but he was in as great favor afterward with Darius, and yet he was cast into the lions den, c. 8. 2. some think that Daniel stood by the king, who did not worship his own image, and so Daniel doing as the king did, being the next man unto him, was not found fault withal. But the text overthroweth this conceit, the decree was general, v. 11. that whosoever did not fall down, should be cast into the fiery furnace: Daniel then could not be exempted from so general a decree. 3. some think that Daniel did in outward gesture do as the rest did, and by this example the Nicomedians would justify their dissimulation, in bowing their knee unto an idol, and yet keeping their heart for God. But seeing Daniel refused to defile himself with eating the kings meat, much more would he have counted this a pollution, to have bowed to this filthy idol.

3. Wherefore the safer opinion is, that Daniel was not at this time present: his charge was to keep the kings palace, and he was chief governor over the whole province of Babel: the king then being absent from Babylon, to solemnize the dedication of this image which was in the region Susiane, by all likelihood committed unto Daniel the government of the city and province of Babel, till his return.

27. Quest. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the kings cruelty.

v. 22. The flame of the fire slew those men, &c. 1. Lyranus well observeth, that this is set down by anticipation: for first the three men were cast into the fiery furnace, and then at the coming of the Angel, the fire was kept from their bodies, and raged upon their enemies.

2. It is like that these men had been the chief persuaders of the king, to devise this torment, and were the most forward in this cruel execution, and therefore they taste of the same punishment, which they had prepared for others: as they which accused Daniel, and caused him to be cast into the lions den, themselves were devoured of the lions, Pintus. and they are justly punished, because they yield obedience to the king, in re scelerata, in a wicked matter, Bulling.

3. It pleased God, that the fire should first destroy these wicked instruments, both for the more certainty of the miracle, seeing the same fire preserved some, and consumed others: and that the king might be more nearly touched: punitis principibus rex corripitur, the king is touched and chastised by the punishment of his Princes. gloss. Hug.

28. Quest. How these three men cast into the fire were preserved.

1. Some think, that the fire was by the power of God kept from their bodies, and so issued forth upon them which were without: so Theodoret, ex hac dissipatione flammarum & • epulsione à corporibus in tantum ignis e furnace essusus est, &c, by this dispersing of the flames, and repelling it from their bodies, the fire was shed out so far out of the furnace, that it went out 49. cubits: but first this opinion is contrary to the text, which saith they walked in the middes of the fire, and had no hurt, verse. 25. there was then fire, in the middes of the furnace where they were. 2. they were cast into the furnace bound hand and feet, bu • as soon as they came near the fire, it burnt the bands wherewith they were tied, so that they walked loose, the fire then was near them: Pintus answereth, that as they entered into the furnace, their bands were loosed by the fire.

Contra. The text is otherwise, that they fell down bound into the middes of the furnace, ver. 23. they were then in the middes, before the fire consumed their bands.

2. Some think, that the Angel did cause a cold air to blow in the middes of the furnace, and so they were delivered from the heat of the fire, interponendo corpus frigidum, by the enterposing of some cold body, Perer. this also is affirmed by the Apocryphal story, ver. 49. fecit medium fornacis quasi ventum roris flantem, &c. the Angel made the middes of the furnace as it were windy with a dew.

Contra. 1. But this were to add miracle to miracle: for as it was one miracle, that the fire did not so much as touch their garments, as they passed through the flames, so it should be another, for the fire not to be quenched with this dew: but miracles must not be multiplied without cause. 2. this also derogateth from the power of God, as though he could not immediately by his own power restrain the force of the fire, but by the ministry of another creature.

3. The third opinion is, that God restrained the burning quality of the fire: for he that first endued the elements with their several qualities, can withhold and suspend them at his pleasure: thus thinketh Basil, that vis vrendi, the force of burning, did not fungi suo munere, at this time exercise his force; like as the fire which Moses saw, consumed not the bush: of this opinion are also Albertus magnus, & Dyonis. Carthusianus, which is the most probable.

Quest. 29. Of the seven miraculous things concurring in this preservation of them from the fire.

1. The first is, that whereas the fire hath two properties concurring together, the light and the heat, that now by the power of God they are separated: here is light without burning; and in hell fire there shall be burning without light: as Basil noteth in the former place, talis est ignis inferni, vt cum maxim vret, minime tamen luceat, &c. such is the fire of hell that when it burneth most it giveth least light, Pere.

2. This fire hath contrary effects, it preserveth those which are within, and consumeth those which are without: like as the waters of the red Sea, were a defense unto the Israelites, and a confusion to the Egyptians: and the lions which spared Daniel, devoured his accusers, Bulling.

3. The fire burned asunder their bands, but their bodies and garments, it had no power to touch: so observeth Jerome, ardent vincula, sed vinctorum corpora non tangit, &c. their bands are burnt, but the bodies of thē which were bound the fire toucheth not: so also Chrysostom, Compedes disrupit ignis, talos non tetigit, the fire brake their fetters, and yet touched not their ankels; so Gregory, vt haberet flamma virtutem ad solatium, non haberet ad tormentum, &c. so that the flame had it force for their comfort, but not to their torment.

4. In the fire they breathed and walked, whereas the fire and smoke useth to suffocate, and stop the breath: Pererius addeth further, that in the mids of the fire, they made an extemporal song or psalm, to the praise of God. It is not to be doubted, but that they praised God; but that long himne, which is extant in the vulgar Latin edition, it is not like they uttered: because it is not extant in the original: so that it seemeth to have been added by some interpreter to set forth the piety and devotion of these holy men.

5. Pererius following the vulgar Latin, maketh this another miracle, that a pleasant cool wind with a moist dew was sent of God into the middes of the furnace: But no such thing is extant in the original: thus much may be gathered out of the text by their walking in the middes of the fire, that neither the smoke nor heat, was any annoyance unto them at all, but they had their free liberty, as though they had walked in the cool and fresh air.

6. This was admirable, that not only their bodies, but their garments, yea the hair of their head, was kept from the fire: and there was not so much as the smell of fire about them, ver. 27.

7. Lastly, it seemeth that Nebuchadnezzar only, whose conversion the Lord principally intended by this miracle, saw the Angel of God walking in the fiery furnace in the form of man.

8. The like narration Pererius reporteth out of Gregory, of a young man called Benedictus, who kept in a cell in Campania, within 40. miles of Rome: whom the Goths assayed to burn in his cell, and set fire round about it, but all other things being consumed, his cell remained untouched; whereupon they drew him out, and cast him into a fiery oven: but he the next day was found without any hurt of the fire, not so much as his garments touched. But the report of this miracle I leave to the judgment of the understanding reader: this we know, that that age was given too much to such miraculous reports: and that many fabulous narrations have been thrust under the name of the fathers.

Quest. 30. Whether anything without miracle may be preserved from the fire, being in the flames thereof.

1. Some do think that by natural means certain things are and may be exempted from the violence and rage of the fire: Pliny writeth of the stone Aetites, which is found in a certain kind of eagles nest, that it endureth the fire, & wasteth therein nothing at all. And in another place he maketh mention of Pirrhus, whose body being consumed by the fire, yet the great toe of his right leg could not be burned: the same author reporteth, that their hearts, which die of poison, or morbo cardiaco, the disease of the heart, cannot be burnt. Aristotle writeth of a certain stone called anthrax, which the fire cannot work upon, no not so much as to heat it: the same author also writeth of a certain little beast with feet, and yet flieth, about the bigness of a fly, which cometh out of the brass furnaces in Cyprus, which as long as it is in the fire liveth, but if it fly far from the fire it dieth: The like report there is of the Salamander, that it extinguisheth the fire, non alio modo, quam glacies, like a piece of ice, Plin. lib. 10. cap. 67. so also Aelianus, lib. 2. cap. 20. And Olympiodore the philosopher confirmeth the same by his experience, that they which kept fornaces in his time, would shake the faggots which thy burned, least the Salamanders might be among them, which by experience they found to put out the fire. Iamblicus writeth, that the Egyptian Prophets, when they were inspired of their gods, could walk through the middes of the fire, and not be burned: Pliny also maketh mention of certain families among the Faliscians called Hyrpiae, which in the yearly sacrifice of Apollo, could pass through an heap of wood, set on fire, and not be burned.

2. 1. Concerning those stones given in instance, it is like because of their cold and solid constitution, that they a good while may resist the fire, but at the length, the fire by the extreme heat thereof will work upon them. 2. touching those beasts which are said to live in the fire, it must be so understood, that they live in hot places, near unto the fire, but not in the flames, as those little creatures which we call crickits, do keep altogether in ouens, and chimnies, and other hot places, but they cannot endure the flames of the fire: and it is Aristotle's principle, nullum animal nasci, vel viuere posse in igne, that no creature can be engendered, or live in the fire.

3. As for the Salamander, by reason of the cold constitution thereof, it may resist the fire, and somewhat slake the heat of it, as any other thing will, that is extreme cold and moist; but at the length the fire will consume it: as Mathiolus writing upon Dioscorides, lib. 2. cap. 56. saith he found by experience.

4. These examples given in instance of such as walked through the fire without hurt, are either not to be credited, as many such fabulous tales are reported by the heathen writers: or else such things were done by the operation of Satan: who either by slaking the force of the fire, or by suborning some imagined fire, or by interposing some cold body, or by some like means, can work such feats. So then it remaineth a strong and firm conclusion, that without a miracle, nothing can endure the fire without wasting and consuming. ex Perer.

Quest. 31. That those three were true Martyrs, though they escaped by miracle the danger of death.

1. There are three things required to make a Martyr, the goodness of the cause, the present danger of death, and a willing resolution to suffer it: all these three here concurred: the cause was for the maintenance of God's glory, the danger of death was present, and without God's miraculous deliverance inevitable, and their resolution was constant to die. This testimony Cyprian giveth of these martyrs, and of Daniel, who escaped the lions: In confessoribus Christi dilata martyria non meritum confessionis minuunt, sed magnalia diuinae protectionis ostendunt, &c. in the confessors of Christ the deferring of their martyrdom doth not diminish the worthiness of their confession, but setteth forth the greatness of the divine protection, &c.

2. So as Thomas distinguisheth them, there are three kind of Martyrs: 1. they which are so only in fervent desire. 2. such as are in the present peril of death, which they cannot escape without the miraculous deliverance of God. 3. they which are offered unto death, and do suffer it.

3. Bernard also maketh three kinds of martyrdom: some are voluntate martyrs, & non opere, martyrs in will, and not in act, as John the Apostle: some opere, non voluntate, in act, though not in the will and purpose, as those innocents, which were put to death for Christ: some are both opere & voluntate, martyrs both in will and work, as the holy Apostles, all save John.

Quest. 32. Whether all those are to be held Martyrs which die constantly and courageously.

1. They which show a kind of fortitude and courage in enduring of torments, their cause being not good, are not held to be martyrs, as the Anabaptists show themselves very resolute in suffering for their wicked heresy and sect. Balthasar Gerardus the Burgundian, which slew the prince of Orenge, Ann. 1584. the 30. of June, endured very grievous torments, but it was pertinancy in him, rather then patience, a stupidity of sense, not a solidity of faith, a reckless desperation, not a confident resolution. Augustine saith well, ibierat Christus vbi latrones, similis causa, sed dissimilis poena, Christ was in the same place where the thieves were, the cause was like, but the punishment unlike: therefore S. Peter, discerning the cause wheresore one should suffer, saith, let none of you suffer, as a murderer, or as a thief, &c. 1. Pet. 4. 15.

2. They which have a good cause, may fail also in the manner, as if they do procure their own death, and lay violent hands upon themselves: when any are urged mala facere, vel mala pati, to do evil, or to suffer evil, they must rather choose to suffer evil, and to yield themselves into the hands of their enemies, as those three men did: but they which kill themselves, are now doers of evil, and not sufferers: the devil tempted Christ to cast himself down from the pinnacle, but he resisted him: all such motions then tending to voluntary death, are diabolical. Augustine hereof thus writeth, When Job was stricken with botches from the head to the foot, vtique hoc vestrum compendium habuit in promptu, &c. he might have used this compendious way if he would, &c.

Quest. 33. Why it pleaseth not God always to deliver his servants out of danger, as he did these and at this time.

Rupertus moveth the like question, why the Lord did not as well defend his Temple from the fire, as the bodies of his servants here.

1. If God should do so ordinarily, then the miracle should not seem so great, not the power and glory of God so much thereby advanced.

2. It is in God hand, and in his choice, whether to deliver his Saints from temporal danger, or to translate them to immortality: he best knoweth what is fit for everyone.

3. God doth send temporal deliverance to such instruments, as he purposeth still to use in his service: as these three were delivered, because they were special means to set forth God's glory among the Chaldeans: but when any hath finished their course, and accomplished that service for the which they were sent, then the Lord thinketh best to receive them into his kingdom, as Peter was delivered out of prison by the Angel, Act. 12. because the Lord was yet to use him in his service: but afterward when he had finished his course, the Lord suffered the persecutors to deprive him of his temporal life, Polan.

4. Further it must be here considered, that there are two kinds of delivering the servants of God, there is occulta liberatio, & manifesta, a secret deliverance, and a manifest: the secret deliverance concerneth their souls, whom the Lord translateth to glory: wherein the Lord showeth two great works, both in giving them strength by their patience to triumph over the cruelty of their persecutors, and in bringing them unto glory. And the Lord's power is no less seen intheir patience, then if he had temporally delivered them: as Rupertus speaking of the holy Martyrdom of Laurentius▪ who was broiled upon a gridyron, saith, gloriosius in eo triumphauit, quam si excussisset carbones, the Lord did more gloriously triumph in him, then if he had put out the coals. The other kind of deliverance is notorious and manifest, which is seen in the safety of their bodies, as these three were now delivered out of the fire: which kind of deliverance God sometime sendeth for the confirmation of his Saints, and for the confusion of the wicked, Polan.

Quest. 34. verse. 25. In what sense the king saith, that the fourth was like the son of God.

1. Some think that the king imagined, that the fourth was like the son of God, that is, was one of the inferior or second sort of gods: for the Gentiles thought, that the gods begat children of women, as Jupiter had Hercules and Apollo, and these were called semidei, half gods: this opinion is mentioned by Dyonis. Carthusian. and so Osiander saith, that the king thought, that the gods had sent, quendam ex minoribus dijs, someone of the less or inferior gods. But this sperstitious and impious conceit of their half gods, was afterward taken up by the Greeks, it was not at this time currant among the Babylonians: whose chief God Bel was, and next to him they adored and worshipped the Sun and the stars.

2. Some do indeed take this to be understood of an Angel, as Jerome, Angeli filij Dei nuncupantur, the Angels are called the sons of God: as Job: 1. 6. and psal. 89. 7. so also Calv. Perer. Polan. and their reason is, because the king afterward saith, that God had sent his Angel, v. 28. But 1. it is not unusual in Scripture, for the son of God to be called an Angel, as Malachi. 3. 1. the Angel of the covenant. 2. and though this phrase be used in Scripture, to call the Angels the sons of God, yet it may be doubted, whether the Gentiles used so to speak. 3. And though the king might take him to be an Angel, yet the question is, whether he were an Angel, or indeed the son of God.

3. Some add further, that this was an Angel, but likened to the son of God, because he was a type of the incarnation of the son of God: that the son of God should descend from heaven, suos e peccatorum flammis erepturus, to deliver his out of the flames of their sins: Pintus, and before him Apollinarius. But although this typical application may be made of it, yet Nebuchadnezzàr being utterly ignorant of the mystery of redemption, could not so understand it.

4. Some do think that Nebuchadnezzar meaneth Christ the son of God: and this opinion is divided: some take it, that Nebuchadnezzar had learned the mystery of the incarnation of the Son of God of Daniel, as it was in some sort declared unto him, in the interpretation of his dream, Pintus. But Nebuchadnezzar's gross superstition and idolatry, evidently showeth, that he had no such knowledge of Christ to come, Rupertus thinketh, that mente non sua locutus est, Nebuchadnezzar spake he knew not what, as Saul and Caiaphas prophesied: and addeth further, that it pleased God by the mouth of an heathen man, to reveal this mystery, non enim tutum erat, aeternam filij ex patre Dei generationem Iudaeis carnalibus enuntiare, for it was not safe to declare unto the carnal Jews, the eternal generation of the Son from God the father, Rupertus ibid.

But 1. it is evident by the text, that Nebuchadnezzar knew what he said, calling him afterwards an Angel, whom here he saith, was like to the Son of God. 2. and the mystery of the Trinity, and of the incarnation of Christ, could not be more strange no not to the carnal Jews (among whom notwithstanding were many believers) then unto the Gentiles.

5. Some take it, that this was but a phrase of speech to liken him to the son of God, that is some excellent person, as excellent and eminent things are so named; as the mountain of God, the army of God; that is, a great mountain, a great army, Perer. as Homer called such 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , like unto God, or borne of God, Iun. he saw in the countenance of the fourth, supra vultus humani splendorem radiare aliquid, something to shine beyond the brightenesse of man's countenance, Hug. Car. so also Lyranus. This is true, but not all.

6. Therefore these two things may be safely here affirmed, 1. that Nebuchadnezzar here in this saying determineth not what manner of person it should be, whether God, or an Angel precisely, but in general, that it was some divine presence. 2. yet in truth and in very deed it was Christ the son of God, who appeared at this time in human shape, and came to deliver his servants: As Rupertus thereof yieldeth this reason, it was a sign of that which the Son of God was to do in his Church; quando enim non adfuit filius Dei agonizantibus? for when was not the Son of God present with his servants in their agonies? &c. This application is better then that of Lyranus, who also understandeth that this was Christ the Son of God, but would have thereby prefigured Christ's descension into hell, vbi animae sanctorum tenebantur, &c. where the souls of the saints were held, but not burnt, that they might be delivered, &c. But this is new and strange doctrine, that any in the flames of hell should be delivered, or that the flames of hell should not burn: of this opinion also are Pelican, and Osiander, that this was Christ the son of God, their reason is, because he often before appeared to Abraham, and Moses, and other Patriarchs and Prophets, assumpta humana forma, assuming human shape.

Quest. 35. Of the apparition of Angels in human shape, what manner of bodies they appeared in.

Because the opinion of the most is, that this was an Angel, which was here seen in the middes of the furnace by Nebuchadnezzar, it shall not be amiss to insert something of their manner of apparition.

1. That Angels, yea and the son of God himself sometime appeared visibly unto men, though in their nature they are invisible spirits, it is most evident by the manifold visions and apparitions, which were shown unto the Patriarchs, and Prophets, so that this needeth no further proof.

2. They appeared not in show only, as it were in imaginary, and fantastical bodies, as Marcion held, whom Tertullian confuteth, but in very sensible and palpable bodies, which might be felt, handled, and touched: such bodies had those Angels, which came unto Lot.

3. Nor yet were their bodies taken out of any celestial matter, such as the stars are made of, which was the fancy of Apelles, whom Tertullian confuteth, lib. de carne Christ. but rather they consisted of some terrene matter, because their bodies were palpable, and they did eat and drink.

4. Neither were these the proper bodies of Angels, which are of a spiritual nature: we must not think, Angelos propriam carnem gestasse, that the Angels did bear their own flesh, neither was it hypostatically united unto them, as part of their person, but as Augustine saith, tanquam vestes sumebant & dep • nebant, they did assume them, and lay them down again as garments.

5. Great difference there was between the bodies, wherein the Angels appeared, and the body which Christ walked in: for this body Christ took by birth; so did not the Angels, as Tertullian saith, non venerant mori, ideo nec nasci, they came not to die, therefore they needed not to be borne.

6. And some difference there was between the bodies, which the Angels assumed, and wherein Christ manifested himself in the old testament: for Christ made unto him a body for the time of nothing, and laid it down again, as it pleased him: but the Angels could not make their bodies, but they were prepared of God, either of nothing, or out of some preexistent matter: but this beginning rather their bodies had, the other of nothing was Christ's: Tertullian then hath here a bold assertion, proprium esse Angelicae potestatis, ex nulla materia sibi corpus sumere, that it is proper unto the Angelical power to take unto them a body of no matter, &c. but this power belongeth only to the creator.

7. Now these bodies, if they were made of nothing, they were annihilated again; if out of some matter, they were resolved again into it, as Tertullian saith, corpus Angelorum eadem ration interceptum est, qua & editum, the body of Angels was by the same means intercepted, and dissolved, by the which it was made and came forth: si non fuit initium visible, nec finis, as the beginning of them was not visible, so no more the ende, Polan.

Quest. 36. Why the Angels used to appear in human shape.

1. One reason is, because of all sensible and visible creatures none cometh nearer the nature of Angels, then man, and therefore Angels have assumed unto themselves the shape of man. 2. If the Angels should in any other form have appeared, using the speech of man, it would have seemed monstrous. 3. And by this the Angels did testify their love unto man, similitudo conciliat amorem, for likeness of things begetteth love. 4. Because Angels do count men their fellow servants: they propound unto them both the same ende, everlasting glory in heaven: they are both under the same head Christ. 5. the Angels did so appear for the honor of Christ's incarnation, who they knew, should take our nature upon him: they therefore by this means did dignify the nature of man. 6. Beside, the parts of man's body do express and set forth diverse Angelical properties: as the head their understanding, the eyes their knowledge, the hands their ministry, the feet their readiness and agility, &c. these reasons may be rendered, why it pleased God, that the Angels should manifest themselves in human shape, Perer.

Quest. 37. Of the sudden change and conversion that was in Nebuchadnezzar with the parts thereof.

Nebuchadnezzar's conversion appeareth both by his religious actions toward God, and by his thankful rewarding of his servants, ver. 30.

1. His religious acts consist. 1. in his confession of the praise of God. 2. in the decree which he made concerning the name and worship of God.

1. God's praise is set forth: both by his own work in the delivering of his servants, by sending his Angel; and by the constancy of his servants, set forth by two effects, in that they refused to obey the kings commandment, and because they did rather chose to give their bodies to the fire, then to worship any saving the Lord.

2. In the decree, there is first expressed the offense, if any should blaspheme the name of God: then the punishment, which is twofold, upon their bodies, they shall be drawn in pieces, and on their houses, they shall be made a iakes: then the reasons added from the power of God.

2. Then is expressed, ver. 30. how Nebuchadnezzar promoted these three men in the province of Babel, ver. 30.

Quest. 38. Whether this were a true conversion in Nebuchadnezzar.

1. Pererius thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar was truly and indeed converted, which he would prove by the effects thereof, namely these four. 1. the confession of his error. 2. the advancing of true religion. 3. the exalting of those that feared God. 4. and severe punishing of all blasphemers and enemies unto God. But these were temporary effects, they continued not, they were therefore no signs of a true conversion.

2. The truer opinion then is, that Nebuchadnezzar was but moved and affected for a time, by the strangeness of this miracle, he was not truly converted. 1. As were the effects of his faith, such was his faith; but the effects were but temporary, they lasted but a while, for presently after in the next chapter, he seeketh again unto his sorcerers, for the interpretation of his dream, Iun. 2. he could have no true faith, because he had no true knowledge of God, seeing in the same hour as it were, a little before, he had commanded the golden image to be worshipped. 3. permiscuit idola sua vero Deo, he did join his idols with the true God, Calvin. yet some think that he not long after caused the image to be pulled down, Osiander. It is more like he did not, because he continued in his old superstition, in being addicted still to his enchanters, and sorcerers. 4. here was only a naked miracle, which is but a preparative unto faith, here was no doctrine or instruction out of the word of God, whereby faith is begotten in us, Calvin.

3. But Rupertus, although his opinion be right, that this confession of Nebuchadnezzar, was tota respersa fermento tumidae vanitatis, besprinckled with the leaven of swelling vanity: yet his reason is not good, because he saith, placuit mihi, it pleased me to declare the signs, which God had wrought, apud me, with me, as though he should have said, nisi ob gratiam mei, he did them only for my cause, whereas they were wrought against him. Contra. 1. the words well interpreted are, it became me, not it pleased me. 2. And these miracles and signs were wrought toward him or with him, because he was thereby brought to acknowledge and confess his error, and to give the praise unto God.

4. But Oecolampadius goeth yet further, and giveth such commendation of this confession of Nebuchadnezzar: fungitur in hoc non solum poenitentis, fed & Apostoli offici • , he herein dischargeth not only the duty of a penitent person, but even of an Apostle also in writing of epistles, &c. But the king confessed as much in effect before, cap. 2. 47. that the Lord was a God of God's, and the Lord of kings, and yet after that he made the image.

5. Yet on the other side, are we far from the opinion of Apollinarius, that the king regio fastu condiderit hanc legem, &c. of princely pride and vanity did make this law against blasphemers: But although these were but temporary effects and fruits of his faith, yet for the time they were in truth: for if the king had sought his pomp, he would not in this manner have laid open his error to all the world, and praised the constancy of these men.

39. Quest. Whether blasphemy is to be punished with death.

1. Apollinarius thus objected, that the punishments which the Lord inflicteth in his law, are executed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by way of amendment, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by way of retribution: for no punishment can countervail the greatness of sin: and therefore in such sins such severity is not to be used.

2. Contra. 1. Deus internam pravitatem suo iudicio reservat, &c. God reserveth the inward impiety for his own judgment, but the outward offense the Magistrate is to restrain by law, Oecolampad. 2. By the law of God the blasphemer was put to death. 3. And if an heathen Prince, did decree such a severe punishment against blasphemy, much more ought a Christian Magistrate, Polan. 4. Origen saith, si patri maledicens morte multatur, &c. if he that curseth his father be put to death, how much more he which blasphemeth God our heavenly father: the Canon saith, blaspheme • us secundum legem est decapitandus, secundum canonem anathematizandus, a blasphemer according to the (civil) law is to be beheaded, according to the Canon, to be anathematized and held accursed.

In the Lateran Council thus it was provided against blasphemers, si munus publicum gesserit, &c. if he bare a public office, the first and second time he should loose the benefit of his office for three months, the third time he should be deprived: si Clericus, if he were a Clergy man, the first time he should loose the profits of one whole year, the second, he was to be deprived of his benefice: and the third time, inhabilis reddatur, he was made incapable of that function: si nobilis, &c. if he were a noble man, the first time he should pay 25. ducats, the second 50. the third time that he offendeth, nobilitatum perdat, he should loose his nobility.

If he were a common person, he should be imprisoned: if he offended more then twice, he was to be enjoined to stand one whole day before the Church door: if yet he continued in the sin of blasphemy, ad perpetuos carceres, vel ad triremes damnetur, let him be condemned to perpetual prison, or to the gallies.

40. Quest. Whether the three last verses do belong unto this second chapter.

v. 31. Nebuchadnezzar unto all people, nations, and languages, &c. The vulgar Latin following the Septuag. so also Pererius, do make these three last verses part of the third chapter: some also of the Hebrews do the like. But they are better referred unto the history of the next chapter, as Iun. Vatab. Calvin. Oecolampad. Pelican. Osiander. Bulling. so also Lyranus. gloss. ordin. Hugo Cardin. do think that this Epistle was written by the king, after the Lord had humbled him, and deprived him of his understanding, and afterward restored him again, as it followeth in the next chapter: the reasons for proof hereof are these.

1. Because the style and manner of writing in the first person, the epistle beginneth thus, Nebuchadnezzar king, To all people, &c. and v. 32. I thought it good: agreeth with the first words of the next chapter, I Nebuchadnezzar, &c. 2. He intendeth to declare the signs and wonders, which God wrought toward him, such as specially concerned him, and none did more particularly touch him, then his transformation into the life of a brute beast. 3. If this epistle should not have coherence with the narration following, it should be much imperfect: for he saith, I thought good to declare the signs and wonders: and yet he declareth none, if this epistle should not have relation to the next chapter: Seeing then that these 3. last verses are a part of that chapter, the questions here arising, shall be there handled.

1. Doct. That the godly have always some enemi • or other to encounter with.

v. 1. Nebuchadnezzar the king made an image of gold, &c. Many are the adversaries and diverse the assaults and combats, which are opposed to the faithful: their enemies are cither internal, which is their own corrupt concupiscence, whereof S. Paul speaketh, Rom. 7. 23. I see another law in my members rebelling against the law of my mind: or external, which are enemies spiritual and invisible, as Satan with all his temptations: as S. Paul saith, We wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, &c. against spiritual wickednesses, Eph. 6. 12. or enemies visible, which are either Gentiles and idolaters, or heretics and schismatics: as the Apostle saith, he was in danger among the Gentiles, and among false brethren, 2. Cor. 11. 26.

2. Doct. Of the manner of accusation, which the wicked lay in against the servants of God.

v. 8. That same time came men of the Chaldeans and grievously accused the Jews. 1. As the Chaldeans were the first that gave counsel to the king to make this image, to entrappe the faithful Jews; so it is the guise of the enemies of God's Church to lay stumbling blocks before the servants of God, and to make laws to entangle them: as they practiced against Daniel, c. 6.

2. They are ready to take any occasion to accuse them, as the Chaldeans here.

3. They omit no time, they use all speed and opportunity, to prosecute their wicked enterprise: as the Chaldeans came the same time and hour, and made their complaint.

4. They are flatterers, and make Princes believe, that they are very observant of their laws, and pray for their prosperity: as here they wish the king may live forever: whereas they do only make a way hereby to work more mischief.

5. They do set themselves specially against poor strangers, and make them odious by their country: as they say, v. 12. There are certain Jews.

6. They accuse them of unthankfulness, mutiny, and rebellion: as these Chaldees do here, v. 12. and it is the usual accusation against the servants of God, as though they were contemners of the laws and decrees of Princes.

3. Doct. That God is one.

v. 12. Neither will they serve thy gods, &c. The Gentiles brought in an infinite number of gods: Hesiode saith, that they worshipped 30. thousand gods: the same also is testified by Eunomius, lib. de falsit. or aculor. Tertullian in Apologet. alledgeth out of Marcus Varro, that they had thirty gods, called by the name of Jupiter.

1. But the Scripture evidently testifieth, that God is but one: as, Deut. 6. 4. Hear O Israel, the Lord our God, is the Lord only. Deut. 32. 39. Behold, hear O Israel, for I, am he, and there is no gods with me. Psal. 86. 10. thou art great, and doest wondrous things, thou art God alone. Isa. 45. 5. I am the Lord, and there is none other, there is no God beside me.

2. yea the Philosophers and wise men among the heathen, though the vulgar sort worshipped a multitude of gods, did hold that there was but one beginning of all things: as Trismegist. 4. dialogue. Pymandri saith, Vniuersum mundum verbo non manibus fabricatus est opifex, &c. that one workman made all the world with his word, not with hands. Orpheus in his verses calleth God, protogon •• , the first begotten, that nothing was before him, and, that all things were created by him. Justinus Martyr allegeth out of the verses of Sybil, vnus Deus solus &c. that there is one God alone, unbegotten, omnipotent, invisible. Sophocles both a Philosopher and a Poet, doth affirm the one God to be the creator of the world: so Thales, Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato, Chrysippus, did all affirm, that there was one God, whom they called a divine Spirit, and as it were the soul of the world. And it is said of Aristotle, that, when he was at the very point of death, he cried out, causa causarum miserere me • , O thou cause of causes have pity on me. And they were induced thus to think by these and such like reasons:

1. Because they saw, that in a Commonwealth the Monarchical state was the best: in a kingdom one Prince, in an army one general, in a ship one governor, in a beehiue one master-be: so in the world there is one chief Ruler and mover of all things.

2. God is an infinite spirit: but one infinite thing cannot stand with another.

3. God is love, unity, concord: but where many gods are, there is variety, not unity, discord, not peace.

4. Like as in the body, though there be many and diverse parts, there is but one soul, the fountain of life and motion in the body: so is it in the greet world.

4. Doct. We must be resolute in religion.

v. 16. We are not careful to answer thee in this matter. These three holy men could not be neither by hope of the kings favor, and of great rewards enticed; nor yet by fear of punishment terrified from their profession: Nay they would not so much as admit of any deliberation in so evident a matter: As Cyprian when he was required to take some time to pause, and consider with himself, what he would do, uttered that worthy saying, In re tam certa nulla deliberatio, in a matter so certain there need no further deliberation: So these here answer, that they took no care how to answer the king: according to that saying of our blessed Savior, Mark. 13. 11. When they lead you and deliver you up, take ye no thought afore, neither premeditate what ye shall say, but whatsoever is given unto you at the same time, that speak, &c.

5. Doct. Of the difference of temporal and eternal promises.

v. 18. But if not, be it known unto thee, &c. Although God should not deliver them out of this temporal danger, yet they would not leave their profession: for they knew, that God being able to deliver them, yet he might not show his power at this time for some causes best known unto himself. There is a double kind of deliverance, one from everlasting death, which we are absolutely sure of without any condition: there is a deliverance from temporal danger, which we are assured ordinarily no otherwise of, then it pleaseth God, and as he seeth it may stand best with his glory and our good. In such temporal cases, the Apostle teacheth always to presuppose this condition, If the Lord will.

6. Doct. Obedience is not to be given unto Magistrates in all things.

v. 22. The flame slew those men, &c. Because these tormentors and executioners did yield obedience unto the king in a wicked and unjust thing, they are worthily punished: God commandeth obedience unto princes, but not against himself: so after this manner, the two captains with their fifties, whom the king sent to take Elias, were destroyed with fire from heaven. Our Savior saith in the Gospel, that if the blind lead the blind, they shall both fall into the ditch: both of them, not only the captain and ring-leader, but he also that is seduced and misled. Bulling.

7. Doct. Of the certainty of the resurrection.

v. 27. Not an hair of their head was burnt, &c. Tertullian collecteth from hence, that if God by his power preserved even the garments of these men, and the hair of their heads from the fire; much more able is he to preserve the bodies of his Saints from everlasting and final corruption, and to raise them up at the last day: hence then he concludeth, Dominum potentiorem omni corporum lege, &c. that God is of power and might beyond the law of corruptible bodies. And in that one hair of theirs was not burnt, here is verified that saying of our blessed Savior, Matth. 10. 30. All the hairs of your head are numbered, &c.

8. Doct. The maintenance of true religion belongeth unto the civil Magistrate.

v. 29. Therefore I make a decree. Nebuchadnezzar here maketh a severe law against those, which should blaspheme the true God, whom these three worshipped: whereupon Augustine inferreth well, that it belongeth unto the Magistrate to be conseruators and preseruers of true religion, poenam capitalem constituit in eos, qui Deum illorum invenumblasphemarent, &c. he appointeth a capital punishment against them, which did blaspheme the God of those young men, &c. The Apostle saith, that the Magistrate is the minister of God, to take vengeance on him, that doth evil, Rom. 13. 4. Therefore heretics and blasphemers, who are evil doers, are to be censured and punished by civil laws, as well as other malefactors.

1. Controv. That an image used for any religious use and an idol are all one.

v. 1. Nebuchadnezzar made an image of gold. The word is tzelem, which the Septuag. translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and image: so also Pagnin, Montan. Iun. and yet it was a plain idol. Here then appeareth the vanity of that curious and frivolous distinction of the Romanists, between an image, and an Idol: as though an image should be only the true similitude of a thing, an idol the representation of a thing, which is not: as were the idols of the heathen: for this great idol represented no special person, it was erected for the honor of their gods, yet is it called an image: see more of this question, Synops. Cent. 2. err. 42.

2. Controv. Against the adoration of Images.

1. Jerome upon this example of these young men, that refused to fall down before Nabuchadnezzers image, thus inferreth, Cultores Dei statuas adorare non debent, &c. the worshippers of God must not worship images: therefore they which worship the images of Emperors do that, quod tres p • eri facere noluerunt, which these three children would not do. Pererius here answereth, that Jerome speaketh against the worshipping of the Emperors images, not of Saints, and of giving divine adoration unto them, after the manner of the Gentiles. Contra. 1. If it be unlawful to adore the images of men living, much more of them that are dead: A living dog is better then a dead lyon, Eccles. 9. 4. 2. Jerome speaketh not of adoring images, as gods, but simply of adoring them: for the Gentiles did not hold their images to be their very gods, but only representations of them: and therefore in the same place Jerome noteth these as two distinct things, Deos coli, imagines adorari, quod vtrun{que} servis Dei non conuenit, for the gods to be worshipped, and the images to be adored, both of which do not beseem the servants of God.

2. Lactantius urgeth these reasons against idolatry. 1. Imago hominis tum videtur necessaria, cum procul abest, &c. the image of a man is then thought to be necessary, when he is absent and far off, but then it is superfluous, when he is present, and at hand. But the Spirit of God being everywhere dispersed, can never be absent, therefore an image of God is always superfluous, lib. 2. Institut. c. 2. 2. Images are but the portraitures and pictures of men: now it is inconvenient, vt simulachrū hominis, à simulachro Dei homine adoretur, that the image of a man should be worshipped of man, who is the image of God. l. 2. instit. c. 18.

3. Worshippers of Images do offend in these 3. things: 1. in worshipping that which is not God: for the images and idols, which they worship, are not gods: so Ierem. c. 2. chargeth the Israelites, because they digged unto them pits, which could hold no water. 2. They offend, quando colitur Deus, sed non solus, when God is worshipped, but not only: as the Israelites in Elias time served God and Baal together, which he calleth, an halting between two opinions, 1. king. 18. 3. Though they intend God's worship only, yet they sin in worshipping him after another manner, then the Lord hath prescribed in his word: as Jeroboam brought in new rites and ceremonies, and other Priests, then were appointed by the law. Bulling.

4. The beginning and invention of Idols was from the heathen: as in the book of wisdom it is said, c. 14. 13. The vain glory of men brought them into the world: so Gregorius the Bishop of Neocaesarea said, Gentilit as inuentrix & caput imaginum, Gentilitie was the inuenter and head of images. Eusebius speaking of the images of Christ, of Peter and Paul, saith, hoc mihi videtur ex gentili consuetudine obseruatum, this seemeth to me to be observed according to the custom of the Gentiles: for they use to honor those whom they count worthy of honor. So the Emperors H • liogabalus, Adrianus, Alexander Severus, used to set up in their Chapels the images of Abraham, Moses, Christ. Likewise the Gnostike and Carpocratian heretics did worship the pictures of Christ, of Paul, Pythagoras, Homer, as Iraen. witnesseth, l. 1. c. 24. Athanasius therefore well saith, simulachrorum inuentio non à bono, &c. that the invention of images came not of any good, but evil: as it is said, Wisd. 14. 11. The beginning of idols was the beginning of whoredom, and the finding of them is the corruption of life. Hereupon it is, that the Jews suffer no image painted or graven in their Synagogues, Dion. l. 37. nay Orig • n testifieth, they would not suffer any caruer or painter to remain in their countr • y, lib. 4. cont. Celsum. See more of this Controv. Synops. Cent. 2. err. 44.

3. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be tolerated, though they be not adored.

1. Pappus here maketh 3. kind of Images: some were set up for idolatry, and these he would have removed: there are two other kind: some do set forth the histories of the old and New Testament, some are only for ornament in Churches: neither of these are prohibited, as evidently appeareth by the building both of Moses Tabernacle, and of Solomon's Temple: but here it is the part of the Minister to admonish the people to take heed of idolatry: so he concludeth that the use of Images in it self is to be counted among indifferent things.

2. 1. This distinction of images and pictures, as some were set up for superstition, some are for history, some for ornament, we greatly mislike not: but if he grant, that all images set up for idolatry ought to be demolished, then all such likewise, which may be abused to idolatry; as all carved and graven images are of that kind. 2. Such kind of images, which are carved and fashioned with proportion, and not painted only and pictured, serve not at all for history: therefore by that pretext they cannot be excused. 3. And though there may be an outward comeliness to the eye, in the gilding and garnishing of images; yet such comeliness must serve unto edifying: but if offense rather and occasion be feared thereby, the inward comeliness and decency is more to be respected, then the seemelines of the object to the eye. 4. It is a more compendious way to remove the stumbling block, then to put it before the feet, and then bid men to take heed of it: so it were better to take away the very occasion of idolatry, then it remaining to warn the people to take heed. 5. And the use of images for religion is no indifferent thing: as the very place doth show, that images set up in Churches, have a certain religious respect. 6. Lastly the Apostles saying, Babes keep your selves from idols, 1. John. 5. 21. doth not only will them to take heed of idolatry, but even to shun the occasion, and to remove the stumbling block.

4. Controv. Of the ways and means, whereby idolatry is promoted.

1. As here this image is set up by the authority of the king: so the Romanists do by the authority of Princes get the adoration of images commanded.

2. He causeth it to be made of gold, that it might allure them the more: and so the Papists do adorn their images and Temples with gold.

3. The image is made of an huge bigness, that it might be the more admired for the greatness thereof: so in the Popish Churches they have their Crucifixes made of great proportion, and other images, as of S. Christopher, that they might draw the eyes of the people unto thē.

4. Nebuchadnezzar maketh choice also of a convenient place, in a great plain: and the Romanists think to grace their images by the place, setting them up in Churches and Churchyards, in crosses and high ways.

5. The king hath here the consent of all his nobles for the setting up of this image: so was it a decree among the Romans, that no god should be consecrated of the Emperor, unless the Senate approved it: and therefore when Tiberius moved that Christ should be received into the number of the gods, because the Senate would not consent, it was not done: hereupon Tertullian saith, nisi homini Deus placuerit, Deus non erit, unless God be pleasing unto man, he shall not be God. After this manner the Papists do urge consent and agreement, of all states among them, of Princes, Dukes, Nobles, Cardinals, Bishops.

6. Here was a bloody decree made against those, that would not worship this image, they are threatened the fiery furnace: So in the persecution under the Roman Emperors, the Christians were put to unspeakable torments, as Tertullian describeth, crucibus & stipitibus imponitis Christianos, &c. you put Christians upon crosses and stakes: you tear & scratch their sides with claws and nails, &c. we are cast unto beasts, burnt with fire, &c. Even these also are the engines and instruments wherewith the Papists persecute the servants of Christ, the fire and sword.

7. This idolatrous service of the Image is set forth with all kind of variety of music, to affect the minds of the simple, and to stir up their superstitious affections: So among the Romanists their service is attended upon with instruments of music, which make a dumb sound, nothing being understood that is sung or played.

8. Thus by all these means superstition and idolatry is countenanced by authority of Princes, consent, severity of decrees, and such like, and yet prevaileth not; whereas the truth is naked, hath neither consent, nor authority on it side, but all things against it, yet it prospereth, to make that saying good of the Apostle, The foolishness of God is wiser then men, and the weakness of God is stronger then men, 1. Cor. 1. 25.

5. Controv. Of the use of Church music, and musical instruments.

v. 7. As soon as the people heard the sound of the trumpet, cornet, &c. Because Idolaters abuse musical instruments to insinuate their superstition, it followeth not, that there can be no right use of them in the Church of God.

1. It is evident in the titles of diverse Psalms of David, that they were sung and plaid upon instruments, which should not have been used in the Church of God, if they had been simply unlawful, Papp. neither can it be said, that the use of such musical instruments then was altogether ceremonial: for they used them as well in their civil rejoicings, as in their Ecclesiastical assemblies: the use thereof holding still in the one, cannot be utterly condemned in the other. Concerning singing, S. Paul alloweth speaking in hymns and Psalms, and spiritual songs: the Christians, as Plinius secundus writ unto Trajane, had their antelucanos hymnos, their morning songs, which they song before day unto Christ: Flavianus and Theodorus at Antioch, Basil in the East Churches, and Ambrose at Millaine brought up the use of singing.

2. Yet Christians now are not to take the same liberty in these external parts of God's service, as the Church of the Jews did: but as they kept their Sabbath with outward observations, much respecting the corporal rest: but Christians now make the outward rest the least part of the Lord's day, consecrating the same chiefly to spiritual exercises: So now the greatest part of the service of God must be spent in spiritual instruction: the other must be used only as an handmaid.

3. These rules then ought to be observed in Church songs and music: 1. that it ought to be grave and sober, and musical instruments should so be handled, vt ad cantus solennes Ecclesiasticos adhibeantur, that they be applied unto the songs of the Church, non ad vagam & inanem aurium delectationem, not for the wandering and vain delight of the ears, &c. that all things in the Church may be done to edifying. 2. Vt non major pars temporis illis instrumentis tribuatur, &c. that the greater part of time should not be given unto those instruments and songs, and the less to the word of God and the Sacraments: but as the Apostle saith, that all things be done, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in order, and decently: that every part of divine service, as it is more necessary, so it should have the most time: Papp. 3. We must not rest in the outward sound, to imagine that God is pleased and satisfied with such melody: for this was the difference between the use of instruments in the Church of God among the Jews there, and among the idolatrous Chaldeans: they used them as helps of their infirmity, yet manebat illud principium, spiritualiter Deum esse colendum, that principle remained, that God was spiritually to be worshipped: But the other, putarunt se Deo satisfecisse, thought they had satisfied God, if they did heap together musical instruments. Calvin. We may then sing and speak in hymns and psalms, but we must make a melody also in our hearts, Eph. 5. 19. whosoever singeth with his voice and not with his heart, mocketh God, and deceiveth himself. This then is the difference between religious, and superstitious devotion: true devotion is first wrought within by the preaching of God's word, and then is helped without by such external means: but superstition and blind devotion first beginneth with the ear and eye, and then affecteth the heart: where the Lord then is rightly served, they that worship him first do believe with the heart, and then they confess with the mouth, Rom. 10. 10. Concerning the moderate use of Church music, see more Synops. papism. p. 594.

6. Controv. That the multitude of professors doth not argue the truth of the profession.

v. 3. All the governors of the Provinces were assembled to the dedicating of the image. If the truth should here have been tried by the multitude, then Nebuchadnezzers idolatry should have had the approbation, which was received of so many thousands, whereas here were only three found to be the true worshippers of God. It is true therefore, as Cyprian saith, multitudo errantium non parit errori patrocinium, that the multitude of those that err, is no patronage for error: Our blessed Savior saith, Broad is the way that leadeth to destruction, and many there be which go in thereat: and the way is narrow which leadeth unto life, and few there be that find it, Matth. 7. 13, 14. Then the Romanists do in vain object and obtrude their universality and multitudes: for never was any sect or profession in the world more universally received, then was the Pagans idolatry: and the number of true professors, hath always been the smallest: as our blessed Savior calleth his flock, A small flock, Luk. 12. 32. see further, Synops. Cent. 1. err. 19.

7. Controv. Of superstitious dedications.

v. 3. They were assembled to the dedication of the image. Nebuchadnezzar in the dedication of this image, offended two ways, 1. in the end and use, in that he dedicateth it to an idolatrous purpose, for the which he had no warrant. 2. in the manner, he did dedicate it only by a pompous, and theatrical solemnity, with all kind of lasciviousness and excess, as the Israelites did consecrate their golden calf: Such like dedications have the Papists of their Churches to this day, 1. they consecrate them to a false end, as dedicating them unto Saints, and making them temples of the breaden body of Christ: 2. they use diverse superstitious toys, as oil, salt, ashes, tapers, and such like: whereas it is prayer and the word, whereby Churches, as all other things are consecrated to their proper ende and use: Bulling. see more hereof Synops. Cent. 2. err. 58.

8. Controv. That Councils and general assemblies may err.

Vers. 4. Be it known unto you all people, nations, and languages: Here was a very general assembly, and Council gathered together, out of the most famous kingdoms and provinces of the world: who all notwithstanding erred and were deceived, in setting up and adoring this image: And not only were the great councils of the heathen and Gentiles thus deceived, but even among the people of God also: as Aaron with the greatest part of Israel did all consent and join together to make a golden calf: therefore the Romanists, standing upon the decrees and constitutions of their general Councils, which they erroneously hold, cannot err, do therein deceive themselves and others, Bullinger, See further Synops. Cen. 1. er. 33.

9. Controv. The fire, and sword, and other cruelties the weapons of idolaters and superstitious men.

Vers. 6. Whosoever falleth not down, &c. shall be cast into the middes of a fiery furnace. After the same manner were the holy martyrs used in the most cruel and bloody persecutions under the Emperors of Rome, as Tertullian complaineth, ad bestias impellimur, ignibus vrimur, in metalla damnamur, in insulas relegamur, we are forced unto the beasts, burned with fire, condemned to the metals, banished into the Islands, &c. with these engines have the Popes of Rome raged against the servants of Christ, in Germany, Italy, France, Spain, England, Scotland, condemning them to the fire, as our Blessed Savior foretold, it shall come to pass that whosoever killeth you, will think he doth God service, John. 16. 1.

10. Controv. That these three servants of God were not delivered from the fire for their virginity or abstinencie.

Vers. 25. Walking in the middes of the fire, and they have no hurt: Damascene thinketh that they were not hurt of the fire, because they kept their virginity: lib. 4. but no such thing appeareth in this story, that they lived unmarried: Basil in a certain homily of the praise of fasting, doth ascribe this their deliverance unto their fasting. But the Apostle putteth us out of doubt, that they were preserved by their faith, Heb. 11. 33. through faith they stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire: As Pintus well observeth.

11. Controv. Against the Vbiquitares.

They which maintain the omnipresence of Christ's flesh, and that the body of Christ may be in the Eucharist without the essential properties thereof, as circumscription, quantity, visibility, and such like, do thus reason out of this place: the burning heat is an essential property of the fire, but this was separated from the fire, and yet the essence of the fire remained: therefore the essential properties of a thing may be separated from it, the nature still remaining.

Contra. 1. The burning faculty of the fire is not an essential property, but an effect of the heat, which is an essential quality of the fire. 2. the heat was not separated from the fire, for then it should have been no longer fire: but the heat thereof was only restrained, and hindered from working, and that not generally, but only where the servants of God were, for without the furnace the flames killed the kings ministers: and if the fire had lost the heat, the miracle had not been so great, for a thing not being hot, not to be burnt, Polan. 3. If all this were admitted, it serveth not their turn; for here the Scripture testifieth, that there was fire, and yet it burned not: they must then show the like warrant for their miracle in the Eucharist, that a body should be there without the due properties: it followeth not because it pleased God at this time to show a miracle to set forth his glory, that he should do so continually.

12. Controv. That miracles are not always a note and sure mark of the Church.

1. The true notes and marks of the Church are such as are always seen in it: but the Church of God always hath not the power of miracles, neither is it always necessary. Again, the true marks of the Church cannot be found else where, but miracles may be wrought by those, which are not of the Church, as by the forcerers of Egypt: and Antichrist shall work wonders, 2. Thes. 2. and false Prophets may give signs, which may come to pass, Deut. 13. 1.

2. But it will be thus further objected: that, whereby God is acknowledged, is a note of the Church, but God is here confessed and acknowledged by Nebuchadnezzar by this miracle, therefore it was a note of the Church. Ans. 1. That whereby God always and only is acknowledged is a note of the Church: but such are not signs and miracles, for sometime they may seduce and draw away from God. 2. God is in some sort known by miracles, but only in respect of his power, he is not sufficiently known, but by his word, and therefore by this reason the word of God is the proper note of the Church, whereby the Lord is most absolutely known: and yet this is denied by the Romanists, Polan. 3. This must be understood of true miracles, which are wrought by the spirit of God, and are applied to a right ende: this reason holdeth not for false miracles. 4. true miracles then do for that time demonstrate the Church, while that gift and power remaineth: but a perpetual note it cannot be of the Church, because that power always remaineth not. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 22.

13. Controv. Whether a contrary religion may be tolerated in a commonwealth.

1. Nebuchadnezzar here maketh a decree, that whosoever spake any blasphemy against the God, whom these three worshipped, should be punished: hereupon this question is moved by Polanus, whether the prince is only to suffer the true religion to be professed in his kingdom: wherein these three considerations are to be had.

1. If the kingdom is such as hath an absolute government, and the true religion is already settled and established: in this case no mixture of contrary religion is to be admitted: As diverse good kings of Judah are reproved, because they removed not the high places: But Josiah for his faithfulness is commended, who put down the Chemarims, and abolished all monuments of superstition.

2. If the kingdom be such, as professeth corrupt religion, which cannot be removed all at once, then the godly prince intending reformation, must content himself to do, what he may; and to follow Nebuchadnezzar's president, who although idolatry were not then abolished, yet provideth that no iuiurie should be offered unto true religion, nor blasphemy uttered against the true God: So where true religion cannot be drawn in altogether, it must set in foot as it may: as now is seen in the kingdom of France.

3. Sometime where true religion is professed in a state not of absolute government, for peace sake, and to avoid sedition, the magistrates are constrained to tolerate some errors, as wise pilates for the time giving way unto the tempest, Polan. as the Israelites suffered, the Canaanites to dwell among them, whom they could not expel at once.

14. Controv. That the conversion of Nebuchadnezzar here doth not signify the conversion of the devil in the ende of the world.

Lyranus here noteth the opinion of some, which think that Nebuchadnezzar this proud king was herein a type of the devil, who in the end and consummation of the world, should receive and embrace the true knowledge of God.

But this heresy is opposite to the Scriptures, which calleth it everlasting fire which is prepared for the Devil and his Angels, Matth 24. 41. and S. Jude saith, that the Angels which fell are reserved in everlasting chains under darkness, Jude 6. And the Devils cannot be converted or saved but by a Mediator: Christ is no Mediator for them, for he in no sort took the Angels, that is, their nature, Heb. 2. 16.

1. Obseruat. The mutable state of religion in kingdoms.

Vers. 1. Nebuchadnezzar, &c. made an image. Not only the favor of the king was mutable, for whom he lately extolled, he now adiudgeth to the fire, but his mind was variable concerning religion: he which before confessed the God of Israel, now setteth up idolatry in despite of God. Thus in the time of the kings of Judah religion often altered, and changed, sometime the true worship of God flourished, as under Hezekiah and Josiah, but their wicked sons after them set up idolatry, Bulling. Thus was it in England, King Edward maintained the Gospel, Queen Marie brought in the Mass again: Thus there is no certainty of anything in this world: the Church is like the Moon, sometime increasing, and again sometime decreasing: which teacheth us, that the members of the Church, should in the prosperity thereof look for change: that they may not be unprepared, but say with Job, the thing which I feared is come upon me.

2. Obseruat. That not everyone, which upon a sudden passion confesseth God, is truly converted.

This notably appeareth here in Nebuchadnezzar, who before being astonished at the interpretation of his dream, confessed the true God, and yet after this he setteth up an image: So Herod did reverence John, and heard him gladly, and did many things, yet was he but an hypocrite: We must not then be hasty to give approbation of such, as do show some sudden fruits and effects of religion, nor be too forward to commit our selves to their trust, but we must expect a while, and we shall soon see them to return unto their old guise, Po. to this purpose saith the wiseman, be that praiseth his friend with a loud voice, (that is, without cause) it shall be counted to him as a curse, Prov. 27. 14.

3. Obseruat. We ought rather to die, then to deny our religion.

As these three faithful servants of God are willing not only to loose their honor and place of dignity, but their life also rather then to dishonor God. Some write that there is a certain little beast called the mouse of Armenia, which will rather die, then be defiled with any filth or unclean thing, in so much, as if her hole be desmeared with dirt, she will rather choose to be taken, then to be polluted: Such ought the servants of God to be, to endure anything, rather then to corrupt and defile their consciences, Pin. Such was the excellent resolution of S. Paul, Act. 21. 13. I am ready not to be bound only, but to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus.

4. Obseruat. We must obediently submit our selves, and all we have to the Lord's good will and pleasure.

Vers. 18. Our God, whom we serve, it able to deliver us, but if not, &c. Here these holy men do commit themselves to God's providence, whether he deliver them or no, they are contented; they will not be unfaithful: they will not condition with God, as though their present deliverance should be the reward of their service: but they refer themselves wholly to his will and pleasure: as Theodoret excellently saith, gubernatori nostre, quocunque ei libuerit, nauem dirigendam committimus, we do commit our bark to our Pilate to be guided, which way it pleaseth him, Perer. So the disciples answ • red Paul when they saw him so resolute, the will of God be done.

5. Obseruat. Of the utility of affliction.

Vers. 25. I see walking in the middes of the fire, and they have no hurt. As this fiery furnace hurt not the bodies of these three men, so affliction is profitable, not hurtful to God's children: thereby their patience is tried, and God glorified: like as the most wholesome medicines are most unpleasant, so affliction, though profitable to the soul, is unsavory to the flesh, Pintus. So the Prophet David saith, Psal. 119. 71. It is good for me that I have been afflicted.

6. Obseruat. Of the contentment of God's children in the middes of their affliction.

Vers. 26. As here these holy men would not come forth of the fiery furnace until Nebuchadnezzar called them, but had their comfort and contentment in God: so the servants of God in their affliction do patiently expect and wait the ende and term, which God hath set for their trial, Polan. as Job excellently saith, cap. 13. 15. Lo, though he slay me, yet will I put my trust in him: and David saith, Psal. 39. I held my peace because it was thy doing. Such comfort did the holy martyrs find in their greatest torments, that they made no hast to come out of them, nay they most desirously ran unto them.

Quest. 1. Of the kings epistle, the sum and parts thereof.

This epistle of the king consisteth of the exordium, or beginning in three verses: which some make part of the third chapter, whose opinion is refuted before, quest. 40. 3. chap. and the narration in this whole chapter.

The exordium or beginning, which is the general inscription, containeth 1. the salutation. 2. the general argument of the whole epistle. 1. the salutation showeth, 1. the author and writer, Nebuchadnezzar. 2. the persons to whom he writeth, to all nations, and languages, under his kingdom. 3. the salutation it self▪ peace be multiplied.

2. In the argument three things are declared. 1. what he will set forth, the signs and wonders of God, which are amplified by two adjuncts, of the greatness and strength. 2. what moved him to declare them, because they were shown toward him, he had particular experience of them. 3. to what ende, to make known the power of God's everlasting kingdom.

Quest. 2. At what time Nebuchadnezzar wrote this epistle.

1. It is evident, by the salutation of the epistle, wherein the king wisheth peace unto all nations, that as Oecolampad▪ noteth, quietus erat in regno, & militiae finem fecerat, he was now quiet in his kingdom, and had made an ende of war, &c. it is clear then that this epistle was written after he made an end of conquering, & subduing the nations round about.

2. Further the conquest of Egypt fell out after the 25. year of Ieconias captivity, Ezek. 29. 17. which was 10. year before the ende of Nebuchadnezzar's reign, for in the 37. year of Jeconiah captivity began Evil-merodach the son of Nebuchadnezzar to reign.

3. This fearful and strange accident then of Nebuchadnezzar's transmutation, his deiecting from his throne, and restoring again, might fall out some 9. or 10. years before the ende of his reign, Perer: and this epistle might be written two years before his death, Iun. for one year after this dream, ver. 26. he was driven from among men, and lived 7. years among the beasts.

Quest. 3. How Nebuchadnezzar could write unto all the people in the world.

1. Calvin thinketh, that here the king superbe locutus est, spake proudly, as making himself Lord of the whole earth: as the Romans, because they had a large dominion, called Rome Dominam totius orbis, the Lady of the whole world: so also Polan. But that Nebuchadnezzar did not this of any ostentation, may appear both by the ende of his writing, which was to set forth the power of God's kingdom, and by his style, he contenteth himself with one title, calling himself king, whereas the Emperors of Rome used many swelling titles of their conquests, as Parthicus, Persicus, Germanicus, &c. of Parthia, Persia, Germania, and such like, Bulling.

2. The same author maketh this the reason, because now this epistle, being preserved unto our times, as the rest of the Scriptures by the spirit of God, is indeed written and made known to all people: but this seemeth not to be the literal and historical meaning.

3. Pappus saith he writ to all people and languages, not only to those which were subject unto him, but he was desirous to make known the works of God to all people in the world So also Oecolampad. under these nations comprehendeth the South and West parts of the world, as Mauritania, Spain, for he was known in those parts as Strabo writeth, lib. 15. non enim praecipit, sed hortatur, for he in this epistle commandeth not, but only exhorteth: But it is evident by the form of the decree which he made before, concerning every people, nation, and language, where he only meaneth such nations, as were subject unto him: for his law could not bind those which were not subject: that the inscription of this epistle must be taken in the same sense.

4. Wherefore as R. Saadiah, well expoundeth, he understandeth here only his own kingdoms, as of Persia, Assyria, Egypt, which are said to be the whole earth: because he was monarcha orientis, the Monarch of the East parts, Lyra, which was the most famous and flourishing part of the earth: the principal part then is taken for the whole, Geneuens.

Quest. 4. Of the signs and wonders which Nebuchadnezzar declareth.

1. Some seem to confound these two signs and wonders, making them all one, as Oeco. Osian. 2. some make this distinction: those are signs, qua fieri videntur contra naturam, &c. which seem to be done against nature: wonders and miracles are those works, which are admiratione digna, worthy of admiration, Hugo. but this is no difference at all, for whatsoever is done above or against nature, is worthy of admiration.

3. They are thus rather to be distinguished: the same things in diverse respects are both signs and wonders: signs, because many things are thereby signified; and miracles or wonders, because they are done above and beyond nature, I • n. They are signs, because they are evident testimonies of God's wisdom, justice, power: and wonders, because they were things wonderful, and indeed to be wondered at, Polan. as that Nebuchadnezzar so mighty a king, should be chased from among men, and live among brute beasts seven years, deprived of human understanding, and afterward be restored again: Lyranus saith, they are called signs, because they were done to bring men to repentance: and wonders, as exceeding human capacity.

Quest. 5. Whether Nebuchadnezzar were now at the last truly converted.

1. Calvin is of opinion, that for all this, non exuerit suos errores, Nebuchadnezzar left not his errors. But howsoever twice before this he was only astonished and moved for the time, & afterward fell again to his superstitions, yet he was at the length truly humbled.

2. I embrace therefore the contrary opinion of Bullinger, Ostander, Oecolampadius, which think that at this time he was truly converted unto God: Osiander saith he did declare, veram humilitatem, true humility, which was an evident sign and effect of his conversion. Oecolampadius giveth these two reasons: 1. being now called to the true knowledge of God, Deicogniti mores imitatur, he imitateth the properties of God, which is to be gentle, merciful, wishing peace unto all. 2. he exhorteth all men to the knowledge of the true God, exemplum meum emendet omnes, let all men learn to amend by mine example, &c.

6. Quest. Of the author of this Epistle.

1. The author of the Scholastical history denieth that Daniel was the author of this Epistle, but was written by Nebuchadnezzar for eternal memory of this thing, which happened unto him: But how should the writing of a profane king, that was no Prophet come to be counted Canonical Scripture, if the Prophet had no hand in it.

2. Neither yet do I think with Calvin, that Daniel hic loquitur sub regis persona, that Daniel here speaketh (only) in the person of the king: for the very form and style of the epistle, Nebuchadnezzar king, to all people, &c. peace be multiplied, showeth, that these things were written by the king, and rehearsed by Daniel.

3. Therefore the truth is, that Daniel taketh all this narration, out of the acts and Chronicles of the Chaldees, where this epistle was registered, not for more brevity sake, as Osiander, least he should be constrained to rehearse the same things often: but rather, that by the authority of the king the truth of this history might be commended: which would have been suspected, if it had been penned originally by a Jew, Polan. And yet, though it were first written by a profane man, that was no Prophet, yet it was approved by Daniel the Lord's Prophet, Bulling. as in the Old Testament, not only those writings are received for Canonical, which were originally written by the Prophets, but such also, as being written by others, were approved by the Prophets; as the epistles and decrees of the kings of Persia inserted into the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.

7. Quest. Whether this history contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezzers transmutation, were so done in deed.

1. Jerome here reporteth the opinion of some, which were of the sect of the Origenists, which thought, that these things set down of Nebuchadnezzar were not historically done, but that under his fall is prefigured and shadowed forth the fall of Lucifer the devil from heaven: their reasons are these.

1. In other places of Scripture, as Isa. 14. under the fall of the king of Babylon, is described the fall of Lucifer.

2. Divers things here repeated are impossible, as that a man should be transformed into a beast: that a king delicately brought up, should eat grass like an ox.

3. And all this time of Nebuchadnezzers savage life, which was 7. years, the kingdom of Babylon was not without a governor, who, it is most like, would not have given place again to Nebuchadnezzar.

4. If any such thing had been historically done, they which have written diligently of the Chaldean affairs, as Berosus, Megasthenes, Diocles, Philostratus, would have made mention thereof.

Contra. 1. That prophecy of the ruin and fall of the king of Babylon, is by some of the Fathers typically applied to the fall of Lucifer, yet it was historically fulfilled in the king of Babylon: But here they would so make this a type of the fall of the Devil, as that they take away the truth of the history: he reason then is not alike.

2. It is no strange thing for men beside themselves, deprived of understanding, to live among beasts: neither are the other things unlikely, or impossible, as shall be seen in the several handling of them.

3. Neither was it an hard thing with God, to cause the government to return unto Nebuchadnezzar, as he saith, v. 33. that his counselors and Princes sought unto him. It might be the kingdom was governed by his son, or Daniel, which did willingly give place: Lyr.

4. To the last argument it may be answered diversely: 1. that it is not necessary that the sacred histories should have the testimony of foreign writers: for the standing still of the Sun in Joshua's time, and the going back of the Sun in Hezekiah's reign, the story of Esther, and many beside, have not the witness of profane writers. 2. the evidence of this history was registered in the Chaldee Chronicles, which being perished, the memory of this fact among the Gentiles was extinguished also. 3. And God's providence is seen herein that the Gentiles should not put their unclean fingers to the sacred histories, which they did much abuse, and corrupt: as it shall suffice to give inflance only in Justin, who manifestly committeth these errors in history. 1. that the Jews had their beginning from Damascus in Syria. 2. that Damascus reigned in that city first, and Abraham next unto him. 3. Joseph he maketh the youngest son of Israel, and saith he learned art magic in Egypt. 4. Moses he maketh Joseph's son. 5. the Israelites he saith were expelled Egypt, because of the leprosy. 6. Xerxes king of Persia he thinketh first to have subdued the Jews, whereas an 150. years before his time, Nebuchadnezzar conquered them.

4. The Gentiles also might be afraid to meddle with the sacred stories of the Jews, as Demetrius Phaelereus answered Ptolemy Philadelphus (whom he had set over the great library of Alexandria) being terrified by the examples of Theopompus, and Theodectes, who attempting to insert the Jewish histories into their writings, the one was stricken with madness, the other with blindness, as Iosep. l. 11. antiq. and Eus. l. 8. de praep. Evang. do testify.

5. Neither are the Gentile writers altogether silent in this matter▪ for Alpheus an ancient Greek writer (as Eusebius writeth, lib. 9. c. vlt. ) maketh mention how Nebuchadnezzar, as it were, ravished upon a sudden in his mind, told the Chaldeans, that there was a calamity approaching, which Bel their god could not prevent; that Persa semiasinu • , the Per • ian being half an asse (meaning Cyrus who was borne of a noble mother the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes, but of a mean father, one Cambises) should come, and bring them into servitude, and then he suddenly vanished away: the Chaldeans in Abydenus fragments record, that he was blasted by some god, and spake of Babels fall by the Persians: H. B. consent.

2. But that this was a true history, and not done in figure, type, or vision, it may thus appear: 1. if this be no history, no more should the rest be, written in this book, and so we should have no certainty of anything. 2. Daniel himself rehearseth this as a matter of fact before Balthazar, how Nebuchadnezzar was deposed, c. 5. 20. 3. there are many things in this chapter, which can in no wise agree unto the devil: as how Nebuchadnezzar dreamed, and asked counsel of the wise men: and Daniel wisheth him to break off his sins by repentance: none of these things can be said of the devil. ex Perer.

8. Quest. Why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar.

1. Dorotheus in synops. and Epiphan. lib. de vit. & interit. prophet. do think that Daniel was so called after the name of Balthazar the kings son, because he purposed to make him heir with him of the kingdom. And this opinion may seem somewhat to be favored by the vulgar Latin translation: which readeth, v. 5. till Daniel, collega (my collegue or companion in the kingdom) came in: which Pererius understandeth so to be said, because Nebuchadnezzar had joined Daniel with him, as his fellow in the kingdom. Contra. 1. There is no word of that sense, to signify a collegue or fellow, in the original, and therefore we will not insist upon this reason. 2. But the name of Belteshazzar, and Belshazzar are diverse in the the original: the one consisteth of 7. letters, Beltheshaatzer, the other only of six, Belshazzar. And Daniel was so called before this time, when as Balthazar the king was not yet borne, nor named in story.

2. Soudas and Josephus think, that Daniel was so called because of the interpretation of hid and secret things: but that is not so: for he was thus called before he had yet expounded any of the kings dreams, c. 1. 7.

3. The most think, that this was the name of the god of the Chaldees, and given unto Daniel because of his divine wisdom, Lyranus. Hugo. Vatab. but the name of the Chaldee god, was Bel, Isa. 46. 1. not Belteshazzar.

4. Therefore Daniel had not the very name of his god: but the king saith, he was called after or according to my God: the first syllable only is borrowed from the name of his god Bel: the whole name consisteth of three Babylonian words, signifying keeping, or laying up the treasure of Bel, Iun. as is shown before, qu. 28. c. 1.

9. Quest. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar saith, that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods, v. 5.

1. The S • ptuag. read in the singular, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the holy spirit of God, thinking to excuse the king and free him from idolatry: but the word in the original is in the plural, elohim, gods.

2. Some think that by gods, are here understood the Angels, who are sometime called gods in Scripture, Pint. but the knowledge of secrets the Angels have not, because they know not things to come: and the magicians, who had conference and familiarity with spirits, not being able to tell the king his dream, which he had forgotten, excuse themselves, because none but the gods could declare such things, c. 2. 11.

3. His meaning then is, that the gods above only knew secrets, whose divine spirit Daniel was endued with: loquitur more gentilium, he speaketh after the manner of the Gentiles, who held that there were many gods, Lyranus. And it was a received opinion among them, that it was a divine thing to interpret dreams, as Socrates answered the Athenians, that he was ignorant of that divine science. Lyranus. ex Albert. mag.

10. Quest. Of Nebuchadnezzers dream, and the sum thereof.

There are two parts of his dream, the first containeth a description of a goodly fair tree, v. 7. to v. 10. the second the overthrow and cutting down of this tree, thence to v. 15.

1. The tree is described, 1. by the situation of it in the middes of the earth. 2. by the height, which reached unto heaven, which Theodoret expoundeth of his pride, so also gloss. ordin. Lyranus, of his high advancement to such a great Monarchy. 3. by the spreading of it to the ends of the earth, is understood the largeness of his dominion, which extended very far. Megasthenes, as Josephus citeth him, thinketh, that he subdued part of Spain. 4. by the utility thereof, which was double, it gave meat and shadow unto all both fowls and beasts: that is, all kind of people, both of civil and uncivil life, both had nourishment and peace under the reign of Nebuchadnezzar.

2. Then the destruction of this tree followeth. 1. by whom, by a watchman, which is interpreted to be an angel. 2. the manner is described how this tree should be served, the tree is broken down, that is, the king is cast out of his kingdom; the branches are broken off, his nobles and princes are removed from him: his leaves are shaken off, his glory and renown is taken from him: the fruit are scattered, the riches of the kingdom everyone snatcheth and divideth: the birds and beasts fly away, many taking occasion by the fall of the king, withdraw themselves from his yoke.

3. Then followeth the limitation and qualifying of the punishment of this tree, a stump of it shall be left, (that is, his kingdom shall be reserved for him still, gloss. interlin. ) with the condition thereof; set forth first metaphorically, it shall be bound with chains of brass, whereby is signified his frenzy and madness: because mad men are bound with chains, Bulling. then literally or historically his state is described both outward, that he should live with the beasts of the field, and inward, his heart should be changed, which is amplified by the circumstance of time, till 7. times, that is years be passed over him, v. 13. So this dream was propounded in allegory in such manner, vt tamen Deus aliquid permiscuerit▪ vnde colligeret aliud notari, that yet God mingled withal something, whereout he might gather, that some other thing was signified, Calvin. for a tree, from whence he borrowed this allegory, needed not to be bound with chains, neither hath any heart.

5. Lastly, the certainty of this decree is set down, by a general consent of God, and his Angels, v. 14.

11. Quest. Why this tree is said to be in the middes of the earth.

1. Hugo Card. thinketh it to be so said, because Nebuchadnezzar had Judea subject unto him, which is thought to be in the middes of the earth.

2. Some of the Rabbins think, that Babylon is signified, because it is in the same line or parallel with Jerusalem, which is in the middes of the earth. And of this opinion are Jerome, and Origen: but now no such thing is found, that Jerusalem should be in the middes of the earth. Calvin.

3. Alfragane, with whom Pintus consenteth, thinketh that Babylon it self is situate in the 4. climate, which is in the middes, the whole earth being divided into 7. climats: but this is too curious.

4. By the middes of the earth, is better understood the middes of his kingdom, Osiander. so that this is spoken, not in respect of the situation of the place, as of the quality & strength of his kingdom.

12. Quest. Why Nebuchadnezzar is compared to a tree.

v. 8. A great tree and strong. 1. Jerome seemeth to be here of opinion, that the wicked specially in Scripture are compared to trees, as Nebuchadnezzar here, and he allegeth that place, Psal. 37. 35. I have seen the wicked strong, and spreading himself like a green bay tree: But it is evident, that the righteous are also compared to fruitful trees, Psal. 1. 3.

2. Generally a man is likened to a tree, as Ezek. 17. 24. All the trees of the field shall know, that I the Lord, have brought down the high tree, &c. that is, all the people of the world shall know: a good man is resembled to a good tree, and an evil man to an evil tree, Matth. 7. 17. Aristotle, and before him Plato, did call a man, arborem inuersam, a tree turned upside down: that as the tree hath his root and sprigges coming out below, so man hath his head and hair uppermost. Wicked men are like unto corrupt trees without fruit, Iud. 12. such as the figgetree was, Matth. 21. which had leaves; but no fruit: good men are like unto good trees, Ierem. 17. 8. for like as a tree bringeth forth fruit, not only as an ornament to it self, but to be commodious to others: so the righteous are fruitful unto many: and as a tree the deeper it rooteth downward, the higher it spreadeth upward; so the more lowly a man is in his own eyes, the more he is exalted before God. Pint.

3. Now as men are compared unto trees in general, so Princes and great men, are expressed and set forth by high and tall trees, as Ezek. 17. 12. Zedekiah king of Judah is likened to an high cedar: so the king of Asshur is said to be like a cedar in Lebanon with fair branches, Ezek. 31. 3.

4. But in that Nebuchadnezzar is here thus resembled to a goodly great tree, thereby is not signified the perfection of his government, and his princely virtues: for even Tyrants and evil governors are as trees, whose government, as a shadow, bringeth some comfort unto their subjects: for better is a bad government, then none. Calvin.

13. Quest. v. 11. Who are understood by the beasts and fowls.

1. Some by the beasts understand simple men, by the fowls, garrulos & mendaces, pratlers and liars, such as aspired and looked high. gloss. Some by the one mean such as were rude and barbarous, by the other, such as were of most civil life, Perer. Others by the beasts interpret them of inferior sort and condition, by the fowls, the more noble sort, which dwelt in the branches of this tree, in the cities and towns. Hug. Card.

2. But by these two kinds in general are signified all the inhabitants and subjects in his kingdom: as Ezek. 39. 17. Speak unto every feathered foul, and to all the beasts of the field, assemble yourselves, and come: good men, are compared unto sheep for their innocence, to serpents for their wisdom, and evil men for their cruelty to lions, and bears, for their craft unto foxes, as our Savior saith of Herod, Tell that fox: so likewise the righteous are likened to doves for their simplicity, and cruel men and oppressors are as ravening eagles, Ezek. 17. 4. So it is an usual thing for men to be compared unto such beasts and fowls, quorum mores imitantur, whose manners and conditions they imitate. And this some think was Pythagoras meaning, that held the transmigration of human souls into the bodies of beasts. And so Iamblicus understandeth it of the similitude and likeness of brutish manners, though Plotinus absurdly think the contrary, that the souls of men do in deed pass into the bodies of beasts: But Hermes Trismegistus showeth the absurdity hereof, thus resolving, non permittere legem diuinam animi humani transitum in bestias, that the divine law will not admit the passage of human souls into beasts. ex Pint.

14. Quest. v. 12. How Nebuchadnezzar was bound with a band of iron and brass.

1. Pererius thinketh in deed that he was first bound with chains and fetters as a mad man, and afterward let loose, and so wandered up and down among brute beasts: so also Osiander thinketh he was tied with chains, least he should have hurt himself and others: but if this were meant literally, then he remained still tied among the grass and beasts of the field, as the words are.

2. They which take exception to this history, taking it to be an allegory, do make this one of their objections, Why they did not rather tie him up, being beside himself, then suffer him to range abroad: and how he could live 7. years among brute beasts, and not be slain? Lyranus answereth, 1. that if he had been chained up, infirmitas fuisset aggrauata, his infirmity or malady would have been more grievous, as we see by experience, that mad men being tied up, are more furious. 2. to the which it may be added, that they did even in this time of madness show some reverence toward the person of the king.

3. But the best answer is, that they left him to himself, that this prophesy of Daniel might take place: they knew he should be restored to his kingdom again: and so he was also by the divine providence, preserved and kept from the rage and violence of the beasts.

4. This phrase then, to be tied up in chains, is here used to express his madness: because it is the use to bind mad men in chains, Bulling. and hereby is signified the certainty of this punishment decreed by the sentence of God, which cannot be broken, Lyranus. so that the meaning is, stet inter gramina tanquam vinctus catenis ferreis, he should continue in this savage life in the grass, as one bound with iron fetters, Oecolamp. Pelican. he should have no power to come out of it, until his time was fulfilled.

15. Quest. v. 11, 12. Why this prophecy is uttered in the imperatiue mood, Hew down the tree, &c. leave the stump.

1. It is usual with the Prophets to deliver their prophecies in this manner, as Isa. 2. 10. Enter into the rock, and hide thee in the dust: for thou shalt enter and hide thee: so Isa. 13. 6. Howle ye, for the day of the Lord is at hand: for, ye shall howl: and, c. 14. 21. Prepare a slaughter for his children: that is, ye shall prepare. Polan.

2. There may be another reason yielded in this place: this speech of the Angel, hewe down, showeth a general consent of all the Angels, one encouraging another to effect and execute the decree of God, and therefore it is called, v. 14. the decree of the watchmen, that is, a joint consent of all the Angels: And, postulat ab hominibus fieri, quod Deus imperat, he desireth that, what God hath commanded, may accordingly be performed by men. Iun.

16. Quest. v. 14. Why the Angels are called Watchmen.

1. The Angels are so called, because of their spiritual, and incorporeal nature, Ab. Ezr. for bodies only need sleep: and because they have no bodies, and so neither eat nor drink, which are the causes of sleep, they are always watchful, Calv. quia homines laborant & fatigantur, somno egent, &c. because men do labor and are wearied, they need sleep: therefore the Angels, which labor not as man, neither are wearied, are free from sleep. Perer.

2. And by this word is not only expressed the spiritual nature of Angels, but their watchful office also: they do always wait and attend upon God to fulfill his will: as the Prophet David setteth them forth, Psal. 103. 20. Praise the Lord ye his Angels, which excel in strength, that do his commandment in obeying the voice of his will: in which sense, they are said to be full of eyes, Ezek. 1. Iun. annot.

3. But because evil angels are watchful also, as S. Peter saith, The devil goeth about like a roaring lyon, seeking whom he may devour; another title is given unto these watchmen, v. 10. the Angel is called a watchman, and an holy one, ad differentiam d • monum, &c. to show a difference between good Angels, and devils, who are also spirits, Lyranus.

4. And whereas v. 10. the word is used in the singular, a watchman, but here in the plural, multos intelligere debemus, &c. we must understand, that there were many Angels, which were employed in this business, Oecolamp.

5. This term of watchman, is used also, as fitting the present matter, for as watchmen, explorant singula facta, &c. do observe all our doings, Oecolampad. so the Angel here observed Nebuchadnezzar narrowly: for while the word was in the kings mouth, v. 28. that proud word, whereby he boasted of his power and magnificence, the sentence decreed from God, was pronounced from heaven against him. Iun. annot.

17. Quest. By whom the 14. v. was pronounced, by the Angel, or by the King.

v. 14. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen. 1. Some think, that these are the words of the king: for the Angel would not have called the decree of God, the decree of the Angels: and in the next verse following, v. 15. Nebuchadnezzar speaketh in his own person, This is the dream that I Nebuchadnezzar have seen. Contra. 1. It is called the decree of the watchmen in respect of their ministry, the decree came from God, but was executed by them: as Eph. 2. 20. the Apostle • aith, the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles, because they were God's ministers in laying of it. 2. It is not necessary, because the next verse is uttered in the kings person, that this should be so likewise.

2. Wherefore these words are also delivered by the Angel, 1. because if Nebuchadnezzar had so said, he even then had attained to the understanding of the dream, he needed not to have any further help. 2. these words following, according to the word, or request of the holy ones, could not be uttered by the king: for how should he know what was the desire and request of the Angels?

Quest. 18. ver. 14. Of the meaning of these words, according to the request of the holy ones.

1. Osiander expoundeth these words of the blessed Trinity: as though post rogatas sententias fecerint senatusconsulum, after they had asked voices they made the decree against Nebuchadnezzar: so also Pintus thinketh it may be understood of the Trinity: But neither can the Trinity in the plural be called watchmen, which word noteth not their persons, but their nature and office: nor yet can God be said to make any request.

2. Vatablus by the watchmen understandeth the superior, by the holy ones the inferior Angels: that these ask of the other a reason hereof: and the answer to their demand, is, that which followeth to the intent that men living may know, &c. But this is too curious: that the watchmen, and holy ones are the same is evident, ver. 10. where the watchman is called an holy one.

3. Some by holy ones understand the Saints in earth, that this question should be asked of them, and the Angels made answer: thus seemeth Oecolampad. to interpret, erat petitio, & interrogatiue respondent, there was a certain petition, and they answer by way of interrogation, &c. so translate Geneuens. the demand was answered: but the text admitteth not this sense: for the word sheel • a, which signifieth request or petition, is joined to the first clause of the sentence, and divided by a perfect distinction, from the sentence following.

4. Pelican thinketh, that the Jews, hearing what calamity had befallen their king, prayed unto God to restore him to his right mind: But these words were uttered, and this petition made, before this sentence was executed upon Nebuchadnezzar.

5. Lyranus thus understandeth ad petitionem sanctorum in terra, quam Angeli praesentant in coelo, at the request of the saints in earth, which the Angels did present in heaven, &c. but the Angels would not have presented a request (if any such office were committed unto them) contrary to the decree of God.

6. Calvin giveth this sense, that Angeli vno • re te accusant, &c. the Angels with one mouth accuse thee before God, & Deus annuens eorum votis decreuit te abijcere, and God consenting to their motion hath decreed to cast thee off. So also Hug. the Angels desired that this decree should be made against him. But the Angels request procured not this decree, it followed upon God's decree, as the order of the words showeth.

7. The meaning then is no more but this, that the Angels with one consent desire, that God's decree might take place, and that the sentence given by God in heaven, might be executed by men in earth. And therefore the Angel said before, hewe down the tree, break off the branches, that men might in earth fulfill, what God had purposed in heaven. Iun. Polanus.

Quest. 19. Of the meaning of these words, ver. 14. and appointeth over it the most abject of men.

1. Lyranus thinketh, that this is to be understood of Christ, who was humbled, and abased in this world; but afterward God exalted him, and all power was given unto him in heaven and in earth: But it is evident, that this is spoken of the terrene and external kingdoms of this world, that God setteth up some, and pulleth down others, but Christ's kingdom was not of this world.

2. Lyranus also hath another exposition, that hereby is signified, that Nebuchadnezzar was advanced from low degree unto the kingdom, and that he was per humilitatem restitutus, restored again by humility.

3. But the use is rather more general: that by this deposing of Nebuchadnezzar so great a king, men might learn, that all kingdoms are at God's disposing, seeing many times most base men have been advanced to the kingly dignities: and so as Calvin well noteth, hoc non tantum in vno Rege contigit, &c. this hath not fallen out only in one king. It is notorious, that among the Roman and Greek Emperors, some had been • eateheards, as cruel Maximinus, some swineheards, as Justinus the father of Justinian.

Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an hour.

Diuerse reasons may be yielded of this silence of Daniel. 1. Some think that in this space Daniel prayed unto God for the interpretation of the dream: as Theodoret saith, prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas, &c. first human infirmity was to show it self, and then inspired grace to be manifested, &c. so thinketh Dyonis. Carthusi. intra hanc horam fuisse ei ostensam, &c. that in this space was shown unto him the interpretation of the dream: se totum ad Deum extulit, cum pijs precibus, he lifted up his prayers unto God. Pint. feruids Dominum orauit, &c. he earnestly besought the Lord. Bulling.

2. But this seemeth not to have been all the cause: for it is said Daniel's thoughts troubled him: not because he was afraid of the king, •• d dolebat pro eo, he grieved for him of whom he had received such honor: Jerome: so also Lyranus. Iun. Polan. for the holy prophets had a double affection, when they declared God's judgments: ex vna parte condolebant miseris hominibus, on the one side they pitied those miserable men, to whom the judgments were denounced, deinde intrepide pronuntiabant, yet they pronounced them without fear, Calvin. And this seemeth to have been the cause of this pause which he made, the greatness of the judgment which was determined, and for that it greiued him for the king, of whom he had been so honored, because the king encourageth him to proceed, whatsoever the dream was.

3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio, &c. and in this behalf also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king, that he might be more desirous to hear the truth, Oecolampaid. Pelli. This use the king might make thereof: but this was not the cause which moved Daniel.

Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dream to the kings enemies.

Daniel should seem herein to pray against the will of God, which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar, and beside it might be thought against charity, to wish such things unto those, whom he knew not, who might some of them be better then Nebuchadnezzar.

1. Some think therefore that Daniel by this speech only showeth, the great calamity, which should befall him, such as we use to say a man wisheth to his enemy, Bulling. which was the cause, he was so loath to open the dream, because it pretended such heavy things: but it is evident by Daniel's troubled thoughts, that he was indeed sorry for the king, and wished that evil far away from him.

2. Dyonis. Carthusian. answereth, that this evil which he wished unto the kings enemies, might ad salutem animae proficere, be profitable unto them for their souls health, and therefore this wish was not uncharitable: But it might as well have been for the health of Nebuchadnezzar's soul, he should not then have wished it from him.

3. Some think that it was rather ciuilis salutatio, then precatio ex fide, a civil kind of salutation, then a prayer of faith, which it was necessary Daniel should use, to insinuate himself, Iun. in commentar.

4. But it was more then a civil salutation, for indeed Daniel desired averti tam horri • ilem poenam à regis persona, such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king, Calvin. whereupon Polanus also noteth, that we should even pray for our enemies, as Daniel did for Nebuchadnezzar, who was an enemy to the people of God, and held them in captivity.

5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God, for he thus prayeth, praesupposito beneplacito diuino, presupposing if it were God's good pleasure, Dyon. Carthus. so also Pintus: he knew Dei minis & promissionibus haerere suas conditions, that certain condions were annexed to the threatenings and promises of God, Iun. for otherwise Daniel in vain afterward had given counsel unto Nebuchadnezzar here to prevent this calamity. see further, quest. 29.

Quest. 22. That at yrannicall government is better, then an anarchy, or no government.

V. 19. It is thou O king, that art great and mighty. 1. though Nebuchadnezzar were a Tyrant, as both appeareth by his cruelty against the Jews in destroying their city, both burning the Temple, and putting the people to the sword, as also by his fierce rage shown against the Chaldeans, whom he unjustly caused to be killed, cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dream, which he had forgotten: yet he is compared to a goodly tree, which gave meat and shadow unto the fowls and beasts: So that although Tyrants and cruel governors seek to extinguish all equity and justice, Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo, God holdeth them in after a secret manner, that some profit cometh by their government, Calvin. As the heathen Emperors of Rome, though they were cruel, yet ordained good politic laws, as may appear by the constitutions of Alexander, Diocletian, and the rest, as are extant in the Code.

2. Whereas, when there is no government, but everyone doth what they list, there is a confusion of all things, a corruption both of manners and religion, as appeareth in the time of the Judges, when as there was no king in Israel, they followed what religion they would, Judge. 17. 6. and they lived as they would themselves, without either fear of God or man, as appeareth by the sin of the men of Gibeah against the Levites wife, Judge. 19.

Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing down the tree.

1. If but one or two branches had been cut off, yet the rest remaining would have flourished still, and so the loss should not have been so great. As in a commonwealth, when one noble man of account, or one of excellent learning or virtue dieth, and is taken away, though it be a loss or hindrance, yet the country is not undone; others may rise up in his place: as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romans was slain, yet Cicero succeeded, in whom that want was supplied. And if a king loose one city in his kingdom, yet he may comfort himself in the rest: But Nebuchadnezzar at once should loose all his great and large dominion, and be stripped of his regal dignity: The Duke of Florence gave for his ensign a great tree with many spreading boughs, one of them being cut off, with this posy, vno avulso non deficit alter, one being pulled away the other faileth not: but here all the boughs and branches are pulled away at once, Pintus.

2. If it had been told him, that he should only loose his regal dignity, and live as a common person, it had not been so grievous: but now when he heareth that he should be thrown down from such an high estate, into such an ignominious life, as to be matched with beasts, it must needs trouble him, Calvin.

Quest. 24. 22. How Nebuchadnezzar was driven from men, and dwelt with the beasts.

1. Theodoret showeth how this came to pass: for both because he was rabie correptus, taken with fury, and so might have done much hurt, if he had still conversed among men; as also for that he was hated of all for his former tyranny, and cruelty, they expelled and drave him away from the company of men.

2. And being thus driven out among beasts, and lying in the wet and cold, his garments rotted, and his hair grew hard, like eagles quilles, and his nails waxed long, like unto birds claws, he was neglected of all, even of his wife, and children, and kindred: God's justice so providing, that as he had shown himself in his tyrannical and cruel government as a beast toward others, so ferina vitae damnatus est, he was condemned to a beastly life: in whom may be verified that saying in the Psal. 49. 12. Man shall not continue in honor, but is like unto the beasts that perish.

Quest. 25. How Nebuchadnezzar did eat grass like an ox.

It may seem strange, that a king being so delicate a person, should fall to eat grass like an ox: which seeming unto some to be very unlikely and improbable, they therefore would turn this histore into an allegory: but this doubt may diverse ways be answered.

1. First, it is no unnatural thing for men to live of grass and herbs, as Pliny writeth of a certain people of the Ethiopians, which live of raw Locusts: some only of herbs and roots, others do eat of anything that cometh to hand, and therefore are called pamphagi, ea • nals, which eat of anything. As also Ecclesiastical histories make mention of diverse Heremites, which lived only of roots and such other wild fruit of the earth.

2. And further the imagination of his mind, which was now become phrantike and brutish, might bring him to eat such meats, which otherwise he in his right mind would have abhorred, as Jerome saith, multa sunt furentibus facilia, qua sunt sanis intolerabilia, many things are easy unto mad men, which are intolerable to them of right mind: and as Theodoret observeth, we see by experience that furious and mad men do put into their mouths, and tear with their teeth, whatsoever cometh to hand.

3. Beside • he temperament and constitution of his body, was altered and changed by the distemperature of his mind, and so it might be made fit and appliable unto such brute beasts.

4. But most of all God's power here was secret, in preserving the life of Nebuchadnezzar by such meats, that he might be an example to all ages of God's justice, and that thereby his pride might thoroughly be tamed.

Quest. 26. How the kingdom of Babylon was governed in the time of Nebuchadnezzar's absence.

1. Some think that it might be governed by Evil-merodach his son, who afterward succeeded, which is not unlike, Perer. But whereas Lyranus addeth that Nebuchadnezzar at his return put his son in prison, where Jeconiah was, for his misgouernement, while his father was thus humbled, and thereupon Evil-merodach when he came to reign advanced Jeconiah and took him out of prison, 2. king. 24. 27. it hath no probability.

2. Or the nobles might take upon them the government of the kingdom in the mean time, seeing they knew by Daniel that the king was to be restored to his kingdom: and Josephus addeth further, nemine audente toto septennio inuadere dominium, none durst invade the kingdom all those seven years: and because Nebuchadnezzar had been a valiant king, and much enlarged his hingdome, this might be a reason, that they expected his return with patience, Lyranus. which made them to be the more willing to receive him again, and to seek unto him, because God had so ordained.

Quest. 27. ver. 22. What is understood by seven times.

1. Some think that by 7. times no certain but an indiffinite time is understood, ex Bulling. but that is not so, for it is said, ver. 31. that in the end of these days, &c. there were then certain days appointed.

2. R. Levi, and Ibn Ezra, leave it uncertain and indifferent, whether we understand here months or years, or the parts of the year: but it is certain, that in a prophesy some one special thing is signified.

3. Theodoret inclineth to think, that hereby the half years must be counted for the times, as the Persians generally divide the year into two parts, Summer and Winter: and so these 7. times should make three years and an half. But nowhere in the Scripture, is a time taken for half a year.

4. Bullinger by these 4. times understandeth the 4. times of the year, the Spring, Summer, the Autumn, Winter: and so these 7. years should come out in a year and three quarters: but we refuse this sense also for the former reason: time is not so taken in Scripture.

5. Wherefore the received interpretation is best, by seven times to understand 7. years, so Josephus, Iun. Osiander. Oecolampad. Calvin. Perer. Vatab. Lyranus giveth this reason: because cap. 12. ver. 7. a time, two times, and an half, are so taken for three years and an half, which make 1290. days, as it is expounded, v. 12. Junius giveth instance in a more direct place, cap. 11. 13. in the ende haghittim shanim, of the times of years: Pererius further yieldeth this reason, quia omnis nota temporis varietas, &c. because every notable variety and change of time is contained in the compass of a year; as Summer, Winter, heat, cold, &c.

6. Hence also is manifest the error of Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius in vit • Danielis, whom the author of the scholastical history followeth, that 7. years were determined, but at the prayer of Daniel they were changed into 7. months: for the contrary is evident, v. 31. that Nebuchadnezzar did not come to himself, till the full time was expired: In the ende of these days I Nebuchadnezzar lift up mine eyes to heaven, &c. And so Daniel had prophesied before, ver. 22. seven times shall pass over thee, till thou know, that the most high beareth rule over the kingdoms of men.

Quest. 28. Of Nebuchadnezzar's transmutation, but first in general of the diverse kinds of transmutations.

1. Their is one kind of transmutation, which is a fabulous and poetical fiction, rather then any true alteration and change, such as is the fable of the changing of Ulysses companions into diverse forms of beasts by the witchcraft of Circes, and of Diomedes company into birds, and Lucianus tale of Apuleius golden asse: like unto this is the fabulous report of the Arcadians, which by swimming over a certain river, are changed into wolves; whereof Pliny giveth this censure, falsum esse considenter existimare debemus, we •• st confidently think that it is false.

2. There is a kind of natural and phisicall transmutation, as Aristotle showeth how certain worms become butter-flies: and by experience we know, that maggets, which breed in flesh, are turned into flies. But Pliny reporteth a more strange thing of a certain beast in the Iappanian Islands, in bigness, shape, and hair like unto a dog, which by oft swimming in the Sea; by little and little is changed into a fish. But for the transmutation of women into men, which Pliny of his own experience reporteth to be true, and that such things, as most true, are inserted into the Roman annales, or Chronicles, it is to be doubted how far his report may be credited.

3. The third kind is of fantastical changes, such as are wrought by sorcetie and art Magicke: such were those apparitions of serpents, procured by the subtlety of the Egyptian sorcerers: and such may be thought to be those alterations & changes of men into the form of wolves and other beasts, which Olaus Magnus writeth to be usual in Prussia, Liuonia, Lituania.

4. Unto these add, those true changes, which have been made by the power of God, as Lots wife was turned into a pillar of salt, Moses rod into a serpent, Christ turned water into wine, Perer.

5. And the last kind is the spiritual change which is in the mind and understanding, either for the better, as when men are renewed by grace, and from ignorance, infidelity, carnal lusts, are turned to become new men, as Zacchaeus was, Luk. 19. or are inspired with a prophetical gift, as Saul was, when he prophesied: either for the worse, as when the spirit of God left Saul, and an evil spirit was sent upon him, which possessed him with fury. And of this kind was Nebuchadnezzar's change, who of a reasonable man, became in his mind an unreasonable beast: But this matter followeth now to be handled more at large.

Quest. 29. What manner of change Nebuchadnezzar's was.

1. Lyranus and Carthusianus do impute this opinion unto Josephus, that he should think, that Nebuchadnezzar was indeed changed into an ox. But Josephus in that place, where he toucheth that story, lib. 10 antiquat. cap. 11. hath no such thing: he only saith, vitam acturus erat inter bestias, that he was to lead his life among the beasts. Indeed Darotheus and Epiphanius are of opinion, that he was not changed at all in his mind, but only externally in his body▪ and that the forepart of him was like an ox, the hinder part like a lyon. But this cannot be so. 1. If they press the words literally they may with better reason say, he was changed into an eagle: because it is said, his hair was as eagles quilles, and his nails like birds claws: 2. If there had been in him any such notorious change it would not have been omitted, seeing the power of God should have been set forth thereby. 3. And if the Chaldeans had seen him in the shape of a beast, they would have taken him for a very brute beast, and not fit to be restored to his kingdom. 4. It is evident also that the same Nebuchadnezzar a man, and not a beast, after the time expired, was restored to his kingdom: but if he had been so changed, he should not have been the same, but another.

2. Medina is of opinion, that Nebuchadnezzar was changed not indeed but in show, that he appeared to be a brute beast in the sight of all that looked upon him: such a like thing is that, which Jerome reporteth in the life of Hilarion, how a woman was brought unto him, which seemed unto others to be a beast, but he discerned her to be a woman.

But God's works are not fantastical, or in show: that which he doth is in verity and truth: this difference there is between God's works, and the illusions of Satan, that he maketh things to be the same which they appear, as Moses rod became a true serpent, but Satan deceiveth the sense, the sorcerers serpents were but counterfeit.

3. Neither yet can I altogether subscribe unto the opinion of Thomas Aquin. who thinketh that although Nebuchadnezzar were neither actually, nor in show a beast in his bodily shape, yet sua opinione videbatur sibi bestia, he seemed a beast unto himself: I think rather with Calvin, non sic obstupuit, quin mala sua sentiret, he was not so besotted, but that he had some sense of his calamity: for otherwise how should he have remembered it afterward, and so given thanks to God for his restitution.

4. This then was the transmutation which Nebuchadnezzar had, manente forma humana, his man's shape remaining, his human soul was changed to be brutish by his frenzy and madness: Bulling. not that the mind of a beast was given him in substance, for he retained his reasonable soul: nor yet that there was no more understanding in him left, then in a brute beast, Osiander. for the reasonable soul remaining, though it became brutish, yet it is not altogether as the sense of a brute beast: but as Lyranus saith, vsum rationis perdidit per amentiam, he lost the use of reason by his madness: his mind became brutish, and in this sense in respect of the use of his reason, and understanding it is said, v. 13. let the heart of a beast be given him. Rupertus also collecteth as much out of these words, v. 33. mine understanding was restored unto me, satis ostendit non formam se amisisse, sed mentem, he sufficiently showeth, that he had not lost his shape, but his mind.

Yet he was somewhat altered and changed in the constitution, and sight of his body, being grown misshapen and deformed, though not transformed into the shape of a beast, as followeth to be shown in the next question.

Quest. 30. How Nebuchadnezzar's body was changed.

1. As his mind was become sottish and brutish, so the constitution of his body was much changed and became appliable unto that brutish food, whereof he lived. 2. he went naked having no care of his clothing, as brute beasts are only covered with their skin: but here Lyranus noteth an error in Josephus, who resembleth this nakedness of Nebuchadnezzar, to Adams nakedness before the fall, whereof he giveth this reason, that Adam vixit in simplicitate bestiali, Adam lived then in a brutish kind of simplicity, as children before they have use of reason are not ashamed of their nakedness, &c. But Lyranus argueth well against this assertion: that by this reason man's state should have been bettered by his fall, which brought unto him the use of reason. This matter then may be further thus scanned, that there is an Angelical kind of nakedness (that I may so speak) such as Adam had before his fall, whereof he was not ashamed, because sin was not yet entered into the world: there is a brutish nakedness, which because beasts have no reason at all, neither are subject to sin, is not unseemly in them: there is an human nakedness between both, whereof men are not ashamed, either because the use of reason is not yet come unto them, as in children, or they are deprived of it altogether, as natural fools, or for a time only, as madmen: Such was the nakedness of Nebuchadnezzar which altered the state of his body.

3. Then followeth the effect of his nakedness, and his lying in the air, and in the cold fields, enduring both heat, and cold: being careless of himself, his hair grew stiff, his skin hard, and his nails long and crooked, and so he became deformed.

4. The gesture of his body was answerable, he grew crooked, and bowed together, and crept upon all four like a brute beast.

5. His food and meat was herbs and grass, such as the brute beasts feed upon. 6. his habitation was in the fields and woods among the brute beasts. 7. he had no use of his speech living among beasts, but made a rude noise like unto them. And thus he was changed even in respect of his body, that although the fashion of his human shape remained still in his head, hands, and feet, yet he was become very deformed: as Rupertus collecteth, that seeing it is said he should eat grass like an ox, that he crept upon his hands and his feet, and pulled up grass with his mouth, as doth an ox: and because his dwelling was among the beasts, he was in outward gesture as a beast, non enim besti • facile sociarentur illi sine aliqua similitudine, for the beasts would not have accompanied with him if there had been no similitude: and so he concludeth that this was the greatest change that is mentioned in Scripture, excepting only that of Lots wife, who was changed into a pillar of salt.

8. Now whereas ver. 33. as the vulgar Latin readeth, my figure returned unto me, or my shape, Sep. my form. V. though it may be well understood, in respect of his deformity (not the change of his form) which now was taken from him; as we see by experience, that mad men if they continue any time, are so changed, that they can hardly be known and discerned, Osian. yet this matter is made more clear and out of doubt, if the word be rightly translated: for the Chaldee word zivi, rather signifieth my glory, beauty, as Iun. Mont. read, then my form, or figure: so the comeliness and grace of his human countenance and body, was restored unto him, and his deformity taken away.

Quest. 31. ver. 24. How Daniel gave counsel to the king to prevent this judgment, seeing it was determined.

1. Pererius saith, that Daniel speaketh doubtfully, It may be God will forgive thy sin, as the Latin readeth, non fuisse eum certum, that he was not certain, whether God would remit the punishment, which was thereatned: but Daniel knew assuredly that the sentence and decree of God should stand, as is shown before, verse. 14.

2. The most think that there was a secret condition annexed to this threatening, and Jerome maketh it like to the message of Isaiah to Hezekiah, that he should die, and the prophesy of Jonah against Nineveh: which both were conditional upon their repentance, so also Bullinger. But it may be gathered, v. 14. that it was certainly decreed in heaven, that this judgment should befall Nebuchadnezzar, who, the Lord foresaw, would not otherwise be humbled.

3. Chrysostom giveth this solution, propter hoc prolata est sententia, vt non fiat, non vt Rex discat solum futura, sed vt caveat, therefore this sentence was pronounced, that it should not come to pass, that the king should not only know things to come, but prevent them, &c. ex Oecolamp. But this still is most evident, that God had certainly decreed this thing, and it could not be altered.

4. Calvin thus answereth, this counsel of Daniel was profitable to the king, though the judgment were determined potuit aliquam veniam consequi etiamsi poenas dedisset, he might some way have been eased, though he were to endure the punishment, &c. so also Polan. cum resipiscentibus Deus benignius agit, God dealeth more gently with those which repent.

5. To this may be added, that Daniel here sustaineth a double person, both of a Prophet in interpreting the dream, and showing things to come, and of a faithful counselor, in advising Nebuchadnezzar what course to take: that although the sentence against him was decreed, yet if he did in time humble himself, he knew it would not be unprofitable unto him. So our Blessed Savior, though he knew that indeed the bitter cup of death could not pass away from him, yet in his human affection he desireth it to pass, yet with a subjection of his will to the will of God: and the like supposition had Daniel here, thus advising and counseling, if so it stood with God's good pleasure: not looking now into God's secret counsel, but speaking in his love and zeal to Nebuchadnezzar, as Moses in zeal to the people of Israel forgetting himself, wished rather to be cut out of the book of life, which in the judgment of faith he knew could not be.

Quest. 32. Whether Daniel did counsel the king to redeem his sins by almsdeeds.

1. Pererius with other Romanists do ground their error of satisfactory works for sin upon this place: for their opinion is, that there are tria genera operum, quae satisfactoria vocant pro peccatis, three kind of works, which they call satisfactory for sin: and so they read this text, redeem thy sins. Contra. 1. The word is not well translated, to redeem, for Pharak, properly signifieth to break off, as R. Shelemo, and D. Kimhi think, and so is the word used, Exod. 33. 2. break off your earings. 2. sins properly are not redeemed, but men. 3. And it had been impossible for Nebuchadnezzar, who had reigned tyrannically 40. years to make satisfaction by his works, for all the cruel murders and other oppressions which he had committed.

2. Some give this sense retaining the usual reading, that good works are said to redeem sins, as they are said to justify, because they which are justified, ex iustitia illa operum suorum probantur, are proved and manifested by the righteousness of their works, Bullin. so also Oecolamp. externa opera sidei testimoniū dant, external works do give testimony of faith, which is not seen of men, but by their works.

3. There is a third answer, that it is meant not of redemption or satisfaction of and for our sins before God, but before men: redimimus apud homines p •• cata, dum illis satisfacimus▪ &c. we redeem our sins with men, when we make them satisfaction, Calvin. this answer also is sufficient: but I prefer rather the first, which insisteth upon the right sense of the word: see more of this question afterward among the controversies.