Commentary on Daniel

1. Doctr. Of the authority of Scripture.

v. 2. Daniel spake and said. Daniel's writing is here called his speaking, whereby we are given to understand, that the writings of the Prophets and Apostles ought to be received with no less reverence, then if we had heard them speak with their own mouths: So S. Paul saith to Timothy, that the holy scriptures were able to make him wise unto salvation: and they were able to make the man of God absolute and perfect to every good work, 2. Tim. 3. 15. 17. Polan.

2. Doctr. The Church in this world subject to affliction.

Because all these Monarchies and kingdoms are described by these four beasts, which devour and destroy, being therefore resembled to cruel and savage beasts, the lyon, bear, leopard, hence it is evident, that the portion of the Church of God in this world is, to be subject for the most part to the violence and rage of oppressors: to the end, that they should not look for their kingdom or inheritance in this world, but seek for their peace and true comfort in Christ: John. 16. 33. In the world ye shall have affliction, but be of good comfort, I have overcome the world. Bulling.

3. Doctr. The Son of God equal unto his Father.

v. 13. He approached unto the Auncient of days. By this kind of speech is signified, that Christ the Son of man according to his humanity, is equal unto the Father, touching his Godhead, as sitting together in the throne with him: as Apoc. 5. 6. The Lamb stood in the middes of the throne. And whereas the kingdom is here said to be given unto the Son, that is to be referred to the time of his dispensation, and coming in the flesh, which glory and kingdom he received as man, but it was his own as God from the beginning: as John. 17. 5. our blessed Savior thus prayeth, Glorify me, thou Father, with the glory which I had with thee, before the world was. Bulling.

4. Doctr. Of the vocation of the Gentiles.

v. 14. That all people, nations, and languages should serve him. This is an evident testimony, that the Gentiles should be converted unto the faith and knowledge of Christ, and so be subject and obedient unto him: as Tertullian by this invincible argument showeth that Christ is the true Mossiah, in quem enim alium universe gentes crediderunt, quam in Christum? upon whom else have all the nations believed, then in Christ? and he reckoneth up the Parthians, Medes, Egyptians, Germans, Britain's, Scythians, and many other nations in the remotest parts of the world toward the North and South, and East countries, which have received the faith: whereas all other kingdoms and dominions have been confined. The kings of Babylon and Persia reigned from India to Ethiopia, yet had limits and borders of their kingdom: neither did Alexander conquer all Asia: the Roman Empire was defended in their borders with garrisons: But the kingdom of Christ is not limited or confined to any place, according to that prophesy in the Psalm. 2. 8. Ask of me, and I shall give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the ends of the earth for thy possession: to this purpose Tertull. l. 7. cont. Iudaeos.

5. Doctr. Of whom the kingdom of Christ consisteth.

v. 18. The high saints, or the saints of the most high shall take the kingdom. The Church of God then consisteth of the Saints and elect, which are ordained to everlasting salvation. So our Savior calleth them his flock for whom his Father had prepared a kingdom, Luk. 12. 32. And again he saith, I pray not for the world, but for those whom thou hast given me. John. 17. 9. they then which are of the world, are not of the Church of Christ: Hypocrites then, heretics, misbeleeuers, carnal livers, way well be in the Church, but they are not of it: as S. John saith, They went out from us, but they were not of us: for if they had been of us, they would have continued with us, 1. John. 2. 19.

1. Controv. The Church is not discerned by the greatness and bigness thereof.

v. 3. Four great beasts came up. These four beasts signifying four kingdoms, are said to be great: they were large and mighty in dominion, as the Persian Monarchy had under it an 127. Provinces, yet all these kingdoms were enemies to the people of God: So then the Church of Christ is not to be measured by the bigness and greatness of it: our Savior calleth his flock, a little flock, Luk. 12. 32. and few there be, that find the way unto life, Matth. 7. 14. Vniuersalitie then and multitude is not a sure and infallible note of the Church, as the Romanists would have it. Nicolaus the 1. thus wrote unto Michael the Emperor, Numerus pusillus non obest, vbi abundat pietas, nec multiplex prodest vbi abundat impietas, a small number doth not hurt, where piety aboundeth, nor a great doth not profit, where impiety aboundeth. See hereof more, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 20.

2. Controv. Whether the Saints shall judge the world.

v. 9. The thrones were set. Hence Pererius inferreth, that beside Christ, there shall be other, quasi iudicis assessores, as assistants of the Judge: as our Savior saith, that his Apostles shall sit upon 12. seats, and judge the 12. tribes of Israel: But it is evident out of the Scripture, that Christ only shall be Judge of the world: for the Father hath committed all the judgment to the Son, John. 5. 22. But the Saints are said to judge the world, not as Judges to give sentence, sed iudicant vt testes, they judge as witnesses: Bulling. their life and doctrine shall be the condemnation of the world. In this sense our Savior saith, that his word shall judge those which receive it not, at the latter day, John. 12. 48. that is, it shall be a witness against them. Hugo hath here this distinction, Deus pater indicabit per authoritatem, filius per sententiae prolationem, sancti per assensum & approbationem, God the father shall judge by his authority, the Son by pronouncing the sentence, the Saints by their assent and approhation, &c.

3. Controv. The vulgar Latin translation not authentical.

v. 10. Whereas it is in the original ribo riban, ten thousand times ten thousand, the Latin translator readeth, ten thousand times an hundred thousand. Pererius would excuse it thus: that the interpreter did not so much respect the words, as the mind of Daniel, which was to express an infinite multitude of Angels, putting a finite number for an infinite. Contra. But an interpreter is tied to the very words, which he translateth. It is one thing to interpret, another thing to expound or comment. Interpreters must not take unto themselves that liberty in following the sense, to leave the text, and depart from the words of the original.

4. Controv. Of the diverse orders of Angels.

v. 10. Whereas it is said, a thousand thousand ministered unto him, and ten thousand thousand stood before him: Hence Pererius would prove that there are two sorts of Angels, some that minister in being sent abroad into the world to dispatch the affairs committed unto them; other stand by as assistants, not being sent forth as the other, but they attend to know the will of God, and to give direction unto the ministering spirits. And further, they assign the four higher orders which are Soraphim, Cherubim, Thrones, Dominions, to the Angels assistant, and the five inferior, Angels, Arkangels, Virtues, Powers, Principalities, to the ministering Angels. But whether sort be more in number, the assistant or ministering spirits, it is not agreed among them. Gregory thinketh that the number of ministering spirits is greatest, lib. 17. moral. c. 9. Dyenisius Areopagita, cited by Pererius, is of the contrary opinion, that the higher the Angels are in degree, the more they exceed in number.

Contra. 1. Here is no distinction of the offices of diverse sorts of Angels, but only a description of their office and ministry: they stood before the Lord to minister: for so is this phrase of standing used, c. 1. 19. They stood before the king: and the Apostle saith, Are they not all ministering spirits: which Pererius interpreteth that they do not all minister immediately, but some immediately by others: but this interpretation is taken away by the words following, sent forth to minister. Then all the Angels are sent forth to minister, as it pleaseth God to employ them: they do not stand still before the Lord as informers of the rest. 2. This difference then of Angels, some ministering, some assistant, being taken away, the other question is superflous, which should exceed the other in number. 3. And concerning those nine orders of Angels, it is but a curious conceit: those several names do show, that there are degrees, and diversity of gifts among the Angels, but so many distinct orders cannot thereupon be granted. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 2. err. 1.

5. Controv. The glorious persons of the Trinity are not to be represented by any image.

v. 9. The Auncient of days did sit. From this place the Romanists infer that it is no more inconvenient to picture and express by image the Trinity, or any person thereof, as they did sometime appear, then it was for them so to appear: But there is great difference between the appearing of the Trinity in some visible shape, as God the father as an ancient man, the Son in the shape of a young man, and the holy Ghost in the likeness of a dove, and the picturing of them. 1. The one was God's special dispensation, but the other is forbidden to make any image to be worshipped. 2. this apparition did not continue, but eftsoone vanished away, but pictures are permanent, and so are dangerous. 3. the apparition was made only to the Prophet here, but pictures are seen and beheld of all, which are in danger to stumble at them: the argument then followeth not, because it pleased God so to appear, therefore he may be so described and pictured. 4. the apparition was a figure of God's special presence, but so is not an image: God is not declared thereby more to be present, then where there is no image at all.

6. Controv. Against the Vbiquit aries which hold an omnipresence of Christ's humanity.

v. 14. And he gave him dominion and honor. Hence the Lutherans would infer, that the very essential power of the deity is communicated unto the human nature: and so consequently this property to be everywhere, and in all places at once.

Contr. 1. They imagine, that this power was given only to the human nature of Christ: whereas it was given unto his whole person, in respect of the office of his Mediatorship: this dominion was given to Christ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , God and man. 2. Whereas this great power they would have given by Christ's divine nature to his humanity: it is evident out of the text, that it was given by the Auncient of days unto the Son of man. 3. And because in the text it is called an everlasting dominion, they hereby understand that dominion, which was without beginning, and shall be without ende: whereas this dominion given unto Christ God and man, had a beginning with his incarnation, but shall have no ende: and this is evident, v. 27. where this kingdom which is communicated unto the Saints the members of Christ, is also called everlasting: yet that kingdom hath a beginning. Polan. 4. Beside, that which is finite, cannot be capable of that which is infinite: the human nature then of Christ cannot receive the infinite power and omnipotency of the deity. Pappus answereth, that although in it self it be not capable, yet by the power of God, to the which nothing is impossible, it may be made capable of that infinite power and glory. Contr. God's power indeed is infinite, and he is able to do more then he doth or will: the question is not of God's power, but of his will and purpose: which is, that our blessed Savior, as he hath assumed our very flesh, with the natural properties thereof, so he should retain them still: as the Apostle calleth him the man Jesus. Christ, 1. Tim. 2. 5. 5. Those things which are peculiar and proper unto a thing, cannot be communicated really unto another thing, without the destruction thereof: it is proper to the divine nature to be infinite, omnipotent, omnipresent, and to the human, to be finite, and in one place at once: if now the human nature should become infinite, omnipotent, omnipresent, it should loose the properties of the human nature. Papp •• again answereth, that there may be a real communication of properties without the destruction of the thing: as iron made red hot keepeth the properties of iron still, as the thickenesse, the heaviness, and such like. Contra. 1. The properties of the fire are not communicated really to the iron, but certain effects only: for if the iron had the very property of heat, it would continue hot still, the fire being taken from it: and if the fire should impart the properties of lightness to the iron, it should be no more heavy, but the very nature thereof would be changed. 2. Like as then the body as long as it liveth is animated by the soul, being quickened with agility, vital spirits, and heat, yet the soul communicateth not the essential properties thereof unto it: so the human nature of Christ is glorified, and in a manner deified by the God-head, yet each of the natures retain their essential properties still.

7. Controv. That diuturnitie and long continuance without interruption, is no infallible note of the Church.

v. 14. His dominion shall be an everlasting dominion. Bellarmine inferreth from hence, that the Church is discerned and known by the durable state and continuance thereof. Contra. This is spoken of the spiritual and invisible kingdom of Christ, begun in this life, and perfected in the next. It followeth not because the Universal Catholic Church of Christ, which is not always visible in the world, is perpetual; that a particular visible church should be always discerned by this mark and note. 2. for even idolatrous kingdoms, as that of the Assyrians, which is held to have continued above a thousand years, for diuturnitie may compare with any visible Church.

8. Controv. That the dominion of the Pope is temporal rather, then spiritual.

Whereas the Hebrews to prove the Roman Empire, which they imagine to be the fourth, and the kingdom of Christ to concur together, to avoid, that the fifth kingdom should not be Christ's, which was to destroy the other four; do give instance of the Bishop of Rome, who received his authority and preeminence from Constantine, and other Christian Emperiours, and doth now crown and confirm the Emperor. Burgensis, and Pererius concur • ing with him, do answer, to avoid this objection, that the Pope, non tam corporaliter, quam spiritualiter tot • orbe regnet, doth reign rather spiritually, then corporally throughout the whole world: as appeareth in his power of binding and loosing. Contr. This answer is insufficient and untrue. 1. for the Popes dominion meddleth more with temporal, then spiritual things: as in making war, in taking upon him to depose and set up kings, and to dispose of their kingdoms. 2. and though he challenge to himself the chief stroke in the censures of the Church, as in suspending, excommunicating, he useth them only for the augmentation of his temporal dominion: he intendeth not thereby men's salvation. 3. So in effect, though under another color, the Pope exerciseth the Imperial authority, as being risen up out of the ruins of the old Empire: as it is said in the Revelation, c. 13. 12. he did all that the first beast could do before him.

9. Controv. That Antichrist is already come.

Bellarmine to avoid this, useth diverse evasions. 1. he saith, that before Antichrist should come, there should be ten kings, which should divide the Roman Empire among them.

Contr. This appeareth to be false out of the text. 1. these ten kings must bear rule over the Saints before the coming of the Messiah, and the erection of the fifth kingdom, v. 25. they shall consume the Saints. 2. their kingdom must be destroyed before Christ come, v. 11. 3. after the destruction of them, the kingdom of Christ must be set up thorough the world (which was by the preaching of the Gospel:) but this is done already.

2. He saith, that the little horn is Antichrist, which should come before the ende of the world.

Contr. This also is confuted by the same reasons. 1. this horn is one of the ten kings, which should bear rule over the Saints, v. 25. which then were understood to be the Jews the people of God. 2. this horn must be destroyed before the kingdom of Christ be erected, v. 11. 3. this horn was Antiochus Epiphanes, as is before shown, who prefigured and shadowed forth Antichrist.

3. He saith, that this little horn shall arise from the nation of the Jews. Contr. It ariseth among the other horns, which were interpreted to be kings of the fourth beast and Monarchy, therefore not from the Jews.

4. He addeth, that by fraud and deceit he shall obtain the kingdom of the Jews. Cont. But the text showeth, v. 21. that he shall make war against the Saints: he shall then overcome them by force rather then fraud.

5. Further he saith that this little horn, which he taketh for Antichrist, shall overcome three kings of Libya, Egypt, Ethiopia. Contr. It is evident in the text, v. 8. that the three kings which shall be subdued, shall be out of one and the same kingdom, v. 22. 24. the ten horns out of this kingdom are ten kings.

6. Likewise he saith, that this horn shall subdue also the other seven, after it hath overcome the three. Contra. But no such thing is affirmed in the text: 2. neither can it be so, seeing these ten kings are to succeed one another, the tenth and the last could not rise up at the same time with the other ten.

7. An other of Bellarmine's positions is, that this Antichrist should reign but 3. years and an half, v. 25. Contra. 1. This was literally and historically fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes, as is before shown. 2. Antichrist which was to come into the world, must rise immediately after the dissolution of the Roman Empire, which only letted while it stood, the manifesting and appearing of Antichrist, 2. Thess. 2. 4. Therefore the Roman Empire being now long since dissolved, Antichrist hath been a good while manifested in the world.

1. Observat. The bed must be kept undefiled.

v. 1. There were visions in his head upon his bed. God used to reveal himself unto his servants upon their bed, as being the fittest place for heavenly meditation, when the soul was sequestered from all worldly affairs. Therefore must we take heed, that the bed be not defiled with any unclean pollutions, as are the beds of adulterous fornicators and wanton persons: we should with David water our couch with tears, there meditate upon God, not make it a place of wantonness and uncleanness.

2. Observ. The conscience must be carefully kept and watched over.

v. 10. And the books were opened. These are the books of every man's conscience, which are God's faithful witnesses and records in man: as the wise man saith, The light of the Lord is the spirit (or breath) of man, and searcheth all the bowels, Prov. 20. 27. that is, man's conscience is as the Lord's lantern, whereby he searcheth our secrets: let us therefore take heed what we write in these books of our conscience: for whether it be good or evil, there it will appear either to accuse or excuse us.

3. Observ. The word of God, and the ministers thereof to be resorted unto for our instruction.

v. 16. As Daniel to understand this dream went to one of the Angels, which stood by: so now because we have no such access unto Angels, we must have recourse to the ministers of God's word, which are said to be Angels of the Churches, Apoc. 1. 2. 3. So Christ sent Paul to Ananias for further direction, Act. 9. and the Angel sent Cornelius to Peter, Act. 10.

4. Observ. Of the terror of the day of judgment.

v. 15. I Daniel was troubled in my spirit, &c. If Daniel was so perplexed seeing the manner of Christ's judgment but in vision, how much more terrible shall be the judgment it self: then all things which are now hid and secret, shall be brought to light: like as packes and fardels of wares are not opened till they come unto the fair or market, then the things hid before, are openly shown: so all secrets shall be revealed in that day: the terror of that day should persuade men to take heed, what wares they lay up in their heart and conscience, for then all shall be disclosed.

1. Quest. The difference between this vision and the former.

1. In the former there was a description of four kingdoms: here the Chaldean and Babylonian is omitted, quia mox abolendum erat, because it was now at hand to be abolished, Calvin. which may be the cause why hitherto from the second chapter Daniel had written in the Chaldee tongue, because those things concerned the Chaldean state, which were revealed to Daniel: now he useth the Hebrew tongue, because these things which follow in this prophesy, specially concerned the people of God, as of their great affliction under Antiochus, in this chap. and c. 11. and of the coming of the Messiah, c. 9. first then this differeth from the former vision, c. 7. vt pars à toto, as a part from the whole, Calvin. 2. In the former vision there is a large description of the kingdom of Christ, which is omitted here. 3. Here is a more particular explication of such things, as should befall the people of God under Antiochus, as likewise c. 11. which is but briefly touched before. Prter.

2. Quest. Of the time of this vision.

In the third year of the reign of Belshazzar, &c. 1. Pererius thinketh, that this was 14. years before the taking of Babylon by the Persians, for he giveth unto Belshazars reign 17. years: so also Joseph. lib. 10. antiqui • . c. 12. 2. Junius and Polanus following Berosus and Metashenes, which make Balthazar to reign 5. years, think this vision was shown unto Daniel three years before the destruction of Babylon. 3. But the third opinion of the Hebrews is more probable, which Oecolampad. and Pellicane follow, that this vision was in the third and last year of Beshazar: for the next time which is noted of Daniel, was the first year of Darius, c. 9. 1.

3. Quest. What manner of vision this was.

v. 1. A vision appeared unto me, &c. Whereas there are two sorts of visions, some are shown unto men in a trance, when they are waking, as that vision of the four cornered sheet which Peter saw, Act. 10. some are revealed in sleep, as Joseph was admonished by an Angel in a dream, Matth. 1. 1. Some think, that Daniel had this vision as the former, because he saith, after that which appeared unto me at the first: as making no difference between this vision, and the former, which was shown unto Daniel by night upon his bed: Perer. following Theodoret.

2. But it is more probable, that this vision was sent to Daniel, now being awake: one reason is, because simply it is called a vision: there is no mention made of sleep • which is always expressed, when the vision is revealed by dream, Osiander. Oecolampadius addeth this reason further, that because Daniel made good use of the former vision, remembering it, and committing the same to writing, ampliorem gratiam accipit, he receiveth greater grace, and that which was before shown by night, now vigilans certissime agnoscit, he knoweth most certainly being awake.

Quest. 4. How Daniel is said to be in Shushan. v. 2.

1. Dyonisius Carthusianus is of opinion, that this is an inexplicable question, how Daniel at this time could be at Shushan, which was the chief seat of the kings of Persia. 2. Some do make it indifferent, whether Daniel were here corporally, or in vision only, Bul. But the objections which afterward follow do show that either of these cannot be indifferently held. 3. Pererius and Pintus following the Latin text, resolve that Daniel was there corporally, and that it is like the province Susiana at this time belonged unto Chaldea: but the text saith otherwise, that it was in the province of Elam, which was in Persia: Josephus hath the like opinion, that Daniel being at Susa, with some of his companions went into the field, and there suddenly rose a great earthquake, which scattered his companions from him, and he was left alone, and then saw this vision of the ram and the goat: But no such thing is expressed in the text, and therefore this report of Josephus hath no ground.

4. It remaineth then, that Daniel was in the palace of Shushan, only in vision: as afterward, c. 10. 4. he was beside the great river Hiddekell: corporally Daniel was not there upon these reasons. 1. because Daniel could not go whether he would being a captive, and therefore it is not like he could be suffered to be in his enemies country. 2. he was by allegiance bound to the king of Babel, and by God's ordinance was to serve him, till the years of captivity were expired, Ierem. 27. 7. 3. Daniel was in Babylon at the taking thereof by Darius, it is not like that he could be permitted to come and go to the professed enemies of the Chaldeans. 4. And that he nameth the third year of Belshazzar, it is evident he was then under the government and dominion of the Chaldeans. 5. Beside the manner of speech showeth as much: when I saw, I was in the palace of Shu • han, that is, in my vision I thought I was there, as Vatablus interpreteth: Daniel then was in Shusan not corporally, but spiritually by vision: And this vision answereth to the event, because there these things should come to pass, the Persian kings should there be conquered: for Alexander took that rich city and spoiled it.

Quest. 5. Of the city Shushan, by whom it was built, and whence so named.

1. Strabo writeth that the city Susa, as he calleth it, was first built by Tithonus the father of Memnon: Diodorus lib. 3. c. 6. maketh Memnon the first builder of it, whereupon the city was called a long time Memnonia. Pliny lib. 6. c. 27. saith it was built by Darius Hystaspes: But it is evident out of the text here, that Darius, which followed after these times could not be the builder of it. It may therefore thus be, that the city was first founded by Memnon, and then afterward enlarged by Darius.

2. Strabo also saith, lib. 15. that it was Cyrus chief city, both because it was nearer unto other provinces, which he had subdued: and for the honor of the Susians, that were most faithful to the Persians, and never fell from them.

3. It was so called of Susan, which signifieth a lily, of the pleasantness of the situation: as Ath • neaus noteth, Iun. Pol. of this Shushan, was the whole province called Susiane, Bullin.

Quest. 6. Of the situation of the city Shushan.

1. It is here said to be situate in the region or province of Elam: Jerome readeth, following Symmachus, in the city of Elam: for the word medinah, signifieth both a province and a city, both the place to the which laws and judgments are given, & the place from whence they come, that is from the chief city: But it is here taken for a province: for how could one city be said to be within another. 2. Jerome further affirmeth, that this Susan was the chief city of the Province of Elam. But Strabo, Theodoret, Josephus, do make it a part of Persia: Pliny doth devide the region Susiane, from Elemais by the river Euleus, and maketh: two Provinces of them, lib. 6. cap. 27. But all these may thus be reconciled: that both though se regions on the one side and on the other of the river Vlai, were all one, and belonged to the Province of Elam: but afterward the Susians growing famous, they were distinguished into two pro ••• ces, and both belonged to Persia, Perer. 3. This Elam was so called of Elam one of the sons of Sem, Gen. 10. 22. of whom the inhabitants were called Elamites of whom we read, Act. 2. 9. Parthians, Medes, Elamites. 4. Some take Shushan and Ecbatane for the same city, histor. Sholast. but that cannot be, for Ecbatane was the chief city of the Medes, Judith 1. 1. but Sushan was the chief city of Persia: Jerome also is in the same error: for he saith that Daniel built that great tower at Susan, where the kings of the Medes and Persians were buried: whereas Josephus saith he built it at Ecbatane in Media, who in the same place evidently distinguisheth between Ecbatane and Susan. making them two diverse cities, Josephus, lib. 10. cap. 12. So that either Jerome's memory herein failed, or else he took both those cities for one. 5. The Persian kings had beside an other city called Persepolis, where they had a most sumptuous palace made of white marble, the pillars were of gold, the roof or sealing set forth with glistering stars: which goodly Palace, Alexander at the instigation of his concubine, caused to be set on fire. 6. Of this Princely palace of Susan, where the kings of Persia made their abode, mention is made, Neh. 1. 1. Esther. 1. 1.

Quest. 7. Of the River Vlai, where Daniel had this vision.

v. 2. I was by the river Vlai. 1. Jerome readeth by the gate Vlai, as cities have diverse gates, which are named by their several names, as the gate Carmentalis in Rome: so also gloss. ordinar. but the word Vbal, doth not so signify. 2. Theodotian, whom Theodoret followeth, maketh it a proper name, by Vbal Vlai. 3. But the better reading is, by the river Vlai: for so Vbal signifieth a river: and Pliny maketh mention of the river Eulaeus that runneth by Susa, and compasseth that most famous temple of Daina there: the water of which river was had in such price, that the Persian kings only used to drink of it, and whither so ever they went, they had of this water carried with them, Plin. lib. 6. c. 27.

Quest. 8. Why Daniel nameth himself • in the first person.

1. It is the manner of the Prophets, in their several visions to express their names, as Isaiah. 2. 1. and 6. 1. so also Ierem. c. 1. 1. c. 2. 1. and in diverse other places: as Daniel in this place saith, a vision appeared unto me, even unto me Daniel, and the reason is, because the truth of such prophesies and visions dependeth upon the credit of those Prophets, to whom they were only revealed: but it is otherwise in matters of history, where the author need not insert his own name, seeing the credit of histories relieth not upon the authority of the writer, but upon the evidence and truth of the things themselves. 2. Therefore that is a weak exception, which Dyonisius of Alexandria taketh to the book of the Revelation, that it was not written by John the Evangelist, but by some other, because the Evangelist very sparingly nameth himself in the gospel: and when he doth so, he describeth himself in the third person, the disciple whom Jesus loved: for as is before shown, there is great difference between the writing of prophesies and histories: the Revelation being prophetical, it was fit the Evangelist should express his name for the credit of those visions, as the other Prophets use to do in their prophesies.

Quest. 9. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ram, v. 3.

There are three parts of this description. 1. from the similitude or comparison: they are likened to a ram. 2. by the parts, the two horns. 3. by the effects, their prevailing toward the West, North, and South.

Concerning the first, there are diverse opinions, why the Persian Monarchy should be resembled to a ram. 1. Theodoret allegeth this reason, sicut aries sua lana grauatur, as a ram is loaded with his fleece, and at the length is killed for his flesh and fleice: so the Persian Monarchy abounding in wealth, at length became a prey: But the Persians are likened to a ram in their flourishing and prosperous state, when as yet they rather preyed upon, then were a prey unto any. 2. Lyranus from the Hebrews thinketh the kingdom of the Medes to be expressed by a ram, a gentle beast, quia non multum erat infestum Iudaeis, because it was not much troublesome to the Jews. But hereby the kingdom not of the Medes only, but of the Persians is signified, who were grievous to the people of God. 3. Rupertus to the same purpose saith, the kings of Persia were as rams, quia lanis suis, id est, opibus, eundem populum fouit, &c, because with their riches as with wool, they cherished the same people of the Jews: But the most of the Persian kings, though some were more equal, did suffer the Jews to be pilled and polled. 4. Calvin yieldeth this reason, we know, quam ignobile fuerit Persarum exordium, how base and mean the beginning of the Persians was. 5. But that other reason of Calvin better satisfieth, that here the kingdom of Persia is set forth comparatively, as having relation to the kingdom of Grecia, likened to a goat, quia multo fuit agilior, & origo obscurior, because his agility was greater, and his beginning more obscure, Calvin. And the ram bringeth a great company with him, but of sheep: such were the multitude of the Persians, as sheep before Alexander, Osiander.

Quest. 10. Who are signified by the two horns, whereof one was higher then the other.

1. Some here do understand certain particular persons, as Melancthon interpreteth Cyrus to be this ram, having both Medes and Persians in his army, as the two horns thereof: Some understand this ram to be Darius, gloss. interlinear. Jerome, whom Lyranus. Hugo, Calvin, Genevens. follow, maketh Darius king of the Medes, and Cyrus king of Persia, these two horns, whereof the latter was the greater: for Cyrus grew to be greater then Darius. 2. Theodoret expoundeth these two horns to be two families of the Persian kings, the one of Cyrus, which was extinguished in Cambyses his son, the other of Darius Hystaspes: But neither of these opinions can stand: for the goat fighting with this ram, brake his two horns: Alexander overcame Darius, long after the time of the first Darius and Cyrus; these then could not be the two horns: neither was this last Darius of either of those kindreds, but was elected to the kingdom for his valor, as writeth Justinus lib. 10. though Diodorus lib. 17. make him the son of Darius Arsanes, who succeeded Ochus his brother. 3. Wherefore by these two horns are better understood the two kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, this grew to be the greater in power, though the other were the more ancient: thus the Angel expoundeth afterward, v. 20. these two horns are the kings of the Medes and Persians: Thus interpret Oecolampadius, Pelican, Osiander. Iun. Polan.

Quest. 11. Of the greatness and prosperous success of this ram.

v. 4. I saw the ram pushing against the West, and against the North, &c. 1. The kingdom of Persia being in the East, did extend it self unto the other three parts of the world, toward the West, as Babylon, Cappadocia, Asia minor, Grecia; toward the North, as Lydia, Armenia, Albania, and other Northern countries; toward the South, as Arabia, Ethiopia: and this answereth to the former vision, c. 7. 5. where the bear, which signifieth the Persian Monarchy, had three ribs or morsels in the mouth. 2. no beasts were able to withstand them: for though the Babylonians had combined themselves with the Egyptians, Thracians, Grecians, and other nations, and were in league with Croesus king of Lydia, as Herodotus testifieth, lib. 1. yet all would not help: as the Prophet Jeremiah saith, the strong men of Babel ceased to fight, they became as women, Ierem. 51. 30. 3. whereas it is said, he did what he listed, this must be understood of the Persian Monarchy in general, for some of their kings in the end had but hard success, as Cyrus with his army was slain by Queen Tomyris, and Xerxes was foiled of the Grecians, and constrained with shame to flee away: yet notwithstanding these particular losses, the Monarchy continued still, and increased in power, Calvin. Oecolamp.

Quest. 12. Of the meaning of these words, as I considered, v. 5.

The Latin translation reading, I understood, giveth occasion here of question, how Daniel is said to understand this, whereas afterward v. 16. the Angel Gabriel maketh him understand it: 1. Jerome thus interpreteth, that he had a general understanding: he was instructed by the former vision, hereby to understand the change and commutation of kingdoms: so also Lyranus. gloss. ordinar. Theodoret expoundeth it of Daniel's desire to understand. 2. But all this question and doubt is removed by the right translating of the words: I considered, or marked, the word is mabin, eram perpendens, as I weighed and considered, Montan.

Quest. 13. Why the kingdom of the Grecians is resembled to a goat.

1. Pererius thinketh the Grecians are so resembled, ob sagacitatem & acumen ingenij, for their subtlety and sharpness of wit: as the goat is noted to have a sharp and piercing eye. 2. Some think that the Grecians are here taxed for their wanton games and plays, to the which they were given: as the goat is known by his skipping and leaping, Melanct. Bulling. 3. Polanus thinketh because Daniel saw a kid of the goats, as the words are, that is, a young sucking kid, that the weakness of the Macedonian strength is thereby signified, which was far inferior to the power of the Persians. 4. Junius and Pintus think Alexanders youth to be thereby insinuated, who was not above 20. year old, when he took in hand these wars. 5. Junius further noteth hereby the education of Alexander in all liberal arts: because he is resembled to a sucking kid: But the personal qualities and properties of Alexander, are set forth in the horn, the goat signifieth the kingdom it self of Grecia. 6. Some do by this resemblance note the intemperance of the Grecians: whereof this was an evident argument, that a certain common strumpet among the Greeks, having set up a building for a public and common use, one added this title, ex intemperancia Graecorum, by the intemperance of the Greeks, Osiander. And as this was the fault of the whole nation, so the like vice reigned in their kings: Philip was slain for his Veneri • , and Alexander died of a surfeit, or as some think, was poisoned at a banket, Melancthon. Lyranus further addeth this story; that there was a virgin sent to Alexander, which had been nourished with poison, to the intent, that Alexander coming unto her might be poisoned: but Aristotle perceiving it by her gesture, and the casting of her eyes, gave Alexander warning thereof: he allegeth for this story the book of the secrets of • ecrets, but it seemeth to be of no great credit. 7. But the best conjecture why this similitude is used, is that of Theodoret, quia ariete velocior est hircus, because the goat is nimbler then the ram: so also Calvin, and this reason is warranted by the text, he touched not the ground, which signifieth the great celerity which Alexander and the Grecians used, as though he touched not the ground as he went: as the goat skippeth and bounseth as he goeth: for so Alexander made such hast, as that he seemed to run, or rather fly over the world, in the space of six years ouerrunning the most famous kingdoms: He being asked how he obtained such great victories, made answer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he deferred no opportunity: And when he was to encounter with Darius army at Granicum, Permenion persuaded him to stay till the next day; but he presently passing over the river, set upon the Persians with happy success.

Quest. 14. Of Alexander the great, signified by the horn between the eyes, his birth, education, exploits, death, and ende.

1. Alexander was borne, not as Solinus in the 385. year after the building of Rome, which falleth into the 103. Olympiad: nor as Orosius in the 402. year of the building of Rome, which was after the 107. Olympiad: But Eusebius better casteth the time, who placeth Alexanders death at 33. years of his age, in the first year of the 114. Olympiad: so that his birth falleth out in the 1. or 2. year of the 106. Olympiad: so also Perer. Bullinger in his tables of chronologie: the same day that he was borne, the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set one fire, which the Magicians interpreted to signify, that one was then borne which should set fire on all Asia.

2. Alexander at 15. years of age was committed by his father to Aristotle's tuition and instruction, with whom he spent 5. years in the learning of arts and other knowledge meet for a king, Justin. lib. 12.

3. At 20. years, not 24. as Orosius, Alexander began his reign, the first year he subdued Thracia, Grecia, and other countries adjoining, the second year he overcame Darius at Granicum, and so possessed Asia: the 3. year he vanquished the Persians again in the straits of Silicia: in the 4. year he went into Phenicia, Egypt, Judea, a • d came to Jerusalem, where he met Iaddua the high priest, and adored him, and was encouraged by a vision to go against the Persians: in the 5. or rather the 6. year he finally vanquished Darius, and all the power of the Persians: the 6. years following he subdued many nations even unto the river Ganges, and the Indian Ocean.

4. Concerning the time and years of his reign, they were neither (as Eusebius ) six, or as Diodorus, seven: or as Arrianus eight, or as Liuius thirteen, as Tertullian ten, or as Strabo, an eleauen: Justinus giveth unto him, 14. years, Clemens Alexandrinus 18. years, lib. 1. stromat. But he reigned 12. years and odd months, as Theodoret, so also Bulling. Perer. and so is it testified, 1. Macchab. 1. 6. that Alexander reigned 12. years.

5. He died at Babylon some write of a surfeit, some of poison, in the year of his age 32. as Jerome, not 34. as Justinus, or 33. as Rupertus: he lived 32. years, and reigned 12. years and odd months.

Quest. 15. Of the victory of Alexander against Darius, described by the goats overcoming of the ram.

1. Alexander encountered Darius forces in three great battles, first at Granicum where with 32000. footmen, and 4050. horsemen, he overcame 600000. Persians. After that Alexander discomfited Darius host at Issum in Silicia, consisting of 300000. footmen, and an 100000. horsemen, in which battle there were slain 80000. footmen, & 10000. horsemen, and 40. thousand taken prisoners, among the which were Darius wife, his sister, and daughters: The third & last battle was at Alexanders return out of Egypt, where he built the famous city Alexandria, when at Arbela, Darius met him with 400000. footmen, and an 100000. horsemen, where the power of Persia was fully overthrown: and Darius was slain by Bessus one of his own captains, whom Alexander for that fact commanded to be rent asunder, being tied to the tops of trees, Orosius lib. 3. c. 16. 17.

2. So Alexander broke the two horns of the ram, that is, overcame the power of the Medes and Persians: first at Issum he subdued the Persian forces, then in the last battle he conquered the Medes with other Northern nations, as the Caspians, Iberians, Albanians, whom Darius had hired to assist him in this battle, Iun. Analys.

3. Whereas it is said, there was none to deliver the ram out of the power of the goat, thereby is shown, that there was no means, by force or other to help Darius: for in these 3. battles Darius brought not less then 15. hundred thousand against Alexander, and yet it auayled him nothing: Darius also attempted Alexander with promise of great gifts, and of part of the kingdom, and the marriage of his daughter: But Alexander would accept of no conditions, unless Darius would have resigned unto him the whole kingdom: he answered him, that the world could not bear two kings, Oecolamp.

4. He is said also to cast him down to the ground, and stamp upon him, that is, Alexander made none account of the Persian glory, and riches, who at the instance of his concubine, caused the most goodly palace in the world at Persepolis to be set on fire, Calvin.

Quest. 16. v. 8. Of the breaking of this great horn, and of the death of Alexander.

Three things are worthy of observation in Alexanders death. 1. the time. 2. the causes. 3. the manner of his death.

1. When Alexander was at the greatest, and was returned from the conquest of the Indians, as of king Porus, and Ambira, and purposed to pass over into Greece, and into the West parts, he died in the way at Babylon, where ambassadors from all nations in the world expected him, from Carthage, and Africa, Spain, France, Sicilia, Sardinia.

2. The causes of this sudden judgment which befell him, may be thought to be the great vices, which he fell into in the last three years of his reign, having in the former 8. years, shown himself an example of a good prince: The • e four great sins he was touched withal, cruelty, he killed diverse of his friends in his drunkenness, which was another vice: then he was given unto lust and wantonness: his pride also was such, that he would be worshipped as a God, and made himself Jupiter Ammon’s son: for which cause he commanded Calisthenes to be killed, because he refused to worship him: for these his great enormities the divine justice overtook him, and judged him.

3. The manner of his death some think was by poison: but the most agree that he died of a surfeit: he feasted at a Physicians house a Thessalian, one of his friends, and continued all the next day quaffing and drinking unto midnight, and thorough this distemperature he fell into a burning fever, and after few days died at Babylon, and had no time to return into his own country: thus write of him, Justinus, Arrianus, Curtius, Plutarke.

Quest. 17. Of the four horns which came up in the stead of this great horn.

1. These four horns were four kingdoms into the which the Monarchy of Alexander was divided: in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtained the kingdom of Babylon, and Syria: in the West Cassander and Antipater the kingdom of Macedonia: in the North Antigonus held Asia minor, in the South Ptolemy obtained Egypt. 2. the Rabbin's do not agree among themselves what these four horns should be: Some of them as R. Saadiah maketh these the four horns, one Romanus at Rome, the second Alexander in Alexandria, the third Arideus in Achaia, the fourth Antiochus in Antiochia: Ab. Ezra thinketh they be the four kingdoms, of Rome, Egypt, the land of Israel, Persia: But both these opinions are evidently convinced by the text: for the Angel afterward interpreteth these four horns to be four kingdoms which should stand up of the nation of the Grecians, v. 22. 3. Pererius also is deceived, who appointeth but three successors to Alexander, Ptolemy in Egypt, Seleucus in Syria, and Antigonus in Macedonia, whereas he succeeded in Asia, and Cassander after Antipater in Macedonia.

Quest. 18. When these four kingdoms did arise, after the great horn was broken.

1. The author of the history of the Maccabees affirmeth, that Alexander being sick, parted his kingdom among his servants, while he was yet alive, 1. Macchab. 1. 7. But this is contrary to all other historiographers, Justinus, Diodorus, Curtius, Arrianus, Orosius, Josephus: who all affirm that this was the cause of the long war among Alexanders captains after his death, because he had appointed none to succeed him. 2. Pererius to justify the Apochryphall story of the Maccabees, thus helpeth the matter, that Alexander being at the point of death, when he could not speak, did resign his ring unto Perdiccas, to whom the rest of the captains at the persuasion of Aristonus did yield the chief dominion, and so in that by his authority the four kingdoms were divided to the rest, it was in effect done by Alexander, who had resigned the kingdom unto Perdiccas, while he lived: But this agreeth not with the true history▪ for after Alexanders death, not Perdiccas, but Arideus the brother of Alexander succeeded, and Perdiccas was but viceroy: neither was there any peaceable division of the kingdom, but after much contention and bloody wars, wherein 15. of Alexanders captains were slain, Polan. 3. Some think that presently after Alexanders death, the captains made this distribution among themselves, and divided the kingdom into four parts, gloss. ordinar. but that is not so: for after Alexanders death, Philippus Arideus succeeded, and Perdiccas was protector or viceroy, until Roxane Alexanders wife had brought forth Alexander his son, and then Philistio was protector of the kingdom: But Arideus was killed by Olympias Alexanders mother; and Alexander his son with Roxane his mother, and Hercules another son of Alexanders with Barsan • his mother were killed by Cassander: so immediately after Alexanders death this division could not be made. 4. Wherefore the truth is, that a long time after Alexanders death, there was contention among Alexanders captains for the kingdom, Orosius saith 14. years: And then these four captains prevailing, divided the kingdom among them as is shown in the former question: And as Eusebius writeth the kingdom of Syria begun the 11. year after the death of Alexander.

Quest. 19. Who was this little horn, v. 9.

1. This little horn was Antiochus Epiphanes, that is, noble or famous Antiochus, or rather as Polybius calleth him, Epimanes, the furious or mad Antiochus: he came out of one of the four horns, namely, of Seleucus Nicanor, being the eight of that race, which are thus reckoned, Seleucus Nicanor, Antiochus Soter, Antiochus Theos, Seleucus Callinicus, Seleucus Ceraunus, Antiochus Magnus, Seleucus Philopator, and then succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes brother to the said Seleucus, and younger son to Antiochus the great. 2. Jerome then is here deceived, who maketh this Antiochus the son of Seleucus Philopator, being indeed his brother. 3. He is called a little horn▪ not in respect of other kingdoms, then whom he was mightier: but in these respect • , 1. because he had no title to the kingdom at the first, being the younger brother, and Seleucus his elder brother had also an issue male Demetrius, Polan. 2. he was a long time an hostage at Rome, and lived as a private man, Perer. 3. he was of a servile and flattering nature, and had no princely quality, and condition in him.

Quest. 20. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horn.

Three effects are described. 1. his attempts against other nations. 2. his violence against the people of God. 3. his blasphemy and profaneness against God himself.

1. He attempted much against the South, namely▪ against Egypt, upon this occasion: Ptolomeus Epiphanes married Cleopatra daughter unto Antiochus the great, sister unto this Antiochus Epiphanes, by whom he had Ptolemy Philometor, who being a child, Antiochus took upon him the tuition of him and his realm: but under that color his meaning was to hold the kingdom of Egypt to himself: Then the Egyptians craved help of the Romans, who sent C • ius Popilius, who discharged Antiochus out of Egypt, making a circle with his rod at his feet, requiring Antiochus present answer before he went any further.

2. He raged also against the people of God the Jews, whose country is called the pleasant land, because of the knowledge and worship of God, as it is in that sense called the joy of the whole earth, Psal. 48. 2. In two expeditions which he made against Egypt, in both of his returns from thence he invaded Jerusalem, and put the Jews to the sword. At the first time he was received by Jason the high Priest, and in his second return by wicked Menelaus: Thus he raged against the host of heaven, the people of God, who are as the Lord's host militant here in earth: and he cast down some of the stars to the ground, which some understand generally to be the people of the Jews, Hugo. some the chief and famous men, Cal. Polan. But rather by stars are understood the excellent professors of the Church, whom he caused some to forsake their faith, some to be tormented, as the mother with her 7. sons, 2. Macc. 2. 7. thus the casting down of the stars is understood, Apoc. 12. 4. Bulling.

3. Then followeth the third effect, his profaneness and irreligion against God, who is called the prince of the host of his Church, hereof there are four wicked and vile fruits. 1. the daily sacrifices should be taken away, with other ceremonies of religion, the Sabbaths violated, God's service and worship intermitted. 2. The Sanctuary was defiled, and the abhominable Idol of Jupiter Olympus set up in the place of the worship of God. 3. many of the Jews revolted from the faith, and so the army, that is the Church militant was betrayed into the hands of Antiochus, v. 12. 4. he cast down the truth, that is destroyed the law, defacing and burning the books of the law, 1. Macchab. 1. 59. Bulling.

Quest. 21. Of the meaning of these words, v. 12. the army was given up with the daily sacrifice by iniquity.

There are diverse readings of this verse. 1. Some translate the word, tzeba, time, thus reading, a time shall be given over the daily sacrifice for the iniquity, Calv. Mercer. in Job. 7. v. 1. Genev. But seeing the same word tzeba is taken for an host or army, v. 10. it is not convenient to alter the signification here. 2. Some other read, robur ei datum est, &c. power was given him against the daily sacrifice, &c. so the Latin and Perer. Pint. Pap. Osiander. but this reading likewise is refused upon the former reason, because the same word is otherwise taken before. 3. It remaineth then that this is the true sense and reading: the host was given up with the daily sacrifice (Bul. Vat.) or against the daily sacrifice, I. Pol. by iniquity or treachery. 4. This defection, treachery, or iniquity, some understand generally of the Jews & iniquity of the people, for the which they were punished, and deprived of the daily sacrifice, Cal. Genev. some refer it more specially to the sins of the Priests and people (in corrupting and defiling of the service and worship of God) committed against the daily sacrifice, for the which they were worthily delivered up, Vatab. But here seemeth to be special relation to the treachery of the Priests, by whom the city and temple was betrayed, as first by Jason, afterward by Menelaus, who buying the high Priests place for money, neglected the Temple and the service thereof, transgressed the laws, and preferred the games and plays of the Gentiles, as is more at large declared, 2. Macch. 4.

22. Quest. Of the meaning of the word Palmoni, v. 13.

1. Some retain the Hebrew word Palmoni, as the Septuag. but it was not a proper name of this great Angel, to whom the other Angel spake, it was a title rather or epithet given him, that admirable or excellent Angel, as Vatab. 2. Some do take this word as derived of these two words, peloni almoni, which signifieth a certain one unknown: as Ruth 4. 1. peloni almoni, ho, such an one, come hither: But this Angel being spoken unto as the superior, and the other Angel which asked the question being set forth by the title of holy one; it is not like that this great Angel the reuealer of secrets, should be expressed by such a mean term. 3. Therefore this palmoni, is understood of Christ, who is the reuealer of secrets: and it signifieth one which hath things secret in number or account, Iun. some derive it of pala, wonderful, and almoni, a certain one: so it should signify one admirable or wonderful, Oecolampad. some of pala, and ghalam, which signifieth to hide, he that hideth things secret, Polan. but the best derivation is, of pala, wonderful or secret, and manah to number: so Palmoni is he which hath all • ecrets in number and account, Pap. and so interpreteth Junius.

Quest. 23. What Angel that was, unto whom one of the Angels spake.

1. This whom Daniel calleth one of the Saints, was no doubt one of the Angels, and most like to be the Angel Gabriel, because he is bidden afterward by name to cause Daniel to understand the vision, Bulling. 2. But concerning the other, who is called Palmoni, unto whom the Angel spake, some questiō is who it should be: Perer. and Pintus do suppose it was some superior Angel: and thereupon Pererius would ground his speculative conceit of the Hierarchy of Angels, that some are inferior and ministering spirits, some are superior and give direction unto the other. 3. But this great Angel, called Palmoni, was (no doubt) Christ himself the Prince of the Angels: for so he is called, Isaiah. 9. 7. peleh, wonderful, whence this name Palmoni is derived, Cal. Bulling. 4. Now this Angel that asked the question, did it not of any curiosity, as the disciples inquired of Christ, Act. 1. and therefore are reproved, but the Angel for the instruction of Daniel, for the common good of the Church, desireth to know this secret.

Quest. 24. Of the time prescribed, v. 14. of 2300. days, how it is to be taken.

1. R. Leu • by so many days would have understood so many years, beginning from the time of Saul, which he calleth the morning, because then the kingdom of Israel flourished, and by the evening he understandeth the taking away of the kingdom: from thence to the third reparation of the Sanctuary he would have counted 2300. years, when he saith the Temple should be built the third time again, and after that never to be destroyed: But this Rabbi herein is a false Prophet, for from Saul's reign there have run 2600. years, and yet this their third Temple, which they dreamed of, is not raised. 2. R Saadia by these 2300. days would understand so many months, for so he counteth an 180. years from the beginning of the kingdom of the Greeks unto Antiochus: whereas it is evident, 1. Mac. 1. 21. that Antiochus came against Jerusalem in the 143. year, Oecol. and beside, whereas it is said in the text, unto the evening and morning, it is evident, that neither months or years are here to be understood, but so many natural days: Cal. Theodoret by the evening understandeth the beginning of their calamity, by the morning the ende thereof: but the phrase of Scripture showeth, that thereby the natural day is comprehended, which consisteth of the day and night. As Gen. 1. throughout the chapter, the evening & morning were the first day, and the second day, so the rest. 3. It remaineth then, that by these 2300. days, so many days precisely must be understood, which make 6. years 3. months & 20. days, counting 365. days to a year, Bulling. 4. Some do here read only a 1300. days, Osian, So also read Montanus, and Pagnin: but the Hebrew word alephaijm, being put in the dual number, signifieth two thousand, Vatab. Iun. Polan. Oecolamp.

Quest. 25. When this term of 2300. began and ended.

1. Melancthon beginneth this term in the year of the kingdom of the Greeks, an 145. and endeth it in the year 151. when Nicanor and his army were destroyed, and the whole land recovered: but seeing evident mention is made, that Antiochus began to afflict Jerusalem in the 143. year, 1. Mac. 1. 21. this teame must not take beginning after that: and seeing also that all this desolation is prophesied to happen under Antiochus Epiphanes, who was this little horn, this term must not be extended after the death of Antiochus, who died in the 149. year, 1. Mac. 6. 16.

2. Some do begin this term in the 143. year, when Antiochus went proudly into the Sanctuary, and took away the golden altar, 1. Mac. 1. 23. And so this term of 6. years, shall determine in the 148. year when Judas Macchabeus recovered the city, & purged the Temple: then the 3. months and odd days are counted over and about to finish the purging & sanctifying of the Temple, Bull, Pererius extendeth them to the death of Antiochus, which was in the 149. year. But this account cannot stand: for from the beginning of the 143. year, to the purging of the Sanctuary by Judas, which was in the ninth month Chisleu, the 25. day, in the 148. year, is not 6. years, there wanteth 3. months and 5. days.

3. Calvin will have the six years to ende in the month Chisleu, in which month the temple was polluted: but 3. months after the month Chisle • , the six years being expired, it was cleansed, in the month Adar: and he noteth for this 1. Macchab. 4. 36. But there is no such thing observed concerning any particular time: the contrary is evident in the 52. v. following, that in the month Chisleu (not Adar ) the temple was cleansed, in the 148. year, as three years before it had been defiled in the same month, in the 15. of Chisleu.

4. Junius, whom Polanus followeth, beginneth this time in the 142. year, the sixth month, and 6. day: and so the full sum of 6. years, 3. months, and 20. days, will come out in the 148. year, in the ninth month, the 25. day. He beginneth the reckoning of this desolation of Jerusalem, when Menclaus with other wicked men, first obtained license of the king to follow the ordinances of the heathen, 1. Mac. 1. 14. and 2. Mac. 4. 25. And this seemeth to be the best account: for though it cannot be precisely gathered out of the story of the Maccabees, when this term of a 2300. years began, it must have a perfect ende at the cleansing of the Sanctuary, which was in the 148. year, on the 25. day of the ninth month Chisleu: Pererius answereth, that it is not necessary to understand that this cleansing of the Sanctuary should be in the very ende, sed prope finem, but toward the ende: But the contrary is evident out of the text, that after the 2300. days, then shall the Sanctuary be cleansed: But they which begin the six years in the 143. year, cannot ende this term at such time as the Sanctuary was cleansed, but extend it further.

5. Some, as Pererius noteth, to make this term ende just at the cleansing of the Sanctuary, do read, a 2200. days: but this is an evident controlling of the text, which speaketh of a 2300. days.

6. Pappus indifferently summeth these days, either from the first spoiling of the city, in the 143. year, and so they shall ende in Antiochus death; or from the setting up of the abomination of desolation, in the 145. year, in the month Chisleu, 1. Macchab. 1. 57. and then they shall ende in the overthrow and subversion of Nicanor and his host, which was two years after Antiochus death: But this being a prophetical prediction, must have a certain and definite accomplishment, it cannot indifferently be taken two ways: I prefer therefore the fourth interpretation as the best.

7. Now whereas c. 7. 25. there are assigned a time, two times, and a part, that is 3. years and 10. days for the desolation of the Sanctuary, but here the sum of 2300. days maketh six years, 3. months, 20. days: This must be understood of all the time from the first defection or falling away of the people by the procurement of wicked Menelaus, which was in the 42. year, as is before shown; and then followeth Antiochus first coming to Jerusalem, when he laid wast the city and spoiled the people, in the 143. year: but the 3. years must begin from the second coming of Antiochus in the 145. year, when he set up the abomination of desolation: And therefore here menion is not made only of the iniquity of desolation, and treading down of the Sanctuary, but of the army also, that is, the Lord's people and the city, Polan.

8. Herein also appeareth God's mercy, who now afflicteth his people in measure, he fulfilleth not (all out) seven years in the desolation of the city and temple, whereas before he punished them with a captivity of seventy years, Oecolampad.

Quest. 26. When the kingdom of the Greeks, so often mentioned in the book of the Maccabees took beginning.

1. Lyranus is of opinion, that the reign of the Greeks should begin from the death of Alexander, comment. in 1. lib. Macchab. c. 1. But this cannot be, for after Alexanders death, for the space of 13. or 14. years, there was no certain succession of the kingdom, Alexanders captains one warring against another, till those four kingdoms of Macedonia, Asia, Egypt, Syria, were settled.

2. Johannes Annius is yet more bold, and controlleth those numbers set down in the story of the Maccabees, that whereas Antiochus is said to begin his reign in the 137. year of the kingdom of the Greeks, he saith it was the 153. year, from the death of Alexander, from whence the kingdom of the Greeks must be counted in his opinion: And he further affirmeth that those numbers in those books of: the Maccabees, were not inserted by the author of that story, but by Josephus: But though the book of the Maccabees is not received as Canonical for any matter of faith or doctrine, yet it may be esteemed of for matter of story: and therefore it is great boldness therein to contradict the same: And he in this his censure giveth unto Antiochus 16. years, whereas he is held to have reigned but 12. year: he began to reign in the year 137. and died in the 149. year, 1. Mac. 6. 16.

3. Therefore these years of the kingdom of the Greeks must begin from the reign of Seleucus in Syria, not from the death of Alexander, as may thus be gathered. 1. whereas Antiochus polluted the Sanctuary in the 145. year, if this time were taken from Alexanders death, it should be the 157. or 159. year, for so long it was after Alexanders death. 2. Beside, Josephus lib. 12. antiquit. cap. 7. saith, that this 145. year did concur with the 153. Olympiads: then cannot this account begin from the death of Alexander, which was in the first year of the 114. Olympiad: from thence to the 153. Olympiad, are 39. Olympiads, which make an 156. years, whereas it was but the 145. year from the beginning of the reign of the Seleucians.

Quest. 27. Why the kingdom of the Greeks, is counted from the reign of the Seleucians.

1. Though Alexander were the first king of the Greeks, and founder of that Empire, v. 21. yet his reign is not counted, because the kingdom descended not to his posterity, as the kingdom of the Seleucians did: for there were many descents in the same family, until the kingdom was dissolved by the Romans.

2. And whereas it may be objected, that there was a descent and succession in the other kingdoms, but especially of the Ptolomees in Egypt, whose race continued longer, then the Seleucians in Syria: yet these have the name of the kingdom, because the were mightier then the rest, and they had chiefly to do with the people of God, whom the history of the Maccabees specially concerneth.

3. Further whereas the kingdom of the Seleucians was not in any part of Greece, but in Syria and Chaldea, yet it is called the kingdom of the Grecians, because the Seleucians had their beginning from thence, and used the language, customs, superstitions of the Greeks, Perer.

Quest. 28. Of the man Gabriel.

1. Some do take this to be an excellent name, common to all Angels: it signifieth the strength or power of God: but it is evident, Luk. 1. 19. where this Angel Gabriel was sent to the vigin Marie, that it was the proper name of an Angel, Iun. commentar. 2. But Gregory well noteth that Angels are not called by names in respect of themselves, as though they could not be discerned, but by their several names, in that celestial city where they enjoy the vision of God, sed cum ad nos aliquid ministraturi veniunt, &c. but when they come unto us to minister, they do take their names of their ministry and office, &c. as here this Angel is called Gabriel, the strength of God, because he was employed in the defense of the Church against the enemies thereof. 3. But this further must be considered, that this Angel is not so called, ab essentiali potentia dei, from the essential power of God, but of that power which was given him to execute the Lord's commandment. Iun. 4. And this is the only name given unto Angels in Scripture: for the name Michael, which signifieth one as God, is ascribed unto Christ, who is equal unto God: As for the other names, Raphael, Ieremiel, Sammael, they are but the devised terms of men, inserted in the Apochryphall books, but not to be found in the Canonical Scriptures, Polan. Iun.

Quest. 29. v. 16. Upon these words, make this man to understand the vision: whether Angels can give us understanding.

1. The Angels of themselves have no power to infuse understanding into the mind of man: but he only which hath created the heart of man, can give unto it understanding: And the Angels themselves cannot understand the secrets and mysteries of God, unless it be given unto them, as here the Angel called an holy one, inquired of Palmoni, which is Christ, the meaning of this vision, v. 13. 2. yet when it pleaseth God to use the ministry of Angels, they may help to make a way for our better understanding, as he which openeth the window, may be said to give light unto the house, yet it is the sun properly that giveth light: So the Son of righteousness illuminateth our hearts, the Angels may help to prepare the way, Polan. 3. But in this place the Angel doth not by any secret infusion open Daniel's understanding, but by a manifest and clear interpretation of the vision: and so the Lord useth the ministry of men in the preaching of the gospel, to open the hearts of the hearers.

Quest. 30. v. 29. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia.

1. Though there were other kings of Macedonia, which is a part of Greece, before Alexander, as Philip, with others; yet Alexander here compared to an horn for strength, is said to be the first king, namely of the Monarchy, Osiander, the first king of the Grecians, that overcame the Medes and Persians, Polan. 2. And here it must be observed, that the two first kingdoms are likened unto beasts, the rest unto the horns of beasts, because they did issue out of the other, as the horns came out of the beast. 3. And by the horns we must understand, the kings together with their kingdoms, Osiander. 4. Lyranus giveth this reason, why Alexander is called the first, because before him the kings were nullius momenti, of no account or fame: He was the first notable king: But he is so called, not only in respect of his name or fame, but of his power and conquest, as is before touched.

Quest. 31. Of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise up: in the latter ende of their kingdom.

1. Some do thus expound the word, beacharith, procedente tempore, during the time of these kingdoms, Iun. annot. Polan. but the same word, v. 19. they interpret extremitatem, the extremity of wrath, or the last wrath: therefore it is not fit in this place to give it another interpretation.

2. Some read in the ende of their kingdom, Genevens. that is toward the ende of the kingdom of the Macedonians, or Greeks, Vatab. So also readeth the Latin, post regnum illorum, after their kingdom: But this cannot be understood of the ende of the kingdom of the Grecians, or Seleucians: for when Anciochus Epiphanes rose up, there were more which succeeded in that family after him, then went before him: for in all there were 18. kings of Seleucus posterity, in the which number Antiochus Epiphanes was the 8. king of that family, so that ten succeeded him: Antioch us Eupator, Demetrius Soter, Alexander Epiphanes, Demetrius Nicanor, Antiochus Sedetes, Antiochus Gryphus, Antiochus Cyzicenus, Seleucus the son of Gryphus, Antiochus Pius, whom Tigranes expelled, Antiochus Asiaticus, whom Pompey deprived. And further whereas the kingdom of the Seleucians continued 270. years, as Appianus, and Antiochus began to reign in the 137. year, and died in the 149. year, 1. Macchab. 6. 16. there remained yet after Antiochus death an 120. years of the reign of the Seleucians: Antiochus Epiphanes then could not come in the ende of that kingdom.

3. Lyranus making Antiochus a type of Antichrist, understandeth the final end and dissolution of the Greek Empire, when the fourth Monarchy of the Romans began: for the kingdom of Antichrist, quodam modo pertinet ad regnum Romanum, belongeth after a sort to the kingdom of the Romans: But seeing it is confessed of all, that historically this vision and prophesy was first fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes, though typically it be referred unto Antichrist: then first this must historically be applied to the time of the rising up of Antiochus.

4. Bullinger here understandeth the ende of the Macedonian kingdom, for so Antiochus Epiphanes, began to reign in the 4. year of Perses the last king, who reigned a 11. years, in the last whereof he was overcome and taken by P. Aemilius, and Macedonia was brought to be a Province: But this interpretation agreeth not with the text, which saith, that in the ende of their kingdom, &c. a king of fierce countenance shall stand up: it is evident then that he meaneth that kingdom out of which this fierce king should come, which was the kingdom of the Seleucians.

5. Calvin thus interpreteth, in the ende of their kingdom, that is, vbi ad summum peruenerint, when they are come to the height, and begin to decline: for after Antiochus Epiphanes, the glory and power of that kingdom begun to decay: But that is not said properly to be the end of a kingdom, when the power thereof is somewhat altered only, the regal authority still remaining.

6. Therefore the best reading is, posteris temporibus, in the latter times of this kingdom, so is the word acharith taken, Gen. 49. 1. c. 2. 28. see before c. 2. quest. 31. cum regna illa aliquantum temporis constiterint, when those kingdoms have continued some while: and the better part of the time of their continuance was past: for Antiochus came in the 137. year, which was toward both the latter, and the decaying times of that kingdom: for there remained an 120. years of that kingdom, not so much time, as was already fulfilled, Iun. commentar.

Quest. 32. The description of Antiochus and of his doings.

He is described. 1. by the time of his rising up. 2 his qualities. 3. condition and state. 4. his acts and exploits. 5. by his ende.

1. The time is expressed, when the iniquities, or defection, or falling away is perfected, which some understand generally when the iniquities of the people were increased, Lyranus. Hugo. then God would raise up one to punish them. Some refer it to the professed enemies of the Church of God, when they should be multiplied: But there is special reference had to the general defection and falling away from religion, unto gentilisme, as is declared, 1. Macchab. 1. v. 12. v. 43. and c. 2. v. 15. And the ringleaders of this apostasy were Jason, who bought the high Priests place of Antiochus for money, and Menelaus who by the like bribery obtained it, Jason being expelled: which wicked men procured the Greek plays to be set up in Jerusalem, and sent money to Tyrus for a sacrifice to Hercules, and followed the abhominable fashion of the heathen: as it is more at large shown. 2. Macchab. 4.

2. He is set forth by his adjuncts. 1. he shall be of an hard countenance, that is, of an impudent face, a shameless man. 2. he shall understand dark sentences, which some expound thus, he shall cause by his doings this dark vision to be understood, as being fulfilled in him, Hugo. But hereby rather is signified his craft and cunning, he should be most subtle and politic to contrive his purpose.

3. His state is set forth, his power shall be mighty, but not in his strength: which some expound, 1. his strength shall not be like Alexanders, Genevens. 2. or astutior erit quam potentior, he shall be more crafty then powerful: grassabitur per frauds, he shall proceed by craft, not by strength, Calvin. so also Iun. annot. 3. Hugo following the interlin. gloss. giveth this sense, not in his own strength, but of God's, for he could not so have prospered unless God's will had been so, for the punishment of his people. 4. not in his own strength, sed Satanae virtute, but by the power of Satan, gloss. ordinar. ex Gregor. 5. But the meaning rather is this, he seduced others, quorum viribus abuteretur, whose power he should abuse to help himself: for both he was helped by the treachery of the high Priests, Jason, and Menelaus, Bulling. and he had also the help of foreign kings, Eumenes, and Attalus, as Appian in Syriacis. Polan.

4. His acts and exploits are of two sorts, either against men, or against God himself: Against men. 1. he shall destroy wonderfully, which Hugo referreth to Antiochus obscure beginning, that he suddenly should rise to so great power: Oecolampadins understandeth it of his wonderful cruelty, who in three days slue 80. thousand in Jerusalem, 40. thousand were put in bands, and as many sold: But it may more fitly be understood of his deceit and craft, whereby he wonderfully prospered: for he procured the death of his father Antiochus, and then of his elder brother Seleucus, and then defeated also Seleucus son of the kingdom. 2. he shall destroy the mighty and holy people, Gregory understandeth here, mente inuictos, those which were strong and invincible in mind, whom he corporally overcame, as the mother with the seven children, and other of the Saints, Lyranus. Hugo understandeth the Jews which were strong and mighty, auxilio dei, by the strength of God before: this showeth rather, that he should not only prosper against the people of God, but subdue other strong nations also, as the Egyptians, with other people, Calv. Polan. 3. A third effect is, that he should so by his policy and craft prevail, winning some by flattery and bribes, others by fraud and deceit, that he should thereby wax wonderful insolent and proud above measure: in so much, as that he should think to command the floods, and to weigh the mountains in a balance. 4. He shall in peace destroy many: 1. some read in copia rerum, in the abundance of things: which Hugo understandeth of his gifts: Lyranus: of his power given him of God. 2. but the word shalvah signifieth peace: Calvin expoundeth, that he shall per quietem quasi per ludum, by peace, and at his ease, and as in sport, without any difficulty prevail: some give this sense, that he shall set upon men which were in peace, nihil opinantes, thinking nothing: but the meaning is, he shall under color and pretense of peace destroy many: for so he invaded Egypt under pretense to be gardiane to the young king, his nephewe: so he gave peaceable words unto the Jews, who gave credit to him, and he entered the city, and put them to the sword, 1. Macch. 1. 31, 32. 2. Then followeth his insolency against God himself, he should stand up against the prince of princes: for so he set up in despite of God the abhominable idol of Jupiter Olympus in the temple.

The fifth and last part of the description is of his ende: he shall be broken down without hand, that is of man, he died by the stroke of God's hand, of a most incurable disease, 2. Macchab. c. 9. which is now to be handled more at large in the next question.

33. Quest. Of some difference in the story of the Maccabees concerning the death of Antiochus.

There are some differences, which seem to admit some reasonable satisfaction, but some other there are, which cannot be reconciled.

The differences of the first sort are these. 1. whereas the narration of the death of Antiochus is set forth in three places, 1. Macch. c. 6. 2. Macch. c. 1. and c. 9. in the 1. Macch. c. 6. v. 1. it is said, that Antiochus would have spoiled the rich temple in the city Elymais: and yet, 2. Macch. c. 9. it is said to be the city Persepolis, the temple whereof he would have spoiled: Pererius here answereth, that it was in deed the city Susa in the Province of Elymais, the temple whereof he would have robbed; which is called Persepolis a city of Persia: though he confesseth, that there was a city of that name, but that was destroyed by Alexander; he himself, with his captains being drunken, at the instigation of Thais his concubine, set fire unto it with his own hands. Contr. But a better answer may be found out: that the words are not to be read, he heard that Elymais in the country of Persia, was a city greatly renowned for riches, as the Latin translator readeth, whom our English translations follow: but the Greek text standeth thus, he heard, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that there was in Elymais in the region of Persia, a city. So Elymais, is not the name of the city, but of the country which belonged to Persia, where this city was. And Persepolis is known to have been the proper name of a city, which though it had been destroyed by Alexander above an 150. years before this, yet it might, and is like in all this time to have been repaired again.

2. Whereas 1. Macch. 6. 5. it is said, that one brought him tidings into Persia, how his armies were discomfited in Judea: and 2. Macch. 9. 3. it is said the news was brought him to Ecbatane, which is in Media, not in Persia, Tob. 3. 7. Pererius giveth this satisfaction, that the messenger might first come into Persia, but not finding the king there, he went to Ecbatane.

3. 1. Macch. 6. 4. the Latin translator readeth, he came again to Babylon: but 2. Macch. 9. 28. it is said, he died in a strange country among the mountains: he could not die in a strange country being at Babylon, for that was his own country. This doubt also may easily be removed by amending the translation: the words in the original are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he was to return to Babylon, Iun. Vatab. in animo habuit, &c. it was in his mind to return to Babylon, Perer. but the Latin translation is, reversus est in Babyloniam, he returned to Babylon: which reading if they will stand unto, this contradiction cannot be reconciled.

4. 1. Macch. 6. 8. it is said, he fell sick for sorrow: but 2. Macch. 9. it is declared how he was stricken with an incurable disease, that worms came out of him, and no man could endure the stink of his body: Pererius also thus reconcileth these places, that both were true, he might sicken of grief, and his sickness was increased by that filthy disease: so also Hugo, he died morbo scilicet & tristitia, both of the disease, and grief also.

These doubts may with some probability be satisfied: but this contradiction cannot be healed, that whereas 1. Macch. c. 6. and 2. Macch. c. 9. Antiochus is reported to have died partly of grief, partly of a strange disease: Now 2. Macc. 1. 16. it is reported, that he with his army was slain with stones in the temple of Nanea, their heads cut off, and thrown out. To this objection diverse answers are made, to preserve the credit of this book.

1. Some think that this Antiochus slain in the Temple of Nanea, was not Antiochus Epiphanes, whose death is mentioned in those two other places: but Antiochus magnus the father of this Antiochus: so Lyranus. Carthusian. Melchior Cano.

Contr. Bellarmine, and Pererius both do refuse this answer: for this Antiochus thus killed, was an enemy to the Jews, and they rejoiced in his fall: but the other Antiochus surnamed the great, was a friend unto the Jews, and shown great kindness unto them, and they unto him, as Josephus writeth, how when Antiochus had overcame Scopas Ptolemy, Philometors captain, and subdued Celosyria, and Samaria, the Jews yielded themselves, and received his armies into their cities, and refreshed them: which benefit Antiochus acknowledged in certain letters to his friends, purposing to require the same.

2. An other opinion is, that this Antiochus was the son of Demetrius the son of Seleucus Philopator, whom Epiphanes deprived of his kingdom, who was surnamed Antiochus pius, who put down Tryphon, that usurped the kingdom. Bellarmine here forgetting himself saith, that this Antiochus was called Triphon, or Gryphus: in one sentence he committeth two errors: for this Tryphon usurped the kingdom, whom Antiochus expelled: and Antiochus Gryphus was the 17. king of Syria, whereas Antiochus pius was the 15. Bulling. of this opinion, that this was Antiechus pius here reported to be slain, are Rupert. lib. 1. de victor. verb. c. 6. Michael Medina, Carolus Sigonius. But these two arguments make against this opinion, 1. that Antiochus pius had no such ende, but died in battle against the Parthians, Justin. lib. 38. in fine. 2. Antiochus though there was some variance between him and Hyrcanus, yet he spoiled not the city, but when he besieged it, he gave them seven days truce at their request, to celebrate the feast of Tabernacles, and beside sent them vessels of silver, and vessels of gold, and much incense: and at the length a league was concluded between them. But this Antiochus, that should be put to death in the Temple of Nanea, was a professed enemy unto the Jews, and therefore they rejoice and give thanks for his death.

3. Pererius delivereth another opinion, to the which he subscribeth as probable: that not Antiochus, but the captain of his host was killed with stones: they cast stones as it were thunder upon the captain. But it is evident, that Antiochus is understood by the captain, v. 13. 14. Albeit the captain, and they which were with him, seemed invincible, yet they were slain in the Temple of Nanea: for Antiochus, as though he would dwell with her, came thither to receive money under the title of a dowry. It was Antiochus himself, that pretended marriage with Nanea, or Diana, as the like is reported of Tiberius, Nero, Heliogabalus, that would make marriages with the goddesses: he therefore came himself in person, to receive as a dowry, the treasure of the Temple.

4. But Bellarmine, and Pererius likewise do most approve this solution, who thus interpret these words, v. 13. cecidit in templo Naneae, the captain with his host fell in the temple of Nanea: that is, they were smitten, not slain. Bellarmine giveth instance of the like place, Gen. 14. 10. The king of Sodom and Gomorrah fell there, in the slimie pits, that is, were discomfited, they were not killed: for the king of Sodom met Abraham afterward. Pererius objecteth that place, Dan. c. 11. 30. how the Romans should come against Antiochus, and he should be smitten, yet he was not killed.

Contra. 1. The word used 2. Macchab. 1. 13. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not they fell, but they were smitten or slain: concisi sunt, they were hewn and cut in pieces, as Vatablus and Junius translate. 2. in that place, Gen. 24. 10. it is only said, they fell, but here more is expressed, they were cut in pieces, v. 16. 3. and in the other place, the word is better translated by Vatablus, consternabitur, he shall be grieved, or terrified, not smitten.

5. This then remaineth to be said, that this is an vncerten and untrue report of Antiochus death, as that is likewise of the holy fire which was hid, and when Nehemiah's sent to set it, they found thick water instead of fire. And therefore that other report of Antiochus death, being twice set down, 1. Macchab. c. 6. and 2. Macchab. c. 9. is to be received as the more probable. Iun.

34. Quest. Of the agreement of other persecutors of the Church with this description of Antiochus.

1. As the apostasy of the Jews was a forerunner of the tyranny and persecution of Antichrist: So when persecution is raised in the Church, many do fall away: as when Constantius favored Arius, and persecuted the orthodoxal professors, Liberius the Bishop of Rome fell away also to Arianism. And of late days when Charles the fifth made war against the Protestant Princes in Germany, many gospellers either fell to Popery, or received the Interim: And in England in Queen Mary's days, many forsook the Gospel, and turned Papists.

2. As Antiochus was of a bold countenance, and full of craft, such were the persecutors of the Gospel, as Julian the Apostate, Valens the Emperor, the Duke of Albanie in the low countries.

3. As Antiochus increased by the treachery of others, that helped him: so it is usual for the enemies of the Gospel to prevail, if they can by treachery: as many treasons against Queen Elizabeth, and our noble Sovereign that now is, have been set forward by some foreign Popish princes.

4. Antiochus by flattery, and under color of peace deceived many: so did the Duke of Albania in the low countries: and king Philip when he intented the invasion of England, ann. 1588. yet made show of peace by the Prince of Parma unto Queen Elizabeth.

5. As Antiochus was taken away by God's hand not by man's: So the Lord himself encountreth the wicked, as he did Pharaoh and Herod. Polan.

Quest. 35. Why it is called the vision of the enening and morning, v. 26.

1. Some understand it thus, the vision, quae per successiones temporum complenda est, which is to be fulfilled in succession of time: Hugo. 2. Lyranus thus interpreteth: by the morning he would have understood the time of Antiochus, by the evening the time of Antichrist, who was prefigured by Antiochus. 3. the vulgar Latin readeth, the vision of the morning and evening, as though this were spoken of the time, when this vision appeared. 4. But it hath relation rather to the former part of the vision, v. 14. where mention is made of 2300. days unto the evening and morning, that is so many natural days: this vision which is expressed by part of the subject taken for the whole, is said to be true, Cal. Polan.

Quest. 36. Why Daniel is bidden to seal up the vision.

1. Some by fealing understand the committing to memory, Hugo. 2. Some the committing of it to writing, Lyranus. 3. Bullinger alludeth to the use of men, which seal and confirm those things, which are true: and so Daniel is bid to seal it, as a thing most certain. 4. Some think that hereby is signified, that he should conceal this vision, least the Jews hearing what affliction they should endure in their own country, might be slack to return thither. 5. Chrysostom giveth this sense: that he should keep it faithfully, ne temporis prolixitate dispereat, that it perish not in continuance and length of time. 6. The Hebrews referring this vision to the last times of their redemption by their Messiah, would have it therefore sealed, because the time was long, before it should be fulfilled. 7. But the reasons why Daniel is commanded to seal up the vision, were these. 1. that he should not communicate it unto the Chaldees, whom it concerned not, or to any other carnal men, or unbelievers, that would not give credit unto it: but that he should conceal it from such: yet unto the faithful he might impart it: As the Prophet Isaiah saith to the same purpose, 8. 16. bind up the testimony, seal up the law among my Disciples, and this is according to the rule of our Savior, not to cast things holy unto dogs, Matth. 7. 6. Polan. 2. By this sealing of the vision is signified, that it was not presently to take effect, but after a long time, about 300. years after: yet it should be most certainly fulfilled in the appointed time, Iun. in commentar. so he is not bidden simply to conceal it, but hereby rather he is admonished not to doubt of the accomplishment thereof: and that be should not measure it, ex vulgi sententia, by the opinion of the vulgar sort, Calvin.

37. Quest. What kings business Daniel did, v. 27.

v. 27. I did the kings business, &c. 1. Some do think that this was king Darius business, that carried Daniel with him into Media, Lyr. and they think this work was the building of the great tower, which Josephus maketh mention of, Hug. But this cannot be so: for Josephus saith, that Darius carried Daniel with him into Media; but Daniel was at this time at Shushan, v. 2. and that great tower was built not at Shushan but at Ecbatane, as Josephus writeth, lib. 10. cap. 12. 2. Oecolampad. and Pellicane, in that it is said, when I rose up, I did the kings business, do infer, non dicit se à Sufis redijsse, sed surrexisse, he said not he did return from Susa, but only rose up, and returned to his business, &c. so that their opinion seemeth to be, that Daniel was in deed now at Susa: But it is shown before, that he was at Susa only in vision, qu. 4. 3. It remaineth then, that this king was Belshazzar, as is evident, v. 1. by whom it seemeth he was employed, though not so much, nor in so great affairs, as he was under the former kings, Osiander. but what manner of employment it was, it is not expressed, neither can certainly be gathered, Iun. Daniel then having noted before, that this was done under Belshazars reign, v. 1. returned unto his business, which is an evident argument that he was then in Belshazars Court, or at hand, not at Susa, because he presently rose up, having recovered himself, to do the kings business, Calvin.

38. Quest. Of the meaning of these words, v. 27. none understood, or perceived it.

1. Some read, and there was none to interpret it: so Lyranus. Hug. Pintus, following the vulgar Latin, which they understand thus: that is, none interpreted it as the Angel, Hugo. or none could interpret it in particular concerning the kings names, but only in general, Lyranus. But the word here used mebin, signifieth not interpreting, but perceiving and understanding: neither could Daniel say, none could interpret it, seeing the Angel had given the interpretation of it before. 2. Some read, none understood it. The Hebrews think that Daniel himself understood it not: but that cannot be, seeing the Angel was bidden to cause him to understand it, v. 16. 3. Some think, that none of those, to whom Daniel revealed the dream, could understand it, Oecolampad. but Daniel did not impart it to so many, to try who understood it, and who understood it not: for he was commanded before to seal it up, to hide and conceal it, and lay it up in his heart. 4. The words are then better translated, none perceived it, that he had been sick for grief, because of the heavy vision: he dissembled his affection, and neither in word, nor so much as in countenance bewrayed, that he had seen a vision: according as he had been before charged to conceal and keep the vision to himself, Iun. Polan.

39. Quest. The history of Antiochus Epiphanes reign abridged, for the better understanding of this vision.

1. After that Antiochus (the great) father unto Antiochus Epiphanes, had been vanquished by Scipio, he was constrained to deliver over unto the Romans his son Antiochus to be an hostage, where he continued 14. years: and then hearing of his fathers death, watched his time, and fled secretly from Rome, and took upon him the kingdom of Syria, making a way thereunto by procuring the death of Seleucus his elder brother, and disinheriting Demetrius his son.

2. Then Antiochus, after he was settled in the kingdom, invaded Egypt, under this color, to be tutor unto the young king Ptolemy Philometor his sister Cleopatra her son: he put many to the sword, and subdued many cities: And in his return, being savored by diverse seditious persons in Jerusalem, as by Jason, who had bought the priesthood of him for money, and wicked Menelaus, who got the Priesthood for himself, promising more money, and put Jason by, 2. Macchab. 4. by this means he entered into the city, robbed and spoiled the Temple, and put many to the sword: this was in the 143. year of the kingdom of the Greeks, in the 6. year of his reign.

3. Then about two year after he made a second expedition into Egypt, where he was commanded to depart by Popilius the Ambassador of the Romans, who making a circle in the sand with his rod before Antiochus, urged him to make his present answer, before he went thence.

4. In his second return he entered Jerusalem again, and made havoc of the city, defiled the Temple, and set up therein the abomination of desolation, the idol of Jupiter Olympus: this was in the 145. year in the 8. year of his reign, 1. Macchab. 1. 57.

5. Then Mattathias being moved in zeal, stood up to resist the Tyrant, and Judas his son, with his brethren after him: and at the length they prevailed, and 3. years after they cleansed the Sanctuary, and restored the sacrifices: and this was in the 148. year, 1. Macch. 4. 52. in the 11. year of Antiochus reign.

6. After this this wicked Tyrant went into Persia, thinking to rob the rich Temple at Persepolis, where having the repulse, and hearing at the same time how his captains Timothy and Nicanor were discomfited with their armies in Judea, partly of grief, and chiefly being smitten of God with an incurable and stinking disease, he died in the 149. year, and the 12. of his reign: see the story, 2. Macchab. 9.

1. Doctr. Of the office of a Prince.