Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times

§ 104. But as to the point of yielding too far to them, I told them first, that moderate Episcopacy was agreeable to my Judgment, and that they knew that I meddled not as a Presbyterian, but as a Christian that is obliged to seek the Churches Peace: And also that others may accept of those Terms as better than worse, which yet they cannot take to be the best. And if we mist it as to the way or terms, our Brethren that thought so had the Liberty to acquaint us with our Error, and to set us right.

§ 105. Shortly after this, instead of the Diocesans Concessions, it was told us that the King would put all that he thought meet to grant us into the Form of a Declaration, and we should see it first, and have Liberty to give notice of what we liked not, as not consistent with the desired Concord • (and so the Diocesans cannot be charged with any mutability, as having ever granted us such Abatements which after they receded from): We thankfully accepted of this Offer, and received from the Lord Chancellor the following Copy of the Declaration.

This Copy of a Declaration the Lord Chancellor next sent us to peruse and alter before it were published, that it might satisfy our Desires. Received on Sept. 4.

Note, That the two Papers which the King's Declaration publisheth his Offence against, were 1. A Declaration which the Scots drew the King to publish when they Crowned him in Scotland, disclaiming his Father's Wars and Actions, in Language so little tender of his Father's Honor, that it was no wonder that the King was hardly drawn to it then, nor that Cromwell derided their Doings as Hypocritical, nor that the King was angry with those rash People whoever they were, who now reprinted it.

2. A Book of Dr. Cornelius Burgess, who (though he was for a moderate Episcopacy) had written to prove the Necessity of a Reformatation in Doctrine, Discipline and Worship: whereas in all our Treaty we had never meddled with the Doctrine of the Church: Because, though the most part of the Bishops were taken to be Arminians (as they are called) yet the Articles of Religion we took to be sound and moderate, however Men do variously interpret them.

§ 106. When we had received this Copy of the Declaration, we saw that it would not serve to heal our Differences; Therefore we told the Lord Chancellor (with whom we were to do all our Business still before it came as from us to the King) that our Endeavors as to Concord would all be frustrate, if much were not altered in the Declaration (I pass over all our Conferences with him, both now and at other times): In conclusion, we were to draw up our Thoughts of it in writing; which the Brethren imposed on me to do. My judgment was, That all the Fruit of this our Treaty (besides a little Reprival from intended Ejection) would be but the Satisfying our Consciences and Posterity that we had done our Duty, and that it was not our Fault that we came not to the desired Concord or Coalition, and therefore seeing we had no (considerable) higher hopes, we should speak as plainly as Honesty and Conscience did require us. But when Mr. Calamy and Dr. Reynolds had read my Paper, they were troubled at the plainness of it, and thought it would never be endured, and therefore desired some Alteration; especially that I might leave out 1. The Prediction of the Evils which would follow our Non-Agreement, which the Court would interpret as a Threatning. 2. The mentioning the Aggravations of Covenant-breaking and Perjury. • I gave them my Reasons for passing it as it was. To bring this to pass more effectually they told the Earl of Manchester (with whom as our sure Friend we still consulted, and whom the Court used, to Communicate to us what they desired): And he called the Earl of Anglesey and the Lord Hollis to the Consultation as our Friends: And these three Lord's, with Mr. Calamy and Dr. Reynolds, perused all the Writing, and all with earnestness persuaded me to the said Alterations. I confess I thought those two Points material which they excepted against, and would not have had them left out, and thereby made them think me too plain and unpleasing, as never used to the Language or Converse of a Court: But it was not my unskillfulness in a more pleasing Language, but my Reason and Conscience (upon foresight of the Issue) which was the Cause. But when they told me that it would not so much as be received, and that I must go with it myself, for no body else would, I yielded to such an Alteration as here followeth. It was only in the Preface that the Alteration was desired. I shall therefore, that you may see what it was, give it you as first drawn up, and afterwards altered.

A little before this, the Bishops Party had appointed (at our Request) a Meeting with some of us, to try how near we could come, in preparation to what was to be resolved on. Accordingly Dr. Morley, Dr. Hinchman, and Dr. Cosins, met Dr. Reynolds, Mr, Calamy, and myself; and after a few roving Discourses we parted without bringing them to any particular Concessions for Abatement, only their general talk was from the beginning, as if they would do anything for Peace, which was fit to be done, and they being at that time newly elect (but not consecrated) to their several Bishoprics, we called them [my Lord's] which Dr. Morley once returned with such a Passage as this [we may call you also I suppose by the same Title]: by which I perceived they had some Purposes to try that way with us.

§ 107. This Petition being delivered to the Lord Chancellor was so ungrateful that we were never called to present it to the King: But instead of that, it was offered us that we should make such Alterations in the Declaration as were necessary to attain its Ends: But with these Cautions, that we put in nothing but what we judged of flat necessity. And 2. That we altered not the Preface or Language of it. For it was to be the King's Declaration, and what he spake as expressing his own Sense, was nothing to us; but if we thought he imposed anything intolerable upon us, we had leave to express our Desires for the altering of it. Whereupon we agreed to offer this following Paper of Alterations, letting all the rest of the Declaration alone; But withal, by Word to tell those we offered it to (which was the Lord Chancellor) [That this was not the Model of Church-Government which we at first offered, nor which we thought most expedient for the healing of the Church: But seeing that cannot be obtained, we shall humbly submit, and thankfully acknowledge his Majesty's Condescention, if we may obtain what now we offer, and shall faithfully endeavor to improve it to the Churches Peace, to the utmost of our Power]. Having declared this (with more) we delivered in the following Paper.

§ 108. After all this a Day was appointed for his Majesty to peruse the Declaration as it was drawn up by the Lord Chancellor, and to allow what he liked and alter the rest, upon the hearing of what both sides should say: Accordingly he came to the Lord Chancellor's House, and with him the Duke of Albermarle, and Duke of Ormond (as I remember) the Earl of Manchester, the Earl of Anglesey, the Lord Hollis, &c. and Dr. Sheldon (then) Bishop of London, Dr. Morley (then) Bishop of Worcester, Dr. Hinchman (then) Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Cosins Bishop of Durham, Dr. Gauden (after) bishop of Exeter and Worcester, Dr. Barwick (after) Dean of Paul, Dr. Hacket Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, with divers others; among whom, Dr. Gunning was most notable. On the other part stood Dr. Reynolds, Mr. Calamy, Mr. Ash, Dr. Wallis, Dr. Manton, Dr. Spurstow, myself, and who else I remember not. The Business of the Day was not to dispute, but as the Lord Chancellor read over Declaration, each Party was to speak to what they disliked, and the King to determine how it should be, as liked himself. While the Lord Chancellor read over the Preface, there was no Interruption, only he thought it best himself to blot out those Words about the Declaration in Scotland for the Covenant [That we did from the Moment it passed our Hand, ask God Forgiveness for our Part in it.] The great matter which we stopped at was, the Word [Consent] where the Bishop is to confirm by the [Consent] of the Pastor of that Church; and the King would by no means pass the Word Consent either there or in the Point of Ordination or Censures; because it gave the Ministers a negative Voice: We urged him hard with a Passage in his Father's Book of Meditations, where he expressly granteth this [Consent] of the Presbyters; but it would not prevail: The most that I insisted on was from the end of our Endeavors, that we came not hither for a Personal Agreement only with our Brethren of the other way, but to procure such gracious Concessions from his Majesty, as would unite all the soberest People of the Land: And we knew that on lower Terms it would not be done. Though [Consent] be but a little Word, it was necessary to a very desirable end; if it were purposed that the Parties and Divisions should rather continue unhealed, then we had no more to say, there being no Remedy: But we were sure that Union would not be attained if no Consent were allowed Ministers in any part of the Government of their Flocks, and so they should be only Teachers without any Participation, and the ruling of the People, whose Rectors they are called. And when I perceived some Offence at what I said, I told them that we had not the Judgments of Men at our command: We could not in reason suppose that our Concessions, or anything we could do, would change the Judgments of any great Numbers; and therefore we must consider what will unite us in case their Judgments be not changed, or else we labor to no purpose.

§ 109. But Bishop Morley told them how great our Power was, and what we might do if we were willing; and he told the King that no Man had written better of these Matters than I had done, and there my five Disputations of Church Government, &c. lay ready to be produced; and all was to intimate, as if I now contradicted what I had there written. I told him, that I had best reason to know what I had written, and that I am still of the same mind, and stand to it all, and do not speak anything against it. A great many words there were about Prelacy and Re-ordination; Dr. Gunning and Bishop Morley speaking almost all on one side (and Dr. Hinchman and Dr. Cozens sometimes): and Mr. Calamy and myself most on the other side: But I think neither Party doth value the rambling Discourses of that Day, so much, as to think them worthy the recording. Mr. Calamy answered Dr. Gunning from Scripture very well against the Divine Right of Prelacy as a distinct Order. And when Dr. Gunning told them, that Dr. Hammond had said enough against the Presbyterains Cause and Ordination, and was yet unanswered: I thought it meet to tell him, that I had answered the Substance of his Arguments, and said enough moreover against the Diocesan Frame of Government, and to prove the validity of the English Presbyters Ordination, which indeed was unanswered, though I was very desirous to have seen an Answer to it: which I said because they had got the Book by them, and because I thought the unreasonableness of their dealing might be evinced, who force so many hundreds to be Re-ordained, and will not any of them answer one Book which is written to prove the validity of that Ordination which they would have nullified, though I provoked them purposely in such a Presence.

§ 110. The most of the time being spent thus in speaking to Particulars of the Declaration as it was read, when we came to the end, the Lord Chancellor drew out another Paper, and told us that the King had been petitioned also by the Independents and Anabaptists, and though he knew not what to think of it himself, and did not very well like it; yet something he had drawn up which he would read to us, and desire us also to give our Advice about it. Thereupon he read, as an Addition to the Declaration, That [others also be permitted to meet for Religious Worship, so be it, they do it not to the disturbance of the Peace: and that no Justice of Peace or Officer disturb them]. When he had read it, he again desired them all to think on it, and give their Advice: But all were silent. The Presbyterians all perceived, as soon as they heard it, that it would secure the Liberty of the Papists: and one of them whispered me in the Ear, and entreated me to say nothing, for it was an odious Business, but let the Bishops speak to it. But the Bishops would not speak a word, nor any one of the Presbyterians neither, and so we were like to have ended in that Silence. I knew if we consented to it, it would be charged on us, that we spake for a Toleration of Papists and Sectaries: (But yet it might have lengthened out our own). And if we spake against it, all Sects and Parties would be set against us, as the Causers of their Sufferings, and as a partial People that would have Liberty ourselves, but would have no others have it with us. At last, seeing the Silence continue, I thought our very Silence would be charged on us a Consent if it, went on, and therefore I only said this, That [this Reverend Brother Dr. Gunning even now speaking against Sects, had named the Papists and the S •• inians: For our parts we desired not favor to ourselves alone, and rigorous Severity we desired against none! As we humbly thanked his Majesty for his Indulgence to ourselves, so we distinguish the tolerable Parties from the intolerable: For the former, we humbly crave just lenity and favor; but for the latter, such as the two sorts named before by that Reverend Brother, for our parts we cannot make their Toleration our request]: To which his Majesty said, That there were Laws enough against the Papists; and I replied, That we understood the Question to be, whether those Laws should be executed on them, or not. And so his Majesty brake up the Meeting of that Day.

§ 111. Before the Meeting was dissolved, his Majesty had all along told what he would have stand in the Declaration, and he named four Divines to determine of any Words in the Alteration, if there were any difference, that is, Bishop Morley, Bishop Hinchman, Dr. Reynolds, and Mr. Calamy, and if they disagreed, that the Earl of Anglesey and the Lord Hollis should decide it. As they went out of the Room, I told the Earl of Anglesey, That we had no other business there that day but the Curches peace and welfare, and I would not have been the Man that should have done so much against it as he had done that day, for more than he was like to get by it: (for being called a Presbyterian, he had spoken more for Prelacy than we expected): And I think by the Consequent that this saying did some good; for when I after found the Declaration amended, and asked him how it came to pass, he intimated to me that it was his doing.

§ 112. And here you may note by the way, the fashion of these Times, and the state of the Presbyterians: Any Man that was for a Spiritual serious way of Worship (though he were for moderate Episcopacy and Liturgy), and that lived according to his Profession, was called commonly a Presbyterian, as formerly he was called a Puritan, unless he joined himself to Independents, Anabaptists, or some other Sect which might afford him a more odious Name. And of the Lord's, he that was for Episcopacy and the Liturgy, was called a Presbyterian, if he endeavored to procure any Abatement of their Impositions, for the Reconciling of the Parties, or the ease of the Ministers and People that disliked them. And of the Ministers, he was called a Presbyterian that was for Episcopacy and Liturgy, if he conformed not so far as to Subscribe or Swear to the English Diocesan Frame, and all their Impositions. I knew not of any one Lord at Court that was a Presbyterian; yet were the Earl of Manchester (a good Man) and the Earl of Anglesey, and the Lord Hollis called Presbyterians, and as such appointed to direct and help them: when I have heard them plead for moderate Episcopacy and Liturgy myself; and they would have drawn us to yield further than we did.

§ 113. And if ever any hereafter shall say, That at King Charles the Second's Restoration, the Presbyterian Cause was pleaded, and that they yielded to all that was in the King's Declaration, I leave it here on Record to the Notice of Posterity, that to the best of my knowledge the Presbyterian Cause was never spoken for, nor were they ever heard to petition for it all: for the rest of the Ministers who came not to us, sat still, and said nothing; and for myself, I ever professed my Judgment to be so far for Episcopacy, Liturgy, &c. as I have expressed in my fifth Disputation for Church-Government, and I drew on this Treaty, not as a Presbyterian, but as a Reconciler: and for Mr. Calamy, he pleaded for no more than I did, whatever his Judgment was; only at the Meeting before the King, he pleaded well that the words Bishops and Presbyters are in Scripture of the same signification, and that they differ but gradu, not ordine, which abundance of Episcopal Men also hold, as did Bishop Usher, and even many Schoolmen, and other Papists. And as for Dr. Reynolds, he was always of Mr. Stillingfleet's mind (as I have heard him profess) That no Form of Church-Government is determined of in the Word of God, but it is variable as occasion requireth. And as for Mr. Ash, though he was a Presbyterian, yet that good Man being all for Holiness, and Heaven, and Peace, and being no Disputer, he went along with us, and spake for no more than we did. Never did we write or speak a word (that I knew of, who was always with them) for Ruling Elders, nor for the Government of Synods or Presbyteries without Bishops or stated Presidents, nor against Liturgy in general, nor against Holydays in general, nor against Kneeling at the Sacrament (but only against the rejecting those from the Churches-Communion who dare not kneel, as supposing it Idolatrous); nor for any one thing which is proper to Presbytery: Insomuch that when they still supposed us to plead for Presbytery, in one Paper I drew up an Enumeration of abundance of Particulars which we never pleaded for, which the Presbyterians usually hold, and shown that we never meddled with their proper Cause, partly because we were not all of a mind ourselves in every small matter; and partly because we knew such a Plea would not now be heard; and partly because we took those Terms to be insufficient for the Churches Union, nor would ourselves lay its Concord on so narrow a Foundation. But Mr. Calamy would not let it pass, because it might offend the Presbyterian Brethren, who expected more from us.

§ 114. But to return to the History: When I went out from the Meeting on Octob. 22. I went dejected, as being fully satisfied, that the Form of Government in that Declaration would not be Satisfactory, nor attain that Concord which was our end, because the Pastors had no Government of the Flocks; and I was resolved to meddle no more in the Business, but patiently suffer with other Dissenters: But two or three days after, I met the King's Declaration cried about the Streets, and I presently stepped into a House to read it, and seeing the word [Consent] put in about Confirmation and Sacrament, though not as to Jurisdiction, and seeing the [Pastoral persuasive power] of Governing left to all the Ministers with the Rural Dean, and some more Amendments, I wondered at it, how it came to pass, but was exceeding glad of it, as perceiving that now the Terms were (though not such as we desired, yet) such as any sober honest Ministers might submit to: And I was presently resolved to do my best to persuade all, according to my Interest and Opportunity, to Conform according to the Terms of this Declaration; and cheerfully to promote the Concord of the Church, and Brotherly Love which this Concord doth bespeak.

§ 115. Having frequent Business with the Lord Chancellor about other Matters (of which somewhat anon) I was going to him, when I met the King's Declaration in the Street, and I was so much pleased with it, that (having told him why I was so earnest to have had it suited to the desired end) I gave him hearty thanks for the Additions, and told him that if 1. The Liturgy may be but altered, as the Declaration promiseth; 2. And this may be settled and continued to us by a Law, and not reversed, I should take it to be my Duty to do my best to procure the full Consent of others, and promote our happy Concord on these Terms, and should rejoice to see the Day that Factions and Parties may all be swallowed up in Unity, and Contentions turned to Brotherly Love. At that time he began to offer me a Bishopric (of which more anon).

§ 116. I shall here a little look to a passage of another Nature. Before this, I was called to preach at Court before the King (by the Lord Chamberlain who had sworn me his Chaplain, and invited me under that Name): And afer Sermon it pleased his Majesty to send the Lord Chamberlain to require me to print it. And the Earl of Lauderdale told me, that when he spake to the King of the great number of Citizens that wrote it in Characters, and said that some of them would publish it; the King answered, I will prevent that, for I will have it published. Yet when this Sermon came abroad, Dr. Thomas Pierce went up and down raging against me, for calling myself on the Title page [His Majesty's Chaplain] (which if I had not, it would have been taken as a Contempt) and for saying it was printed by his Majesty's Special Command: and he renewed all the Railings which in print he had lately vented against me. I admired that a Man, whom the Diocesan Party so much gloried in, should be guilty of so great folly and imprudency, and could no better cloak his Malice: When he could not but know that the King himself would have sought Satisfaction if I had so foolishly belied him on my Title Page: Therefore I desired some that told me, to give it me under their Hands, that I might convince him of it. And so I received these following Testimonies, from two of his Familiars, but honest understanding Men, vix. Mr. Griggi of Blackfryars, and Mr. Brent of Creed-lane.

The other was as followeth:

By this taste, the Reader that knew not the Men, may judge with what sort of Men we had to do; for Dr. Pierce was not without too many Companions of his Temper. These Men that witness these Words of his were godly Men, who having been Mr. John Goodwin's Disciples, had been made Arminians by him; and fell in with Dr. Pierce, for his Agreement with them in the Arminian Points: But they could not lay by Piety and Charity in Partiality for Opinions, and being impatient of his Impudence, thus made it known to me. I purposed to have produced it before all the Bishops, when Dr. Pierce was there (having no other Opportunity to see him): But I had no fit Occasion, and was loath in Business of public respect, to interpose anything that merely concerned myself; and so I never yet told him of it.

§ 117. That the Reader may understand this the better, by knowing the occasion of his Malice, this Mr. Tho. Pierce (being a confident Man, that had a notable Style and Words at Will, and a venomous railing Pen and Tongue against the Puritans and Calvanists ) having written somewhat in Defense of Grotius, as a judicious peaceable Protestant, in Opposition to some Passages in my [Christian Concord] where I warn the Episcopal Party to take heed of Grotianism that was creeping in upon them, I did thereupon write a little Collection out of the late Writings of Grotius (especially his Discussio Apologetici Rivetiani ) to prove him to have turned Papist; and that Popery was indeed his Religion (though he communicated with no Church] (for he expressly pleadeth for our consenting to the Council of Trent, and all other general Councils as the Churches Law; and to the Pope's Sovereign Government; so it be according to those Laws, and to the Mistressship of the Church of Rome over all other Churches, and to Pope Pius 's Oath, with much more to that purpose: and telleth us that he was turned from us because he saw that the Protestant Churches had no possibility of Union among themselves, &c. and there is a Book written (I think by Vincentius ) a French Minister, called Grotius Papizans, which proveth it: And Claud Suravia, an honorable learned Counselor of Paris, in his printed Epistles publisheth the same from Grotius 's own Mouth) But Mr. Pierce was vehemently furious at my Book, and wrote a Volume against me full of ingenuous Lies and Railing; for he had no better way to defend Grotius or himself. In that Book he scrapes up all the Words through all my Writings where I speak anything of myself, and puts them together, more impudently interpreting them, than could have been expected from a Man: Because I confess that the place I lived in was a Sequestration (whence an ignorant Reader had been put out before my coming to them) therefore he calls me Thief, as if I lived on another's Bread; As if no Man must ever have been the Teacher of the People, till that ignorant Wretch were restored to his Soul-murdering Condition: Because I had written to persuade some honest scrupulous Persons, that they should not forsake the Churches Communion, though some were there that had been drunken or otherwise scandalous, and had spoken some Words to draw them to some charitable hopes of a Man that had been drunken, or adulterous, if he were not impenitent; and all this to reconcile them to the Prelatical Party, whom they took to be the scandalous People of the Land; so little Thanks doth he give me for this Excusing of his Party, that he calls me [worse than a Drunkard or Whoremonger] as if I had pleaded for these Sins, and yet in his former Book he had said, that [if I came that way, and would communicate with him and his Church, no Man in the whole World should be more welcome] (dreaming that I had disowned Communion with the Prelatists, which I never did for all their public and personal Corruptions.) But his Venom against the Puritans is merely Serpentine: He describeth them as the most bloody, traitorous, wicked Generation; unworthy to live; and blameth the former Bishops that used them so gently, and provoketh the Governors to hang them in greater Numbers than heretofore; and especially against Cartwright he falsely but confidently writeth, that he was confederate with Hacket, Copinger, and Arthington (whom he feigneth to have been Presbyterians or Puritans, (who were distracted Fanatics, one calling himself Christ, and the other his two Witnesses.) But Mr. Cartwright himself long ago published a Defense against the Accusations of Dr. Sutcliff on this very Matter.

§ 118. But to return from this Digression: A little before the Meeting about the King's Declaration, Colonel Birch came to me as from the Lord Chancellor, to persuade me to take the Bishopric of Hereford (for he had bought the Bishop's House at Whitburne, and thought to make a better Bargain with me than with another, and therefore finding that the Lord Chancellor intended me the Offer of one, he desired it might be that): I thought it best to give them no positive Denyal, till I saw the utmost of their Intents: And I perceived that Coll. Birch came privately that a Bishopric might not be publicly refused, and to try whether I would accept it that else it might not be offered me; for he told me that they would not bear such a Repulse. I told him that I was resolved never to be Bishop of Hereford, and that I did not think that I should ever see cause to take any Bishopric, but I could give no positive Answer, till I saw the King's Resolutions about the way of Church-Government: For if the old Diocesan Frame continued, he knew we could never accept or own it. After this (having not a flat denial) he came again and again to Dr. Reynolds, Mr. Calamy, and myself together, to importune us all to accept the Offer; (for the Bishopric of Norwich was offered Dr. Reynolds, and Coventry and Litchfield to Mr. Calamy ): But he had no positive Answer, but the same from me as before. At last, the Day that the King's Declaration came out, when I was with the Lord Chancellor (who did all) he asked me whether I would accept of a Bishopric: I told them that if he had asked me that Question the day before, I could easily have answered him, that in Conscience he could not do it • for though I would live peaceably under whatever Government the King should set up, I could not have a hand in executing it. But having as I was coming to him seen the King's Declaration, and seeing that by it, the Government is so far altered as it is, I take myself, for the Churches sake, exceedingly beholden to his Lordship for those Moderations; and my desire to promote the Happiness of the Church, which that Moderation tendeth to, doth make me resolve to take that Course, which tendeth most thereto: But whether to take a Bishopric, be the way, I was in Doubt, and desired some farther time of Consideration. But if his Lordship would procure us the settlement of the matter of that Declaration, by passing it into a Law, I promised him to take that way in which I might most serve the Puplick Peace.

§ 119. Dr. Reynolds, Mr. Calamy, and myself, had some Speaches oft together about it; and we all thought that a Bishopric might be accepted according to the Description of the Declaration, without any Violation of the Covenant, or owning the ancient Prelacy; but all the Doubt was, whether this Declaration would be made a Law (as was then expected) or whether it were but a temporary means to draw us on till we came up to all the Diocesans desired; and Mr. Calamy desired that we might all go together, and all refuse, or all accept it.

§ 120. But by this time the rumour of it fled abroad, and the Voice of the City made a Difference; for though they wished that none of us should be Bishops, yet they said, Dr. Reynolds and Mr. Baxter, being known to be for moderate Episcopacy, their acceptance would be less scandalous: But if Mr. Calamy should accept it, who had preached, and written, and done so much against it (which were then at large recited) never Presbyterian would be trusted for his sake; so that the Clamour was very loud against his acceptance of it: And Mr. Matthew Newcomen, his Brother in Law wrote to me earnestly to dissuade him, and many more.

§ 121. For my own part I resolved against it at the first, but not as a thing which I judged unlawful in itself, as described in the King's Declaration: But 1. I knew that it would take me off my Writing. 2. I looked to have most of the godly Ministers cast out, and what good could be done upon ignorant, vile, uncapable Men? 3. I feared that this Declaration was but for a present use, and that shortly it would be revok'd or nullified. 4. And if so, I doubted not, but the Laws would prescribe such work for Bishops, in silencing Ministers, and troubling honest Christians for their Consciences, and ruling the vicious with greater Lenity, &c. As that I had rather have the meanest Employment amongst Men. 5. And my Judgment was fully resolved against the Lawfulness of the old Diocesan Frame.

§ 122. But when Dr. Reynolds and Mr. Calamy asked my Thoughts, I told them, [that distinguishing between what is simply, and what is by Accident Evil, I thought that as Episcopacy is described in the King's Declaration, it is lawful, when better cannot be had; but yet Scandal might make it unfit for some Men more than others: Therefore to Mr. Calamy I would give no Counsel, but for Dr. Reynolds I persuaded him to accept it, so be it, he would publicly declare that he took it but on the Terms of the King's Declaration, and would lay it down when he could no longer exercise it on those terms: only I left it to his Consideration whether it be better stay till we see what they will do with the Declaration; and for myself, I was confident I should see cause to refuse it.

§ 123. When I came next to the Lord Chancellor, (the next day save one) he asked me of my Resolution, and put me to it so suddenly, that I was forced to delay no longer, but told him that I could not accept it, for several Reasons; and it was not the least that I thought I could better serve the Church without it, if he would but prosecute the establishment of the Terms granted: And because I thought that it would be ill taken if I refused it on any but acceptable Reasons, and also that Writing would serve best against misreports hereafter, I the next Day put this Letter into the Lord Chancellor's Hand, which he took in good Part; In which I concealed the most of my Reasons, and gave the best, and used more Freedom in my farther Requests, than I expected should have any good Success.

§ 124. Mr. Calamy blamed me for giving in my Denial alone, before we had resolved together what to do. But I told him the truth, that being upon other necessary Business with the Lord Chancellor, he put me to it on the sudden, so that I could not conveniently delay my Answer.

§ 125. And Dr. Regnolds almost as suddenly accepted it, saying, That some Friend had taken out the Conge d'eslier for him without his knowledge. But he read to me a Profession directed to the King, which he had written, wherein he professed that he took a Bishop and Presbyter to differ not ordine but gradu, and that a Bishop was but the Chief Presbyter, and that he was not to Ordain or Govern but with his Presbyter's Assistance and Consent, and that thus he accepted of the place, and as described in the King's Declaration, and not as it stood before in England, and that he would no longer hold or exercise it than he could do it on these terms]: To this sense it was; and he told me that he would offer it the King when he accepted of the place; but whether he did or not I cannot tell. He died in the Bishopric of Norwich An. 1676.

§ 126. On Friday Novemb. 2. being All-Souls-day, the Queen came in: And there were that day on the Thames three Tydes in about Twelve hours, to the common admiration of the People.

§ 127. Mr. Calamy long suspended his Answer, so that that Bishopric was long undisposed of; till he saw the issue of all our Treaty, which easily resolved him. And Dr. Manton was offered the Deanery of Rochester, and Dr. Bates the Deanery of Coventry and Lichfield, which they both (after some time) refused: And, as I heard, Mr. Edward Bowles was offered the Deanery of York (at least) which he refused, (and not long after died of the stone).

§ 128. When the King's Declaration was passed, we had a Meeting with the Ministers of London called Presbyterian (that is, all that were neither Prelatical, nor of any other Sect,) to consult with them about their returning Thanks to the King for his gracious Declaration; that so it might appear that those that were not with us were thankful for it, as well as we. At the first Meeting the City Ministers first voted their Thanks to be given to us for our Labors in procuring it, Nemine contradicente: But old Mr. Arthur Jackson (a very worthy Man) and Mr. Crofton, spake against returning Thanks to the King: Not that they were not truly thankful; but because their Thanks, would signify an approbation of Bishops and Archbishops which they had covenanted against. This I undertook to confute, by proving, that the Bishops and Archbishops in the King's Declaration are not ejusdem speciei with what they were before: And that there is the same Name, but not the same Thing; and withal by proving that the Covenant did not meddle against all Bishops and Archbishops, but only those of the English Diocesan Species: And that there was a Specifical Difference, I proved, in that by the King's Declaration the Essentials at least of Church-Government is restored to the Pastors, whereas before the Pastors had no Government; and this altereth all the Frame, as much, as if you let the Foundation. Walls, and Roof of your House stand, and all that is visible without, but within you pull down the Partitions and turn it into a Church. For before every Bishop was the lowest and sole Governor (with his Court and Consistory) of many hundred Churches: and now every Pastor is the lowest Governor of his Flock, and the Bishop is but the Superior Governor of the lower Governors and the Flocks: and indeed are all Archbishops, though they have the Name of Bishops still. Most of the Ministers were satisfied, but to me remained unsatisfied to the end.

§ 129. But at the next Meeting, those that were satisfied resolved upon Thanksgiving to the King, and they drew up this following Writing.

§ 130. Whether this came to the King's Ears, or what else it was that caused it. I know not, but presently after the Earl of Lauderdale came to tell me, that I must come the next day to the King: Who was pleased to tell me, that he sent for me only to signify his Favor to me: I told him, I feared my plain Speeches Octob. 22. which I thought that Cause in hand commanded me, might have been displeasing to him: But he told me that he was not offended at the plainness or freedom or earnestness of them, but only when he thought I was not in the right; and that for my free Speech he took me to be the honester Man.

I suppose this Favor came from the Bishops, who having notice of what last past, did think that now I might serve their Interests.

§ 131. The Question now is, What we got by procuring this Declaration of the King's, and how it was accepted by the People?

1. I thought it no small gain, though none of it should be fulfilled, that we had got so much from the hand of a King, to take off prejudice among the People, and abate the violence of cruel Men, and to stand on record to Posterity that once so much was granted us by the King! for if ever there be any inclinations to Peace and Charity hereafter, that which once hath been granted will be easilier granted again, than that which was never granted before. This Testimony is more worth than all our labor for it.

2. The Ministers and People of the Land that were concerned in it, had a Twelve months time by it, in their Ministerial Liberty, and Maintenance: for this suspended the Execution of the old Laws which were in force against them, till the new ones were made.

3. We got (which was a valuable benefit) the Liberty in our Treaty to speak for our Cause under the protection of the King's Commission, and justly to state our Differences; which else would have been falsely stated to our prejudice, and none might have contradicted them.

§ 132. But for the fulfilling of it, there was nothing at all done which the Declaration mentioneth, save only this years Suspension of the Law against us: And some Men were so violent at a distance in the Country, that they indicted Ministers at the Assizes and Sessions notwithstanding the Declaration, taking it for no Suspension of the Law: which put us on many ungrateful Addresses to the King and the Lord Chancellor for their Deliverance: For the Brethren complained to us from all Parts, and thought it our Duty, who had procured the Declaration, to procure the Execution of it: And when we petitioned for them they were commonly delivered from that Suffering.

But as to the Matter of Church-Government mentioned in the Declaration, 1. The Power of Godliness hath been promoted, as the Act of Uniformity, and the Act against Conventicles, and the Ejecting of 1800 Ministers at once, and many Hundred before, with much more to the same purpose, express. 2. The public and private Exercises of Religion, have been encouraged, just as those two forementioned Acts express: Of which to English-men I need not give an Exposition. 3. Of the applying the Lord's Day wholly to holy Exercises, without unnecessary Divertisements, I have least to say; because in these Times we expect only Liberty to do so ourselves, leaving all others to take their own way: And through God's mercy we have liberty to meditate or pray in our Closets; and to pray in our Families, so there be not above four others present, and to hear Common Prayer and Sermon too in Public in those Parishes that have a Minister that can and will preach: And if others think a Play, or public Games or Drinking, or Ryoting to be necessary Divertisements, they cannot constrain us to the like. 4. That Clause of not permitting insufficient, negligent, scandalous Ministers (for the word [ Non-resident ] could not pass) I believe is executed according to the Judgment of the Executors: for I suppose they take him that cannot discern the lawfulness of the Subscriptions, Declarations, and Practises of Conformity, about Oaths, Prelacy and Ceremonies, to be more insufficient for the Ministry (how learned and able otherwise soever) than an ignorant Reader is. And I suppose they take one that renounceth not the Obligations of the Vow and Covenant, and Subscribeth not to Prelacy and Ceremonies to be more scandalous than a Drunkard or a Whoremonger; and one that neglecteth any of these to be more negligent than he that neither preacheth to his Flock, nor personally instructeth them.

§ 133. As to the Appointment of such a number of Suffragan Bishops in every Diocese as is necessary to the due performance of the Work, there was never a one appointed in any one Diocese in the Land, that ever I heard of; but yet this may be thus far excused, that the Parliament having done so much of the Work of Church Discipline themselves, as to cast out 1800 of us at once, there was the less need of Suffragans afterwards; and the Bishops themselves were sufficient to cast out, or keep out the rest, if ever any such more as we should seek to get into the Ministry.

§ 134. That no Bishop shall ordain or exercise any part of Jurisdiction, &c. without the Advice and Assistance of the Presbyters, may be performed, for ought I know; for perhaps the Bishop (or Chancellor) hath the Advice of his Chaplain in private to do it himself, and I believe many of his Presbyters assist him by their Information, telling him who they be that scruple Ceremonies, and who meet in private to Worship God, and what nonconformable Ministers presume to preach the Gospel.

§ 135. That no Lay Chancellor, Commissaries, or Officials as such shall excommunicate, absolve, &c. may for ought I know be fulfilled: For though they do it Familiarly, as they did before, and few Countries have not some that are excommunicated by them, for not receiving the Sacrament against their Consciences, or some such Matter: Yet whether they do it [ as such ] or in any other unknown Capacity, is more than a Stander-by can tell, and they say, that when it comes to the Sentence of Excommunication, some of them use a Priest pro Formâ.

§ 136. Nor did I ever yet hear of an Archdeacon who exercised his Jurisdiction by the Advice and Assistance of six Ministers chosen as is there mentioned ( p. 11. )

§ 137. Nor did I ever hear that an equal Number ( to the Canons and Prebends) were annually, ( or ever once ) chosen in any one Diocese by the Vote of the Presbyters to be always assisting to the Bishop in all Church-censures, &c. But indeed the Suffragans did never exercise their Jurisdiction without them; because such Suffragans never were.

§ 138. Nor did I ever hear that the Ministers Consent was desired for the Confirming of any in his Parish; nor of any other than the old way of Confirmation, that is, for any that will run into the Church, though never so unknown, to kneel down and have the few Words mentioned in the Liturgy said with the Bishop's Hand on his Head.

§ 139. Nor did I yet ever hear of any one, who before he was admitted to the Sacrament, was called to any other [ credible Profession of Faith ] and Promise of Obedience, than to stand up at the Creed, or to be present at the Common-Prayer: Nor of refussing Scandalous Offenders till they have openly declared themselves to have truly repented and amended their former naughty Lives. But I have oft heard them threatened for not receiving.

§ 140. Much less did I ever hear of any such thing as a Rural Dean with his Neighbor-Minister meeting monthly, or ever once, for any of those excellent Works there mentioned: Nor of any Attempt of such a thing.

§ 141. As for the Bishop's not using Arbitrary Power, but according to the known Law of the Land, I suppose they take the Canons to be the Law of the Land, or according to it, which other Men never dreamed of, that desired that Provision.

§ 142. And whether ever the Alterations mentioned were made of the Liturgy and the additional Forms in Scripture Phrase suited to the Nature of the several Parts of Worship, you may know by perusing it, and by that which here followeth.

§ 143. Yet I think that those Men are reproveable who say that nothing but Deceit and Jugling was from the beginning intended: For who knoweth other Men's Intents but God; Charity requireth us to think that they speak nearer to the Truth, who say, that while the Diocesan Doctors were at Breda, they little dreamt that their way to their highest Grandeur was so fair, and therefore that then they would have been glad of the Terms of the Declaration of Breda; and that when they came in, it was necessary that they should proceed safely, and feel whether the Ground were solid under them, before they proceeded to their Structure: The Land had been but lately engaged against them: The Covenant had been taken even by the Lord's and Gentlemen of their own Party at their Composition: There was the Army that brought them in (who were Presbyterians as to the most of the ruling part) to be disbanded; and how knew they what the Parliament would do? Or that there would be none to contest against them in the Convocation? How could they know these things beforehand? Therefore it was necessary that moderate things should be proposed and promised; and no way was so fit as by a Declaration, which being no Law, is a temporary thing, giving place to Laws: And it was needful that the Calling of a Synod were delayed, till the Presbyterians were partly cast out, and a way to keep out the rest secured. And if when all these things were done, the former Promises were as the Independents called the Covenant, like an Almanac out of Date, and if Severities were doubled in comparison of what they were before the Wars, no Man can wonder that well understood the Persons and the Causes.

§ 144. Presently after this, Mr. Crofton writing to prove the Obligation of the solemn National Vow and Covenant; (not as binding any Man to Rebellion, or to anything unlawful, but in his Place and Calling to endeavor Reformation, to be against Schism, Popery, Prelacy and Profaneness, and to defend the King) he was sent Prisoner to the Tower; where when he had laid long at great Charges, he sought to get an Habeas Corpus; but his Life being threatened, he was glad to let that Motion fall, and at last to petition for his Liberty, which he obtained. But going into his own Country of Cheshire, he was imprisoned there; and when he procured his Liberty, he was fain to set up a Grocer 's Shop to get a maintenance for his Family. While he was in the Tower, he went to the Chapel Service and Sermon; his Judgment being against separating from the Parish-Churches, notwithstanding their Conformity, so be it he were not put himself to use the Common-Prayer as a Minister, or the Ceremonies. And this occasioned some that thought his Course unlawful, to write against it: to which he somewhat sharply replied, and so divers Writings were published on both sides, about such Communion.

§ 145. This calleth to my Remembrance, how earnest the Brethren of London and the Countries were, to have had us draw up among ourselves, how far we should go when Conformity was imposed, that we might not be weakened by differing among ourselves; which I could never persuade myself to attempt, considering, as I oft told them, 1. That we had no such Design, as to unite and strengthen one Party against another, but to keep up the Interest of Religion in the Land. 2. That if God permitted some able Men to conform, though sinfully, he would do good by it to his Church, by keeping the Parish-Churches in such a Case, that all of us might not be driven to forsake them. 3. That the thing desired was utterly impossible: 1. Because no Man could tell beforehand what would be imposed on us; and therefore none could tell wherein we should be forced to dissent. 2. Because the same Act (as coming to Common-Prayer, or Sacrament in the Churches) might become a Duty to some Men, and a Sin to others, by diversity of their Stations, Relations, Pastors, Churches, Occasions, Circumstances (as I proved). How then could all beforehand set a bound how far to go? It would be much better to persuade Censorious Brethren, to unite in Christian Faith and Love, and to keep Charity and Peace with all that agree in the Foundation, and not to make a Breach by their Censoriousness, and then say others make a Breach by differing from us: Nor to be of the same Spirit with Imposers, while they are in the Heat of Opposition against them; or of sufferings by them. The Difference is but in the Expressions of Uncharitableness: one Party silenceth, imprisoneth, and banisheth; and the other Party censureth those that differ from them, as Temporisers, and unfit for their Communion. 3. And if any had set down his Terms or Bounds, who can dream that all would have agreed to them, when Men's Judgments, and Interests, and Temptations are so various? 4. The thing would have seemed intolerable to our Governors; and they would have taken us for Factious, that had more desired to strengthen a Party against them, than to live in Peace and Concord.

§ 146. About this time, there fell out an Accident that gave Occasion to the Malicious to reproach us: It was our great Grief, that so many faithful Ministers were put out, and so many unworthy Persons restored, or newly put into the Ministry. Every Day almost People talked to us of one drunk at such a Place, and another carried in a Cart, or lying in a Ditch at such a place; or one taken drunk by the Watch at Night; and another abused and made a Scorn in his Drunkenness by the Apprentices in the Streets; and of Three that the Day when they had been Ordained • got in their Drink, three Wenches to them in the Inn or Tavern, which having their married in their manner, &c. two fled, and the third was fain to take his Wench to Wife; with abundance such News that filled the City. We modestly told some of it, and they made us odious by it, as malicious Slanderers; as if a Word had not been true. At last the City did ring of one Baker, that preached a funeral Sermon drunk at Westminster, and fell a railing at the People in the Church, in his Sermon, with much of the like: Because the Rumour was so common we inquired after it, till it was attested to us by the Hearers; and having such unquestionable Witness, some Brethren would by all means tell the King 〈◊〉 it, as by the by, to move • im to reform such things: When we were next with him, Dr. Manton told him of it, and there being one Baker elected by the King to an Irish Bishopric, and the common Fame and some of the Hearers saying, that it was the same Man; I seconded Dr. Manton, and told the King, That we could not say upon our knowledge that it was true, but when the Fame of such things was common as to affect his Subjects, be it true or false, we thought it better for his Majesty to hear what the People said, than never to hear it: and also that it was said, That this Baker was one that he had elected to be a Bishop. This greatly troubled the King, and he called for the Book that had the Catalogue of the Bishops; which Secretary Nicholas brought, and said there was no such Name; But the King presently spied the Name; and said, There it was, and charged that he should be inquired after. The next day we learned that it was another Baker of the same Name with the Bishop: And though we also learned that the Bishop himself was a Good-fellow, yet because it was not the same Man, I went the next day to Mr. Secretary Morrice, and entreated him to certify the King, that it was another Baker, that so the Bishop might receive no wrong by it: which he promised to do. Yet was it given out that we were Liars and • anderers, that maliciously came to defame the Clergy: And shortly after the Bishop put it into the News-Book, That some Presbyterians had maliciously defamed him, and that it was not he, but another of his Name. So that though the Fact was never questioned or denied, yet was it a heinouser matter in us to say that it was reported to be an elect Bishop, when it was as ancient a Priest of the same name, than for the Man to preach and pray in his Drunkenness. I never heard that he was rebuked for it; but we heard enough of it.

§ 147. Upon this Fact, when we met and dined one day at the Lord Chamberlains, among other talk of this Business, I said, [ That if I wished their hurt at one of their Enemies, I should wish they were more such, that their shame might cast them down ]. Mr. Horton (a young Man that was Chaplain to the Lord Chamberlain, and then intended to conform) answered, That we must not wish evil, that good may come of it. To which I replied, There is no doubt of it: far is it from me to say that I wish it; but if I were their Enemy, I could scarce wish them greater hurt and injury to their Cause, than to set up such Men; and that those are their Enemies, whoever they be, that persuade them to cast out learned, godly Ministers, and set up such in their room as these. Yet did this Mr. Horton, in his complying weakness to please that Party, tell Dr. Bolton, That I wished that they were all such: And Dr. Bolton told it from Table to Table, and published it in the Pulpit: And when he was questioned for it, alleged Mr. Horton as his Author. When I went to Mr. Horton, he excused it, and said, That he thought I h • d said so; and when I told him of the additional words, by which then I disclaimed such a sense, he could not remember them; and that was all the remedy I had; though none of the Brethren present remembered any such words as he reported. But when the Lord Chamberlain knew of it, he was so much offended, that I was fain to intercede for Mr. Horton, that it might not prove any hurt to him. And by this following Letter he expressed his distaste—

§ 148. I shall next insert some account of the Business which I had so often with the Lord Chancellor at this time: Because it was most done in the inter-space between the passing of the King's Declaration, and the Debates about the Liturgy.

In the time of Cromwell 's Government, Mr. John Elliot, with some Assistant in New-England, having learnt the Natives Language, and Converted many Souls among them (not to be baptized and forget their Names as well as Creed, as it is among the Spaniards Converts at Mexico, Peru, &c. but to serious Godliness); it was found that the great hindrance of the progress of that Work was the Poverty and Barbarousness of the People, which made many to live dispersed like wild Beasts in Wildernesses, so that having neither Towns, nor Food, nor Entertainment fit for English Bodies, few of them could be got together to be spoken to, nor could the English go far, or stay long among them. Wherefore to build them Houses, and draw them together, and maintain the Preachers that went among them, and pay School-masters to teach their Children, and keep their Children at School, &c. Cromwell caused a Collection to be made in England in every Parish; and People did contribute very largely: And with the Money (beside some left in stock) was bought 7 or 800 l. per Annum of Lands, and a Corporation chosen to dispose of the Rents for the furthering of the Works among the Indians. This Land was almost all bought for the worth of it of one Colonel Beddingfield, a Papist, an Officer in the King's Army: When the King came in, Beddingfield seizeth on the Lands again; and keepeth them, and refuseth either to surrender them, or to repay the Money; because all that was done in Cromwell 's time being now judged void, as being without Law, that Corporation was now null, and so could have no right to Money or Lands: And he pretended that he sold it under the worth, in expectation of the recovery of it, upon the King's return. The President of the Corporation was the Lord Steele, a Judge (a worthy Man): The Treasurer was Mr. Henry Ashurst, and the Members were such sober godly Men, as were best affected to New-England's Work: Mr. Ashurst (being the most exemplary Person for eminent Sóbriety, Self-denial, Piety, and Charity, that London could glory of, as far as public Observation, and Fame, and his most intimate Friends Reports could testify) did make this (and all other Public Good which he could do) his Business: He called the Old Corporation together, and desired me to meet them: where we all agreed, that such as had incurred the King's Displeasure, by being Members of any Courts of Justice, in Cromwell 's days, should quietly recede, and we should try if we could get the Corporation restored, and the rest continued, and more fit Men added, that the Land might be recovered: And because of our other Business, I had ready access to the Lord Chancellor, they desired me to solicit him about it: so Mr. Ashurst and I did follow the Business. The Lord Chancelloor at the very first was ready to further us, approving of the Work, as that which could not be for any Faction, or Evil end, but honorable to the King and Land. And he told me, That Beddingfield could have no right to that which he had sold, and that the right was in the King, who would readily grant it to the good use intended: and that we should have his best assistance to recover it. And indeed I found him real to us in this Business from first to last: yet did Beddingfield by the friendship of the Attorney General, and some others, so delay the Business, as bringing it to a Suit in Chancery, he kept Mr. Ashurst in a Twelve-months trouble before he could recover the Land: but when it came to Judgment, the Lord Chancellor spake very much against him, and granted a Decree for the New Corporation. For I had procured of him before, the King's Grant of a New Corporation; and Mr. Ashurst and myself had the naming of the Members: And we desired Mr. Robert Boyle (a worthy Person of Learning and a Public Spirit, and Brother to the Earl of Cork ) to be President (now called Governor) and I got Mr. Ashurst to be Treasurer again, and some of the old Members, and many other godly, able Citizens made up the rest: Only we left the Nomination of some Lord's to his Majesty, as not presuming to nominate such, (And the Lord Chancellor, Lord Chamberlain, and six or seven more were added). But it was Mr. Boyle and Mr. Ashurst, with the Citizens, that did the Work: But especially the care and trouble of all was on Mr. Ashurst. And thus that Business was happily restored.

§ 149. And as a fruit of this his Majesty's Favor, Mr. Elliot sent the King, first the New Testament and then the whole Bible, translated and printed in the Indian 's Language: Such a Work and Fruit of a Plantation, as was never before presented to a King. And he sent word, that next he would print my Call to the Unconveried, and then The Practice of Piety: But Mr. Boyle sent him word it would be better taken here, if the Practic of Piety were printed before anything of mine. At the present the Revenues of the Land goeth most to the maintaining of the Press. Upon the occasion of this Work, I had these Letters of Thanks from the Court and Governor in New-England, and from Mr. Norton and Mr. Elliot.

§ 403. That you may the better understand these Letters, and many other such Passages, you must know that the great Reason why myself, and some of my Brethren were made the King's Chaplains (in Title) was, that the People might think that such Men as we were favored and advanced, and consequently that all that were like us should be favored, and so might think their Condition happy. And though we ourselves made no doubt but that this was the use that was to be made of us, and that afterward we should be silenced with rest in time, yet we thought that it was not meet to deny their Offer. The People at London, who were near, judged as we did, and were not much deceived: But those in the Country that were further off, understood not how things went above. But especially those in France and in New-England who were yet more remote, were far more deceived by these Appearances, and the more ready to bless us in our present State, and almost wish it were their own: Insomuch that there grew on a sudden in New-England a great Inclination to Episcopal Government; For many of them saw the Inconveniencies of Separations, and how much their way did tend to Divisions, and they read my Books, and what I said against both the Soldiers and Schismatics in England; and they thought that the Church-Government here would have been such as we were pleased with; so that these and many other Motives made them begin to think of a Conformity: Till at last Mr. Norton, with one Mr. Broadstreet, a Magistrate, came over and saw how things went, and those in New-England heard at last how we were all silenced and cast out: And then they began to remember again, that there is something beside Schism to be • eared, and that there lieth as perilous an Extreme on the other side. But they have in their Synod past some such moderating Conclusions about Baptism and constant Synods, as have ended most of the Differences between them and the moderate Presbyterians.

§ 151. I am next to insert some Businesses of my own, which fell in at this same time. When I had refused a Bishopric, I did it on such Reasons as offended not the Lord Chancellor; and therefore instead of it, I presumed to crave his Favor to restore me to preach to my People at Kidderminster again; from whence I had been cast out (when many hundreds of others were ejected) upon the Restoration of all them that had been sequestered. It was but a Vicarage, and the Vicar was a poor unlearned, ignorant, silly Reader, that little understood what Christianity and the Articles of his Creed did signify; but once a Quarter he said something, which he called a Sermon, which made him the Pity or Laughter of the People. This Man being unable to preach himself, kept always a Curate under him to preach: Before the Wars I had Preached there only as a Lecturer, and he was bound in a Bond of 500 l. to pay me 60 l. per An. and afterward he was sequestre • as is before sufficiently declared; my People were so dear to me, and I to them, that I would have been with them upon the lowest lawful Terms: Some laughed at me for refusing a Bishopric, and petitioning to be a reading Vicar's Curate. But I had little Hopes of so good a Condition, at least for any considerable time.

§ 152. The Ruler of the Vicar, and all the Business there was, Sir Ralph Clare, an old Man, and an old Cou • tier, who carried it towards me all the time I was there with great Civility and Respect, and sent me a Purse of Money when I went away (but I refused it). But his Zeal against all that scrupled Ceremonies, or that would not preach for Prelacy, and Conformity, &c. was so much greater than his Respects to me, that he was the principal Cause of my Removal (though he has not owned it to this Day: I suppose he thought that when I was far enough off, he could so far rule the Town as to reduce the People to his way. But he little knew (nor others of that Temper) how firm conscientious Men are to the Matters of their everlasting Interest, and how little Men's Authority can do against the Authority of God, with those that are unfeignedly subject to him. Openly he seemed to be for my Return (at first) that he might not offend the People; and the Lord Chancellor seemed very forward in it; and all the Difficulty was, how to provide some other Place for the old Vicar (Mr. Dance ) that he might be no loser by the Change: And it was so contrived, that all must seem forward in it, except the Vicar; the King himself must be engaged in it; the Lord Chancellor earnestly presseth it; Sir Ralph Clare is willing, and very desirous of it; and the Vicar is willing, if he may but be recompensed with as good a Place (from which I received but 90 l. per Annum heretofore): Either all desire it, or none desire it. But the Hindrance was, that among all the Livings and Prebendaries of England, there was none fit for the poor Vicar: A Prebend he must not have, because he was insufficient; and yet he is still thought sufficient to be the Pastor of near 4000 Souls. The Lord Chancellor to make the Business certain, will engage himself for a valuable stipend to the Vicar, and his own Steward must be commanded to pay it him: What could be desired more? But the poor Vicar was to answer him, that this was no security to him; his Lordship might withhold that Stipend at his Pleasure, and then where was his Maintenance? give him but a legal Title of anything of equal value, and he would resign (and the Patron was my sure and intimate Friend). But no such thing was to be had; and so Mr. Dance must keep his Place.

§ 153. Though I requested not any Preferment of them, but this, yet even for this, I resolved I would never be importunate: I only nominated it as the Favor which I desired, when there Offers in general invited me to ask more: and then I told them that if it were any way inconvenient to them, I would not request it of them. And at the very first I desired, that if they thought it best for the Vicar to keep his Place, I was willing to take the Lecture, which by his Bond was secured to me, and was still my Right; or if that were denied me, I would be his Curate while the King's Declaration stood in force. But none of these could be accepted, with Men that were so exceeding willing. In the end it appeared, that two Knights of the Country, Sir Ralph Clare, and Sir John Packington, who were very great with Dr. Morley, newly made Bishop of Worcester, had made him believe, that my Interest was so great, and I could do so much with Ministers and People in that Country, that unless I would bind myself to promote their Cause and Party, I was not fit to be there: And this Bishop (being greatest of any Man with the Lord Chancellor) must obstruct my Return to my ancient Flock. At last Sir Ralph Clare did freely tell me, that if I would conform to the Orders and Ceremonies of the Church, and preach Conformity to the People, and labor to set them right, there was no Man in England so fit to be there; for no Man could more effectually do it: but if I would not, there was no Man so unfit for the place; for no Man could more hinder it.

§ 154. I desired it as the greatest favor of them, that if they intended not my being there, they would plainly tell me so, that I might trouble them and myself no more about it: But that was a favor too great to be expected: I had continual encouragement by Promises, till I was almost tired in waiting on them. At last, meeting Sir Ralph Clare in the Bishop's Chamber, I desired him before the Bishop to tell me to my face, if he had anything against me, which might cause all this ado. He told me that I would give the Sacrament to none kneeling, and that of Eighteen hundred Communicants, there was not past Six hundred that were for me, and the rest were rather for the Vicar. I answered, That I was very glad that these words fell out to be spoken in the Bishop's hearing. To the first Accusation, I told him, That he himself knew that I invited him to the Sacrament, and offered it him kneeling, and under my hand in that writing; and openly in his hearing in the Pulpit, I had promised and told both him and all the rest, that I never had, nor never would put any Man from the Sacrament on the account of kneeling, but leave everyone to the Posture which they should choose: And that the reason why I never gave it to any kneeling, was, because all that came would sit or stand, and those that were for kneeling only followed him, who would not come, unless I would administer it to him and his Party on a day by themselves, when the rest were not present: and I had no mind to be the Author of such a Schism, and make as it were two Churches of one: But especially the consciousness of notorious Scandal, which they knew they must be accountable for, did make many kneelers stay away. And all this he could not deny. And as to the second Charge, there was a Witness ready to say as he: for the truth is, among good and bad, I knew but one Man in the Town against me; which was a Stranger newly come, one Canderton an Attorney, Steward to the Lord of Abergeveny (a Papist) who was Lord of the Manor): and this one Man was the Prosecutor, and witnessed how many were against my Return. I craved of the Bishop that I might send by the next Post to know their Minds, and if that were so, I would take it for a favor to be kept from thence. When the People heard this at Kidderminster, in a days time they gathered the hands of Sixteen hundred of the Eighteen hundred Communicants, and the rest were such as were from home: And within four or five days I happened to find Sir Ralph Clare with the Bishop again, and shown him the hands of Sixteen hundred Communicants, with an offer of more; if they might have time, all very earnest for my Return. Sir Ralph was silenced as to that point: but he and the Bishop appeared so much the more against my Return.

§ 155. The Letter which the Lord Chancellor (upon his own offer) wrote for me to Sir Ralph Clare, he gave at my request, unsealed: and so I took a Copy of it before I sent it away, as thinking the chief use would be to keep it, and compare it with their Dealings; and it was as followeth.