Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times
13. That no Pastor be displaced, unless for Insufficieney, Negligence or Scandal committed within two Years before the Accusation; or unless some able Godly, faithful Pastor prove a better Title to the Place.
14. Lastly, That Persons Excommunicate, may not be punished eo Nomine, because Excommunicate, by corporal Punishments, unless it be by disfranchising, that they be uncapable of Government, or of choosing Governors; seeing the same Men are also obnoxious to the Laws of the Land, for such Crimes as the Laws condemn, notwithstanding their Excommunication.
On these Terms we may hold a Christian Concord, without any Danger of Persecution, or Breach of Charity, or Peace, if the Magistrate should think meet to settle Episcopacy: as we may on the forementioned Terms, while the present Liberty continueth.
Dr. Hammond's Answer.
1. WHAT concerns private Christians in their own Families, will I suppose easily be granted, care being taken that nothing contrary to known Laws be attempted under Pretence of convening for Christian Advantages.
2. What concerns the Rectors of each Parish in the Discharge of the Duty by Law committed to them, there can be no doubt of. What is more required to be entrusted to them, being now by Law in the Bishops cannot be removed without changing the Law; which must be left to the Law-Makers, upon due Consideration of Ancient, Primitive Practice, and what may probably most tend to Edification.
3. What concerns the Observation of Ceremonies by Minister or People, by Law established, must be done by Tolleration or Exemption from Punishments, allowed to tender Consciences, with care had also to Uniformity.
4. The Nomination of Persons to Offices in the Church, must have respect to to the lawful right of Patrons, unless by Law some Change be thought expedient to be introduced herein.
5. If the Presidents of inferior Synods are to have Episcopal Power in Confirmation, Censures, Ordination, then this being the multiplying of Bishops, must be referred to the Supreme Power to judge whether all things considered, it be best, or whether some larger Dioceses being divided, some lesser may not remain as they are. But if inferior Presidents be not vested with Episcopal Power, but be in the Nature of our rural Deans, or of Archdeacons, the use of them and their Synods may be good, with Subordination to Bishops and regulated by Laws.
6. If there be Bishops in the Church, sure they must have the superintendent Care; and so Power over the whole Flock, Presbyters and People; yet so that for the Exercise of it, they intrust to the Rector of each Parish with what shall be found necessary for the Souls of the People in daily Administration.
7. I cannot think it meet that the 39 Articles which are the Hedge between us and the Papacy should be removed, and Articles in bare Scripture • terms substituted in their room, unless by this means (the Papacy receding also) an universal Peace might be hoped, which is a thing beyond our Prospect. That no more Articles be added to clog our Communion, is very reasonable. That any of these established, are excepted against by those, in Relation to whom we now consider, is more than I have heard.
8. For the not removing any Minister but upon weighty Cause, and not punishing Offenders by other than Ecclesiastical Censures, leaving the rest to the Civil Magistrate, I see no matter of Debate between us.
R. B.'s Reply.
THE Strictures returned, instead of Abatements for Accommodation, refer almost all the Matters in Difference to the Civil Magistrate. We know that whoever is in possession of the Magistracy will be the Judge of his own Actions, and give us Laws according to his Judgment. Our Motion is not, for Divines to do any of the Magistrates Work. But when Magistrates against Episcopacy are up, we would have Divines endeavor in their places, to draw them from injuring the Brethren that are for Episcopacy: And when Magistrates that are for Episcopacy are up, we would have Divines endeavor in their places to draw them from injuring the Brethren that cannot comply with it any nearer than on the fore-expressed Terms. And that the Party that is still under might not be look upon, and used as a Sect, and Division might not be cherished among us, we much rather desire an Accommodation than a Toleration: that we may be but one Body • and stick together whatever Changes come. To this end, we first desire that our Rule for Doctrine, Discipline and Worship, be such as may serve for an Universal Concord: and next, that we may be secured from Encroachments on our just Liberty, and such Impositions (besides or above the Rule) as we know will cause Divisions and Persecutions. That which we desire to these Ends, from the Divines to whom we offer our Proposals, is that they will express their own Desire that so much may be granted by the Magistrate, as they find meet to be granted; and agreeing on the fittest Terms among themselves, will profess and promise their faithful Endeavors in their Places and Capacities, to procure the Concession and Approbation of these Terms from the Magistrate. And this any single person may (to prepare for a further Communication) consider of, and consent unto, viz. to improve his Interest to these Ends.
Now to the Particulars, 1. We desire that you will profess your Judgment, and promise your just Endeavors in your place that [no Laws] may be made, (or continued) that are contrary to these Christian Duties (and I know of none such existent): And then we consent that all Persons be responsible for their Miscarriages.
2. This is the chief of our Desires, that you will profess your desire, and promise your endeavor in your place, that the power mentioned in the eighth Article, may by Law be granted to the Rectors of each Parish; we suppose that their Office is of Divine Institution: and therefore that Magistrates may not change it: what is by Law established, the Possessors of the Government, will still be Judges of. Did we believe that the Pastors of particular Churches are not of Divine Institution, unchangeable by Man; or that Diocesan Bishops could exercise Christ's Discipline over so many hundred Parishes, so that it would not certainly be cast out by their undertaking it, we would not have insisted on this Article, but yield that Rectors • shall never Rule.
3. We might hope that the Ceremonies might be left indifferent, and so there might be no Divisions about them. As we find it now by Experience in our Assemblies, in the singing of Psalms, the Gesture is left indifferent, and there is no trouble about it: So in many places the Sacrament Gesture is left indifferent; and one kneeleth, and another standeth, and another sitteth, and there is no disturbance about it; but Custom having taken off their Prejudice, they have the Charity to bear with one another. And some Congregations sing one Version of the Psalms and some another, and (though Uniformity in that be much more desirable than in a Cross, or Surplice, or Kneeling at Receiving the Eucharist, yet) there is no disturbance among us about it. And when our Unity is not laid upon our Uniformity in these unnecessary things; we shall not be necessitated to persecute one another about them, nor to make Sects by our Toleration of Dissenters: And doubtless if your Toleration be of all that profess Tenderness of Conscience in these Points, you will find such abundance of godly Men avoid your Ceremonies and accept of your Toleration, that you will think yourselves necessitated to persecute them, as dishonoring you, and discouraging Uniformity by their dissent. But if you tolerate some, and not others that can lay the same claim to it, your partiality will quickly break all into pieces. We are certain that leaving these unnecessary things at liberty, to be used only by those that will, is the way to Unity: But if this cannot be attained, we shall be glad of a Toleration in our Public Charges.
4. The Patron's Right of Nomination may be preserved, though the Communicants have their Consent preserved, without which none is to be obtruded on them: Though in case of unreasonable refusal of fit men, much means may be used by Church-Officers and Magistrates to bring them to consent: But how can People be governed in the Worship of God, and in a Holy Life, by any Pastor without their own consent.
5. The multiplying of Bishops is in our Account, the making Discipline become possible, that else is not (to any purpose): And though our own Judgment be that every Parish that is great should have a Bishop and Presbytery; yet we yield to you for Concord and Peace, that there be a Bishop and Presbytery in every City, that is, Corporation or Market-Town, and these (as is expressed in the Articles) to have one in every County or Diocese to whom they shall be responsible. We desire only the profession of your Consent to this Change, and promise of your promoting it in your place by just means, that so our Differences may be ended. But if this cannot be granted, and no particular Pastors tolerated to exercise Discipline in their own Parishes, but all must be done by the Bishop and his Court, we must take it as equipollent to this Conclusion, [Discipline shall be cast out of the Churches]: And then we have no hopes of the healing of our Divisions, or satisfying the Desires and Consciences of multitudes of Persons, truly fearing God: And if we may not have Discipline to promote a just Reformation of Manners, we shall still have irregular Attempts of Reformation.
But it is not the Name that we insist on; Call them Rural Deans or Arch-Deacons, or what you please, so be it, they may be authorized to do the things • ere desired; even to exercise that Discipline which one Bishop in a County cannot exercise.
6. A General Care is one thing, and the Special Charge of the particular Pastor is another. The former extendeth no further than to oversee the particular Pastors, and to receive Appeals in extraordinary Cases from any of the People; and to teach them in course, while as Visitors they pass from one Parish to another, and in the same manner to administer Sacraments, and personally exercise Parish Discipline: But the Special Charge containeth an Obligation to watch over each particular Person in an ordinary teaching them, publicly and privately, as they have occasion and opportunity, and plucking up all Weeds of Heresy and Profaneness, that shall spring up among them, resolving Doubts, convincing Gainsayers, and ordinarily guiding them in Public Worship, calling the Offenders to Penitence, and absolving the Penitent, and binding over the Impenitent to the Judgment Seat of Christ, and requiring the People to avoid them. If you impose on every Diocesan Bishop (besides the fore-described General Care) this Special Charge over every Soul, as every Pastor of a particular Church hath, you will take an effectual Course to keep the most pious, modest, and thoughtful Persons out of that rank.
And your Phrase of [Intrusting so much as is found necessary in the hands of the Rector of each Parish] seemeth to intimate that you take those Rectors not only for Men of a distinct Order or Office, from the Bishops, but also of an Office that it is not of Divine Institution, and described by God, but of Human Institution, and left to the Bishop's Discretion what it shall be, and how much power such shall have, and that they are to be entrusted with it from the Bishops (as the Italians in Council. Trident. would have had the Bishops to have theirs from the Pope). If this be your meaning, it will not reconcile. If it be not, then the Rectors of each Parish may know • their Office from the Holy Scripture, and receive it as from Christ, who hath instituted it, and entrusted them with it.
7. We desire the Scripture Confession but to the Extent and Securing of our Peace and Concord. If Papists would agree upon such a Confession, yea on a Subscription to the whole Scripture, we should rejoice: But they cannot do it, without ceasing to be Papists. And many may rise up among ourselves that may scruple some words in the 39 Articles, that are not fit ergo to be persecuted and cast out of the Church (as Mr. Chillingworth 's Instance proves): 1. As he that should scruple someone word (of no great weight) in Athanasius 's Creed, contrary to Art. 8. 2. Or the absolute Exclusion of Works in the Article of Justification, Art. 11. 3. Or the displeasingness and sinfulness of Works before Faith, and their not making Men meet to receive Grace, Art. 13. 4. And that voluntary Works, besides or above God's Commandments, cannot be taught without A •• ogancy and Impiety ( vide Annot. Dr. H. H. in 1 Cor. 9. 16, 17.) Art. 14. 5. If any think that the Virgin Mary, or Infants offended not in many things, Art. 15. ] We question whether it be according to the Ancient Simplicity or Charity, to cast out all these from our Churches. 6. And what if Dr. Taylor and many others cannot Subscribe to Art. 9. and 2. 7. And if a Man believe not that [by good Works a lively Faith may be as evidently known, as a Tree discerned by the Fruit], should he be presently cast out? Art. 12. 8. The 21 Art. concludeth that [General Councils may not be gathered together without the Commandment and Will of Princes]; and some think it may as well besaid, that we may not meet for Public Worship without their Command and Will; and that this proveth, that there never was a General Council, nor ever will be; because the Princes (Infidels and Christians) in whose Dominions the Bishops live, never did, or will generally Consent to have their Subjects go to a General Council. 9. The 31st Art. concludeth [that there is none other Satisfaction for Sin, but Christ's alone]: which many beside Grotius do contradict. 10. Many dare not Subscribe to the 34th Art. without restriction • 11. Many good Men dare not so fully approve of all the Homilies as Art. 35. doth • 12. Many have refused Subscription because of Art. 36, it being hard so far to justify every word in such Human Writings as the Book of Consecration is. Now it seems against our Unity, to make such a Test of it, as all Persons tolerable cannot agree in. And it seems contrary to the Ancient Simplicity, which required no other Test than the Scriptures and the Creeds. And it hardeneth the Papists to call on us to prove a Succession of Protestants from the first Ages, that is, of Men that have held all the 39 Articles.
But yet we highly value the 39 Articles as found and moderate, and if we can procure no nearer a recourse to Scripture and Ancient Simplicity, we shall cheerfully submit to the 39 Articles; if the Doctrine of Bishops and Ceremonies, might be left out, as Matters of Practice and not of Faith, as long as we are responsible for any Disobedience. And it's hard if such things must be Subscribed, as of Necessity to our Church Communion, or Ministry.
And that these have been excepted against by the Old Nonconformists, I suppose you know.
And if you could be content with a Scripture Confession if Rome would yield to it, why should you deny to your Brethren at home, that which you would grant the Romanists, and therefore confess you may lawfully grant? Let us lay down such a Rule of Concord, as is fit for all to yield to, and then leave all to accept it as they please; and so they cannot blame our Religion, nor maintain their Alienation: But if we will not be content with a Rule that's fitted for Universal Concord, we keep Men from it.
And seeing you now say, It's reasonable that we be clogged with no more] why might not the same have been said of some of the fore-mentioned Passages, if they had been left out?
8. But the Doubt is, Whether you will allow the Title of the Ministers now in possession (except as before excepted), or whether you will rather judge all their Titles void that were not Ordained by Diocesan Bishops.
Lastly, We desire to know whether all the rest, not touched on and excepted against in these Notes, have your Consent: (as that Bishops be chosen by the whole Clergy, and Ordain not, and Censure not, without their Synods, &c.
O how easy were a Peace on these Terms! how easily and safely might you grant them, without any wrong to your Consciences, or the Church? Yea, to its exceeding benefit! How loud do our Miseries cry for such a Cure! How long hath it been neglected!
If there be anymore than what is here granted by us, that you think necessary for us to yield to on our parts, we shall gladly revive your Demands, and yield for Peace as far as is possible, without forsaking our Consciences: And what shall be agreed on, we shall promise faithfully to endeavor in our places, that the Magistrate may consent to it.
The inclosing Paper signified a readiness to yield to an Agreement, on the primitive Simplicity of Doctrine, Discipline and Worship: as Dr. Heylin also doth. We are agreed, and yet never the nearer an Agreement: O that you would stand to this in the Particulars! We crave no more.
Q. 1. Did the •• imitive Church require Subscription to all in our 39 Articles, or to any more than the words of Scripture, and the Ancient Creeds, in order to Men's Church-Communion and Liberty? Were such Volumes as our Homili • s then to be subscribed to?
Q. 2. Were any required as necessary to their Ministry in the Primitive Times, to Subscribe to the Divine Right of Diocesan Prelacy, and promise or swear Obedience to such? Or to Subscribe to all that is contained in our Book of Ordination?
Q. 3. Were all, most, or any Bishops of the first Age, (of the lowest rank, now distinguished from Archbishop • ) the fixed Pastors of many particular Churches, or of more Souls than one of our ordinary (or greater) Parishes? Much less of so many as are in a Diocese. Let us but have no more Souls, or Congregations under the lowest rank of Bishops now, than were in the first Age (or second either ordinarily), and we shall soon agree, I think in all the Substance of Government.
Q. 4. Was our Common Prayer used, and necessary to a Pastor's Liberty, in the first or second Age? Or all that is in it? Or will you leave out all that you cannot prove to have been then used, and that as necessary, as now it is supposed?
Q. 5. Were the Cross, Surplice, and Restriction to kneeling in receiving the E • charist enjoined by Peter or Paul, or any in the first Age? (or second either, or many after?) If you say, that some Form of Prayer was used, though not ours: I answer, 1. Prove it used, and imposed as necessary to the Exercise of the Ministry: and that any was enjoined to Subscribe to it, and use it on pain of Deprivation or Excommunication. 2. If the first (supposed) Book of Prayers was necessary in Specie, for continuance, we must have it, and cast away this that • s pleaded for: If it were not, then why may you not as well dispense with this, and change it, seeing you cannot plead it more immutable than the (supposed) Apostolical, or Primitive Prayer Book? 3. When Forms of Liturgy came up, had they not divers in the same Empire, and also changed them in particular Churches? (as the Controversy between Basil and the Church of Neocaesarea shows, &c. ) And why then may not as much be granted now in England? at least to procure Unity and Peace in other things, after so long uncharitable Alienations, and doleful Effects of them in the Church and State?
N. B. That the foresaid Exceptions against imposing the Subscription of the 39 Articles, are urged ad hominem; because though the Doctrinal Part of those Articles be such as the generality of the Presbyterians would Subscribe to, yet I see not how the Reverend Brethren on the other side can possibly Subscribe them as reconcilable to the Principles published by many of them.
§ 67. Shortly after this, when Sir George Booth 's Rising failed, Major General Monk in Scotland, with his Army, grew so sensible of the Infolencies of Vane and Lambert, and the Fanatics in England and Ireland, who set up and pulled down Governments as boldly as if they were making a Lord of a Maygame, and were grasping all the Power into their own Hands; so that he presently secured the Anabaptists of his Army, and agreed with the rest, to resist these Usurpers; who would have England the Scorn of all the World. At first when he drew near to England, he declared for a Free Commonwealth. When he came in, Lambert marched against him, but his Soldiers forsaking him, and Sir Arthur Haselrigge getting Portsmouth, and Col. Morley strengthening him, and Major General Berry 's Regiment, which went to block it up, revolting to them, the Clouds rose everywhere at once, and Lambert could make no resistance; but instead of fighting, they were fain to treat: And while Monk held them Treating, his Reputation increased, and theirs abated, and their Hearts failed them, and their Soldiers fell off: and General Monk consulted with his Friends, what to do! Many Countries sent Letters of Thanks and Encouragement to him. Mr. Tho. Bampfield was sent by the Gentlemen of the West; and other Countries did the like; so that Monk came on, but still declared for a Commonwealth, against Monarchy: Till at last, when he saw all ripened thereto, he declared for the King. The chief Men (as far as I can learn) that turned his Resolution, to bring in the King, were Mr. Clarges and Sir William Morrice, his Kinsman, and the Petitions, and Affections of the City of London, principally moved by Mr. Calamy and Mr. Ash, two ancient, leading, able Ministers (with Dr. Bates, Dr. Manten, Dr. Iacomb, and other Ministers of London who concurred): And these were encouraged by the Earl of Manchester, the Lord Hollis, the (late) Earl of Anglesey, and many of the (then) Council of State: And the Members of the Old Parliament that had been formerly ejected, being recalled, did Dissolve themselves, and appoint the Calling of a Parliament which might Re-call the King. When General Monk first came into England, most Men rejected, in hope to be delivered from the Usurpation of the Fanatics (Anabaptists, Seekers, &c. ) And I was my • self so much affected with the strange Providence of God, that I procured the Ministers to agree upon a Public Thanksgiving to God. And I think all the Victories which that Army obtained, were not more wonderful than their Fall was, when Pride and Error had prepared them for it. It seemed wonderful to me, that an Army that had got so many great and marvelous Victories, and thought themselves unconquerable, and talked of nothing but Dominion at home, and marching up to the Walls of Rome, should all be broken and brought into Subjection, and finally Disbanded, without one blow stricken, or one drop of Blood shed! and that by so small a power as Monk 's Army in the ••• ginning was: So Eminent was the Hand of God in all this Change.
§ 68. Yet were there many prudent, pious Men that feared greatly the return of the Prelates, an exasperated Party that had been before subdued; and as they saw that the Fanatics would bring all to Confusion under pretence of promoting Godliness, so they feared the enraged Prelatical Party would renew their Persecution, under pretence of Order and Government. And some that thought R. Cromwell 's Resignation was not plain and full, did scruple it, Whether they were not at present obliged to him; for though they knew that he had no Original Right, and though the condemned the Act of those Men as Treason, who set up both his Father and him, yet when he was set up, and the Government had been Twelve years in their Hands, and the House of Commons had sworn Subjection to him, they thought it was very doubtful whether they were not obliged to him, as the Possessor: And withal, many had alienated the Hearts of Men from the King, making them believe that he was uncertain in his Religion, &c. and that the Duke of York was a Papist, and that they would set up the revengeful Cavaliers: but these things were quickly at an end: For many Gentlemen, who had been with the King in Scotland, especially the Earl of Lauderdaile and Colonel Greav •• , who were of Reputation with the People, did spread abroad mighty Commendations of the King, both as to his Temper and Piety; whereby the Fears of many at that time were much quieted.
§ 69. As for myself, I came to London April the 13th, 1660. where I was no sooner arrived but I was accosted by the Earl of Lauderdale (just then released from his tedious Confinement in Windsor Castle by the restored Parliament) who having heard from some of the Sectarian Party, that my Judgment was that our Obligations to Richard Cromwell were not dissolved, nor could be till another Parliament, or a fuller Renunciation of the Government, took a great deal of pains with me, to satisfy me in that point.
And for the quieting People's Minds that were in no small Commotion through clandestine Rumours, he by means of Sir Robert Murray, and the Countess of Balcares then in France, procured several Letters to be written from thence, full of high Elogiums of the King, and Assurances of his firmness in the Protestant Religion, which he got translated and published. Among others, one was sent to me from Monsieur Gaches, a famous pious Preacher at Chatenton; wherein, after an high strain of Complements to myself, he gave a pom • ous Character of the King, and assured me, that during his Exile he never forbore the Public Profession of the Protestant Religion, no not even in those places where it seemed prejudicial to his Affairs. that he was present at Divine Worship in the French Churches at Roan and Rochelle, though not at Charenton, during his stay at Paris; and earnestly pressit me to use my utmost interest, that the King might be restored by means of the Presbyterians, &c.
The Letter being long, and already published, shall not be here inserted. But I could not forbear making divers Reflections, upon the Receipt of such a Letter as this was.
§ 70. This Excellent Divine, with divers others, living at a distance, knew not the state of Affairs in England so well as we that were upon the place: They knew not how much the Presbyterians had done to bring in the King, or else they would not have thought it needful to use any Exhortations to them to that end. And they knew not those Men, who with the King were to be restored, so well as we did: What the Presbyterians did to preserve and restore the King, is a thing that we need not go to any Corners or Cabinets to prove! The Votes for Agreement upon the King's Concessions in the Isle of Wight prove it: The Ejection and Imprisonment of most of the House of Commons, and all the House of Lord's prove it: The Calamitous overthrow of two Scottish Armies prove it. The Death of Mr. Love, with the Imprisonment and Flight of other London Ministers prove it: The wars in Scotland, and their Conquest by Cromwell prove it: The Rising of Sir George Booth and his Army's overthrow prove it: The Surprize of Dublin-Castle from the Anabaptists by Colonel John Bridges and others in Ireland, and the Gratulations of General Monk in England, the Concurrence of the Londonners, and the Ministers there, the Actual Preparations of the Restored Members of the Long Parliament, and the Consent of the Council of State left by them, and the Calling in of the King hereupon by the next Parliament, without one contradicting Voice, and finally the Lord's and Gentlemen of the King's old Party in all Countries, addressing themselves to the Parliamentarians, and the King's grateful Acknowledgments in his Letters, and his Speeches in Parliament, do all put this Matter out of question. Of which I have said more in my Key for Catholics.
§ 71. And when I read this Reverend Man's excessive Praises, and his concluding Prayer for the Success of my Labors, I thought with myself, how little doth the good Man understand how ill the beginning and end of his words accord: He prayeth for my Congregation, and the Blessing of my Labors, when he hath persuaded me to put an end to my Labors, by ssetting up those Prelates who will Silence me and many a hundred more! He persuadeth me to that which will separate me from my Flock, and then prayeth that I may be a Blessing to them. He overvalueth and magnifieth my Service to the Church, and then persuadeth me to that which will put a Period to my Service, and to the Service of many hundreds better than myself. But yet his Cause and Arguments are honest; and I am so far from being against him in it, that I think I am much more for it than he: for he is for our Restoring the King, that our Ministry may be freed from the obloquy of malicious Enemies: but I am for restoring of the King, that when we are Silenced, and our Ministry at an end, and some of us lie in Prisons, we may there, and in that Condition, have Peace of Conscience in the Discharge of our Duty, and the Exercise of Faith, Patience and Charity in our Sufferings.
§ 72. And I confess at that time the Thoughts of Men's hearts were various according to their several Expectations: The Sectarian Party cried out that God had in Justice cut off the Family that Reigned over us; and to return to it again, was to betray the Church, and the Souls of Men. Some others said, That the Sectaries had traitorously and wickedly pulled down the King and Parliament, and set up themselves, and broken their Oaths, and pulled down all Government, and made the Name of Religion a Reproach, and brought that Blot upon it, which is never till the Day of Judgment like to be wiped off: But yet that after Twelve years alienation of the Government, and when a House of Commons hath sworn Fidelity to another, and the King's own Party had taken the Engagement, their Obligations to that Family were by Providence, against their Wills dissolved; and that they were not bound to be Actors in that which will Silence thousands of faithful Ministers, and be like to be the Perdition of many and many thousand Souls. But the Presbyterians said, We are bound by the Covenant to the King that last was, and by the Oath of Allegiance to him and his Heirs; and all Changes since have been made unlawfully by Rebellious Sectaries; and for our parts, whatever others have done, we have taken no Engagements or contrary Oaths: if the Sectaries and the Cavaliers have taken the Engagement, what is that to us: Our Brethren of Scotland, nor we never did it: Therefore being obliged to the King, as the undoubted Heir of the Crown, we ought to do our Duty, as Loyal Subjects to Restore him, and for the Issue let God do what he will.
§ 73. This was their Resolution, but in their Expectations they much differed: for those of them that converse with the Nobles and Great Men, and heard from them an high Character of the King, as to his Temper and Piety, were apt to believe them: and had great hopes, that because he had taken the Covenant himself, he would be moderate in settling all Matters of the Church, and would allow the Presbyterians liberty to preach the Gospel in their Parish-Churches! and that he would remove the Subscriptions, and leave the Common Prayer and Ceremonies indifferent, so that they should not be cast out of the Churches. Others thought that the Prelates, being once set up, there would be no place for Nonsubscribers in the Public Churches: but yet that if we were the means of the King's Restoration, the Prelates would not for shame deny us such Liberty as the Protestants have in France; and that Protestants would not deny that to Protestants, after such an Obligation, which Papists granted them. But a third sort said, You know not the Principles or Spirit of the Prelates, if you look for any Liberty in Public or in Private, to be granted to any that do not conform. We all look to be Silenced, and some or many of us imprisoned or banished: but yet we will do our parts to restore the King, because no foreseen ill consequence, must hinder us from our Duty: And if ignorant Men be put into our places, and never so many Souls perish by it, the Fault is not ours, but theirs that do it. And a fourth sort there were, that foreseeing the Silencing of the Ministers, said, We are sure that there are not competent Men (much less excellent) in England, to supply the place of one among many of those that will be cast out; and we know that God useth to work by Means: and therefore that the Change is like to be the damnation of many thousand Souls: and we do not believe that we are bound (all things considered) to be forward to bring such a Work to pass: But we will stand by, and see what God will do, and will not hinder it.
§ 74. Those that looked for Liberty, were encouraged in their Expectations by these Means following:
1. All the Noblemen and Gentry that had been Sequestred for the King's Cause against the old Parliament, did in several Counties, publish Invitations to all Men to promote the King's Reduction, protesting against Thoughts of Revenge or Uncharitableness, and professing their Resolution to put up all Injuries and live in Peace.
2. Afterward his Majesty sent over a Promise of Liberty of Conscience, as these Men understood it: but indeed it was but a Profession of his readiness to consent to any Act which the Parliament should offer to him to that end.
3. Dr. Morley, and other of the Divines on that side, did privately meet with several Persons of Honor, and some Ministers, and professed Resolutions for great Moderation and Lenity.
§ 75. But those that looked for silencing, cruelty, and Confusion, said, that from the Beginning (except a few inconsiderable Persons) it was all the Enemies of serious Godliness in the Land, who were on the one side; and it was the Friends of serious Godliness who were the main Body on the other side: That the Enmity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed is the most irreconcilable in the World: That all the Hypocrites and carnal Sort of Formal Pharisaical Christians will persecute them that are born after the Spirit: That Wars and Sequestrations, and Cromwell 's severity against them, have exasperated them; so that we shall have natural Enmity and Malice sublimated to deal with; and that they will revenge all their real and seeming Injuries; that these twenty Years Trial hath proved them irreconcilable: That their carnal Interest will continually engage them against serious Godliness; and a Man of Conscience that cannot say or swear or do anything which they command him, will be taken by them for a Schismatic and Enemy: That the late Wars hath given them Advantage to cast the Odium of Civil Broils upon Religion, and of other Men's Faults upon the innocent; so that there Interest will certainly lead them to call all those Rebels that swear not to their Words; and every Man whose Religion is not ceremonious and complemental shall be called a Presbyterian, and every Presbyterian a Rebel: And whereas heretofore they had no worse Names to call godly Men by, than the foolish Names of Puritans and Roundheads, henceforth if a Man will not be as bad as others, he shall be called an Enemy to the Government: And though not one of forty of the Ministers ever meddled with the Wars, they shall all fare alike if they be not Prelatists. Thus did Men differ in their Expectations.
§ 76. When I was at London, the new Parliament being called, they presently appointed a Day of Fasting and Prayer for themselves: The House of Commons chose Mr. Calamy, Dr. Gauden, and myself to preach and pray with them at St. Margaret's Westminster. In that Sermon, I uttered some Passages that were after matter of some Discourse: Speaking of our Differences and the way to heal them, I told them that whether we should be Loyal to our King was none of our Differences; in that we are all agreed; it being not possible that a Man should be true to the Protestants Principles, and not be Loyal; as it was impossible to be true to the Papists Principles, and to be Loyal: And for the Concord now wished in matters of Church-Government, I told them it was easy for moderate Men to come to a fair Agreement, and that the late Reverend Primate of Ireland and my self had agreed in half an Hour. I remember not the very Words, but you may read them in the Sermon, which was printed by order of the House of Commons.
§ 77. As soon as this printed Sermon came abroad, the Papists were enraged against me; and one nameless Gentleman wrote a Pamphlet to challenge me to make good my Charge: And others sent me Letters with their Names (real or counterfeit) containing the same Challenge; but never told me where they dwelt, nor how I might convey an Answer to them; whereas the heedless Challengers might have seen that I fully performed what I undertook, and answered their Challenge before they sent it, in the Sermon itself, when I cited Can. 3. of the General Council at the Lateran under Pope Innocent III. which I have done in other Places again and again to provoke them to make some Answer to it; but never could procure it of them: But to gratify these Gentlemen, I began to write a fuller Proof of what I there affirmed; but I was advised not to publish it, considering the Power and Malice of the Papists, and how greatly (though they called for it) they would be enraged by it, and in likelihood quickly work my Ruin:
§ 78. The next Morning after this Day of Fasting, did the Parliament unanimously Vote home the King, Nemine contradicente; and do that which former Actions had but prepared for.
§ 79. The City of London about that time was to keep a Day of solemn Thanksgiving, for General Monks Success; and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen desired me to preach before them at St. Paul's-Church: Wherein I so endeavored to show the Value of that Mercy, as to show also how Sin and Men's Abuse might turn it into matter of Calamity, and what should be right Bounds and Qualifications of that Joy. The Moderate were pleased with it; the Fanatics were offended with me for keeping such a Thanksgiving; the Diocesan Party thought I did suppress their Joy: The Words may be seen in the Sermon ordered to be printed.
§ 80. But the other Words about my Agreement with Bishop Usher, in the Sermon before the Parliament, put me to most Trouble. For presently many moderate Episcopal Divines came to me to know what those Terms of our Agreement were: And thinking verily that others of their Party had been as moderate as themselves, they entered upon Debates for our general Concord; and we agreed as easily among ourselves in private, as if almost all our Differences were at an end. Among others I had Speech about it with Dr. Gauden, who promised to bring Dr. Morley, and many more of that Party to meet with some of the other Party at Dr. Bernard 's Lodging in Grays-Inn; there came none on that side but Dr. Gauden, and Dr. Bernard; and none of the other side but Dr. Manton and myself; and so little was done but only Desires of Concord expressed: But whereas I told Dr. Gauden [That for the Doctrinal Part of the Common-Prayer-Book, though I knew that there were many Exceptions against it, yet I remembered nothing which I could not assent to, allowing it but the favorable Interpretation which the Writings of all Divines are allowed]: He took Advantage from these Words to praise my Moderation in the next Book which he printed, as if I had spoke this of the Liturgy in general, as a Frame of Worship, leaving out the first Words [As to the Doctrinal Part] to which only I limited my Assent: So that I was put in print so far to vindicate myself, as to set down the true Words; which he never contradicted. Thus Men were every day talking of Concord, but to little purpose, as appeared in the Issue.
§ 81. And because I heard that Dr. Morley was a Moderate Orthodox Man, and had often Meetings with Dr. Manton and others, whom he encouraged with Pacificatory Professions, and that he had greatest Interest in the King and the Lord Chancellor, I had a great desire to have one hours Discourse with him, to know whether really Concord was intended: And when he gave me a Meeting, and we had spent an Hour in Discourse, I found that he spake of Moderation in the general, but came to no particular Terms, but past by what I mentioned of that Nature: But speaking much for Liturgies, against Extemporary Church-Prayers, he told me at last that the Iansenists were numerous among the Papists, and many among the French inclined to Peace, and that on his knowledge, if it were not for the Hinderances which Calvin had laid in the way, most on this side the Alps would come over to us. And this was all I could get from him.
§ 82. When the King was to be sent for by the Parliament, certain Divines with others were sent by the Parliament and City to him into Holland; viz. Mr. Calamy, Dr. Manton, Mr. Bowles, and divers others; and some went voluntarily; to whom his Majesty gave such encouraging Promises of Peace, as raised some of them to high Expectations: And when he came in, as he past through the City towards Westminster, the London Ministers in their Places attended him with Acclamations, and by the Hands of old Mr. Arthur Jackson, presented him with a Rich-adorned Bible, which he received, and told them it should be the Rule of his Actions.
§ 83. About this time I had some Conference with one (that called himself) William Johnson, a Papist; the Occasion, Progress, and End of which I will here give you at once, to avoid farther Interruptions by it.
When I was at Kidderminster, 1659. one Mr. Langhorn, a Furrier in Walbrook, sent me a Sheet of Paper subscribed by William Johnson, containing an Argument against our Church, for want of perpetual Visibility; or, That none but the Church of Rome, and those in Communion with it, had been successively visible; casting all on his Opponent to prove our Churches constant Visibility. He that sent this Paper desired me to answer it as for some Friends of his who were unsatisfied. I sent him an Answer the next Day after I received it. To this, some Weeks after I received a Reply: This Reply had cited many Fathers and Councils, and as the use is, brought the Controversy into the Wood of Church-History. To this I drew up a large Rejoinder, and sent it by the Carrier; though I was not rich enough to keep an Amanuensis, and had not leisure myself to transcribe, yet as it well happened I had got a Friend to write me a Copy of my Rejoinder: For it fell out that the Carrier lost the Copy which I gave him to carry to London, and professed that he never knew what became of it: And no wonder, when I after learnt that my Antagonist lived within five or six Miles of me, whom I supposed to have lived one hundred and fifty Miles off: When I expected an Answer, I received a Month after an Insulting Challenge of a speedy Answer, and this seconded with another, all calling for haste. I suppose he thought I had kept no Copy, but as soon as I could get it transcribed I sent it him; and I heard no more of Mr. Johnson in a Twelve-month. When I was at London I went to Mr. Langhorne, and desired him to procure me an Answer to my Papers from Mr. Johnson, or that I might know that I should have none: At last he told me that Mr. Johnson would come speak with me himself; which he did, and would have put off all the Business with a few Words, but would promise me no Answer. At last by Mr. Tillotson I was informed that his true Name was Terret, and that he lived in the House of a certain Nobleman near our parts, and that being much in London, he is there the chief Hector, or great Disputer for the Papists; and that he was the chief of the two Men who had held and printed the Dispute with Dr. Pierson and Dr. Gunning: And when I saw what Advantage he had got by printing that Dispute, I resolved that he should not do so by me, and so I printed all our Papers; but before I printed them, I urged him to some farther Conference; and at our next meeting I told him how necessary it was that we should agree first of the meaning of our Terms, and I wrote down some few [as Church, Pope, Council, Bishop, Heresy, Schism, &c. ] which I desired him to explain to me under his Hand promising him the like whenever he desired it; which when I had got from him, I gave him some Animadversions on it, shown their Implications; to which he answered, and to that I replied: And when he came no more to me, nor gave me any Answer, I printed all together; which made him think it necessary at last to write a Confutation: whereto I have since published a full Rejoinder to which I can procure no Answer.
§ 84. And not long after, hearing that the Countess of Balcarres was not well, I went to visit her, and found her grievously afflicted for her eldest Daughter, the Lady Ann Lindsey about sixteen or seventeen Years of Age, who was suddenly turned Papist by she knew not whom. She told me, that when she first heard of it she desired Dr. Gunning to meet with the Priest to dispute with him, and try if her Daughter might be recovered, who pretended then to be in Doubt: And that Dr. Gunning first began to persuade her Daughter against the Church of Scotland which she had been bred in, as no true Church, and after disputed but about the Pope's Infallability, and • eft her Daughter worse than before; and that she took it to be a strange way to deliver her Daughter from Popery, to begin with a Condemnation of the Reformed Churches as no true Churches, and confess that the Church and Ministry of Rome was true. She desired me that I would speak to her Daughter, and try whether she would yet enter into Conference about the Reason of her Faith. But she utterly refused it, and would say nothing to that purpose, but refer us to the Church, and profess her acquiescence in its Judgment, and when I desired to know of her, how she knew what was the Judgment of the Church; whether it were not merely the Word 〈◊〉 the Priest that satisfied her in this, and therefore desired her that she would hear that Priest or Jesuit on whose Word she built all her Faith, in the Presence of someone that was fit to help her in the Trial of his Assertions, and entreated her to procure a Conference in her hearing between him and me, she promised readily that it should be done. The next time I came again, and asked whether she had spoke with him about it, and whether time and place were agreed on; she confidently told me that he was ready to do it when I pleased, and that all he desired was, that my Promise might secure him from Accusation, and from the danger of the Law, and that was all that he was solicitous for. I offered her to bring only two Witnesses on each side, and that we might have two days Conference or Dispute; in one of which he should give his Reasons why she ought to change her Religion, and I would answer them; and in the other I would give my Reasons why she ought not to change, and he should answer me; and I thought this the clearest and most impartial Method for the discerning of the Truth. And I promised her all the Security which I could procure him from any danger. The next time I came to know the Day, she told me the Gentleman would not meet nor dispute: I desired to know the Reason: But she told me that she did not know herself: I entreated her to procure some other to do it, in whom she put the greatest Confidence, and desired her to take the ablest she could get among all the Jesuits or Priests of the Queen or the Queen-Mother, with whom I knew she was not unacquainted. But she would not undertake for any; whereupon I was forced to urge her with Provocations, and tell her, that seeing she was forced to resolve all her Faith into the Word of particular Priests, by which only she knew the Sense of the Church, and all that History which induced her to believe that Rome was the true Church, she seemed very little to regard her Soul, who would so far venture it upon the Words of Men that would not be provoked to an equal Conference in her hearing. The next day I came, I urged her again to procure a Conference: She told me that the Gentleman would not consent: And when I urged her to tell me his Reason, she told me that he knew me very well, and that he had very high Thoughts of me, and that it was not now through any fear of Danger, for he durst venture his Life in my Hands; but since he knew it was me that he was to meet with, he would not come; but would not tell her why. And though still I told her that there were more enough if he refused, I could not procure her to bring any of them to a Dispute. But at last, when I purposely continued to provoke them, she told me that he would yield to Dispute, so it might be done only in Writing, and not a Word spoken, nor anything written but Syllogistically and according to the strictest Rules of Disputation. I told her, 1. That I supposed that she understood not when an Argument was in Mood and Figure; nor what a Fallacy was, and therefore that this was not designed to her Edification. 2. That I supposed that she had not read one of many of all those Books already written against them which are unanswered: And if Writing will serve turn, a printed Argument is as good as a written one: Nor had she read the late Disputation between Mr. Johnson and me: nor were any one of my Books against them yet answered, and why then should I write more till those were answered. 3. I told her that Mr. Johnson 's Writing and mine held us above a Twelvemonth, and yet was not driven to the Head: And I asked her whether she would be willing to wait a Year or two, and suspend her Resolution in Religion, till she saw the Issue of our Disputation in Writing. 4. I told her that it was like that he that offered this, understood that by his Majesty's Pleasure, I was then newly engaged in another Work, which occasioned him to make this Offer. 5. But yet that her Deceiver might have no Excuse, I offered her that I would do all that he desired, and manage it in Writing, so be it, he would first but spend two Hours in verbal Disputation in the way I had proposed, viz. That he should spend one Hour in giving his Reasons for her Change, and I might answer them; and the other Hour I would give my Reasons against it, and he should answer me: And after that we would go to it by Writing. But a Day or two after, when I came for Answer to this Proposal, the Lady was gone, being secretly stolen from her Mother in a Coach, and so I understood the meaning of this Offer, and never could see the Face of any of her Priests.
§ 85. At last it was discovered that the Man that seduced her and refused Disputation, was this Mr. Johnson (o • Terret) the same Man that I had before conferred and wrote with: And yet when I asked her whether it were he, she plainly and positively said it was not; and when a Servant went after her Coach and overtook her in Lincolns-Inn-Fields, she positively promised to come again, and said, she went but to see a Friend. Also she complained to the Queen-Mother, of her Mother, as if she used her hardly for Religion, which was false: in a Word, her Mother told me, that before she turned Papist, she scarce ever heard a Lye from her; and since then she could believe nothing that she said. This was the Darling of that excellent, wise, religious Lady (the Widow of an excellent Lord); which made the Affliction great, and taught her to moderate her Affections to all Creatures. This Perversion had been a long time secretly working before she knew of it; all which time the young Lady would join in Prayer with her Mother, and jeer at Popery till she was detected, and then she said she might join with them no more.
§ 86. They that stole her away, conveyed her to France, and there put her into a Nunnery, where she is 〈◊〉 dead. Not long after her departure, she sent a Letter superscribed to her Lady Mother, &c. and subscribed, Sister Anna Maria, &c. It contained the Reasons of her Perversion: And though I knew they were not like to suffer her to read it, I wrote an Answer to it, at her Mother's desire, which was sent to her by her Mother. The Letter which I sent her the day before she was stolen away, and tthe Answer to that her Letter from the Nunnery, I thought meet here to insert, which are as followeth.
The Letter to the Lady Anne Lindsey.
Madam!
THE Reasons that moved me to be so importunate with you for a Conference in your hearing with the ablest Jesuit, Priest, or other Papist you could get, were (as I told you) 1. My very high esteem of your truly Honorable Mother; whose Sorrow hath been so great for your Delusion, that I must confess, though but a Stranger, I suffer much with her by Compassion. And as it would much relieve her if you were recovered, so if God deny her that Mercy, it will somewhat satisfy her Conscience, that she hath not been wanting in the use of means. 2. And for your own sake, whom I the more compassionate, because you are not only the Daughter of such Parents, but of so modest and sober a Disposition your self, that I am not out of hopes of your Recovery, though the Disease be such as few are cured of that catch it by relapse and desertion of the Truth.
I can imagine nothing but Consciousness of a bad Cause, that can cause them thus to decline a Conference. You say the Person well knoweth me (though I know not him) and dare trust himself, &c. why then will he not meet me to debate the Case? He cannot but have exceeding great odds or advantages of me as to personal preparations: for they are trained up merely to this work (I am loath to say to deceive) and have all the helps that Art can afford them. I was never of any University, nor had one Months assistance of any Tutor in all my Studies, of Sciences or Theology. If you can get no Jesuit, Friar 〈◊〉 Priest that will fairly debate his Cause with one of so poor Preparations and Abilities, doth it not show that they are lamentably diffident of their Cause. All the Conditions or Terms that I desire to be before agreed to are but these. 1. That I may one day produce my Reasons why you should not have turned Papist, and therefore should return; and he Answer them as I urge them. And that the next day (or the first if he desire it) he will produce his Reasons why you ought to turn to them as you did, and I answer them. 2. That we may speak by turns, without interrupting one another. 3. That whatever Passages must be determined by Books (or Witnesses) that are not at hand, they may be noted down, and left till there be leisure to peruse them. 4. That there be two Witnesses on each side (of whom one to be a Scribe) and as many more as he desireth; And I, and those with me, shall be engaged to do him no wrong by any discovery of his Person, to endanger him as to the Law or Governors. This is all that I should oblige him to beforehand. I again entreat you, if one will not, get another to moderate the Work. I understand by you, that the Person you depend on avoideth me not in any Contempt: for you tell me he hath honorable thoughts of me, and well knoweth me. If so, why will he not confer with me, as well as he hath done with Dr. Gunning?
For Writing, 1. It's like he knoweth that I am here engaged in so much unavoidable Work, that I have scarce time to eat or sleep. 2. You cannot but know that by Writing it's like to be a year, or many years work: And themselves have cut me out Work enough already for my Pen, if I had no more (and now would take me off it, that I might be forced to omit one). I look not to live to end a Dispute by Writing, so many are my Infirmities, and are you content to stay so long before you have the benefit? 3. If Writings will be useful to you, may you not as well read what is written already? Many great Volumes are yet unanswered by them. 4. I have already written divers Writings against their Delusi • ns (viz. The Safe Religion; A Key for Catholics, &c. A Winding sheet for Popery; The true Catholic and the Catholic Church described; A Disputetion with Mr. Johnson about the Success ••• Visibility of the Church] and they never answered any one of them; no not so much as the single Shet that ever I heard o • When they have answered them all, let them call for more, or offer writing. 5. But yet, rather than be wanting to you, let the Person but vouchsafe 〈◊〉 this Verbal Conference first, and try what we can do in a few hours there, and if there shall then appear to because • o prosecute it by Writing, I intend not to fail of taking the first opportunity for it, that greater Duties will permit. I have done my part in urging you and them with my offer, till you call me unto more.
In the mean time, Madam, may I entreat you to read impart • ally and deliberately, 1. My little Book called, The Tr •• Catholic and Catholic Church, &c. (which I shall send or bring you). 2. My Preface before the Disputation with Mr. Johnson and the Letters in the end, and the Second Part, and then the first. 3. My two first Books against Popery (The Safe Religion and The Key): For your former reading of them; before any doubting had made you observe the stress of Arguments, is nothing; if you will but now read them again impartially after your contrary Conceptions, continue a Papist if you can. And truly if you will not do thus much for your own Soul, because Men engage you to the contrary, that dare not appear to make good their own Cause, I must be a Witness against you before the Lord, that you willfully resused Instruction, and sold your Soul at too cheap a rate.
I tried when I was last with you, to revive your Reason, by proposing to you the Infallibility of the Common Senses of all the World; and I could not prevail though you had nothing to answer that was not against Common Sense. And it is impossible anything controverted can be brought nearer you, or made plainer than to be brought to your Eyes and Taste and Feeling: and not yours only, but all Men's else. Sense goes before Faith. Faith is no Faith but upon Supposition of Sense and Understanding; if therefore Common Sense be fallible, Faith must needs be so.
But methinks yet I should have hope of reviving your Charity: You cannot be a Papist indeed, but you must believe, that out of their Church (that is out of the Pope's Dominions) there is no Salvation; and consequently no Justification and Charity, or saving Grace: And is it possible you can so easily believe your religious Father to be in Hell; your prudent, pious Mother to be void of the Love of God, and in a state of Damnation; and not only me (that am a Stranger to you) but all the Millions of better People in the World, to be in the same State (of Gracelesness and Damnation) and all because we believe not that the Pope is Christ's Vicar General, or Deputy on Earth, and dare not subject our selves to his usurped Dominions? When we are ready to protest before the Lord, as we shall answer it at his Bar, that we would be his Subjects but for Fear of the high Displeasure of the true Head and King of the Church, and for fear of sinning and Damning our own Souls: And that we are heartily willing to read, and study and pray, and hear all that can be said for them; and some of us read as much of their Writings as of our own and more; and would not stick at Cost or Pains, or Loss or Shame; were it to travail over Land and Sea to find out that they are in the Right (if that would do it, and they be so indeed). But the more we study, the more we pray to God for his Assistance, the more diligently we search, we are the more resolved and convinced, that their way, as it differeth from ours, is false; and that they are the most Superstitious, Tyrannical, Leprous part of the Catholic Church, condemning the main Body, because they will not be under their abominable Dominion, and will not sin as much as they. We hold all that was held necessary by the Apostles and the ancient Church; and we dare not make a new Faith to ourselves, as the Papal Sectaries have done: Must we renounce both our Sense and Reason, and put out the Eye of Natural Understanding, and also renounce the Catholic Church and Christian Charity, and step into the Throne, and pronounce Damnation not only upon all the Saints of God that we have been acquainted with ourselves, but also on the Body of Christ which he died for, even on the far greatest part of the Universal Church; and all this because they will not depart from the Word of God, to corrupt his Doctrine, Discipline and Worship, and herein obey an usurping Vice Christ? must we do all this, or else be judged to Damnation by the Sectaries of Rome? For my part, I shall be so far from fearing their Sentance, that I appeal to Christ, whose Body they condemn; and I had rather be tortured in their Inquisition, and cut as small as Herbs to the Pot, and be accounted the odiousest Wretch on Earth, than be guilty of being a Papist at all, but especially on such hellish Terms as these. If the greater part of the Church must be damned as no part of the Church, it will be impossible to prove your Sect or Fragment to be the Church, anymore than any other. Christ is the Savior of his Body, Eph. 5. 23, and to him, as to its Head, it's subject, ver. 24. and this Body is that which is sanctified by him, ver. 26. And by one Spirit all his Members are baptized into one Body, 1 Cor. 12. 12, 13. Did you never note, where the Unity of the Body is fulliest described, that Apostles themselves are made but Members, and Christ only the Head, 1 Cor. 27, 28, 29. Eph. 4. 4, 5, 7, 11. There is but one Lord, &c. but diversity of gifts, of whom the Apostles are the chief. And when Thousands were added to the Church, (even such as should be saved, Acts 2. 47.) what made them Christians but the Baptismal Covenant? and what were they Baptized into, but into the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost? Peter or Paul baptized none into their own Names, nor dare the Pope himself, lest his Innovation be too visible. Christ hath said, He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved, Mark 16. 16. Did they ever then subject any Baptism to the Bishop of Rome? Was the Eunuch Acts 8. subjected to the Pope, that only saith [I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God] and was Baptized? If men could not be saved without believing in the Pope, and being subject to the Church of Rome, how comes it to pass that none of the Apostles preached this necessary Article of Faith? Why did they never say, You must believe in, or be subject to the Pope of Rome, or you cannot be saved? Would they be so unfaithful as to hide a necessary Article? Why did Peter himself, Acts 2. by Baptism take Three thousand into the Church without preaching any of this Doctrine to them. The Gospel professeth, that he that hath the Son hath Life, 1 Joh. 5. 11, 12. and whosoever believeth in him shall not perish but have everlasting life, Joh. 3. 16. and that there is no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus, that walk not after the Flesh but after the Spirit. And now up steps a Man of Rome, and presumeth to Reverse the Gospel, and say, [It's no such matter; for all this they shall not be saved, unless they will be my Subjects?]
If you say that those may be saved that Sin for want of Light; I answer, 1. On this account your Doctors teach the Salvation of Heathens, (Are those of your Church?) and so no otherwise of Christians than of Heathens. 2. Either these wanting your Light are in the Church or out. If in it, then a Man may be of the Church without being a Papist, which is against your Faith. If out of it, then it seems Men out of the Church may be saved, and Christ is the Savior of more than his Body, which is against your Faith and ours. 3. Who is it that hath sufficient Light? if all that have heard or read the frivolous Reasonings of the Papists, then your Parents, and almost all of us must perish: But if it be any other Light which must be had, you know not what measure to give us to discern it, nor ever will know; and so you make your Church invisible, while the Members of it cannot be known: For none can know of another (by your Rule) whether his Light be sufficient or not? And I pray you, are not all the Indians of America, that never heard of Christ, the Members of your Church? for their Light sure is not sufficient to show them either the Pope or Christ. Hath he the heart of a right Christian that can thus damn two or three parts of all the Christians in the World, for not believing in a Wretch at Rome, that sometime is an Infidel himself, (for so was Pope John 23. judged to be, by the great General Council at Constance, even one that believed no Resurrection, which is worse than a Turk, or Jew, or some Heathens).
And it's a wonder to me, that if your own Soul hath ever been seriously conversant with God in Holy Worship, you can savor and suit with the Cantings, and Repetitions, and Stage Devotions of the Papists: and that a Latin Mass should be believed to be the acceptable way of Worship; when the Holy Ghost hath so plainly and copiously disowned that serving of God in an unknown tongue, 1 Cor. 14.
Pardon me, if I entreat you to make a deliberate search into your Heart and former Ways, and try whether you conversed with God in the Spirit, and were serious in your Faith and Love and Worship: If you were not, no wonder if an unsound superfical Religion be easily let go, and such an inexperienced Heart can suit with a Canting, Carnal, Iudicrous kind of Devotion; or if God so far forsake a Soul that was not sound and serious in the Religion once professed by you. But if it was better with you, then its strange your Soul can so lose its relish; and its stranger that one, that was a Member of Christ, and in the Church and justified before, should turn to a Sect that tells them, they were not what they were, and must come to them for what they had already.
And whereas all the pretence you show me for your Change was the difference that you found amongst us Protestants, and our condemning one another, do you not know that in Policy, greater Differences are tolerated among the Papists under the Names of divers Orders, by far than any are between the Presbyterian, Independant and Episcopal Protestants. And that none but ungodly or uncharitable passionate People with us, do deny any of these Parties to be true Members of the Universal Church: If you here met with any one that doth condemn the other, as no parts of the Church of Christ, they spake not according to the Protestant Religion, and you can no more charge us with the Railings of every Fellow that is drunk with domineering Pride or Passion, than with the words of the next Scold or Quaker, or Papist that you shall hear Reviling us.
I have said more to you than at first I intended. I look on you as one about that Age, when Conscience useth to receive its first serious deep Impressions, and the Papists falling in with you just at that time, (I doubt before you had heartily received the Life of what before you professed, and had time to be rooted and stablished in the Truth) the opportunity served them to your Delusion: That it may not prove to your everlasting Destruction, shall be the Prayers, and if you admit them, the faithful Endeavors of
Your Servant in obedience to Christ, though to no Vice-Christ, Rich. Baxter.
Dec. 1. 1660.
The Answer to the Lady Anne Lindsey's Letter to her Mother.
Madam!
Madam,
I rest your Servant for and in the Truth of Christ, Rich. Baxter.
London, Ian. 29. 1660.
Since the Writing of this, I am informed that Mr. Johnson is the Person that you would have had to Dispute for you: and that did (now and formerly) Dispute with Dr. Gunning. If so, I like your Condition or Religion never the better for your denying it • when you confessed he feared not any injury from me. Our Religion is more a Friend to Truth.
§ 87. When the King was received with the General Acclamation of his People, the Expectations of Men were various, according to their several Interests and Inducements: Some plain and moderate Episcopal Men thought of Reconciliation and Union with the said Presbyterians; yea, and a Reward to the Presbyterians for bringing in the King. The more Politick Men of the Diocesan way, understood that upon the King's Return, all the Laws that had been made in Nineteen Years, viz. since his Father's departing from the Parliament were void, and so that all their Ancient Power, and Honor, and Revenues would fall to them without anymore ado; and that they had nothing to do but to keep the Ministers and People in quietness and hopes, till Time should fully do the work. Some few Presbyterians thought the King would favor them as well as others, for stirring up the Soldiers and City to restore him: In London, I found that Mr. Calamy, for his Age and Political Understanding, and Interest in the Earl of Manchester, who kept Correspondence with him in such Matters, was much valued and followed by the London Ministers, as their Guide; and many frequently met at his House; Mr. Calamy took Dr. Reynolds along with him, as one whose Learn ••• and Reputation would be of use: And he took Mr. Ash along with him, as one whose eminent Holiness and Simplicity made him much loved and honored by all: And he had been the Earl of Manchester 's Chaplain in the Wars, and had concurred with him to bring in the King: These three were the Leading Men that kept Correspondence with the Lord's, and had most Interest, seemingly, at Court, as having been most serviceable to them: To them joined Dr. Bates, Dr. Manton, and most of the City Ministers: But Dr. Seaman and Mr. Ienkins, and some few more, were a little estranged from them, and hardlier, spoken of at Court. Mr. Calamy's Party (and all that brought in the King) were for Consultations with their. Friends at Court, for the preserving of the Churches Interest. Dr. Seaman 's Party meddled not with them, not as being unwilling, but because the Court did give them no Encouragement.
§ 88. For the Gratifying and Engaging some Chief Presbyterians, that had brought in the King; by the Earl of Manchester's means, (who then being Lord Chamberlain, it belongeth to his place) above Ten or Twelve of them were designed to be the King's Chaplains in Ordinary. Mr. Calamy and Dr. Reynold 's were first put in; and then Mr. Ash was importuned to accept it, and then they put me in for one: (Mr. Nath. Newcomen refused it): And then Dr. Spurstow, Dr. Wallis, Dr. Bates, Dr. Manton, Mr. Case, &c. were admitted. (But never any of them was called to Preach at Court, saving Mr. Calamy, Dr. Reynolds, my Self, and Dr. Spurstow, each of us once: And I suppose never a Man of them all ever received or expected a Penny for the Salary of their Places.
§ 89. When I was invited by the Lord Broghill (afterwards Earl of Orery ) to meet him at the Lord Chamberlain's; they both persuaded me to accept the Place, to be one of his Majesty's Chaplains in Ordinary. I desired to know whether it were his Majesty's desire, or only the Effect of their favorable request to him. They told me that it was his Majesty's own desire, and that he would take it as an acceptable furtherance of his Service. Whereupon I took an Oath from the Lord Chamberlain, as a Household Servant of his Majesty's, to be true and faithful to him, and Discover any Conspiracy I should know of, &c. And I received this Certificate from him:
THese are to Certifie, That Richard Baxter, Clerk, hath been Sworn and Admitted Chaplain to the King's Majesty in Ordinary, to have and Enjoy all Rights, Profits, and Privileges thereunto belonging. Given under my Hand this 26th of June, 1660. in the Twelfth year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord the King.
Ed. Manchester.
§ 90. When I was with these two Lord's on this occasion, I told them what Conferences I had with several Episcopal Men about the Terms of an Agreement or Coalition, and how much it concerned the Interest, both of the King and of Religion, that we might be so united, and what unhappy. Consequences else would follow, and how easy I thought an Agreement with moderate Men would be, and on what Terms Bishop Usher and I had agreed in a little space. A little after the Lord Broghill was pleased to come to me; and he told me, That he had told the King of the Business of a Conference for an Agreement, and that the King took it very well, and was resolved to further it. And about the same time the Earl of Manchester signified as much to Mr. Calamy: So that Mr. Calamy, Dr. Reynolds, Mr. Ash, and my Self went about it to the Earl of Manchester Lord Chamberlain, and after Consultations of the Business with him, he determined of a Day to bring us to the King. Mr. Calamy (to whom •• th, I, and I think all the rest, did leave the Nomination of the Persons to be employed) advised that all that were the King's Chaplains of us might be called to the Consultation, and that we four might not seem to take so much upon us without others: (if we did go once without them to the King, which I well remember not, that was all): So Dr. Wallis, Dr. Manton, and Dr. Spurstow, &c. went with us to the King: who with the Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of St. Ai • ons, &c. came to us in the Lord Chamberlain's Lodgings. We exercised more boldness at first, tha • afterwards would have been born: when some of the rest had congratulated his Majesty's happy Restoration, and declared the large hope which they had of a happy Union among all Dissenters by his means, &c. I presumed to speak to him of the Concernments of Religion, and how 〈◊〉 we were from desiring the continuance of any Factions or Parties in the Church, and how much a happy Union would conduce to the good of the Land, and to his Majesty's Satisfaction; and though there were turbulent Fanatick Persons in his Dominions, yet that those Ministers and Godly People, whose Peace we humbly craved of him, were no such Persons, but such as longed after Concord, and were truly Loyal to him, and desired no more than to live under him a quiet and peaceable Life in all godliness and honesty; and whereas there were differences between them and their Brethren about some Ceremonies or Discipline of the Church, we humbly craved his Majesty's favor for the ending of those Differences, it being easy for him to interpose, that so the People might not be deprived of their faithful Pa • ors, nor ignorant, scandalous, unworthy Ones obtruded on them! I presumed to tell him, That the People that we spake for were such as were contented with an Interest in Heaven, and the Liberty and Advantages of the Gospel to promote it; and if this were taken from them, and they were deprived of their faithful Pastors, and Liberty of worshipping God, they would take themselves as undone in this World, whatever plenty else they should enjoy: and the Hearts of his most faithful Subjects, who hoped for his help, would even be broken: and that we doubted not but his Majesty desired to Govern a People made happy by him, and not a broken hearted People that took themselves to be undone, by the loss of that which is dearer to them than all the Riches of the World! And I presumed to tell him, That the late Usurpers that were over us, so well understood their own Interest, that to promote it, they had found the way of doing good, to be the most effectual means; and had placed and encouraged many Thousand faithful Ministers in the Church, even such as detested their Usurpation: And so far had they attained their ends hereby, that it was the principal means of their Interest in the People, and the good Opinion that any had conceived of them; and those of them that had taken the contrary Course, had thereby broken themselves to pieces: Wherefore I humbly craved his Majesty's patience that we might have the freedom to request of him, that as he was our lawful King, in whom all his People (save a few inconsiderable Persons) were prepared to Centre, as weary of their Divisions, and glad of the Satisfactory means of Union in him, so he would be pleased to undertake this blessed Work of promoting their Holiness and Concord: (for it was not Faction or Disobedience which we desired him to indulge): And that he would never suffer himself to be tempted to undo the Good which Cromwell or any other had done, because they were Usurpers that did it, or discountenance a faithful Ministry, because his Enemies had set them up: But that he would rather out go them in doing good, and opposing and rejecting the ignorant and ungodly of what Opinion or Party soever: For the People whose Cause we recommend to him, had their Eyes on him as the Officer of God, to defend them in 〈◊〉 possession of the helps of their Salvation; which if he were pleased to vouc ••••• them, their Estates and Lives would cheerfully be offered to his Service. And I humbly besought him that he would never suffer his Subjects to be tempted to have favorable Thoughts of the late Usurpers, by seeing the Vice indulged which they suppressed; or the godly Ministers or People discountenanced whom they encouraged! For the Common People are apt to judge of Governors by the Effects, even by the Good or Evil which they feel: and they will take him to be the best Governor who doth them most good, and him to be the worst that doth them most hurt: And all his Enemies cannot teach him a more effectual way to restore the Reputation and Honor of the Usurpers, than to do worse than they, and destroy the Good which they had done, that so he may go contrary to his Enemies; and so to force the People to cry out, We are undone in loss of the Means of our Salvation: It being a hard matter ever to bring the People to love and honor him, by whom they think they are undone, in comparison of those that they think made them happy, though the one have a just Title to be their Governor, which the other hath not. And again I humbly craved, That no misrepresentation might cause him to believe, that because some Fanatics have been Factious and Disloyal, therefore the Religious People in his Dominions, who are most careful of their Souls, are such, though some of them may be dissatisfied about some Forms and Ceremonies in God's Worship, which others use: And that none of them might go under so ill a Character with him, by misreports, behind their backs, till it were proved of them personally, or they had answered for themselves: For we that better knew them than those that were like to be their Accuse • s, did confidently testify to his Majesty on their behalf, that they are resolved Enemies of Sedition, Rebellion, Disobedience and Divisions; which the World shall see; and their Adversaries be convinced of, if his Majesty's Wisdom and Clemency do but remove those Occasions of Scruple in some Points of Discipline and Worship of God, which give Advantage to others, to call all Dissenters, Factious and Disobedient, how Loyal and Peaceable soever. And I humbly craved, That the Freedom and Plainness of these Expressions to his Majesty might be pardoned, as being extracted by the present Necessity, and encouraged by our revived hopes. I told him also, that it was not for Presbyterians or any Party, as such, that we were speaking for, but for the Religious part of his Subjects, as such; than whom no Prince on Earth had better; and how considerable part of the Kingdom he would find them to be. And of what great advantage their Union would be to his Majesty, to the People, and to the Bishops themselves, and how easily it might be procured, 1. By making only things Necessary to be the Terms of Union. 2. And by the true Exercise of Church Discipline against Sin. 3. And not casting out the faithful Ministers that must Exercise it, nor obtruding unworthy Men upon the People. And how easy it was to avoid the violating of Men's Solemn Vows and Covenants without any hurt to any others. And finally, I requested that we might but be heard speak for ourselves, when any Accusations were brought against us].
These, with some other such things, I then spake, when some of my Brethren had spoken first. Mr. Simeon Ash also spake much to the same purpose, and of all our Desires of his Majesty's Assistance in our desired Union.
§ 91. The King gave us not only a free Audience, but as gracious an Answer as we could expect: professing his gladness to hear our Inclinations to Agreement, and his Resolution to do his part to bring us together; and that it must not be by bringing one Party over to the other, but by abating somewhat on both sides, and meeting in the Midway; and that if it were not accomplished, it should be long of ourselves, and not of him: Nay, that he was resolved to see it brought to pass, and that he would draw us together himself]: with some more to this purpose. Insomuch that old Mr. Ash burst out into Tears with Joy, and could not forbear expressing what Gladness this Promise of his Majesty had put into his heart.
§ 92. Either at this time, or shortly after, the King required us to draw up, and offer him such Proposals as we thought meet, in order to Agreement about Church Government; for that was the main Difference: if that were agreed there would be little danger of differing in the rest: And he desired us to set down the most that we could yield to.
§ 93. We told him, 1. That we were but a few Men, and had no Commission from any of our Brethren to express their Minds: And therefore desired that his Majesty would give us leave to acquaint our Brethren in the Country with it, and take them with us. The King answered, That that would be too long, and make too much Noise, and therefore we should do what we would ourselves only, with such of the City as we would take with us. And when we then professed that we presumed not to give the Sense of others, nor oblige them; and that what we did must signify but the Minds of so many Men as were present. He answered, That it should signify no more; and that he did not intend to call an Assembly of the other party, but would bring a few, such as he thought meet; and that if he thought good to advise with a few of each side, for his own Satisfaction, none had cause to be offended at it.
§ 94. Also we craved that at the same time when we offered our Concessions to the King, the Brethren on the other side might bring in theirs, containing also the uttermost that they could abate and yield to us for Concord, that seeing both together, we might see what probability of success we had. And the King promised that it should be so.
§ 95. Hereupon we departed and appointed to meet from day today at Zion College, and to consult there openly with any of our Brethren that would please to join with us, that none might say they were excluded: Some City Ministers came among us, and some came not; and Divers country Ministers who were in the City came also to us; as Dr. Worth (since a Bishop in Ireland ) Mr. Fulwood (since Archdeacon of Totnes) &c. But Mr. Matth. Newcomen was most constant in assisting us.
§ 96. In these Debates we found the great inconvenience of too many Actors (though there cannot be too many Consenters to what is well done): For that which seemed the most convenient Expression to one, seemed inconvenient to another, and that we that all agreed in Matter, had much ado to agree in Words. But after about two or three Weeks time, we drew up the following Paper of Proposals, which, with Archbishop Usher's Form of Government (called his Reduction, &c. ) we should offer to the King. Mr. Calamy drew up most with Dr. Reynolds; Dr. Reynolds and Dr. Worth drew up that which is against the Ceremonies; I only prevailed with them to premise the four first Particulars, for the countenancing Godliness, the Ministry, Personal Profession, and the Lord's Day: They were backward because they were not the Points in Controversy; but yielded at last on the Reasons offered them. About Discipline we designedly adhered to Bishop Usher's Model, without a Word of alteration; that so they might have less to say against our Offers as being our own; and that the World might see that it was Episcopacy itself which they refused; and that they contended against the Archbishop as well as against us; and that we pleaded not at all with them for Presbytery, unless a Moderate Episcopacy be Presbytery: Yet was there a Faction that called this Offer of Bishop Usher's Episcopacy by the Name of the Presbyterians impudent Expectations. I also prevailed with our Brethren to offer an Abstract of our larger Papers, lest the reading of the larger should seem tedious to the King; which Abstract verbatim, as followeth, at their Desire I drew up, and have here after adjoined.
The first Address and Proposals of the Ministers.
May it please Your most excellent Majesty,
2. Concerning the Liturgy.
3. Concerning Ceremonies.
This following Paper I drew up at this time, and offered to the Brethren to have been presented to the King as the Summary of our Judgment, that he might see in a few plain words what it was that we indeed desired. But it was not consented to, both because that all of us were not agreed among our selves, in granting so much of Episcopacy, and because we would not hinder our Success by adding anymore to Bishop Usher 's Model, hoping that his Authority might have facilitated the Reception of it; to which Reasons I consented.
The brief Sum of our Judgment and Desires about Church-Government.
1. POwer is 1. Imperial and Coercive, by Mulcts and Penalties; 2. or Doctoral and Suasory. The first belongeth only to the Magistrate; The second to the Pastors of the Church.
2. Though in Cases of Necessity the same Man may be both a Magistrate and a Pastor; yet out of such Case it is unlawful or very unmeet: Each Calling will find a Man work enough alone. And our work being persuasive, is successful but as it procureth Complacency and Consent; and therefore we should be put upon no such Actions as will render us more feared and hated, than desired to our Flocks. We therefore humbly beseech your Majesty to trust no Church-men with the Sword; with any degree of Imperial Coactive Power; but where it must be used, that it be by Magistrates. And that your Execution be not annexed to their Iudgments; nor any Man punished by you, merely because he is Excommunicate (that is, sorely punished) by them.
3. Every stated full Congregation that had unum Altare, was by Divine Institution to have a Bishop of their own, or many if they could be had; which Bishops were called Elders also in the Scripture. And for Order sake, where there were many of these, the Churches soon placed the Precedency and Moderatorship in one, whom they called by Eminency the Bishop.
4. Because in the beginning there were no stated Churches or Altars (ordinarily) but in Towns and Cities; therefore the same Apostles that ordained Elders in every Church, are said also to appoint that they be Ordained 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , oppidatim, in every Town or City. And it being long before the Villages had Churches, they were the Parish or Diocese of the Bishops of the Town. And when Rural Bishops were placed in those Churches, they were subjected to the City Bishops; when every Church, as in the beginning, should have had a Bishop of their own.
5. If you will return to the Scripture Pattern, every stated Congregation that hath one Altar, must have Pastors that have the Government of the People; and if you will return to the primitive Episcopacy, eminently so called, everyone of these Churches should have a Bishop with Fellow Presbyters as his Collegues, or Deacons at least in smaller Churches.
6. If you will return to the first and lowest degree of Corruption of Church-Order, you must have a Bishop and Presbytery in every City and Town only, such as our Corporations and Boroughs are, who must take care also of the adjacent Villages.
7. For the maintaining of Unity and Concord, and Edifying each other by Communion, these Bishops held ordinary Synods or Meetings, in which by Agreements called Canons (no proper Laws) they bound up themselves in things of mutable Determination, and also tied themselves to their Duties.
8. Besides these particular Bishops, there were General Overseers of the Church, such as the Apostles, Evangelists, and others that fixed not themselves in relation to any one particular Church, but the Care of many. And that these have Successors in this ordinary part of their Work, we do not gainsay. But we humbly crave, that if our Diocesans will be such, they be taken for Archbishops or General Pastors: and that they take only a General Charge of the Flock, overseeing the particular Pastors or Bishops, and receiving Appeals in some Special Cases, and not a particular Charge of each Soul as the particular Bishops have. And therefore that they be not charged with ordinary Confirming (or admitting into the state of Adult Members) all the People, which will bind them in Conscience to know and try them all, or most: Nor yet to receive Presentments of all Scandals, nor to Excommunicate and absolve, or impose Public Penitence, on all that these belong to.
9. If these things may not be granted, we must be bold to leave our Testimony, that Diocesans assuming the particular Government of all the People, in so many Churches, as they have in England, are destructive 1. To the very being of all the particular Churches, save the Cathedral or City where they are; (It being that old Maxim, Ubi non est Episcopus non est Ecclesia; viz. in sensu politica): 2. And to the Pastoral Office of Christ's Institution: 3. And to the most ancient Episcopacy. Whenas by the establishing of these Parochial Bishops, (at least Oppidatim ) the Diocesans may become of great use for the Work of General Oversight. We refuse not General Officers, so they overthrow not the particular Officers and Churches: As if General Officers in an Army or Navy would be the sole Commanders, and depose all the Captains, and consequently make the Discipline impossible.
10. We most earnestly beseech your Majesty, that in Matters of Doctrine, Discipline and Worship, the Modes and Circumstances and Ceremonies may not be made more necessary to our Ordination, Institution, Ministration, or Communion than God hath made them, either in Scripture or in the Nature of the thing; lest they be still the Engines of our Divisions and Calamity; but that we may hold our Concord and Communion in Necessary things, according to the Primitive Simplicity; and may have Liberty in things Unnecessary, as to Subscriptions, Promises and Practice; that so the Churches may have Peace and Charity in both. And that our Discipline which operateth on the Will, may not be corrupted by unnecessary and unseasonable violence; nor any permitted, much less constrained to be Members of our Churches and Communion that vilify such Privileges, and cannot be moved by our Exhortations, nor feel the weight of a mere Excommunication. Though a gentle Force is necessary to compel the Learners or Catechumens to submit to the necessary means of their Instruction: and to restrain the petulant from abusing the Worship and Worshippers of the Lord. He that will rather be cast out of the Church by Excommunication, than repent and amend his wicked Life, is so unfit to be a Member of the Church, that it is most unfit to drive him into it by Imprisonment, Mulcts, or Secular Force: And this is that which doth corrupt and undo the Church.
I shall here Annex Archbishop Usher's Model of Government, which we now also presented.
The Reduction of Episcopacy unto the Form of Synodical Government received in the Ancient Church, proposed in the Year 1641. as an Expedient for the prevention of those Troubles which afterwards did arise about the Matter of Church-Government.
Episcopal and Presbyterial Government conjoined.
BY the Order of the Church of England, all Presbyters are charged to minister the Doctrine and Sacraments and the Discipline of Christ as the Lord hath commanded, and as this Realm hath received the same. And that we might the better understand what the Lord had commanded therein, the Exhortation of St. Paul to the Elders of the Church of Ephesus, is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their Ordination: Take heed unto yourselves and to all the Flock, among whom the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers, to rule the Congregation of God, which he hath purchased with his Blood.
Of the many Elders who in common thus ruled the Church of Ephesus, there was one President whom our Savior in his Epistle to the Church, in a peculiar manner styleth the Angel of the Church of Ephesus. And Ignatius in another Epistle written about twelve Years after to the same Church, calleth the Bishop thereof. Betwixt which Bishop and the Presbytery of that Church what an harmonious Consent there was in the ordering the Church-Government, the same Ignatius doth fully there declare by the Presbytery (with (d) St. Paul ) understanding the Company of the rest of the Presbytery or Elders who then had a Hand, not only in the delivery of the Doctrine and Sacraments, but also in the Administration of the Discipline of Christ. For further Proof whereof we have that known Testimony of Tertullian in his general Apology for Christians. In the Church are used Exhortations, Chastisements and divine Censures; for Judgment is given with great Advice as among those who are certain they are in the sight of God, and it is the chiefest foreshowing of the Judgment that is to come, if any Man hath so offended that he be banished from the Communion of Prayer, and of the Assembly, and of all holy Fellowship.
The Presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved Elders who have obtained this Honor, and not by Reward, but by good Report. Who were no other (as he himself elsewhere intimateth) but those from whose hands they used to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist.
For with the Bishop, who was the Chief President (and therefore styled by the same Tertullian in another place Summus Sacerdos for distinction sake) the rest of the Dispensors of the Word and Sacraments were joined in the common Government of the Church. And therefore in matters of Ecclesiastical Judicature, Cornelius, Bishop of Rome used the received Form of gathering together the Presbytery.
Of what Persons that did consist, Cyprian sufficiently declareth, when he wished him to read his Letters to the flourishing Clergy that there did reside or rule with him.
The presence of the Clergy being thought to be so requisite in matters of Episcopal Audience, that in the fourth Council of Carthage it was concluded that the Bishop might hear no Man's Cause, without the Presence of the Clergy, which we find also to be inserted into the Canons of Egbert, who was Archbishop of York in the Saxons Times, and afterwards into the Body of the Canon-Law it self.
True it is, that in our Church this kind of Presbyterian Government hath been long disused, yet seeing it still professeth that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church (from whence the Name of Rector also was given at first unto him) and to administer the Discipline of Christ, as well as to dispence the Doctrine and Sacraments. And the restraint of the Exercise of that Right proceedeth only from the Custom now received in this Realm: No Man can doubt but by another Law of the Land this Hindrance may be well removed. And how easily this ancient Form of Government by the united Suffrages of the Clergy, might be revived again, and with what little show of Alteration the Synodical Conventions of the Pastors of every Parish might be accorded, with the Presidency of the Bishops of each Diocese and Province, the indifferent Reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing Proposition.
I.
In every Parish the Rector or the incumbent Pastor, together with the Churchwardens and Sidemen, may every Week take notice of such as live scandalously in that Congregation, who are to receive such several Admonitions and Reproofs as the quality of their Offence shall deserve; and if by this means they cannot be reclaimed, they may be presented unto the next Monthly Synod, and in the mean time be debarred by the Pastor from access unto the Lord's Table.
II.
Whereas by a Statute in the Twenty sixth of King Henry VIII. (revived in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth ) Suffragans are appointed to be erected in twenty six several Places of this Kingdom, the Number of them might very well be conformed unto the Number of the several rural Deaneries into which every Diocese is subdivided, which being done the Suffragan (supplying the place of those who in the ancient Church were called Chorepiscopi ) might every Month assemble a Synod of all the Rectors, or incumbent Pastors within the Precinct, and according to the major part of their Voices conclude all Matters that should be brought into Debate before them.
To this Synod [the Rector and] Churchwardens might present such impenitent Persons, as by Admonition and Suspension from the Sacrament would not be reformed; who, if they should still remain contumacious and incorrigible, the Sentence of Excommunication might be decreed against them by the Synod, and accordingly be executed in the Parish where they lived. Hitherto also all things that concerned the Parochial Ministers might be referred, whether they did touch their Doctrine or their Conversation: As also the censure of all new Opinions, Heresies and Schisms which did arise within that Circuit, with Liberty of appeal if need so require unto the Diocesan Synod.
III.
The Diocesan Synod might be held once or twice in the Year as it should be thought most convenient, therein all the Suffragans and the rest of the Rectors or Incumbent Pastors [ or a certain select Number out of every Deanery within that Diocese ] might meet; with whose Consent, or the major part of them, all things might be concluded by the Bishop or Superintendant (call him whither you will) or in his Absence by one of the Suffragans, whom he should depute in his stead to be Moderator of that Assembly. Here all matters of greater Moment might be taken into Consideration, and the Orders of the Monthly Synods revised and (if need be) reformed. And if here also any matter of Difficulty could not receive a full Determination, it might be referred to the next Provincial or National Synod.
IV.
The Provincial Synod might consist of all the Bishops and Suffragans, and such of the Clergy as should be elected out of every Diocese within the Province. The Primate of either Province might be the Moderator of this Meeting (or in his room someone of the Bishops appointed by him) and all Matters be ordered therein by common Consent as in the former Assemblies. This Synod might be held every third Year, and if the Parliament do then sit (according to the Act for a Triennial Parliament) both the Primates and Provincial Synods of the Land might join together, and make up a National Council; wherein all Appeals from inferior Synods might be received, all their Acts examined, and all Ecclesiastical Constitutions which concern the State of the Church of the whole Nation established.
May it please your Grace,
I would desire you to consider whether Presentments are fit to be made by the Churchwardens alone and not rather by the Rector and Churchwardens. Then whither in the Diocesan Synod the Members of it be not too many, being all to judge and in their own cause, as it may fall out. Therefore after this Clause, and the rest of the Rectors or incumbent Pastors, whether it be not fit to interline, or four or six out of every Deanery.
Ri. Holdsworth.
We are of Judgment, that the Form of Government here proposed, is not in any point repugnant to the Scripture, and that the Suffragans mentioned in the second Proposition, may lawfully use the Power both of Jurisdiction and Ordination according to the Word of God, and the Practice of the ancient Church.
§ 97. When we went with these foresaid Papers to the King, and expected there to meet the Divines of the other party, according to promise, with their Proposals also containing the lowest Terms which they could yield to for Peace; we saw not a Man of them, nor any Papers from them of that Nature, no not to this Day: But it was not fit for us to expostulate or complain.
§ 98. But his Majesty very graciously renewed his Professions, (I must not call them Promises) that he would bring us together, and see that the Bishops should come down and yield on their Parts; and when he heard our Papers read, he seemed well pleased with them; and told us, he was glad that we were for a Liturgy, and yielded to the Essence of Episcopacy, and therefore he doubted not of our Agreement with much more; which we thought meet to recite in our following Addresses, by way of Gratitude, and for other Reasons easy to be conjectured.
99. Yet was not Bishop Usher's Model the same in all Points that we could wish: But it was the best that we could have the least hope (I say not to obtain, but) acceptably to make them any Offers of: For had we proposed anything below Bishops and Archbishops, we should but have suddenly furnished them with plausible Reasons for the rejecting of all further Attempts of Concord, or any other Favor from them.
100. Before this time, by the King's Return many hundred worthy Ministers were displaced, and cast out of their Charges, because they were in Sequestrations where others had by the Parliament been cast out: Our earnest Desires had been that all such should be cast out as were in any Benefice belonging formerly to a Man that was not grossly insufficient or debauched; but that all that succeeded such as these Scandalous ones should hold their Places: but these Wishes being vain, and all the old ones restored, the King promised, that the Places where any of the old ones were dead, should be confirmed to the Possessors: But many got the Broad Seal for them, and the matter was not great; for we were all of us to be endured but a little longer. However we agreed to offer these five Requests to the King; which he received.
Agreed to be verbally requested of the King.
1. That with all convenient speed we may see his Majesty's Conclusions upon the Proposals of the mutual Condescentions, before they pass into Resolves, (and if it be thought meet, our Brethens Proposals also.)
2. That his Majesty will be publicly declare his Pleasure for the Suspension of Proceedings upon the Act of Uniformity, against Nonconformists in Case of Liturgy and Ceremonies, till our hoped for Agreement.
3. That his Majesty will be pleased to publish his Pleasure, (at least to those that are concerned in the Execution) that (till the said expected Settlement) no Oath of Canonical Obedience, nor Subscription to the Liturgy, Discipline, Ceremonies, &c. nor Renunciation of their Ordination by mere Presbyters, or confessing it to be sinful, be imposed on, or required of any, as necessary to their Ordination, Institution, Induction, or Confirmation by the Seals.
4. That His Majesty will Cause the revoking of the Broad Seal that is granted to all those Persons, that by it are put into Places where others have Possession, to which none before could claim a right; that is, such as they call dead Places.
5. That his Majesty will be pleased to provide some Remedy against the Return or Settlement of notoriously insufficient or scandalous Ministers, into the Places from which they were cast out, or into any other.
§ 101. While we waited for the promised Condescentions of the Episcopal Divines, there came nothing to us, but a Paper of bitter Oppositions, by way of Confutation of our for mer Proposals. We were not insensible of the unworthiness of this dealing, and the Brethren at first desired me to write an Answer to it. But afterward they considered that this would but provoke them, and turn a Treaty for Concord into a sharp Disputation, which would increase the Discord; and so what I had written was never seen by any Man; lest it should hinder Peace.
The Bishop's Answer to the first Proposals of the London Ministers, who attempted the Work of Reconcilement; which was brought them afterward instead of their Concessions, before expected and promised. When we looked to see how much they would abate of their former Impositions, for the attaining of Unity and Peace, we received nothing but this Contradiction.
Concerning the Preamble.
§ 1. WE first observe that they take it for granted that there is a firm Agreement between them and us in the Doctrinal Truths of the reformed Religion, and in the Substantial Parts of Divine Worship; and that the Differences are only in some various Conceptions about the Ancient Forms of Church-Government, and some Particulars about Liturgy and Ceremonies. Which maketh all that follows the less considerable and less reasonable to be stood upon to the hazard of the Disturbance and Peace of the Church.
§ 2. They seem to intimate as if we did discountenance the Practice of those things which in Principles we allow, which we utterly deny.
In sundry Particulars therein proposed, we do not perceive what farther Security can be given, than is already provided for by the established Laws of this Realm; whereunto such Persons as shall at any time find themselves agrieved may have recourse for Remedy.
§ 3. 1. We heartily desire (as well as they) that all Animosities be laid aside, Words of Scorn, Reproach, and Provocation might be mutually forborne, and that to Men of different Persuasions such a Liberty may be left of performing Christian Duties according to their own way within their own private Families, as that yet Uniformity in the public Worship may be preserved; and that a Gap be not thereby opened to Sectaries for private Conventicles; for the evil Consequents whereof none can be sufficiently responsible unto the State.
§ 4. 2. We likewise desire that every Congregation may have an able and Godly Minister to Preach, Catechize, administer the Sacraments, and perform other Ministerial Offices as need shall require. But what they mean by residing, and how far they will extend that Word, and what effectual Provision of Law can be made more than is already done concerning the Things here mentioned, we know not.
§ 5. 3. Confirmation (which for sundry Ends we think necessary to be continued in the Church) if rightly and solemnly performed, will alone be sufficient as to the point of Instruction. And for notorious and scandalous Offenders, provision is made in the Rubric before the Communion, which Rules, had they been carefully observed, the Troubles of the Church by the Disputes and Divisions here mentioned had been prevented.
§ 6. 4. There cannot be taken a more effectual Course in this behalf than the Execution of the Laws already made for the due Observation of the Lord's Day: which in this particular are very much stricter than the Laws of any Foreign reformed Churches whatsoever.
Concerning Church-Government.
§ • They do not suggest, nor did we ever hear any just Reasons given for their di • ient from the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy or Prelacy, as it was stated and established in this Kingdom. Which we believe to be for the main, the true ancient primitive Episcopacy, and that to be more than a mere presidency of Order. Neither do we find that the same was in any Time balanced or managed by any Authoritative Commixtion of Presbyters therewith. Though it hath been then, and in all Times since usually exercised with the Assistance and Counsel of Presbyters in subordination to the Bishops.
§ 8. And we cannot but wonder that the Administration of Government by one single Person, should by them be affirmed to be so liable to Corruptions, Partialities, Tyrannies, and other Evils, that for the avoiding thereof it should be needful to have others joined with him in the power of Government. Which if applied to the Civil State, is a most dangerous Insinuation, And we verily believe what Experience and the Constitutions of Kingdoms, Armies and even private Families sufficiently confirmeth (in all which the Government is administered by the Authority of one single Person, although the Advice of others may be requisite also; but without any share in the Government) that the Government of many is not only most subject to all the aforesaid Evils and Inconveniencies, but more likely also to breed and soment perpetual Factions both in Church and State, than the Government by one is or can be. And since no Government can certainly prevent all Evils that which is liable to the least and sewest is certainly to be preferred.
As to the four particular Instances of things amiss, &c.
§ 9. 1. We cannot grant that the Extent of any Diocese is so great, but that the Bishop may well perform that, wherein the proper Office and Duty of a Bishop doth consist; which is not the personal Inspection of every Man's Soul under his Government (which is the Work of every Parochial Minister in his Cure) but the Pastoral Charge of overseeing, directing, and taking care that the Ministers and other Ecclesiastical Officers within his Diocese, do their several respective Duties in their several Stations as they ought to do. And if some Dioceses shall be thought of too large Extent, the Bishops may have Suffragan Bishops to assist them, as the Laws allow. It being a great mistake, that the Personal Inspection of the Bishop is in all places of his Diocese at all times necessary. For by the same reason, neither Princes, nor Governors of Provinces, nor Generals of Armies, nor Mayors of great Cities, nor Ministers of great Parishes could ever be able to discharge their Duties in their several Places and Charges.
§ 10. 2. We confess the Bishops did (as by the Law they were enabled) depute part of the Administration of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions to Chancellors, Commissaries and Officials as Men better skilled in the Civil and Canon Laws. But as for Matters of more Spiritual Concernment, viz. the Sentences of Excommunication, and Absolution, with other Censures of the Church, we conceive they belong properly to the Bishop to decree and pronounce, either by himself where for the present he resideth, or by some grave Ecclesiastical Person by him Surrogated for that purpose, in such Places where he cannot be Personally present. Wherein if many things have been done amiss for the time past, or shall be seasonably conceived inconvenient for the future, we shall be as willing to have the same Reformed and Remedied, as any other Persons whatsoever.
§ 11. 3. Whether a Bishop be a distinct Order from Presbyter or not, or whether they have power of sole Ordination or no? is not now the Question. But we affirm that the Bishops of this Realm have constantly (for ought we know, or have heard to the contrary) Ordained with the Assistance of Presbyters, and the Imposition of their Hands together with the Bishops. And we conceive it very fit, that in the exercise of that part of their Jurisdiction which appertaineth to the Censures of the Church, they should likewise have the Advice and Assistance of some Presbyters. And for this purpose the Colleges of Deans and Chapters are thought to have been instituted, that the Bishops in their several Diocese might have their Advice and Assistance in the Administration of their weighty Pastoral Charge.
§ 12. 4. This last dependeth upon Matter of Fact. Wherein if any Bishops have or shall do otherwise than according to Law, they were and are to be answerable for the same. And it is our desire (as well as theirs) that nothing may be done or imposed by the Bishop, but according to the known Laws.
For Reforming of which Evils, &c.
§ 13. 1. The Primates Reduction, though not published in his Life time, was formed many years before his Death, and shown to some Persons (ready to attest the same) in the Year 1640. but it is not consistent with two other Discourses of the same Learned Primate ( viz. the one of the Original of Episcopacy, and the other of the Original of Metropolitans) both printed in the Year 1641. and written with great diligence and much variety of ancient Learning. In neither of which is to be found any mention of the Reduction aforesaid. Neither is there in either of them propounded any such Model of Church Government, as in the said Reduction is contained. Which doubtless would have been done, had that Platform been according to his settled Judgment in those Matters.
In which Reduction there are sundry things (as namely the Conforming of Suffragans to the number of Rural Deaneries) which are apparently private Conceptions of his own; accommodated at that time for the taking off some present from Animosities: but wholly destitute of any Colour of Testimony or President from Antiquity, nor is any such by him offered towards the proof thereof.
And it would be considered, whether the Final Resolution of all Ecclesiastical Power and Jurisdiction into a National Synod, where it seemeth to be placed in that Reduction without naming the King, or without any dependence upon him, or relation to him, be not destructive of the King's Supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical.
It is observable nevertheless, that even in the Reduction Archi-Episcopacy is acknowledged.
As for the super-added Particulars;
§ 14. 1. The Appointment and Election of Suffragans is by the Law already vested in the King, whose Power therein is by the Course here proposed taken away.
§ 15. 2. What they mean by Associations in this place, they explain not; but we conceive it dangerous that any Association (whatsoever is understood thereby) should be made or entered into without the King's Authority.
§ 16. 3. We do not take the Oaths, Promises and Subscriptions by Law required of Ministers at their Ordination, Institution, &c. to be unnecessary: although they be responsible to the Laws if they do amiss: it being thought requisite, as well by such Cautions to prevent Offences, as to punish Offenders afterwards. Upon all which Consideration it is, that Officers in the Court, Freemen in Cities, and Corporate Towns, Masters and Fellows of Colleges in the Universities, &c. are required at their Admission into their several respective places to give Oaths for well and truly performing their several respective Duties, their liableness to punishment in case of Non-performance accordingly notwithstanding. Neither doth it seem reasonable that such Persons as have themselves with great severity prescribed and exacted antecedent Conditions of their Communion not warranted by Law, should be exempted from the tie of such Oaths and Subscriptions as the Laws require.
§ 17. 4. We agree that the Bishops, and all Ecclesiastical Governors, ought to exercise their Government, not Arbitrarily but according to Law.
5. And for Security against such Arbitrary Government and Innovations the Laws are, and from time to time will be sufficient provision.
Concerning Liturgy.
§ 18. A Liturgy or Form of Public Worship being not only by them acknowledged lawful, but by us also (for the preservation of Unity and Uniformity) deemed necessary, we esteem the Liturgy of the Church of England, contained in the Book of Common Prayer, and by Law established, to be such a one as is by them desired; according to the Qualifications here mentioned, 〈◊〉 .
1. For Matter agreeable to the Word of God, which we 〈◊〉 all other lawful Ministers within the Church of England, have, or by the Laws ought to have attested by our Personal Subscription.
2. Fitly suited to the Nature of the several Ordinances, and the Necessities of the Church.
3. Nor too tedious in the whole. It's well known that some Men's Prayers before and after Sermon, have been usually not much shorter, and sometimes much longer than the whole Church Service.
4. Nor the Prayers too short. The Wisdom of the Church, both in ancient and latter times, hath thought it a fitter means for relieving the Infirmities of the meaner sort of People (which are the major part of most Congregations) to contrive several Petitions into sundry shorter Collects or Prayers, than to comprehend them altogether in a continued style, or without interruption.
5. Nor the Repetitions unmeet. There are Examples of the like Repetition frequent in the Psalms and other parts of Scripture. Not to mention the unhandsome Tautologies that oftentimes happen, and can scarce be avoided in the Extemporary and undigested Prayers that are made; especially by Persons of meaner Gifts.
6. Nor the Responsals. Which if impartially considered, are pious Ejaculations fit to stir up Devotion, and good Symbols of Conformity betwixt the Minister and the People, and have been of very ancient practice and continuance in the Church.
7. Nor too dissonant from the Liturgies of other Reformed Churches. The nearer both their Forms and ours come to the Liturgy of the Ancient Greek and Latin Churches, the less are they liable to the Objections of the Common Enemy; To which Liturgies, if the Form used in our Church be more agreeable than those of other Reformed Churches, and that it were at all needful to make a Change in either, it seemeth to be much more reasonable that their Form should be endeavored to be brought to a nearer Conformity with ours, than ours with theirs: Especially the Form of our Liturgy having been so signally approved by sundry of the most Learned Divines of the Reformed Churches abroad, as by very many Testimonies in their Writings may appear. And some of the Compilers thereof have Sealed the Protestant Religion with their Blood, and have been by the most Eminent Persons of those Churches esteemed as Martyrs for the same.
§ 19. As for that which followeth: Neither can we think that too rigorously imposed which is imposed by Law, and that with no more rigor than is necessary to make the Imposition effectual (otherwise it could be of no use but to beget and nourish factions.) Nor are Ministers denied the use and exercise of their Gifts in praying before and after Sermon. Although such praying be but the continuance of a Custom of no great Antiquity, and grown into Common use by Sufferance only without any other Foundation in the Laws or Canons, and ought therefore to be used by all sober and godly Men with the greatest inoffensiveness and moderation possible.
§ 20. If anything in the Established Liturgy shall be made appear to be justly offensive to sober Persons, we are not at all unwilling that the same should be changed.
The discontinuance thereof, we are sure was not our Fault. But we find by experience that the use of it is very much desired, where it is not; and the People generally are very well satisfied with it where it is used: which we believe to be a great Conservatory of the chief Heads of Christian Religion, and of Piety, Charity and Loyalty in the Hearts of the People.
We believe that the difuse thereof for sundry late years hath been one of the great Causes of the sad Divisions in the Church; and that the restoring the same, will be by (by God's blessing) a special means of making up the Breach. There being (as we have great cause to believe) many Thousands more in the Nation that desire it, than dislike it.
Nevertheless we are not against revising of the Liturgy by such discreet Persons as his Majesty shall think fit to employ therein.
Of Ceremonies.
§ 21. We conceived there needs no more to be said for justifying the Imposition of the Ceremonies by Law established, then what is contained in the beginning of this Section: which giveth a full and satisfactory Answer to all that is alleged or objected in the following Discourse, which is for the most part rather Rhetorical than Argumentative. Inasmuch as lawful Authority hath already determined the Ceremonies in question to be decent and orderly, and to serve to Edification; and consequently to be agreeable to the General Rules of the Word.
We acknowledge the Worship of God to be in itself perfect in regard of Essentials, which hindereth not but that it may be capable of being improved to us by addition of Circumstantials in order to Decency and Edification.
As the Lord hath declared himself Jealous in Matters concerning the Substance of his Worship, so hath he left the Church at liberty for Circumstantials to determine concerning Particulars according to Prudence as occasion shall require, so as the foresaid General Rules be still observed. And therefore the imposing and using indifferent Ceremonies, is not varying from the Will of God, nor is there made thereby any addition to, or detraction from the holy Duties of God's Worship. Nor doth the same any way hinder the Communication of God's Grace or Comfort in the performance of such Duties.
§ 22. The Ceremonies were never esteemed Sacraments, or imposed as such; nor was ever any Moral efficacy ascribed to them, nor doth the significancy (without which they could not serve to Edification) import or infer any such thing.
§ 23. Ceremonies have been retained by most of the Protestant Churches abroad, which have rejected Popery, and have been approved by the Judgment of the most Learned, even of those Churches that have not retained them. Every National Church being supposed to be the best and most proper Judge what is fittest for themselves to appoint in order to Decency and Edification, without prescribing to other Churches.
§ 24. That the Ceremonies have been Matter of Contention in this or any other Church was not either from the Nature of the Thing enjoined, or the enjoining of the same by lawful Authority: but partly from the weakness of some Men's Judgments unable to search into the Reason of Things: and partly from the unsubduedness of some Men's Spirits more apt to contend, than willing to submit their private Opinions to the Public Judgment of the Church.
§ 25. Of those that were obnoxious to the Law, very few (in comparison) have been deprived, and none of them (for ought we know) but such as after admonition and long forbearance finally refused to do, what not only the Laws required to be done, but themselves also formerly had solemnly and (as they professed) willingly promised to do.
§ 26. We do not see with what Conscience any Man could leave the Exercise of his Ministry in his peculiar Charge, for not submitting to lawful Authority in the using of such things as were in his own Judgment no more than inexpedient only. And it is certainly a great mistake at the least, to call the submitting to Authority in such things, a bringing the Conscience under the power of them.
§ 27. The Separation that hath been made from the Church, was from the t • king a Scandal where none was given: The Church having fully declared her sense touching the Ceremonies imposed, as Things not in their Nature necessary, but indifferent. But was chiefly occasioned by the Practice, and defended from the Principles of those that refused Conformity to the Law, the just Rule and Measure of the Churches Unity.
§ 28. The Nature of Things being declared to be mutable, showeth that they may therefore be changed, as they that are in Authority shall see it expedient; but it is no proof at all that it is therefore expedient that it should be actually changed. Yet it's a sufficient Caution against the Opinion (or Objection rather) of their being held by the Imposers either necessary or Substantials of Worship. Besides, this Argument, if it were of any force, would infer an expediency of the often changing even of good Laws, whereas the Change of Laws, although liable to some Inconveniencies, without great and evident necessity, hath been by Wise men ever accounted a thing not only Imprudent, but of evil, and sometimes pernicious Consequence.
§ 29. We fully agree with them in the acknowledgment of the King's Supremacy, but we leave it to his Majesty's Prudence and Goodness to consider, whether for the avoiding of the offense of some of his weak Subjects, he be any way obliged to Repeal the Established Laws: the Repealing whereof would be probably dissatisfactory to many more, and those (so far as we are able to judge) no less considerable a part of his Subjects. Nor do we conceive his Majesty by the Apostle's either Doctrine or Example obliged to any farther Condescention to particular Persons, than may be subservient to the general and main Ends of Public Government.
The Lord hath entrusted Governors to provide, not only thàt Things necessary in God's Worship be duly performed, but also that things advisedly enjoined, though not otherways necessary, should be orderly and duly observed. The too great neglect whereof would so cut the Sinews of Authority, that it would become first infirm, and then contemptible.
As we are no way against such tender and religious Compassion in Things of this Nature, as his Majesty's Piety and Wisdom shall think fit to extend; so we cannot think that the Satisfaction of some private Persons is to be laid in the Balance against the Public Peace and Uniformity of the Church.
Concerning particular Ceremonies.
§ 30. It being most convenient that in the Act of receiving the Lord's Supper one and the same Gesture should be uniformly used by all the Members of this Church; and Kneeling having been formerly enjoined and used therein, as a Gesture of greatest Reverence and Devotion, and so most agreeable to that Holy Service. And Holy-days of human Institution having been observed by the People of God in the Old-Testament, and by our blessed Savior himself in the Gospel, and by all the Churches of Christ in Primitive and following times, as apt means to preserve the Memorials of the chief Mysteries of the Christian Religion. And such Holy-days being also fit times for the honest Recreation of Servants, Laborers, and the meaner sort of People.
For these Reasons, and the great Satisfaction of far the greatest part of the People, we humbly desire (as a thing in our Judgment very expedient) that they may both be still continued in the Church.
§ 31. As for the other Three Ceremonies, viz. the Surplice, Cross after Baptism, and bowing at the Name of Jesus; although we find not here any sufficient Reason alleged why they should be utterly abolished: Nevertheless, how far forth in regard of tender Consciences a Liberty may be thought fit to be indulged to any, his Majesty, according to his great Wisdom and Goodness, is best able to judge.
§ 32. But why they that confess that in the Judgment of all the things here mentioned are not to be valued with the Peace of the Church, should yet after they are established by Law, disturb the Peace of the Church, about them, we understand not.
§ 33. We heartily desire that no Innovations should be brought into the Church, or Ceremonies which have no foundation in the Laws of the Land imposed to the disturbance of the Peace thereof. But that all Men would use that Liberty that is allowed them in things indifferent, according to the Rules of Christian Prudence, Charity and Moderation.
§ 34. We are so far from believing that his Majesty's Condescending to these Demands will take away not only Differences, but the Roots and Causes of them, that we are confident it will prove the Seminary of new Differences, both by giving dissatisfaction to those that are well pleased with what is already established, who are much the greater part of his Majesty's Subjects; and by encouraging unquiet Spirits when these things shall be granted, to make further Demands. There being no assurance by them given, what will content all Dissenters: than which nothing is more necessary for the settling of a firm Peace in the Church.
A Defense of our Proposals to his Majesty for Agreement in Matters of Religion.
Concerning the Preamble.
§ 1. WE are not insensible of the great Danger of the Church, through the Doctrinal Errors of many of those with whom we are at difference also about the Points of Government and Worship now before us. But yet we chose to say of the Party, that we are agreed in Doctrinals, because they subscribe the same Holy Scriptures and Articles of Religion, and Books of Homilies as we do. And the Contradictions to their own Confessions, which too many are guilty of, we thought not just to charge upon the Party; because it is but Personal guilt. As to the differences (which in Charity and for Peace, we had rather extenuate than aggravate;) it is of Objective Conceptions that we speak, there being a difference in the things, as well as in our apprehensions. And we conceive that [The Ancient Form of Church-Government, and the Soundness of the Liturgy, and freedom from corrupting unlawful Ceremonies,] are Matters that are worthy a conscionable regard: and no such little inconsiderable things as to be received without sufficient trial, or used against the Disswasions of our Consciences. No Sin should seem so small as to be willfully committed; especially to Divines. He that will sin for little or nothing, is not to be trusted when he hath great Temptations. Whosoever shall break one of these least Commandments, and shall teach men so, he shall be called the least in the Kingdom of Heaven: but whosoever shall do, and teach them the same, shall be called great in the Kingdom of Heaven, Matth. 5. 19. And whether the Imposor or the Forbearers do hazard and disturb the Church, the nature of the thing declareth. To you it is indifferent before your Imposition; and therefore you may without any regret of your own Consciences forbear the Imposition, or persuade the Law-makers to forbear it. But to many of those that dissent from you, they are sinful; and therefore cannot be yielded to by them without the willful violation of their Duty, to the absolute Sovereign of the World. If in the Church of Rome, the Conscience of a Subject forbid the use of Crucifixes, and Images, and Chrism, and Holy Water, &c. is it therefore they? or is it the Pastors that needlessly impose these Things, that are the Disturbers of the Church? The Princes might have forborne to make a Law restraining Daniel three days from Prayer; but Daniel could not forbear praying three days, though the Law commanded it: And which of them then was the Disturbers of the Peace? If you say that we are willful, and our Consciences are peevish and misinformed; Charity and Modesty requireth you not to overvalue your own, or groundlessly vilify the Judgments and Consciences of your Brethren. We study as hard as you; and are ready to join with you in the solemnest Protestations, as before the Lord, that we are earnestly desirous to know the Truth: and we suppose we stand on the calmer side the Hedge, in point of Temptation: for if we err it is to our cost and loss, and have little but Reproach and Suffering to entice us willingly to mistake. And we are always ready to try by Argument which Side it is that is mistaken.
§ 2. May not we crave that necessary things may be secured to us, without being interpreted to seem to insinuate Accusations against you? As it is not the Authors of this Answer personally considered, that we could be imagined to accuse, because we knew them not; so there are others besides the party with whom we are seeking a Reconciliation, that may be averse to the practice of those things about which Divines are doctrinally agreed in, especially that part of the Vulgar who are practically of no Religion. And it is very displeasing to us to be called out to an Accusation of others; as being a Course that will tend more to exasperate than reconcile. Fain we would have had leave to Petition for our Liberty and for the security of Religion, without accusing any of being injurious to it. But it is the unhappy Advantage of those that are uppermost, that they can cut out at pleasure such work for those that they would use as Adversaries, that shall either make them seem their Adversaries, or appear to be really the Adversaries or Betrayers of the Truth, and cast them upon Inconveniences and Odium which way soever they go. But to be plain with you. if you would but agree with us in the practicing and promoting the Practice of those things about which you profess to be agreed in Principles, our Differences in all other things would quickly be at an End. The great Controversies between the Hypocrite and the true Christian, whether we should be serious in the Practice of the Religion which we commonly profess? hath troubled England more than any other: None being more hated and derided as Puritans, than those that will make Religion their Business, and make it predominant in their Hearts and Lives, while others that hate them, take it up in custom, for Fashion, or in jest, and use it only in Subserviency to the Will of Man and their Worldly Ends, and honor it with Complements, and paint the Skin while they stab the Heart. Reconcile this Difference, and most others will be reconciled.
§ 3. Whether this signify any Repentance for the voluminous Reproaches which many of you have written against those you call Puritans, your Amendment will interpret. That you will give us Liberty in our Family-Duties alone is a Courtesy that you cannot well deny a Papist or a Mahometan, because you have there no Witnesses of what they do; and yet we shall take ourselves beholden for it, so low are our Expectations. But is there no Duty that private Christians owe to one another, for the furthering their Salvation, but only for their several Families? why may not those that on the Lord's Day repeat a Sermon in their Families, admit a Neighbor-Family to be present, which is not able so to help themselves? A great part of the Families among the Poor are composed of such as can neither write nor read, and therefore know not how to spend the Lord's Day when they are out of the Congregation: And a Sermon forgotten will hardly be so well practiced as if it were remembered; and the Ignorant will hardly remember it if they never hear it but once. At least methinks it should be an Encouragement to you, when you have studied what to say to the People (rather than matter of Offence) to see them so far value it, as to desire to fasten it in their Memories. And if several Families join also in the singing of Psalms of Praise to God, and calling on him for a Blessing on the Minister and themselves, is this a Crime? when perhaps most of those Families either cannot pray at all, or not with such cheerful Advantage, by themselves: If you are against such mutual Helps as these, you are against the Benefit of the Peoples Souls: The Lord pity the Flocks that have such Pastors. If you are not against them, why are you against our Desires of encouragement in them? Have the Laws of the Land secured any of these to us against your Canons? If they have, why have so many Families formerly been undone, for such Exercises as these? and for fasting and praying together for the Pardon of their Sins? To deal freely with you, we are constrained so well to know with whom we have to do, that our Business is to request you of the Clergy, not to provoke the Law-givers to make any Law against this: That it may not become a Crime to Men, to pray together, and provoke one another to Love, and to good Works; when it is no Crime to talk, and play, and drink, and feast together. And that it may be no Crime to repeat a Sermon together, unless you resolve that they shall hear none which is worth their repeating and remembering. And whereas you speak of opening a Gap to Sectaries for private Conventicles, and the evil Consequents to the State, we only desire you to avoid also the cherishing of Ignorance and Profaneness, and suppress all Sectaries, and spare not, in a way that will not suppress the means of Knowledge and Godliness. As you will not forbid all praying or preaching, lest we should have Sectarian Prayers or Sermons, so let not all the People of the Land be prohibited such Assistance to each others Souls, as Nature and Scripture oblige them to, and all for fear of the Meetings of Sectaries: We thought the Cautions in our Petition were sufficient, when we confined it Subjectively to those of our Flocks, and Objectively to their Duties of exhorting and provoking one another to Love and to good Works, and of building up one another in their most holy Faith. And only by religious peaceable means of furthering each other in the ways of eternal Life: And for the Order [They being not opposite to Church-Assemblies (but subordinate) nor refusing the Guidance and Inspection of their Pastors (who may be sometime with them and prescribe them their Work and Way, and direct their Actions) and being responsible for what they do or say (their Doors being open there will not want Witnesses against them, if they do amiss). And is not all this enough to secure you against the Fear of Sectaries, unless all such Helps and mutual Comforts be forbidden to all that are no Sectaries. This is but as the Papists do in another Case, when they deny People Liberty to read the Scriptures lest they make Men Heretics or Sectaries. And for the Danger of the State, cannot Men plot against it in Ale-houses, or Taverns, or Fields, or under Pretence of Horse-Races, Hunting, Bowles, or other Occasions, but only under pretence of Worshipping God? If they may, why are not all Men forbidden to feast, or bowl, or hunt, &c. lest Sectaries make advantage of such Meetings, as well as to fast and pray? God and wise Men know that there is something more in all such Jealousies of Religious Duties.
§ 4. Do you really desire that every Congregation may have an able, godly Minister? Then cast not out those many Hundreds or Thousands that are approved such, for want of Re-ordination, or for doubting whether Diocesans with their Chancellors &c. may be subscribed to, and set not up ignorant ungodly ones in their Places. Otherwise the poor undone Churches of Christ will no more believe you in such Professions, than we believed that those Men intended the King's just Power and Greatness, who took away his Life.
But you know not what we mean by Residence, nor how far we will extend that Word. The Word is so plain, that it's easily understood by those that are willing: But he that would not know, cannot understand, as King Charles told Mr. Henderson. I doubt the People will quickly find that you did not understand us. And yet I more fear lest many a Parish will be glad of Non-residence, even if Priest and Curate and all were far enough from them, through whose Fault I say not.
§ 5. Two Remedies you give us instead of what we desired for the Reformation of Church-Communion: 1. You say, Confirmation if rightly and solemnly performed will alone be sufficient as to the point of Instruction. Answ. But what we desired was necessary to the right and solemn Performance of it. Doth not any Man that knoweth what hath been done in England, and what People dwell there, know that there are not more ignorant People in this Land than such as have had, and such as desire Episcopal Confirmation? Is it Sufficient in point of Instruction, for a Bishop to come among a company of little Children and other People, whom he he never saw before, and of whom he never heard a Word, and of whom he never asketh a Question which may inform him of their Knowledge or Life; and presently to lay his Hands on them in order, and hastily say over a few Lines of Prayer, and so dismiss them? I was confirmed by honest Bishop Morton, with a multitude more, who all went to it as a May-game, and kneeled down, and he dispatched us with that short Prayer so fast, that I scarce understood one word he said; much less did he receive any Certificate concerning us, or ask us anything which might tell him whether we were Christians; and I never saw nor heard of much more done by any English Bishop in his course of Confirmation. If you say that more is required in the Rubric, I say then it is no Crime for us to desire it. 2. And for your Provision in the other Rubric again scandalous Communicants, it enableth not the Minister to put away any one of them all, save only the malicious that will not just then be reconciled. Be not angry with us, if in sorrow of Heart, we pray to God, that his Churches may have experienced Pastors, who have spent much time in serious dealing with everyone of their Parishes personally, and know what they are and what they need, instead of Men that have conversed only with Books, and the Houses of great Men; or when they do sometimes stoop to speak to the ignorant, do but talk to them of the Market or the Weather, or ask them, what is their Name.
§ 6. To your Answer we reply, Those Laws may be well made stricter: They hindered not the Imposition of a Book to be read, by all Ministers in the Churches, for the Peoples Liberty for Dancing, and other such Sports on the Lord's Day, and this in the King's Name, to the ejecting or suspending of those Ministers that durst not read it. And those Laws which we have may be more carefully executed. If you are ignorant how commonly the Lord's Day is profaned in England by Sporting, Drinking, Revelling and Idleness, you are sad Pastors that no better know the Flock: If you know it, and desire not the Reformation of it, you are yet worse. Religion never prospered anywhere so much, as where the Lord's Days have been most carefully spent in holy Exercises.
Concerning Church-Government.
§ 7. Had you well read but Gersom, Bucer, Didoclavius, Parker, Baynes, Salmasius, Blondell, &c. yea, of the few Lines in Bishop Usher's Reduction which we have offered you, or what I have written of it in Disp. 1. of Church-Government; you would have seen just Reason given for our Dissent from the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy as stated in England; and have known that it is unlike the primitive Episcopacy: But if that which must convince you, must be brought nearer your Eyes, by God's help we 〈◊〉 to do that fully whenever we are called to it.
8. The Words which you here except against with Admiration of the Corruptions, Partialities, Tyranny, which Church-Government by a single Person is liable to, was taken by us out of the Book commonly ascribed to King Charles himself called Icon. Basil. but we purposely suppressed his Name to try whether you would not be as bitter against his Words, as against ours, and did not esteem Fidem per personas, non personas per fidem.
And further we reply, it is one thing for a Bishop to rule alone when there are no Presbyters, or to rule the Presbyters themselves alone: and another thing when he hath Presbyters yet to rule all the Flock alone; for by this means, he quoad Exercitium at least degradeth all the rest, or changeth their Office; which is to guide as well as to teach: As if the General of an Army, or the Colonel of a Regiment should rule all the Soldiers alone; doth he not then depose all his Captains, Lieutenants, Cornets, Corporals, Serjeants, &c. But especially, it is one thing for Ignatius his Bishop of one Church that had but one Altar to rule it alone (though yet he commandeth the People to obey their Presbyters) and another thing for an English Diocesan to rule a Thousand such Churches alone! And when all is done, do they rule alone indeed? Or doth not a Lay-Chancellor exercise the Keys? so far as is necessary to suppress private Meetings for Fasting and Prayer, &c. and to force all to the Sacrament, and enforce the Ceremonies, and some such things; and for the great Discipline it is almost altogether left undone. We are sorry that you should be able to be ignorant of this; or if you know it, that such Camels stick not with you, but go down so easily.
Instances of things amiss.
§ 9. 1. That which you cannot grant (that the Dioceses are to great) you would quickly grant if you had ever conscionably tried the task which Dr. Hammond describeth as the Bishops Work; yea, but for one Parish, or had ever believed Ignatius and other ancient Descriptions of a Bishop's Church.
But is it faithful dealing with your Brethren or your Consciences (pardon our Freedom in so weighty a Case) to dispute as though you made a Bishop but an Archbishop to see by a general Inspection of the Parish-Pastors that they do their Office, and as if they only ruled the Rulers of the particular Flocks (which you know we never strove against)? when as no knowing English Man can be ignorant that our Bishops have the sole Government of Pastors and People, having taken all Jurisdiction or proper Government (or next all) from the particular Pastors of the Parishes, to themselves alone. Is not the Question rather as whether the King can rule all the Kingdom by the Chancellor, or a few such Officers, without all the Justices and Mayors; or whether one Schoolmaster shall only rule a thousand Schools and all the other Schoolmasters only teach them. You know that the depriving of all the Parish Pastors of the Keys of Government is the matter of our greatest Controversies: Not as it is any hurt to them, but to the Church, and a certain Exclusion of all true Discipline. And whether the Office of the Bishops of particular Churches infimi Ordinis, vel • gradus, be not for Personal Inspection and Ministration, as well as the Office of a Shoolmaster or Physician, you will better know when you come to try it faithfully, or answer fearfully for Unfaithfulness. We know that the knowing Lord Bacon in his Considerations saith so as well as we.
And for what you say of Suffrag •• s, you know there are none such.
§ 10. 2. We are glad that in so great a matter as Lay-Chancellors Exercise of the Keys in Excommunications and Absolutions, you are forced plainly, and without any Excuse to confess the Errors of the way of Government. And let this stand on Record before the World to Justify us when we shall be silenced and reproached as Schismatics, for desiring the Reformation of such Abuses, and for not swearing Canonical Obedience to such a Government.
§ 11. 3. And you have almost as little to say in this Case. Mark Reader, that we must all be silenced, and cast out of our Offices, if we subscribe not to the Book of Ordination ex Animo, as having nothing contrary to the Word of God: And the very Preface of that beginneth with the Affirmation of this Distinction of Orders, Offices, Functions, from the Apostles Days, and one of the Prayers ascribeth it to the Spirit of God; and yet now it is here said, that [whether a Bishop be a distinct Order from a Presbyter or not, is none of the Question]: That must be none of the Question when the King calleth them to treat for a Reconciliation or Unity, which will be out of Question against us when we are called to subscribe, or are to be forbidden to preach the Gospel.
And let what is here confessed for Presbyters Assistance in Ordination, stand on Record against them when it is neglected or made an insignificant Ceremony.
§ 12. 4. In the last also you give up your Cause, and yet it's well if you will amend it. Whether the Canons be Laws, let the Lawyers judge: And whether all the Bishops Books of Articles (as against making Scripture our Table-talk, and many such others) be either Laws, or according to Law, let the World judge.
The Remedies offered for reforming these Evils.
§ 13. 1. Whereas to avoid all Exception, or frustrating Contentions or Delays, we offered only Bishop Usher's Platform (subscribed also by Dr. Holdsworth ) that the World might see that it is Episcopacy itself that we plead for; you tell us that it was formed many Years before his Death, and is not consistent with two other of his Discourses: In which either you would intimate that he contradicteth himself, and could not speak consistently, or that he afterward retracted this Reduction. For the first, We must believe that many Men can reconcile their own Writings, when some Readers cannot, as better understanding themselves than others do. And that this reverend Bishop was no such raw Novice, as not to know when he contradicted himself in so public and practical a Case, as a Frame of Church-Government; Nor was he such an Hypocrite as to play fast and loose in the things of God: But upon Debate we undertake to vindicate his Writings from this Aspersion of Inconsistency; only you must not take him to mean that all was well done, which as an Historian he saith was done. And as to any Retraction, one of us (myself) is ready to witness that he owned it not long before his Death, as a Collection of fit Terms to reconcile the Moderate in these Points, and told him that he offered it the late King.
And whereas you tell us that the conforming of Suffragans to Rural Deaneries, and other such, are his private Conceptions, destitute of any Testimoney of Antiquity: We answer, No marvel, when Rural Deaneries were unknown to true Antiquity. And when in the Ancientest Church, every Church had its proper Bishop, and every Bishop but one Church, that had also but one Altar. But surely the Corepiscopi were no Strangers to Antiquity, as may appear (before the Council at Nice ) in Council. Ancyran. Can. 12. and in Council. Antiochin. Can. 10. &c. It was unknown in the days of Ignatius and Justin Martyr, that a Church should be as large as a Rural Deanry, containing a dozen Churches with Altars, that had none of them peculiar Bishops: But it was not strange then that every Church had a Bishop; and if it were Rural, a Chorepiscopus. As also you may gather even from Clemens Romanus.
The Quarrel which you pick with the Archbishops Reduction for not Naming the King, as if he destroyed his Supremacy, is such as a low degree of Charity, with a little Understanding, might easily have prevented. Either you know that it is the Power of the Keys, (called Spiritual and proper-Ecclesiastical ) and not the Coercive Power circa Ecclesiastica, which the Archbishop speaketh of, and all our Controversy is about, or you do not know it. If you do know it, either you think this Power of the Keys is resolved into the King, or not: If you do think so, you differ from the King, and from all of yourselves that ever we talked with, and you contradict all Protestant Princes, that have openly disclaimed any such Power, and published this to the World to stop the Mouths of Calumniating Papists: And we have heard the King, and some of you, disclaim it: And how can you then fitly debate these Controversies that differ from all Protestant Kings, and from the Church! But if you yourselves do not so think, had you a Pen that would charge the Archbishop for destroying the King's Supremacy, for asserting nothing but what the King and you maintain? And if you knew not that this Spiritual Power of the Keys, as distinct from Magistratical Coercive Power, is the Subject of our Controversy, we dispute to good purpose indeed with Men that know not what Subject it is that we are to dispute about! so that which way soever it go, you see how it is like to fall; and how Men that are out of the dust and noise will judge of our Debates. And here we leave it to the Notice and Observation of Posterity, upon the perusal of all your Exceptions, How little the English Bishops had to say against the Form of Primitive Episcopacy contained in Archbishop Usher's Reduction, in the day when they rather chose the increase of our Divisions, the Silencing of many Hundred faithful Ministers, the scattering of the Flocks, the afflicting of so many thousand godly Christians, than the accepting of this Primitive Episcopacy: which was the Expedient which those called Presbyterians offered, never once speaking for the Cause of Presbytery. And what kind of Peace-makers and Conciliators we met with, when both Parties were to meet at one time and place with their several Concessions for Peace and Concord ready drawn up, and the Presbyterians in their Concessions laid by all their Cause, and proposed an Archbishops frame of Episcopacy: and the other side brought not in any of their Concessions at all, but only unpeaceably rejected all the Moderation that was desired.
Lastly, They hear desire it may be observed that in this Reduction, Archiepiscopacy is acknowledged: And we shall also desire that it may be observed, that we never put in a word to them against Archbishops, Metropolitans or Primates, and yet we are very far from attaining any Peace with them.
And we desire that it may be observed also, that understanding with whom we had to do, we offered them not that which we approved ourselves as the best, but that which we would submit to, as having some Consistency with the Discipline and Order of the Church, which was our End.
Of the Superadded Particulars.
§ 14. 1. This is scarce Serious: The Primate's Suffragans or Chorepiscopi are Rural Deans, or as many for number: The Suffragans you talk of by Law are other things, about Sixteen in all the Land. The King's Power is about the Choice of them as Human Officers, but as Pastors of the Church or Bishops, the Churches had the Choice for a Thousand years after Christ, through most of the Christian World. And what if it be in the King's power: Is it not the more reasonable that the King be petitioned to in the Business? The King doth not choose every Rural Dean himself: And is it anymore destructive of his Power to do it by the Synods, than by the Diocesan? This use the Name and Power of Kings is made of by some kind of Men, to make a noise against all that cross their Domination, but all that is exercised by themselves is no whit derogatory to Royalty. And yet how many Men have been Excommunicated for refusing to Answer in the Chancellor's Courts, till they profess to sit there by the King's Authority?
§ 15. We much doubt whether you designed to read the Archbishop's Reduction when you answered our Papers: If you did not, why would you choose to be ignorant of what you answered, when so light a Labor might have informed you? If you did, how could you be ignorant of what we meant by Associations, when you saw that, such as our Rural Deaneries was the thing spoken of and proposed by the Reduction? And 1. Are the Rural Deaneries think you, without the King's Authority? If not, what mean you by such Intimations? unless you would make Men believe that we breathe Treason, as oft as we breathe (as the Soldier charged the Country-man for whistling Treason, when he meant to plunder him). 2. And what though Associations may not be entered into without the King's Authority: Do you mean that therefore we may not thus desire his Authority for them? If you do not, to what sense or purpose is this Answer? Sure we are, that for Three hundred years when Magistrates were not Christian, there was Preaching, Praying, and Associating in particular Churches hereunto without the Kings Authority, and also Associating in Synods: And after that for many a Hundred year the Christian Magistrates confirmed and over-ruled such Associations, but never overthrew them, or forbad them.
§ 16. But the Apostles of Christ, and all his Churches for many hundred years, thought all these Subscriptions and Oaths unnecessary; and never prescribed, nor required either them or any such: So unhappy is the present Church in the happy Understandings of these Men of Yesterday, that are wiser than Christ, his Apostles and Universal Church, and have at last found out these necessary Oaths and Subscriptions. And you are not quite mistaken: Necessary they are, to set up those that shall rule by Constraint as Lord's over God's Heritage, and necessary Engines for the dividing and persecuting of the Church: But judge thou, O Lord, according to thy righteousness, in the day which is coming.
But the Examples of Corporation, and Colleges are brought in, who prevent Offences by Subscriptions and Oaths. And even so hath Christ (whose Spirit would impose nothing on the Churches but things necessary) appointed a Vow and Solemn Covenant to be the way of Entrance into his Church: And the Apish Spirit which followeth him (to counter-work him) by the Addition of Human Churches, Sacraments and Ordinances, doth also imitate him in making their Oaths and Promises necessary to engage Men to their Service and Institutions, as Christ hath made Baptism necessary to engage us to his Service and Institutions. And your Arguments for Diocesans are so weak, that we wonder not that you think both Oaths, Subscriptions, Prisons, Confiscations and Banishments necessary to enforce them.
What you add of [such Persons as have themselves exacted Conditions of their Communion not warranted by Law], we understand not: Either the Law warranteth Men to own Christ for their Savior, and to own their own Membership in the particular Church which they demand constant Communion with, or it doth not. If it do not, we have reason to desire more than is warranted by that Law. If it do, you should have done well to instance what Persons and what Exactions you mean. If you speak this of all the Churches of the • Land that dislike • your Prelacy, it is too gross an untruth to have been uttered in the Light. If you speak only of some Persons or Parties, that is no reason why others should be deprived of their Liberty and Ministry. Nor indeed is it good Arguing that such Oaths and Subscriptions as the Church of old did never know, may be imposed by the Laws of Men, because some Brethren have lately required such Conditions of their Communion, as are imposed by the Laws of God. But let us prevail with you to drive this no further than the Persons, (whoever they be) did drive it whom you blame: Their utmost Penalty on the Refusers of their Conditions was Non-Communion with them; (A thing which many of you voluntarily chose). Let this be all our Penalty for refusing your Oaths and Subscriptions (if we can get no better from you): But shall we be Silenced, Imprisoned, Confiscated, Banished, for refusing your Oaths and Subscriptions, because somebody imposed Things which the Law allowed not in order to their own Communion. These are no fit Proportions of Justice.
§ 17. Out of your own Mouths then is your Government condemned. What Act of Parliament ratified your Canons? What Law imposed Altars, Rails, and the forcing of Ministers to read the Book for Dancing on the Lord's Days? Or what Law did ratify many Articles of your Visitation Books? And did the Laws sufficiently provide for all those poor Ministers that were Silenced or Suspended for not reading the Dancing Book, or any such things? What the better were all those for the Laws that were Silenced, or driven into Forreign Lands? But perhaps the Laws will provide for us indeed as you desire.
Concerning the Liturgy.
§ 18. 1. The Doctrine is sound. But the Apocryphal Matter of your Lessons, in Tobith, Judith, Bell and the Dragon, &c. is scare agreeable to the Word of God.
2. Whether it be fitly suited, let our Exceptions and other Papers be heard before your Judgment go for infallible.
3. What Men's Prayers you take your Measure or Encouragement from, we know not: But we are sure that if all the Common Prayers be twice a day read, the time for Psalms and Sermons will be short. And yet were they free from disorder and desectiveness in Matter, we could the better bear with the length, though other Prayers and Sermons were partly excluded by them.
4. Though we live in the same Countries, we scarce differ anywhere more than in our very Experiences: Our Experience unresistably convinceth us, that a continued Prayer doth more to help most of the People, and carry on their Desires, than turning almost every Petition into a distinct Prayer; and making Prefaces and Conclusions to be near half the Prayers. And if the way of Prayer recorded in Scripture (even in the Jews Church, where Infirmity might be pleaded more than now) were such as yours, we shall say no more in that against it: But if it were not, be not wise then overmuch.
5. We are content that the Liturgy have such Repetitions as the Scriptures have, so it may have no other! And we are content that all Extemporate Prayer be restrained which is guilty of as much Tautology and vain Repetition as the Liturgy is: If this much will satisfy you, we are agreed.
6. Nor are we against any such Responsals as are fit to the Ends you mention: If ours are all such (upon impartial Examination), let them stand.
7. But the Question is, 1. Whether the Greek and Latin Churches in the three first Ages, or those of later Ages, be more imitable. 2. And whether the other Reformed Churches have not more imitated the ancientest of those Churches, though we have more imitated the latter and more corrupt. 3. And whether our first work be to stop the Papists Mouths by pleasing them, or coming too near them, when we know they that are likest them in all their Corruptions please them best. Yet are we not for any unnecessary difference from them, or affection of causeless singularity.
As to the Reformed Churches Testimony of our Liturgy, shall their very Charity become our Snare? If they had liked our Form of Prayers best, they would some of them have imitated us. And our Martyrs no doubt, they honored as we do, not as suffering for the Modes and Ceremonies of that Book, as opposite to the Reformed Churches Mode (for so they suffered not); but as suffering for the Sound Doctrine and True Worship of the Protestants, as opposite to Popery and the Mass.
§ 19. Your Reasons to prove your Impositions not too rigorous, are 1. Because they are by Law: If we tell you that so is the Spanish Inquisition; you will say, we compare our Law-givers to the Spaniards: If we say that your New-mentioned Martyrs were burnt by Law in England, you will say that we compare them to Papists. But all these are Laws: And so are those in Reformed Countries which are against Bishops and Ceremonies: Do you therefore think them not too rigorous? 2. Your other Reason is, that the Rigour is no more then is necessary to make the Imposition effectual. You never spake words more agreeable to your hearts, as far as by your Practices we can judge of them. Either you mean effectual to change Men's Iudgments, or effectual to make them go against their Iudgments, or effectual to rid them out of the Land or World. The first you know they are unfit for: If you think otherwise, would you that your Judgments should have such kind of helps to have set them right? The second way they will be effectual with none but wicked Men and Hypocrites, who dare Sin against their Consciences for fear of Men: And is it worth so much ado to bring the Children of the Devil into your Church? The third way of Efficacy, is but to kill or banish all the Children of God that are not of your Opinion: for it is they that dare not Sin against Conscience whatever they suffer: And this is but such an Efficacy as the Spanish Inquisition, and Queen Mary 's Bonfires had, to send those to God whom the World is not worthy of. You know every Man that is true to his God and his Conscience, will never do that which he taketh to be Sin, till his Judgment is changed: and therefore with such it can be no lower than Blood, or Banishment, or Imprisonment at least, that is the Efficacy which you desire: And if no such rigor be too much, its pity the French, that murdered 30000 or 40000 at their Bartholo •• ew days, or as Dr. Peter Moulin saith 100000 within a few Weeks, and the Irish that murdered 200000 had not had a better Cause: For they took the most effectual way of rigor.
But when God maketh Inquisition for the Blood of his Servants, he will convince Men that such rigor was too much, and that their Wrath did not fulfil his Righteousness.
You show your Kindness to Men's praying in the Pulple without your Book: Make good what you say, that such Praying is of no great Antiquity, and we will never contradict you more! Or if we prove it not the Ancientest way of Praying in the Christian Church, we will give you free leave to hang or banish us, for not Subscribing to the Common Prayer Book: which the Apostles used, and which was imposed on the Church for some hundred years. But it seems you think that we are beholden to mere Sufferance without Law or Canon for conceived Prayers: How long then it will be suffered we know not; if we must live by your Patience.
§ 20. It seemeth that our Converse and yours much differ: The most that we know or meet with had rather be without the Liturgy: and you say, That the People generally are well satisfied with it. By this time they are of another Mind. If it were so, we take it for no great honor to it; considering what the greater Number are in most places, and of what Lives those Persons are (of our Parishes and Acquaintance generally or for the most part) who are for it: Or what those are that are against it, and whom for its • sake you desire your effectual rigor may be exercised against. The Lord prepare them to undergo it innocently.
§ 21. Doth there need no more to be said for the Ceremonies? How little will satisfy some Men's Consciences! Lawful Authority hath in other Countries cast out the same Bishops and Ceremonies which are here received: Doth it follow that they are good in one Country, and disorderly and undecent in another? Or that our Authority only is infallible in judging of them?
Is not God's Worship perfect without our Ceremonies, in its Integrals as well as its Essentials?
As for Circumstantials when you saw us allow of them, you need not plead for them as against us. But the Question is, whether our Additions be not more then Circumstances.
§ 22. We suppose that you give all to the Cross in Baptism which is necessary to a Human Sacrament: And this we are ready to try be just Dispute.
When you say that never was Moral Efficacy ascribed to them, you seem to give up all your Cause: for by denying this ascribed Efficacy, you seem to grant them unlawful if it be so: And if it be not so, let us bear the blame of wronging them. The informing and exciting the dull mind of Man, in its duty to God, is a Moral Effect from Moral Efficacy. But the informing and exciting the dull Mind of Man in its Duty to God is an Effect ascribed to our Ceremonies: Ergo, a Moral Effect from Moral Efficacy is ascribed to our Ceremonies. The major cannot be denied by any Man that knoweth what a Moral Effect and Efficacy is: that which worketh not per modum Naturae in genere Causae efficientis naturalis only, but per modum objecti, vel in genere causae finalis, upon the Mind of Man, doth work morally: but so do our Ceremonies: Ergo —sure the Arminians that deny all proper Physical Operations of God's Spirit, as well as his Word, and reduce all to Moral Efficacy, will not say that Ceremonies have such a Physical Efficacy more than Moral. And if not so, the good Effects here mentioned can be from no lower Efficacy than Moral. And the minor which must be denied, is in the words of the Preface to the Common Prayer Book, and therefore undeniable. The Word of God itself worketh but moraliter proponendo objectum, and so do our Ceremonies.
§ 23. There is a great difference between Sacramental Ceremonies, and mere Circumstances, which the Reformed Churches keep. These we confound not, and could have wished you would not. Our Cross in Baptism is [ A dedicating sign (saith the Canon) or transient Image, made in token that this Child shall not be ashamed of Christ crucified, but manly fight under his Banner against the Flesh, the World, and the Devil, and continue Christ's faithful Servant and Soldier to his Lives end. So that 1. It is a Dedicating Sign, performed by the Minister, and not by the Person himself, as a bare Professing Sign is. 2. It engageth the Party in a Relation to Christ [as his Soldier and Servant]. 3. And in the Duties of this Relation against all our Enemies, as the Sacramentum Militare doth a Soldier to his General; and that in plainer and fuller words than are annexed to Baptism. 4. And it is no other than the Covenant of Grace or of Christianity itself, which this Sacrament of the Cross doth enter us into, as Baptism also doth. It is not made a part of Baptism, nor called a Sacrament, but as far as we can judge, made essentially a Human Sacrament adjoined to Baptism. The Reformed Churches which use the Cross, we mean the Lutherans, yet use it not in this manner.
§ 24. This is but your unproved Assertion, That the Fault was not in the Ceremonies, but in the Contenders: we are ready to prove the contrary: but if it had been true, how far are you from Paul 's mind, expressed Rom. 14. & 15. and 1 Cor. 8. You will let your weak Brother perish, and spare not, so you can but charge the Fault on himself; and lay Stumbling-blocks before him, and then save him by your effectual rigor, by Imprisonment or Punishment.
§ 25. Those seem a few to you that seem many to us: Had it been but one hundred such as Cartwright, Ames, Bradshaw, Parker, Hildersham, Dod, Nicolls, Langley, Paget, Hering, Baynes, Bates, Davenport, Hooker, Wilson, Cotton, Norton, Shepherd, Cobbet, Word, &c. they had been enough to have grieved the Souls of many Thousand godly Christians; and enough for any one of the Reformed Churches, had they possessed them, to have gloried in; and many far meaner are yet the glory of the Ancient Churches, and called, and reverenced as Fathers. But we doubt this same Spirit will make you think that many Hundred more are but a few to be Silenced e're long. And then your Clemency will comfort the poor People that have ignorant or deboist Readers instead of Ministers (for too many such we have known) that it was their Pastors faults that obstinately refused to Conform, when they had promised it; that is, that repented of the Sin of their Subscription when they discerned it: And had they never been ignorant enough to Subscribe, they had never entered: And the many hundreds which you thus keep from the Ministry, you make nothing of.
§ 26. Whether Diocesans be a lawful Authority as claiming Spiritual Government, and how far Men may own them even in lawful things, are Controversies to be elsewhere managed. We justify no Man's leaving his Ministry upon the Refusal of anything but what he judged unlawful, yea, and what was really so.
§ 27. Whether any Offence were given (though not enough to warrant Separation) let our Argumentations on both sides declare. The said Declaration of the Churches Sense is not the smallest part of the Scandal. Calling a human Sacrament, indifferent, or no Sacrament, proveth it not to be as it is called. That the Nonconformists were the Cause of Separation, who did most against it, is easily said, and as easily proved as the Arians proved that the Orthodox were the cause of the Schism of the Luciferans who separated from the Church for receiving the Arians too easily to Communion.
§ 28. Church Matters in this much differ from Civil Matters; and its one thing to change a Church Custom when it dangerously prevaileth to corrupt Men's Understandings, and another thing when there is no such Danger. So Hezekiah thought when he destroyed the Brazen Serpent, and Paul (who before circumcised Timothy ) when he said, If ye be circumcised Christ shall profit you nothing. Could Men have foreseen that the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome in the imperial Churches, would have been sublimated to such a challenged Supremacy over all the Christian World, we suppose the Ancients would have held it their Duty to have removed the Primacy to some other Seat.
§ 29. According to your Councils will you be judged of God? The Not-abating of the Impositions is the casting off of many hundreds of your Brethren out of the Ministry, and of many thousand Christians out of your Communion: But the abating of the Impositions, will so offend you, as to silence or excommunicate none of you at all: For e. g. we think it a Sin to Subscribe, or swear canonical Obedience, or use the transient Image of the Cross in Baptism, and therefore these must cast us out: But you think it no Sin to forbear them, if the Magistrate abate them, and therefore none of you will be cast out by the Abatement. But it seemeth that your Charity judgeth the bare displeasing of your Apetite to the Ceremonies, is a greater evil than the silencing and excommunicating all us, your poor Brethren, though our Imprisoment follow: Nay, this is not all; For your Displeasure will be only that another Man subscribeth not, crosseth not, &c. while you may do it yourselves as much as you please.
Whether the casting out of so many Ministers and Christians, for such things do more subserve the main ends of public Government, than the forbearance would do, if you know not, we leave you to God's Conviction. As also whether these things be well imposed, and Men's Obedience to Authority, and the Peace of the Church, and its Uniformity or Unity, be well and justly laid upon them: Such Concessions indeed might bear you out far.
Concerning particular Ceremonies.
§ 30. Why then is it not as meet that one Gesture be used by all in singing Psalms or hearing Sermons? Why doth the Ministers stand in Prayer, even in the Sacrament Prayer, while the People kneel? We speak against none of your Liberty in using either kneeling or Holy-days, and perhaps some of us mean to use both our selves; but only beseech you, that they may be no more imposed than the ancient Church imposed them, and we desire no more; and if you reverence Antiquity, why will you not imitate it, in point of Imposition, as well as in the thing itself. But yet that Antiquity was against Kneeling on the Lord's Day at the Sacrament, and that they had but few of our Holy-days for many hundred Years, we suppose you are not ignorant.
§ 31. It's well you have no more to say against Liberty to forbear the other three Ceremonies; the more unexcusablde will you be, when you silence and excommunicate those that use them not.
§ 32. And its strange that meaner understandings than yours cannot see why Men should forbear that which is not to be valued with the Churches Peace: A Lye or a false Subscription, is not to be valued with the Churches Peace: And is it therefore a Wonder to you that Men should scruple them? It is fitter Matter for the Wonder of good Men, that after so long Experience, those that will needs be the Lord's and Governors in spiritual Matters, should so resolvedly lay the Churches Peace upon such things as these, where they know beforehand, that Men of no Conscience will all be peaceable, and thousands of godly People are unsatisfied; and that they will needs take all for Disturbers of the Peace, who jump not with their Humour in every Ceremony, how willing soever to be ruled by the Laws of God.
§ 33. We are glad that you justify not Innovation and Arbitrariness; and yet desire not such a Cure as some do, by getting Laws which may do their Work.
§ 34. If your want of Charity were not extraordinary, it could not work effectually to the afflicting of your Brethren and the Church; when we tell you what will end your Differences, you know our Minds so much better than our selves, that you will not believe us: But you will be confident that we will come on with new Demands: This is your way of Conciliation; when you were to bring in your utmost Concessions in order to our Unity, and it was promised by his Majesty, that you should meet us half way, you bring in nothing, and persuade his Majesty also that he should not believe us in what we offer, that it would be satisfactory if it were granted! You say that it will give Dissatisfaction to the greater Part of his Majesty's Subjects! We are more charitable than to believe that a quarter of his Majesty's Subjects! are so uncharitable, as to be dissatisfied if their Brethren be not silenced and excommunicated for not swearing, subscribing, or using a Ceremony, while they may do it as much as they list themselves. And whereas you say, that there is no assurance given that it will content all Dissenters; you know that there are many Dissenters, as Papists Quakers, &c. for whom we never meddled: And we think this an unjust Answer to be given to them, who craved of his Majesty, that they might send to their Brethren through the Land, to have the Testimony of their common Consent, and were denied it, and told that it should be our work alone, and imputed to no others.
In Conclusion, we perceive your Counsels against Peace are not likely to be frustrated: Your Desires concerning us are like to be accomplished: You are like to be gratified with our Silence and Ejection, and the Excommunication and Consequent sufferings of Dissenters. And yet we will believe that blessed are the Peacemakers, and though Deceit be in the Heart of them that imagine Evil, yet there is Joy to the Counselors of Peace, Prov. 12. 20. And though we are slopt by you in our following of Peace, and are never like thus publicly to seek it more (because you think that we must hold our Tongues, that you may hold your Peace) yet are we resolved by the help of God, if it be possible, and as much as in us lieth, to live peaceably with all Men, Rom. 12. 18.
§ 102. Hereupon some very very learned, godly Men, renewed their former Speeches, [That it was a vain Attempt to Endeavor a Reconciliation with such Men! that their Minds were exasperated, and they were resolved to monopolize the Favor of our Prince, and all Honors and Preferments to themselves: That there was no hope they would do anything for the promoting of strict serious Godliness, or anything that deserved the Name of Ecclesiastical Discipline: That undoubtedly they do but draw us on, partly to spin out the time till they are ready to persecute us without any danger to themselves, and partly to set us together by the Ears, and otherwise abuse us, by drawing us to grant them that which they know our Brethren cannot grant.]
§ 103. To all this I answered for my own part, [That though Charity commanded me to hope that there were some Men among them better than this Description doth import, yet my Reason forced me, all things considered, to have as low Expectations of this Conference as they had; and that I made no doubt but that the End would verefie much that was said; that for my own part I looked e're long to be silenced by them, with many hundred more, and that all this was but to quiet Men till the time. But yet for all that I was fully convinced that it was our Duty not only to yield to an offered Treaty, but to be the Seekers of it, and follow it on till we see the Issue: 1. Because we are commanded if possible as much as in us lieth, to live peaceably with all Men. 2. Because though we have too great a probability of such an issue as they describe, yet we are not certain of it; and the least possibility of a better Issue, may show us that we should wait on God, in the use of the Means, till we are disappointed. 3. Because we have no other means at all to use: To keep our Flocks and public Work we cannot: For the old Laws will be in force again, if we say nothing; and new ones will further enforce them if there be need. And for our parts we are not formidable to the Bishops at all, were our Number five times as great as theirs: For we abhor all Thoughts of Sedition and Rebellion, and they know that this is our Judgment, and therefore how should they be afraid of Men, whose Consciences bind them to make no resistance to the legal Exercise of a lawful Authority. If it were the Anabaptists, Millinaries or Levellers they would fear them. But for my part, I thought it very unmeet that such a Word as intimated any formidableness in us, should ever come out of our Mouths, either to them, or to our People, or among our selves; for it seemeth to intimate either that we would resist, or would have them think so. 4. And I looked to the end of all these Actions, and the chief things that moved me next the pleasing of God and Conscience, is, that when we are all silenced and persecuted, and the History of these things shall be delivered to posterity, it will be a just Blot upon us if we suffer as refusing to sue for Peace, and it will be our just Vindication when it shall appear, that we humbly petitioned for, and earnestly pursued after Peace, and came as near them for the obtaining it, as Scripture and Reason will allow us to do, and were ready to do anything for Peace, except to sin and damn our Souls. And for my own part, I could suffer much more comfortably when I had used these means, and been repulsed, than if I had used none. 5. And Lastly, I gave them all notice, that I hoped if we got no more, to have an opportunity by this Treaty to state our Difference right to the understanding of Foreigners and Posterity, and to bear my Testimony to the Cause of Truth, and Peace, and Godliness, openly under the Protection of the King's Authority, both by Word and Writing, which they that sat still would never do; but look on with secret silent Grief till all is gone; and then have their Consciences and others tell them, that they never made any just attempt, or spake a Word to prevent the Ruin.
§ 104. But as to the point of yielding too far to them, I told them first, that moderate Episcopacy was agreeable to my Judgment, and that they knew that I meddled not as a Presbyterian, but as a Christian that is obliged to seek the Churches Peace: And also that others may accept of those Terms as better than worse, which yet they cannot take to be the best. And if we mist it as to the way or terms, our Brethren that thought so had the Liberty to acquaint us with our Error, and to set us right.