Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The Prayer.

I render thankes to thee O Lord holy Father almighty eternal God, which hast refreshed me out of the most holy body and blood of thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ. And I beseech thee that this Sacrament of our salvation, which I unworthy sinner have received, come not to my judgment nor condemnation after my merits, but to the profit of my body, and to the salvation of my soul into life everlasting. Amen.

Which prayer being said let the Priest go to the right side of the altar, with the chalice between his hands, his f • ngers being yet joined together as afore & let the Subdeacon approach near, and pour out wine and water into the chalice. And let the Priest rence his hands least any parcels of the body or blood be left behind in his fingers or in the chalice . But whē any Priest must celebrate twice in one day, then at the first Mass he must not receive any ablutiō, but put it in the Sacristie, or in a clean vessel till the end of the other Mass: and then let both the ablutions be received.

After the first ablution is said this prayer.

That we have received with mouth O Lord, let us take with a pure mind, and out of a temporal gift, let it be to us a remedy everlasting.

Here let him wash his fingers in the holow room of the chalice with wyne being poured in by the Subdeacon: which, when it is drunk up, let the prayer follow.

Lord let this communion purge us from sin, and make us to be partakers of the heavenly remedy.

After the receiving of the ablutions, let the Priest lay the chalice vpo the paten: that if ought remain behind, it may drop. And afterward bowing him self let him say.

Let us worship the sign of the Cross, whereby we have received the Sacrament of salvation.

Afterwarde let him wash his hands. In the mean season, let the Deacon fold up the corporas. When hands are washen, and the Priest returneth to the right ende of the altar let the Deacon reach the chalice to y ^e Priests mouth, that if ought of that which was poured in, do remain behind he may receive it. After that, let him say the communion with his Ministers. Then making a sign of the Cross in his own face, let the Priest turn him self to the people: and with his arms somewhat lifted up, and his hands joined together, let him say, Dominus vobiscum: and turning him again to the altar, let him say oremus: (let us pray.)

Then let him say the postcommon, according to the number and order of the aforesaid prayers. Before the Epistle, when the last postcommon is ended, and the Priest hath made a sign of the cross in his forehead, let him turn him again to the people, and say Dominus vobiscum. Then let the Deacon say Benedicamus domino. At another time is said Ite missa est. As oft as Ite missa est is said, it is always said in turning to the people. And when Benedicamus domino, or Requiescant in pace must be said, let it be said in turning to the altar. When these things are spoken, let the Priest (with his body howed down, and his hands joined together) in the middes before the altar, say with a still voice, this prayer.

O holy Trinity, let the office of my bond service please thee, and grant that this sacrifice which I unworthy have offered in the eyes of thy majesty, may be acceptable unto thee: and that unto me and all them for whom I have offered it it may avail to obtain remission, thou being merciful, who lyuest and reignest God, &c.

Which prayer being ended, let the Priest stand upright, crossing himself in his face, saying: In nomine patris, &c. And so, (when obeisance is made) after the same order wherein they came afore to the altar at the beginning of the Mass, so having on their apparayle with the censor bearer, and other Ministers, let them go their way again.

The ende of the Canon.

NOw it remaineth (as we have promised before) to entreat of the partes and parcels of the Mass, declaring likewise how and by whom this popish or rather apish Mass became so clamperd and patched together with so many divers and sundry additions: whereby it may the better appear what hath been the continuance of the same.

First, in the beginning of this Preface it was declared before, how this word Mass was never used nor known in the old primative Church among the first Christians, nor among the Grecians. Therefore they that deduce and derive the origin of the Mass from Saint James, and Basilius, are far deceived. As I think that Saint James was once Bishop at Jerusalem, so I think not contrary, but sometimes he ministered the Communion there in breaking of bread, and that not without the Lord's prayer, and other prayers of thanks giving. As we now in our Communion use like prayers, and these prayers make not the Communion to be a Mass. And like is to be said of Saint Peter: who though he did celebrate the Communion at Rome, yet it followeth not that he said Mass at Rome, as some report him to do.

Neither is it hard to fetch out the origin how this error first came up among the people, that Saint James said Mass at Jerusalem, if a man consider well histories and authors which have written. For in the history of Eusebius, Egesippus thus writeth of Saint James, Eum ab Apostolis primum constitutum fuisse Episcopum & liturgum, &c. upon the which word liturgus, it is not unlike, and diverse suppose this error to come, that Saint James did first set and institute the order of Mass. For so lightly the old translators, wheresoever they synde liturgia, or collecta, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they translated it Missa: whereupon, the greatest occasion of this error riseth to make the people believe the Mass to be so ancient to proceed from the Apostles, and from Saint James. Notwithstanding that error as it lightly came up, so it may be as lightly exploded. For how could Saint James say Mass then at Jerusalem, or Saint Peter at Rome, when as yet neither the name of Mass was heard, nor the partes thereof invented. And although Sigibertus in his Chronicles report, that in the City of Uasath, being delivered from the siege of the H •• es, the pastor of that Church did celebrate Mass with thanks giving about the year 453. yet Sigibert in so saying is to be taken, as speaking rather after the use and manner of his time, when he wrote it, then of that time when it was done. For in all the works of Saint Augustine, and of Chrysostom, and in all that age, the name of Mass is not found, but is called either the Supper of the Lord, or the Lord's board, or communion, Synaxis, sacrifice, oblation, mistery, celebration of the Sacrament, Eucharistia, the mystical table, Mistagogia, coena mystica, or with some other like term they nominate it. The name of Mass was not yet devised, nor the patches thereof compiled. Platina testifieth, that before Celestinus Pope, only the Epistle and Gospel were read at the Communion, which being done, the Communion ended. And Gregory saith, that the Apostles afore the ministration of the Sacrament, did use only the Lord's prayer, that is, the Pater noster. Let us hear what Walafridus Strabo writeth of that matter, lib. de rebus Ecclesiastic. Capitu. 22. Quod nunc agimus multiplici orationum, lectionum, cantilenarum, & consecrationum officio totum hoc Apostoli, & post ipsos proximi, (vt creditor) orationibus, & commemoratione passionis dominicae, sicut ipse praecepit, agebant simpliciter, &c. i. That which now is done in the Church with such a long circumstance of so many orisons, lessons, or readings, songs, and consecrations: all that the Apostles, and they that next succeeded the Apostles (as it is thought) did accomplish simply with prayer only, and with the commemoration of the Lord's passion, &c. it followeth in the same Author. And, as the report is, like as it is in the Roman Church upon Good Friday, where the Communion is wont to be taken without any Mass: so it was in the old time with them, &c.

Now how this Mass hath grown up and increased since, let us search out, by the Lord's help, out of Authors, so much as may be found.

The Introit • .

Coelestinus Pope gave the first Introite, as Platina and Sigibertus writeth.

The Psalm. Iudica me deus, &c.

And before the Priest do prepare himself to his Mass, first with the Psalm, Iudica me deus & discern causam meam, &c. that was ordained by the said Coelestinus.

And where they ascribe to Saint Ambrose the two prayers which be used in the preparation to the Mass, and be added to the books of Ambrose, Erasmus judgeth the same to be none of his, and that rightly as it seemeth, for therein is contained errors, not else to be found in the books of Ambrose, both in giving adoration to the bread in the Sacrament, and making invocation to Saints, namely, to blessed Mary: as in the second prayer, where he saith: Vt efficax haec mea sit deprecatio, beatae Mariae virginis suffragia peto, &c. i. And that this my prayer may be of efficacy, I desire the suffrage and intercession of blessed Mary the virgins, &c. Whereby it may appear, learned Ambrose not to be the author of such an error.

Chrysostom in the xi. homely upon the Gospel of Math. saith, that in his time (and afore his time) the use was to sing whole psalms, till they were entered and assembled together. And so belike Coelestinus borrowed this custom of the Greeks, and brought it into the Laten Church as Rupertus writeth.

Gregory the great (as some write) called a Sinode at Rome, about the year of our Lord 594. In which Synod he appointed, that the introite of the Mass should be taken out of some psalm.

The Confiteor.

The Confiteor Pope Damasus brought into the Mass as it is written: albeit peradventure not this popish confiteor, which in the latter Church hath been used, stuffed full of Idolatry, & invocation of Saints, against y ^e word of God.

The Kyrie eleyson.

The Kyrie eleyson ix. times to be repeated in such a tongue, as few priests either understand, or do rightly pronounce, Gregory did institute, about 600. years after Christ, taking it out of the Greeks Church, and yet transposing it otherwise, then there was used. For among the Greeks this Kyrie eleyson (which they called their Litany) was song of all the people: The which Gregory ordained to be song only of the Quere, adding thereto also Christ eleyson, which the Grecians used not, as Gregory himself writing to the Bishop of Siracuse, doth testify.

Gloria in excelsis.

Next followeth Gloria in excelsis, &c. Which words were song of the Angels at the birth of our savior. Albeit these words also were corrupted, (as many other things were) in the Church. For where the words of the Angels himne were hominibus bona voluntas. i. to men good will, y ^e Mass said hominibus bonae voluntatis. i. to men of good will, &c. This himne was brought into the Mass by Pope Symmachus (and not by Telesphorus, as some not truly write that he ordained three Masses on Christmas day, for in his time there was no Mass. An. 140.) about the year of our Lord 510. And after, the said himne was augmented by Hillarius Pictauiensis, with those words that follow: Laudamus te, &c. singing it first in his own church, which was Anno. 340. And afterward brought into other Churches by Pope Symmachus. An. 510. as is aforesaid.

Dominus vobiscum, with the answer Oremus and the Collectes.

Dominus vobiscum: with the answer of y ^e people, although we have no certain author named by whom it came: Yet this is certain, that it was deduced out of the Greek church into the latin: as may appear by the Liturge of Chrysostom and Basilius (if the liturgy be rightly ascribed unto them) also by Origen, and other ancient writers: by whom, it may seem that the liturgy, or mass (as they call it) did first begin with Dominus vobiscum, and then sursum corda : after that Gratias agamus domino deo nostro and so following upon the same, vere dignum & iustum est &c. To the which beginning of the Canon, other additions after were put unto by others, as ye shall hear (by the Lord's grace) hereafter more at large.

Hugo de S. victor, writeth that this prayer was taken out of the ancient salutation of Booz saluting his harvest folks. And out of the book of Paralip. Where the prophet saluteth Azan the king with his company about him saying: Dominus vobiscum. Honorius writeth thus: Praesbiter cū salutatione veteris testamenti, & Episcopus cum salutatione noui testamenti salutat populum quia dignius est nouum quam vetus testamentum. i. As the Prieste saluteth the people with the words of the old Testament. Dominus vobiscum. So the Bish. useth the words of the new testament, saying: pax vobiscum. &c. Concerning the Collectes Walfr • dus writeth: that as they be diverse and uncertain, so they were made of diverse and sundry authors, as every of them thought it congrue. Hugo de S. victor affirmeth that chiefly they were made by Gelasius and Gregorius.

Why they were called collects, W. Durand and Micrologus show the cause, for that in the city of Rome they said them over the people collected together in the station day, therefore they were called collectae.

The elevation and adoration.

The elevation and adoration of the sacrament, we cannot find to come in by any other, then by Honorius the iii. about the year of our Lord 1222. which ordained that the people then should kneel down and worship the sacrament.

The Pater noster.

Johannes Diaconus writing of Gregory, saith: Orationem dominicam mox post Canonem super hostiam censuit recitari. i that Gregory caused the Lord's prayer to be recited immediately after the Canon upon the host. &c.

Although the Apostles ever used the Lord's prayer at the supper of the Lord, as is said before: yet Gregory belike placed it so in that order after the Canon, and brought it in with those words: praeceptis salutaribus &c.

Gregorius in Reg. Dominica oratio apud Graecos ab omni populo: Apud nos vero a solo sacerdote cantatur. i. The Lord's prayer, saith he, among the Grecians was wont to • ee song generally of all the people: with us it is song only of the priest.

Agnus.

The Agnus Pope Sergius about the year of our Lord .700. brought into the Mass, as witnesseth Exposit. R. ord. propter officium confractionis dominici corporis, constitutum est a papa Sergio vt agnus dei decantetur. &c.

The Pax.

Innocentius ordained the paxe to be given to the people. Pacis ait, osculum dandum post confecta mysteria, vt constet populum ad omnia quae in mysterijs aguntur, praebuisse consensum. &c.

Peter Martyr in his commontaryes in Iud. saith that it it was brought in by Pope Leo .2. as it is said: and yet supposeth the same not to be so, saying that this was an ancient custom in the Apostles time, for Christians to salute one another with the kiss of peace. &c.

To this of Peter Martyr agreeth also Gabriel Biel. writing in these words: Porrexit in primitiua ecclesia sacerdos osculum pacis ministro, caeteris impartiednum, vt per hoc significaret, &c. i. In the primitive Church, the priest gave a kiss of peace to the minister, to be given by him to the people.

The distribution and communion.

After this followeth the comunion, where in our popish Mass and Ministers thereof do much alter and degenerate from ancient antiquity, two manner of ways.

First in that they make no communion thereof, receiving only to thenselves, contrary both to their own words: where they say after their receiving: Sacramenta que sumpsimus. &c. and also to the ancient examples and decrees of the Apostles and others. And where it is decreed in the Epistle of Anacletus. Paracta autē consecratione omnes communicent, qui noluerint Ecclesiasticis carere liminibus. Sic enim & Apostoli statuerunt, & S. Romana tenet ecclesia. &c. i. The consecration being done, let all communicate together, unless they will be thrust out of the church doors. &c.

Here note by the way (gentle Reader) how Gratianus the writer of the Popes decrees, is ouersene, which in his book De consecrate. dist. 2. referreth this saying of Anacletus to Pope Calixtus. And likewise also Chocleus writing against Musculus, followeth Gracianus in the same error.

Likewise in the Canons of the Apostles (if the Canons were theirs) we read: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . &c. i. All the faithful which resort to the Church, and tarry not out the end of the service, and receive not the holy communion, such, as bringing in disorder to the Church, ought to be disseuered, &c. And again: Si quis episcopus, praesbiter, aut diaconus, aut quicunq́ue ex sacerdotali consortio, oblation facta • , non cōmunicauerint, causam dicito. &c.

For how can that be a communion called, which is not common but private to one? As Micrologus writeth: Nec enim proprie communio dici potest, nisi plures de eodem sacrificio participent. i. It cannot be called a communion, except mo then one do participate of one sacrifice. &c.

And Durand: In primitiua ecclesia omnes qui celebrationi Missarum intererant, singulis diebus communicare solebāt, eo q́uod Apostoli omnes de calice biberunt. &c. i. In the primitive time all that were present at the ministration, were wont every day to communicate, because that the apostles did altogether drink of the cup. &c.

Secondly, they alter and degenerate therein from ancient antiquity, in that when they communicate also with the people, yet they deprive them of the holy cup: which depravation was not in the church before the counsel o • Constance, about the yere of our Lord .1414. For before it was so autentikly received, that it was counted a sacrilege, to receive the one without the other, as appeareth by the words of Pope Gelasius: Cōperimus quod quidam sumpta tantum modo corporis sacri portion. &c. the whole in english is thus: we understand that there be some, which receiving the one part only of the holy body, abstain from the cup of the sacrate blood: who (because they be taught so to do, by what superstition I cannot tell) either let thē receive the sacrament whole together, or let them abstain from the whole sacrament altogether, because the division of that one and whole sacrament, cannot be without great sacrilege. &c.

Hytherto also pertaineth the testimony of S. Agustine in these words: Et ibi vos estis in mensa, & in calice nobiscum vos estis. Simul enim hoc sumimus, simul bibimus, quia simul viuimus. &c. i. There be you at the table, and at the cup there also be you with us: for together we receive, and together we drink, because we live together.

As also out of the book of Gregory it is manifest that not only the people received then in both kinds: but also the words were prescribed to the minister, what he should say in giving the cup: Item sacerdos calicem dando dicat: Sanguis Domini nostri Jesus Christi custodiat te ad vitam aeternam. i. Let the priest say in giving the cup: The blood of our lord Jesus Christ keep thee to everlasting life. Amen.

Further in rēdering the cause, why it should so be done, Thomas Aquine writeth: Nam hoc valet ad repraesentand • m passionem Christi, in qua seorsum fuit sanguis a corpore separatus. &c. Secundo, hoc est conueniens vsui huius sacramenti, vt seorsum exhibeatur corpus Christi fidelibus in cibum, & sanguis in potum. i. For that serveth to represent the passion of Christ, wherein his blood was parted severally from the body. &c Secondly, for that is convenient to the use of the sacrament, that the body should severally be given to the faithful to meat. and the blood to drink.

And therefore served the office of the deacōs as we read, vt oblata a populo super altare consecranda disponant, & perfectis mysterijs calicem sacrosancti sanguinis Domini, fidelibus propinent i. To lay the offerings of the people upon the altar to be hallowed, and when the mysteries be consecrated, to distribute the cup of the sacrate blood of the Lord to the faithful, &c.

But among all other testimonies to prove that the sacrament ought to be common to all people in both kinds, there is none more evident then the place of Jerome. Caeterum dominica caena omnibus debet esse communis, quia ill omnibus discipulis suis, qui aderant aequaliter tradidit sacramenta. i. The supper of the Lord ought to be indifferently common to all his disciples there present. &c.

And thus have ye heard the Canon described, which otherwise is called secretum. i. the secrete of the mass, being so termed, because the priest was wont to read it in secrete or in scilence. The reason thereof Pope Innocentius .iii. declareth in his third book, for that the holy words, saith he of the Canon, should not grow in contempt with the people by the daily use and hearing thereof. And bringeth in an example concerning the same of certain shepherds which in the fields using the same words of the Chanon vpō their bread and wine, the matter was turned saith he, into flesh and blood, and they plagued therefore from heaven: but with such popish tales the Church hath been long replenished.

The Postcommon.

After the Canon and communion, then followeth the Postcommon, with the collectes, which the mass book requireth always to be used in an odd number, sometime teaching to use but one, as in the sondayes in Lent: and sometime three: as in certain masses, from lowsonday, till the Ascension: but never to pass the number of seven.

Ite Missa est.

Last of all cometh Ite missa est, whereby the minister dimitteth and sendeth away all the congregation there present to their business, for as you heard before, it was decreed in ancient time, that it was not lawful to depart from the congregation in the time of holy ministration, before the end of the whole communion. And therefore, all things being accomplished, the minister turning to the assembly, pronounceth Ite missa est.

Where note that upon sondayes and festival days only when Gloria in excelsis, was song, Ite missa est was wont to be said: on the workedayes, Benedicamus Domino: sometime Requiescant in pace.

NOw concerning such trinckets as were to the foresaid Mass appertaining or circumstant, first the linnin Albes and Corporasses were brought in by Pope Marcus. Ann. 340. if that be true which is thought of some, where note again, that in the time of this Pope, it was nothing offensive for every honest Priest, to have his own proper wife. In the time also of this Marcus, was concilium Elib • rtinum, which condemned all kinds of Images and pictures in temples.

Contrary to the which counsel, Pope Gregory the third, about the year of our Lord. 732. calling a counsel at Rome, did not only stablish the Images before condemned, but condemned the gaynesayers for Heretics, as is aforesaid.

By Sixtus the second it was ordained that no liturgy should be done save only upon altars hallowed, about the year of our Lord 260. as some suppose. But as I see no firm probation upon the same: so have I probable conjecture the same not to be true.

Some there be that shame not to say that S. Clement brought in the Albe and vestmentes, to the popish mass.

Item that the sacrament of the blood of the Lord should be consecrate in chalices of glass and not of wood, as it was in time before, they say it was the ordinance of Pope Seuerinus.

After this came in golden chalices, and a true proverb with all. That once they had wooden chalices, and gold̄ Priests, now they have golden Chalices, and wooden Priests.

Schenianus ordained the ringing of bells, and burning of lamps in churches.

Uitalianus the playing on the organs.

Damasus by the instinct of Jerome appointed gloria patri after the psalms.

Pelagius devised the Memento for the dead.

Leo brought in the Incense.

Eutichianus as other say, brought in the Offertorye, which was then after a far other wise then it is, or hath been used now a great while. For what time as many of the Heathen being greatly accustomed with offerings▪ were converted unto Christ, and could not be well brought from their old long use of Offeringes, the Pope thought to bear somewhat with the weak, and permitted them to bring meares into the congregation or church, that whē the Byshoppe had blessed them, they that brought them, might distribute them to the poor, or take them to their own use. But afterward did Pope Gregory so help up this sentence: Non apparebis in conspectu Dei tui vacuus. &c. Thou shalt not appear in the sight of thy God empty. &c. that as he willed the people to lay their offerings upon the Aultare: so they did, and have not yet forgotten to do • so still.

Soul masses, and masses appplied for the dead, came in partly by Gregory, partly by Pelagius, which brought in the Memento as is said.

Wherein note (good Reader) and mark, how these two stand together, that which our Savior saith in his Euangely, hoc facite in mei commemorationem, do this in remembrance of me: and that which they say In quorum memoria Corpus Christi sumitur. &c. i. In whose commemoration the body of Christ is taken. &c. Christ would it to be done in his remembrance, and the Pope saith, do it in remembrance of the dead. &c. What can be more contrary.

Innocentius the third, ordained that the Sacrament should be reserved in the Church. The same brought also in auriculare confession as a law, about the year of our Lord 1215. he did also constitute that no Archbishop should enjoy the pall, unless he were of his own religion: and therefore no great marvel if there be such unity in popery.

Uigilius ordained that the Priest should say mass having his face toward the east.

Platina writeth how the first latin mass was song in the sixte counsel of constantinople, which was about the year of our Lord, 680. so that the said Mass was there & then first allowed and not before. And yet they (I think) the greek Church should have known as soon the mass, if it had proceeded from James or Basilius, as the Latin Church did know it.

The opinion to think the Mass to help souls in Purgatory was confirmed by Pope Johannes 19. by reasō of a dream wherein he dreamed that he saw and heard the voices of devils lamenting and bewailing, that souls were delivered from them, by the saying of Masses and diriges. And therefore did approve and ratify the feast of all souls brought in by Odilo: moreover adjoined also to the same, the feast of all hallowes, about the year of our Lord. 1003.

Concerning lent fast, some think that Telesphorus, about the year of our Lord. 140. was the author thereof. But that peradventure may be as true, as that which they also attribute to him, that he ordained three masses of one priest to be said on Christmas day. Or if he did ordain that fast, yet he did ordain it but freely to be kept: for so I find among the decrees, that lent was commanded first to be fasted, but only of the Clergy or church men.

Pope Leo commanded the Sacrament to be censed.

Pope Boniface set in his foot for couerting of y ^e altars.

In S. Cyprians time, it seemeth that water was then mingled with the wyne, whereof we read mention in his second book of Epistles: which mixture is referred to Alexander the first, in the order of the Romaine Canon.

As concerning the breaking of the body in 3. partes we read also mention to be made in the same book of order, but no certain author thereof to be named. The words of the book be these: Tripliciter, inquit, corpus Domini intelligitur. Vnum quod resurrexit a mortuis, quod significat particula in sāguinem missa: Aliud quod adhuc viuit in terra significatū per particulam a sacerdote consumptam. Tertium, quod iam requiescit in Christo, quod etiam a tertia particula in altari reseruata apt figuratur. &c. i. Three ways is the body of the Lord understanded: One which rose again from the dead, being signified by that part, which is let fall to the blood in the chalice. The other is, that yet is living in the earth, which the part of the priest eaten doth signify. The third is that now resteth in Christ, which also is figured by that particle, that is reserved upon the alter.

Dedication of churches came in by Felix the third: and that Churches might not be hallowed but by a Byshoppe an. 492.

The canticle Gloria laus. &c. in the procession before the Mass▪ on Palmesonday, was instituted by Theodulphus bishop of Aurelia, as Sygibertus writeth, about the year of our Lord. 843.

Geuing of holy bread came in by this occasion, as it is to be gathered, partly out of Honorius, partly out of Durand, and other. The manner was in ancient time, that the Ministers were wont to receive certain meal of every house or family, wherewith a great loaf was made, called Panis Dominicus, able to serve in the Communion and to be distributed unto the people, which then was wont every day to be present and to receive, especially they that offered the meal: for whom it was wont therefore to be said in the Canon: Omnium circumstantium, qui tibi hoc sacrificium laudis offerunt. &c. But afterward the number of the people increasing, and pietye decreasing, as Durand writeth, it was then ordained to communicate but only upon sondayes.

At length followed the third constitution, that thrice a year, at least at Easter, every man should communicate, being thus provided, that instead of the daily communiō before used, the pax did serve. And instead of receiving upon the Sunday, bread was hallowed and sondaylye given and distributed unto the people, which also was called Eulogia: the constitution whereof seemeth to proceed from Pope Pius. For so we read in the decrees of the said Pope Pius: Vt de oblationibus quae offeruntur a populo, & consecrationibus supersunt, vel de panibus quos deferūt fideles ad ecclesiam, vel certe de suis praesbiter conuenienter partes incisas habeat in vase nitido & conuenienti, & post Missarum solennia qui communicare non fuerint parati, eulogias omni die dominico, & in dieb{us} festis exinde accipiāt. That is: That the Minister shall take of the oblations offered of the people, remaining of the consecration, or else of the bread, which the faith • ull bring unto the Church or else to take of their own bread and cut it conveniently in portions in a clean, & a convenient vessel: so that after the solemnity of the ministration being done, they that were not prepared and ready to communicate, may receive every sondaye or festival day, Eulogies, or benedictions with the same. Hec ill.

As concerning holly water which they used to sprinckle at the Church door, upon them that entered in, I will not say that it spronge from the Idolatrous use of the Gentiles.

This I say as I find in historia Sozomeni. Erat autem Romanis vetusta consuetudo vt quum limen templi transeūdū esset, sacerdos secundum morē ethnicum madidos quosdam olive ramusculos manu tenens ingredientes aspergebat. &c. i. It was an old custom among the Romans, that at the entering in at the Church door, the priest after the usual manner of the Ethniks, having in his hand moist branches of Olive, did sprinckle with the same such as entered in. &c.

To the which custom this our manner of giving of holy water is so like, that it seemeth to proceed out of the same.

In the book of the Popes decrees, & in the distinctions of Gratianus, there is a certain decree fathered upon Alexander the first, about the year of our Lord. 121. Which decree may well seme to be a bastard decree, neither agreing to such a father, nor such a time, concerning the conjuring of holy water. The words of the decree be these: Aquam sale conspersam in populis benedicimus, vt ea cuncti aspersi sanctificentur, & purificentur, quod omnibus sacerdotibus faciendum esse mandamus. Nam si cinis vitule aspersus populum sanctificabat, atque mundabat, multo magis aqua sale aspersa, diuinisque precibus sacrata populū sanctisicat atque mundat. Et si sale asperso per Helisaeum Prophetam sterilitas aquae sanata est: quanto magis diuinis precibus sacratus sal sterilitatem rerū aufert humanarum, & coinquinatos sanctisicat & purgat, & caetera bona multiplicat, & insidias diaboli auertit, & a phātasmatis versutijs homines defendit? That is: We bless water sprinkled with salt among the people, that all such as be sprinkled with the same may be sanctified and purified: which thing we charge and command all priests to do, for if the ashes of the Cow, in the old law, being sprinkled among y ^e people did sanctify, and cleanse them, much more water sprinkled with salt, and hallowed with godly prayers sanctifieth and cleanseth the people: and if that Heliseus the Prophet by the sprinkling of salt, did heal and help the barrenness of the water: how much more the salt being hallowed by godly prayers taketh away the barrenness of human things, and sanctifieth and purgeth them that be defiled: also multiplieth other things that be good and turneth away the snares of the devil, and defendeth mē from deceptions of phantasy. &c.

Thus ye have heard the author and father of holly water, which some also ascribe to Pope Sixtus which succeeded Alexander. But as y ^e Papists do not agree in the first author or institutor of this hallowing of Elementes, so I think the same untruly to be ascribed to either, but leaving the probation of this to farther leisure, let us now hear in our own tongue their own words, which y ^e use in this their coniuration.

The form and words used of the Priest in conjuring Salt.

I conjure thee thou creature of Salte by the ✚ living God, by the ✚ true God, by the holy God. &c. That thou mayest be made a conjured Salte, to the salvation of them that believe: And that unto all such as receive thee, thou mayest be health of soul and body: and that from out of y ^e place, wherein thou shalt be sprinkled, may fly away and depart all phantasy, wickedness, or craftiness of the devils subtlety, and every foul spirit. &c.

The form of conjuring water.

I conjure thee, thou creature of water in the name of ✚ God the father almighty, and in the name of Jesus Christ his son, our Lord, and in the virtue ✚ of the holy Ghost that thou become a conjured water to expel all power of the enemy. &c.

Who seeth not in these words blasphemy intolerable, how that which only is due to the blood of Christ, and promised to faith only in him, the same is transferred to earthly and insensate creatures, to be salvation both to body and spirit, inwardlye to give remission of sins, to give health and remedy against evils and devils, against all phantasies, wickedness, and all foul spirits, and to expel the power of the enemy. &c. If this be true whereto serveth the blood of Christ, and the virtue of Christian faith?

Therefore judge thyself (gentle Reader) whether thou think this trompery rightly to be fathered upon those ancient fathers aforenamed, or else whether it may seme more like truth that John Sleydan writeth, whose words in his second book de Monarchijs are these: Horum decreta sunt in libris inserta conciliorum, sed ex his plaeraque tam sunt leuicula, tam nugatoria, tam aliena prorsus a sacris literis, vt credibile sit ab alijs longo post tēpore fuisse conficta. &c. That is: The decrees of these foresaid Bishops and Martyrs be inserted in the book of Counsels, but of these decrees many thereof be so childish, so trifling, and so far disagreeing from the holy scripture, that it is very like that the same were feigned and counterfeited of others, long after their time. &c. Thus much saith Sleydane with moe words in that place. Unto whose testimony, if I might be so bold also to add my conjecture, I would suppose the coniuration of this foresaid water and Salte, to spring out of the same fountain, from whence proceeded the conjuring of flowers and branches, because I see the order and manner of them both to be so like and uniform, as may appear.

The manner of halowing flowers and branches.

I conjure thee, thou creature of flowers and branches in the name of ✚ God the father almighty: and in the name ✚ of Jesus Christ his son, our Lord: and in the virtue of the holy ✚ Ghost. Therefore be thou rooted out, and displāted from this creature of flowers and branches all thou strength of the adversary, all thou host of the devil, and all the power of the enemy: evē every assault of the devils. &c.

And thus much concerning the antiquity of holy bread and holy water: whereby thou mayst partly conjecture the same not to be so old, as Stephen Gardener, in his Letter against master Ridley above mentioned, would have, Pag. 753. being both deceived himself, and also going about to seduce other.

Furthermore as touching the reserving of relics & the memorial of saints brought into the mass, Gregory the third is the author thereof, who also added to the canon thereof, this clause: Quorum solennitates hodie in cōspectu diuinae maiestatis tuae celebrantur. &c.

Finally it were to long to recite everything in order devised and brought in particularly to the mass, and to y ^e Church. For after that man's brain was once set on devising, it never could make an end of heaping rite upon rite, and ceremony upon ceremonye, till all religion was turned well nigh to superstition. Thereof cometh oil and cream brought in by Pope Sylvester not wont to be hallowed but by a bishop. That the corporas should not be of silcke, but only of fine linen cloth. That the Psalms should be song on sides, the one side of the quier singing one verse the other another with gloria patri. &c. That baptism should be ministered at no other time in the yere but only at Easter and at whitsontide (save only to infantes and such as were in extreme infirmity) and that it should be required 40. days before: so determined by Pope Siricius: and therefore was it that fontes were hallowed only at these two seasons, the which hallowing they keep yet still, but the ordinance they have reject. Item that belles also were Christened. Item, no Prieste should wear a beard, or have long hair, so appointed by Pope Martin the first. Item that auriculare confession should be made, that the book of decrees and decretals should be stablished and transubstauntiation confirmed, in which three Acts Pope Innocentius the third was the chiefest doer, about the year of our Lord. 1215.

And thus have ye in sum the gatheringes of the mass, with the Chanon and all the appurtenaunce of the same, which, not much unlike to the Crow of Esope being patched with the feathers of so many birds, was so long a gethering, that the temple of Solomon was not so long in building, as the Popes Mass was in making. Whereby judge now thyself (good Reader) whether this Mass did proceed from James and other Apostles or no. And yet this was one of the principal causes for which so much turmoyle was made in the Church, with the bloodshed of so many Godly men, suffering in so many quarters of this realm: some consumed by fire, some pined away with hunger, some hanged, some slain, some racked, some tormented one way, some another: and that only or chiefelye, for the cause of this aforesaid popish Mass, as by the reading of this story following, by the grace of Christ our Lord, shall appear more at large. In whom I wish thee to continue in health and to persevere in the truth.

A Letter of the Lady Mary, sent to the Lord's of the Counsel, wherein she claymeth the Crown after the decease of king Edward,

To this Letter of the Lady Mary, the Lord's of the Counsel make answer again as followeth.

Aunswere of the Lord's unto the Lady Mary's Letter.

All these aforesaid, except only the Duke of Northumberland and syr John Gates, afterward were either by especial favor or special or general pardon discharged.

After this answer received, and the minds of the Lord's perceived, Lady Mary speedeth her self secretly away far of from the City, hoping chiefly upon the good will of the Commons, and yet perchance not destitute altogether of the secret aduertisementes of some of the Nobles. When the Counsel heard of her sodiene departure, and perceived her stoutness, & that all came not to pass as they supposed, they gathered speedily a power of mē together, appointing an army, and first assigned that the Duke of Suffolk should take that enterprise in hand, & so have the leading of the Bande. But afterward alterynge their minds, they thought it best to send forth the Duke of Northumberland, with certain other Lord's and Gentlemen, and that the Duke of Suffolk should keep the Tower, where the Lord Gilford and the Lady Jane the same time were lodged.

In the which expedition y ^e Gard also, albeit they were much unwilling at the first thereunto, yet notwithstanding through the vehement persuasions of the Lord Treasurer, M. Chomley, & other, they were induced to assist the duke, and to set forward with him.

These things thus agreed upon, and the Duke now being set forward after the best array out of London, having notwithstanding his times prescribed, and his journeys appointed by the Counsel, to the intent he would not seem to do anything but upon warrant, Mary in the mean while tossed with much travel up and down, to work the surest way for her best advantage, withdrew her self into the quarters of Norfolk and Suffolk, where she understood the Dukes name to be had in much hatred, for the service that had ben done there of late under king Edward, in subduing the rebels: and there gathering to her such aid of the commons in every side as she might, keepeth her self close for a space within Fremingham Castle. To whom first of all resorted the suffolke men: who being always forward in promoting the procedinges of the Gospel, promised her their aid & help, so that she would not attempt the alteration of the religion which her Brother king Edward had before established by laws and orders publicly enacted and received by the consent of the whole Realm in that behalf.

To make the matter short, unto this condition she eftsoons agreed, with such promise made unto them, that no innouatiō should be made of religiō, as that no mā would or could then have misdoubted her. Which promise, if she had as constantly kept, as they did willingly preserve her with their bodies and weapons, she had done a deed both worthy her blood, & had also made her reign more stable to her self through former tranquility. For though a man be never so puissant of power, yet brech of promise is an evil upholder of quietness, fear is worser, but cruelty is y ^e worst of all.

Thus Mary being guarded with the power of y ^e Gospellers, did vanquish the Duke, and all those that came against her. In consideration whereof, it was (me thinks • an heavy word that she answered to the suffolke men afterwards, which did make supplication unto her grace to perform her promise: For so much (saith she) as you being but menbers, desire to rule your head you shall one day well perceive that members must obey their head, and not look to bear rule over the same. And not only that, but also to cause the more terror unto other, a certain Gentleman named M. Dobbe, dwelling about Wyndam side, for the same cause, that is, for advertising her by humble request, of her promise, was punished, being three sundry times set on the pillory to be a gasing stock unto all men. Divers other delivered her books and supplications made out of the Scripture, to exhort her to continue in the true doctrine then stablished, and for their good wills were sent to prison. But such is the cōditiō of man's nature (as here you see) that we are for the most part more ready always to seek friendship whē we stand in need of help, thē ready to requite a benefit once past & received. Howbeit against all this, one shoot anker we have, which may be a sure comfort to all miserable creatures, y ^e equity & fidelity are ever perfect and certeinely found with the Lord above, though the same being shut out of the doors in this world, be not to be found here among men. But seeing our intent is to write a story, not to treat of office, let us lay Suffolk men aside for a while, whose deserts for their redines and diligence with the Queen, I will not here stand upon. What she performed on her part, the thing it self, and the whole story of this persecution doth testify, as hereafter more plainly will appear.

On the contrary side, the Duke of Northumberlande, having his warrant under the broad Seal, with all furniture in readiness, as he took his voyage and was now forward in his way, what ado there was, what stirring on every side, what sending, what riding and posting, what letters, messages, and instructions went to and fro, what talking among the soldiers, what hartburning among y ^e people, what fair pretēses outwardly, inwardly what privy practices there were, what speeding of Ordinance daily and hourly out of the Tower, what rumors and coming down of soulders from all quarters there was, a world it was to see, & a process to declare, enough to make a whole Ilias. The greatest help that made for the Lady Mary, was the short iourneis of the Duke, which by commission were assigned to him before, as is above mentioned. For the longer the Duke lingered in his voyage, the Lady Mary the more increased in puissaunce, the hearts of the people being mightily bent unto her. Which after the Counsel at London perceived, and understood howe the common multitude did withdraw their hearts from them to stand with her, and that certain Noble men begā to go the other way, they turned their song, and proclaimed for Queen the Lady Mary, eldest daughter to king Henry the eight, and appointed by Parliament to succeed K. Edward dying without issue.

And so the Duke of Northumberland, being by counsel and advise sent forth against her, was left destitute and forsaken alone at Cambridge, with some of his sons, & a few other, among whom the Earl of Huntingdon was one: who there were arrested and brought to the Tower of London, as traitors to the Crown, notwithstanding that he had there proclaimed her Queen before.

Thus have you Mary now made a Queen, and the sword of authority put into her hand, which, how she afterward did use, we may see in sequel of this book. Therefore (as I say) when she had been thus advanced by y ^e gospellers, & saw all in quiet by means y ^t her enemies were conquered, sending the Duke captive to the Tower before (which was the xxv. of July) she followed not long after, being brought up the third day of August to Londō, with the great rejoicing of many men, but with a greater fear of moe, and yet with flatterye peradventure most great, of feigned hearts.

Thus coming up to London, her first lodging she took at the Tower, where as the foresaid Lady Jane with her husband the Lord Gilford, a little before her coming▪ were imprisoned: where they remained waiting her pleasure almost five months. But the Duke within a month after his coming to the Tower, being adjudged to death, was brought forth to the scaffolde, and there beheaded. Albeit he having a promise, and being put in hope of pardon (yea though his head were upon the block) if he would recant and hear mass, consented thereto, and denied in words that true religion, which before time, as well in K. Henry the 8. days, as in K. Edwards he had oft evidently declared himself both to favor and further: exhorting also the people to return to the Catholic faith (as he termed it. ) Whose recantation the papists forthwith did publish and set abroad, rejoicing not a little at his conversion or rather subversion, as then appeared.

Thus the Duke of Northumberland with Sir John Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer (which Palmer on the other side confessed his faith that he had learned in the gospel, and lamented that he had not lived more Gospellike) being put to death: In the mean time Queen Mary, entering thus her reign with the blood of these men: besides hearing Mass her self in the Tower, gave a heavy show and signification hereby, but especially by the sudden delivering of Stephen Gardener out of the Tower, that she was not minded to stand to that which she so deeply had promised to the Suffolk men before, concerning the not subuertyng or alteryng the state of religion: as in very deed the surmise of the people was therein nothing deceived.

Besides the premisses, other things also followed which every day more and more discomforted the people, declaring the Queen to bear no good will to the present state of religion: as, not only the releasing of Gardener being then made Lord Chancellor of England and B. of Winchester, Doct. Poynet being put out, but also that Boner was restored to his bishopric again, and D. Ridley displaced. Itē, D. Day to the bishopric of Chichester, John Scory being put out. Item, D. Tonstall to the bishopric of Duresme. Item, D. Heath to the bishopric of Worcester, and John Hooper committed to the Fleet. Item, D. Uesi • to Exceter, and Miles Coverdale put out. These things being marked and perceived, great heaviness and discomfort grew more and more to all good men's hearts: but contrary to the wicked, great rejoicing. In which discord of minds, and diversity of affections, was now to be seen a miserable face of things in the whole commō wealth of England. They that could dissemble, took no great care how the matter went. But such whose consciences were joined to truth, perceived already coals to be kindled, which after should be the destruction of many a true Christian man, as in deed it came to pass. In the mean while Queen Mary after these beginnings, remoouyng from y ^e Tower to Hampton Court, caused a Parliament to be sūmoned against the x. day of Octob. next ensuing, whereof more is to be said hereafter.

Ye heard before how diverse Bishops were removed, and other placed in their roumes: amongst whom was D. Ridley B. of London, a worthy man both of fame and learning. This D. Ridley in time of Queen Jane had made a Sermon at Paul's cross, so commanded by the Counsaile: declaring there his mind to the people, as touching the Lady Mary, and dissuading them, alleging there the incommodities and inconueniēces which might rise by receiving her to be their Queen, prophesieng as it were before, that which after came to pass, y ^t she would bring in foreign power to reign over them: besides the subuertyng also of Christian Religion then already established: showing moreover, that the same Mary being in his Diocese, he according to his duty, being then her Ordinary, had travailed much with her to reduce her to this Religion, and notwithstanding in all other points of civility, she shown her self gentle and tractable, yet in matters that concerned true faith and doctrine, she shown her self so stiff and obstinate, that there was no other hope of her to be conceived, but to disturb and overturn all that which with so great labors had been confirmed and planted by her brother afore. Shortly after this Sermon, Queen Mary was proclaimed, whereupon he speedily repairyng to Fremingham to salute the Queen, had such cold welcome there: that being despoiled of all his dignities, he was sent back upon a lame halting horse to the Tower.

After him preached also Master Rogers the next Sunday, entreatyng very learnedly upon the Gospel of the same day.

This so done, Queen Mary seeing all things yet not going so after her mind as she desired, deviseth with her Counsaile, to bring to pass that thing by other means, which as yet by open law she could not well accomplish, directing forth an Inhibition by Proclamation, that no man should preach or read openly in churches the word of God, besides other things also in the same Proclamation Inhibited, the copy whereof here followeth.

An inhibition of the Queen, for preaching, Printyng, &c.

THe Queens highness well remembering what great inconvenience and dangers have grown to this her highness Realm in times past, thorough the diversity of opinions in questions of religion, and hearing also that now of late, sithence the beginning of her most gracious Rain, the same contentions be again much revived thorough certain false and untrue reports and rumors spread by some light and evil disposed persons, hath thought good to do to understand to all her highness most loving subjects, her most gracious pleasure in manner following.

First, her Majesty being presented by the only goodness of God, settled in her just possession of the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and other Dominions thereunto belonging, cannot now hide that religion which God and the world knoweth she hath ever professed from her infancy hitherto. Which as her Majesty is minded to observe and maintain for her self by gods grace during her time, so doth her highness much desire and would be glad the same were of all her subjects quietly and charitably embraced.

And yet she doth signify unto all her majesties loving subjects, that of her most gracious disposition & clemency, her highness myndeth not to compel any her said subjects thereunto, unto such time as further order by common assent may be taken therein: forbidding nevertheless all her subjects of all degrees, at their peryls to move seditions, or stir unquietness in her people by interpreting the Laws of this Realm, after their brains and fantasies, but quietly to continue for the time, till (as before is said) further order may be taken, and therefore willeth and straitly chargeth and commandeth all her said good loving subjects, to live togethers in quiet sort and Christian charity, leaving those new found devilish terms of Papist or heretic, and such like, and applying their hole care, study and travail to live in the fear of God, exercising their conversations in such charitable & godly doing, as their lives may in deed express that great hunger and thirst of God's glory and holy word, which by rash talk & words many have pretended: and in so doing they shall best please God, and live without dangers of the laws, and maintain the tranquility of the Realm. Wherof as her highness shall be most glad, so if any man shall rashlye presume to make any assemblies of people, or at any public assemblies or otherwise, shall go about to stir the people to disorder or disquiet, she myndeth according to her duty, to see the same most surely reformed & punished according to her highness laws.

And furthermore, forasmuch also as it is well known, that sedition and false rumors have been nourished and maintained in this Realm by the subtlety and malice of some evil disposed persons, which take upon them without sufficient authority to preach & to interpret the word of God after their own brain in churches and other places, both public and private, & also by playing of Interludes, and printyng of false fond books, ballades, rymes, and other lewd treatises in the English tongue, concerning doctrine in matters now in question, and controversy touching the high points and mysteries of christen religion, which books, ballades, rymes, and treatises, are chiefly by the Printers and Stationers set out to sale to her graces subjects of an evil zeal, for lucre and covetousness of vile gain. Her highness therefore straitly chargeth and commandeth all and every of her said subjects, of whatsoever state, condition or degree they be, that none of them presume from henceforth to preach, or by way of reading in Churches or other public or private places, except in schools of the University, to interpret or teach any scriptures or any manner points of doctrine concerning religion, neither also to print any books, matter, ballade, ryme, Enterlude, process or treatise, nor to play any Enterlude, except they have her graces special license in writing for the same, upon pain to incur her highness indignation and displeasure.

And her highness also further chargeth and commandeth all and every her said subjects, that none of them of their own authority do presume to punish, or to rise against any offender in the causes abouesayde, or any other offender in words or deeds in the late rebellion▪ committed or done by the Duke of Northumberland or his complices, or to cease any of their goods, or violently to use any such offender by strikyng or imprisonyng, or threatenyng the same, but wholly to refer the punishment of all such offenders unto her highness and public authority, whereof her majesty myndeth to see due punishment, according to the order of her highness laws.

Neuertheles, as her highness myndeth not hereby to restrain and discourage any of her loving subjects, to give from time to time true information against any such offenders in the causes abovesaid, unto her grace or her Counsaile, for the punishment of every such offender, according to the effect of her highness laws provided in that part: so her said highness exhorteth and straitly chargeth her said subjects to observe her commandment & pleasure in every part aforesaid, as they will avoid her highness said indignation and most grievous displeasure. The severity and rigor whereof, as her highness shall be most sory to have cause to put the same in execution: so doth she utterly determine not to permit such unlawful and rebellious doings of her subjects, whereof may ensue the danger of her royal estate to remain unpunished, but to see her said laws touching these points, to be thoroughly executed, which extremities, she trusteth all her said loving subjects will foresee, dread, and avoid accordingly: her said highness straightly charging and commanding all Mayors, Sheriffs, Justices of Peace, Bailiffs, Constables, and all other public Officers and Ministers, diligently to see to the observing and executing of her said commandments and pleasure, and to apprehend all such as shall willfully offend in this part, committyng the same to the next Jail, there to remain without bail or maineprise, till upon certificate made to her highness or her privy Counsaile, of their names and doings, and vpō examination had of their offenses, some further order shall be taken for their punishment to the example of others, according to the effect and tenor of the laws aforesaid. Yeuen at our Manor of Richmond, the 18. day of August, in the 1. year of our most prosperous reign.

M. Bourne preaching at Paul's Cross.

ABout this time or not long before, Boner B. of London being restored, appointed M. Bourne a Canon of Paul's, to preach at the Cross, who afterward was B. of Bathe, he taking occasion of the Gospel of the day to speak somewhat largely in iustifieng of Boner being thē present: which Boner said he, upon the same text in that place, that day four years had preached before, and was upon the same most cruelly and unjustly cast into y ^e most vile Dungeon of the Marshalsey, and there kept during the time of King Edward. Hys words sounded so evil in the ears of the hearers, that they could not keep silence but began to murmur and to stir in such sort, that the Mayor and Aldermen with other estates thē present, feared much an uproar. But the truth is, that one hurled a dagger at the preacher, but who it was, it could not then be proved, albeit afterward it was known.

In fine, the stir was such, that the Preacher plucked in his head, and durst no more appear in that place. The matter of his Sermon tended much to the derogation and disprayse of King Edward: which thing the people in no case could abide. Then M. Bradford at the request of the Preachers brother, and other then being in the pul: pit, stood forth and spake so my •• ely, Christianly, and effectuously, that with few words he appeased all: and afterward he and M. Rogers conducted the Preacher betwixt them from the Pulpit to the Grammar school door, where they left him safe, as further in the story of Master Bradford is declared. But shortly after they were both rewarded with long imprisonment, and last of all, with fire in Smithfield.

By reason of this tumult at Paul's Cross, an order was taken by the Lord's of the Counsaile with the Mayor and Aldermen of London, that they calling the next day following a common counsel of the City, should thereby charge every householder to cause their children, apprentices, and other servants, to keep their own parish Churches upon the holydays, and not to suffer them to attempt any thing to the violatyng of the common peace. Willyng them also to signify the said assembly the Queens determination uttered unto them by her highness the 12. of August in the Tower. Which was, that albeit her graces conscience is stayed in matters of religion: yet she graciously meant not to compel or strayne other men's conscience otherwise then God shall (as she trusted) put in their harts a persuasion of the truth that she is in, thorough the opening of his word unto them, by godly virtuous, & learned preachers, &c.

Also it was then ordered, that every Alderman in his Ward, should forthwith send for the Curates of every parish within their liberties, and to warn them not only to forbear to preach themselves, but also not to suffer any other to preach, or make any open or solemn reading of scripture in their churches, unless the said preachers were severally licensed by the Queen.

After this Sermon at Paul's Cross aforenamed, the next day after it followed, that the Queens Gard was at the cross with their weapons to gard the Preacher. And when men withdrew themselves from the Sermon, order was taken by the Mayor, that the Ancients of all companies should be present, least the preacher should be discouraged by his small Auditory.

August. 1553.

The 5. of August, an. 1553. was one William Rutler committed (by the Counsaile) to the Marshalsey, for uttering certain words against Master Bourne Preacher, for his Sermon at Paul's Cross on Sunday last before.

The 16. of August, was Humfrey Palden committed to the Counter for words against the said Bournes sermon at Paul's cross.

A letter to the Sheriff of Buckingham and Bedford, for the apprehending of one Fisher person of Ammersham a preacher.

Another letter to the B. of Norwich, not to suffer any preacher or other to preach or expound the scripture openly without special license from the Queen.

The same day was M. Bradford, M. Uernon and M. Beacon preachers committed to the charge of the Lieuetenant of the Tower.

The same day also was M. John Rogers Preacher commanded to keep himself prisoner in his own house at Paul's, without having conference with any other thē those of his own household.

The 22. of August, there was two letters directed to M. Couerdall B. of Exceter, & M. Hooper B. of Gloucester, for their indelayed repair to the Court, and there to attend the Counsels pleasure.

The same day Fisher person of Ammersham made his appearance before the Counsaile, according to their letter the 16. of August, and was appointed the next day to bring in a note of his sermon.

The 24. of August was one John Meluin a Scotte and and Preacher sent to Newgate in London by the Counsaile.

The 26. of August there was a letter sent to the Mayor of Coventry and his brethren, for the apprehension of one Symonds of Worcester preacher, and then Vicar of S. Michaels in Coventry, and for the sending of him up to the counsel with his examinations and other matters they could charge him with. With a Commission to them to punish all such as had by means of his preaching▪ used any talk against the Queens proceedings.

The 29. of August, M. Hooper B. of Worcester made his personal appearance before the Counsaile, according to their letters the 22. of August.

The 31. of August, M. Couerdall B. of Exceter, made his appearance before the Counsaile, according to their letters the 22. of August.

September. 1553.

The 1. of September, M. Hooper and M. Couerdall appeared again before the Counsaile, whence M. Hooper was committed to the Fleet, and M. Couerdall commanded to attend the Lord's pleasure.

The 2. of September M. Hugh Saunders Vicar of S. Michaels in Coventry, was before the Counsaile for a sermon, and was commanded to appear again upon Monday next after.

The 4. of September a Letter was directed from the Counsaile to M. Hugh Latimer for his appearance before them.

About the 5. day of September the same year, Peter Martyr came to London from Oxford, where for a time he had been commanded to keep his house, & found there the Archbishop of Canterbury, who offered to defend the doctrine of the book of Common prayer, both by the scriptures and Doctors, assisted by Peter Martyr and a few other, as hereafter ye shall hear. But whilst they were in hope to come to Disputations, the Archbishop and other were imprisoned, but Peter Martyr was suffered to return whence he came.

The same day there was a letter sent to the Mayor of Coventry to set Hugh Symonds at liberty if he would recant his Sermon, or else to stay him, and to signify so much to the Counsaile.

The 13. of September M. Hugh Latimer appeared before the counsel according to their letter the 4. of September, and was committed to the Tower close prisoner, having his servant Agustine to attend him.

The same day the Archbishop of Canterbury appearing before the Counsaile, was commanded to appear the next day at after noon before them in the Star chamber.

The 14. of September, the Archbishop of Canterbury, according to their former days commandment, made his appearance before the Lord's in the Star chamber. Where, they charging him with treason, & spreadyng abroad of seditious bills, to the disquieting of the estate, they committed him from thence to the Tower of London, there to remain till further Justice and order at the Queens pleasure.

The 15. of September, there was a letter sent to M. Horne Dean of Durham, for his appearance before thē, and another was sent to him the 7. of October next after, for his speedy appearance.

The 16. of September, there was letters sent to the Mayors of Dover and Rye, to suffer all French Protestants to pass out of this Realm, except such, whose names shall be signified to them by the French Ambassador.

October. 1553.

The first day of October, Queen Mary was crowned at Westminster, and the x. day of the said month of October then following, began the parliament with a solemn Mass of the holy Ghost, after the popish manner, celebrated with great pomp in the pallaice of Westminster. To the which Mass among the other Lord's, according to the manner, should come the bishops, which yet remained vndeposed, which were the Archb. of York, D. Taylor B. of Lincoln, John Harley B. of Herford. Of the bishops, D. Taylor, and M. Harley presenting themselves according to their duty, and taking their place amongst the Lord's, after they saw the Mass begin, not abidyng the sight thereof, withdrew themselves from the company: for the which cause the Bishop of Lincoln being examined, and protestyng his faith, was upon the same commanded to attend: who not long after at Ankerwyke by sickness departed. M. Harley, because he was married, was excluded both from the Parliament, and from his bishopric.

Mass being done, the Queen accompanied with the Estates of the Realm, was brought into the Parliament house, there according to the manner, to enter and begin the consultation. At which consultation or Parliament were repealed all statutes made in the time of king Henry the 8. for Premunire, & statutes made in K. Edward the sixtes time for administration of common prayer & the sacraments in the English tongue: & further, the attainder of the duke of Northumberland was by this Parliament confirmed. In this mean while many men were forward in the erecting of altars & masses in churches. And such as would stick to the laws made in K. Edward's time, till other should be established: some of them were marked, & some presently apprehended. Among whom sir James Hales, a knight of Kent, and Justice of the Common place was one, who notwithstanding he had ventured his life in Queen Mary's cause, in that he would not subscribe to y ^e disheriting of her by the kings will, yet for that he did at a quarter Sessions give charge upon the statutes made in the time of Henry the 8. and Edward the 6. for the supremacy and religion, he was imprisoned in the Marshalsey, Counter, and Fleet, and so cruelly handled & put in fear by talk, that the Warden of the Fleet used to have in his hearing, of such torments as were in preparyng for heretics (or for what other cause God knoweth) y ^t he sought to rid himself out of this life, by wounding himself with a knife: and afterward was contented to say as they willed him: whereupon he was discharged, but after that he never rested till he had drowned himself in a river, half a mile from his house in Kent. Of whom more is to be seen when you come to his story.

During the time of this parliament, the Clergy likewise after their wonted manner, had a Conuocation, with a disputation also appointed by the Queens commandment, at Paul's Church in London the same time, which was about the 18. of October. In the which Conuocation, first M. John Harpesfield Bachelor of Divinity, made a sermon ad Clerum, the 16. of October. After the sermon done, it was assigned by the bishops, that they of the Clergye house, for avoiding confusion of words should choose them a Prolocutor. To the which room and office by common assent, was named Doc. Weston Dean of Westminster, and presented to the Bishops, with an Oration of M. Pie Dean of Chichester, and also of Master Wymbisley Archdeacon of London. Which D. Weston being chosen and brought unto the bishops, made his gratulatory Oration to the house, with the answer again of B. Boner.

After these things thus sped in the convocation house, they proceeded next to the Disputation appointed, as is abovesaid, by the Queens Commandment, about the matter of the sacrament. Which disputation continued six days. Wherein D. Weston was chief on the Popes part who behaved himself outrageously in tauntyng and checking. In conclusion, such as disputed on the contrary part were driven some to flee, some to deny, & some to die, though to the most men's judgments that heard the disputation, they had the upper hand, as here may appear by y ^e report of the said disputation, the copy whereof we thought here to annex, as followeth.

The true report of the disputation had and begun in the Conuocation house at London, the 18 of October. Anno. 1553.

WHere as divers and uncertain rumoures be spread abroad of the Disputation had in the Conuocation house, to the intent that all men may know the certainty of all things therein done and said, as much as the memory of him that was present▪ thereat can bear away, he hath thought good at request, thoroughly to describe what was said therein on both parties of the matters argued and had in question, and of the enteraunce thereof.

The precept of the Queen to Boner, Bishop of London, for the dissolving of the foresaid Conuocation.

MAria. &c. Reuerendo in Christo patri & Domino, Domino Edmundo London. Episcopo, salutem. Cum praesens cō •• catio Cleri Cantuariensis prouinciae apud Samctum Paulum London. iam modo tenta & instans existit, certis tamen vrgentibus causis & considerationibus nos specialiter mouentibus, de aduisamento Consilij nostri ipsam praesentem conuocationem duximus dissoluendam: Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eandem praesentem conuocationem apud sanctum Paulum praedictum debito modo asque aliqua dilatione dissoluatis. dissoluiue faciatis prout conuenit, significantes ex parte nostra vniuersis & singulis Episcopis, nec non Archidiaconis, Decanis, & omnibus alijs personis Ecclesiasticis quibuscunque dictae Cantuariensis Prouinciae quorum interest, vel interesse poterit, quod ipsi & eorum quilibet huic mandato nostro exequendo intendentes sint & obedientes prout decet. Teste meipsa apud Westmonasterium 13. die Decembris. Anno regni nostri primo.

During the time of this disputation, the 20. day of Nouēber, y ^e Major of Coventry sent up unto y ^e Lord's of the Coūsel Baldwine Clarke, I. Carelesse, Tho. Wilcockes, and Richard Estlin, for their behavior upon All halowe day last before. Whereupon Carelesse and Wylcocks were committed to the gatehouse, and Clarke and Astelyn to the Marshalsey.

The same day there was a letter directed to Sir Christopher Heydon, and Sir William Farmer knight, for the apprehension of John Huntingdon preacher, for making a rime against D. Stokes and the sacrament. Who appearing before the counsel the 3. of December next after, was upon his humble submission and promise, to amend as well in doctrine as living, again suffered to depart.

In the days of king Henry, and also of king Edward reigning after him, diverse noble men, Bishops and other, were cast into the Tower, some charged with treason as Lord courtney and the Duke of Norfolk (whose son Lord Henry Earl of Surrey had been the same time beheaded, a worthy & ingenious gentlemen, for what cause, or by whom, I have not hear to deal, this is certain, that not many years after his death, followed the beheading of both the L. Semers, and at last of the Duke of Northumberland also) some for y ^e Popes supremacy, and suspicious letters tending to sedition, as Tonstal B. of Durham, and other for other things, all which continued there prisoners til Q. Mary's coming in. Unto whom the said Q. eftsoons granted their pardon, and restored them to their former dignities. Amongst whom also was Gardener B. of Winchester, whom she not only freed out of captivity, but also advanced him to be high chancelor of England. Furthermore to the L. Courtney she shown such favor, that she made him Earl of Devonshire, in so much that there was a suspicion amongst many, that she would marie him, but that proved otherwise.

The same time Bonner also had been prisonner in the Marshalsey, whom likewise Queen Mary delivered, & restored to the Bishopric of London again, displacing Doct. Ridley, with diverse other good Bishops moe, as is above mentioned, as Cranmer from Canterb. the Archbyshoppe of York likewise, Poynette from Winchester, John Hooper from Worcester, Barlow from Bath, Harley from Hereforde, Taylor from Lincoln, Ferrar from S. David's, Coverdale from Excester, Scorye from Chichester, &c. with a great number of Archdeacons, Deans, and briefly all such beneficed men, which either were married, or would constantly adheere to their profession. All which were removed from their livings, and other of the contrary sect set in the same, as Cardinal Poole (who was then sent for) Gardener, Heath, White, Daye, Troublefield, &c.

And as touching Cranmer, of whom mention was made before, for so much as there was a rumor spread of him the same time at London, that he had recanted, and caused Mass to be said at Caunterburye, for purging of himself he published abroad a declaration of his truth and constancy in that behalf, protestinge that he neither had so done, nor mineded so to do: adding moreover, that if it would so please the Queen, he with Peter Martyr, and certain other whom he would choose, would in open disputation sustain the cause of the doctrine taught and set forth before in the time of king Edward, against all persons whomsoever. But while he was in expectation to have this disputation obtained, he with other bishops wer laid fast in the Tower, and P. Martyr permitted to depart the realm, and so wen • he to Argentine.

After this, in the month of Nouemb. the Archbyshop Cranmer (notwithstanding he had earnestly refused to subscribe to the kings will, in disheriting his sister Mary, • lledging many grave and pithy reasons for her legitimation, was in Guild hall of London arraigned and attainted of treason, with the L. Jane, and three of the Duke of Northumberlandes sons, which at the intreatye of certain persons were had again to the Tower, and there kept for a time. All which notwithstanding, Cranmer being pardoned of treason, stood only in the action and case of doctrine, why • h they called heresy, whereof he was right glad and joyful.

This being done in November, the people, and especially the Churchmen, perceiving the Queen so eagerlye set upon her old religion, they likewise for their partes, to show themselves no less forward to serve the Queens appetite (as the manner is of the multitude, commonly to frame themselves after the humor of the Prince and time present) began in their Quiers to set up the pageants of s. Katherine, and of S. Nicholas, and of their processions in Latin, after all their old solemnity with their gaye garde • iance, and gray ami • es.

And when the month of December was come, the Parliament brake up, but first of all such statutes were repealed, which were made either of Premunire, or touched any alteration of religion and administration of Sacraments under king Edward. In the which parliament also communication was moved of the Queens marriage, with king Phillip the Emperors son.

In this mean while Cardinal Poole being sent for by Q. Mary, was by the Emperor requested to stay with him, to the intent (as some think) that his presence in England should not be a let to the marriage which he intended between Philip his son and Q. Mary. For the making whereof, he sent a most ample Ambassade, with full power to make up the marriage betwixt them: which took such success that after they had communed of the matter a few days, they knit up the knot.

The Oration of Queen Marie in the Guild Hall.

I Am come unto you in mine own person, to tell you that, which already you see and know, that is, how traitorously and rebelliously, a number of Kentish mē have assembled them selves against both us and you. Their pretence (as they said at the first) was for a marriage determined for us: to the which, and to all the Articles thereof ye have been made privy. But sithens we have caused certain of our privy Counsaile to go again unto them, and to demand the cause of this their rebellion, and it appeared then unto our said Counsel, that the matter of the marriage seemed to be but as a Spanish cloak to cover their pretenced purpose against our religion, so that they arrogantly and traitorously demanded to have the governance of our person, the keeping of the Tower, and the placing of our Counsailers.

Now loving subjects, what I am ye right well know, I am your Queen, to whom at my Coronation when I was wedded to the Realm, and laws of the same (the spousall Ring whereof I have on my finger, which never hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be left off) you promised your allegeaunce and obedience unto me. And that I am the right, and true inheritor of the crown of this Realm of England I take all Christendom to witness. My Father, as ye all know, possessed the same regal state, which now rightly is descended unto me: and to him always ye shown yourselves most faithful and loving subjects, and therefore I doubt not, but ye will show yourselves likewise to me, and that ye will not suffer a vile Traitour to have the order & governance of our person, and to occupy our estate, especially being so vile a Traitor as Wyat is. Who most certainly as he hath abused mine ignorant subjects, which be on his side, so doth he intend and purpose the destruction of you, and spoil of your goods. And this I say to you in the word of a Prince, I cannot tell how naturally the mother loveth the child, for I was never the mother of any, but certainly, if a Prince and governor may as naturally and earnestly love her subjects, as the Mother doeth the Child, then assure yourselves, that I being your Lady and Maistres, do as earnestly and as tenderly love & favor you. And I thus loving you, cannot but think that ye as heartily and faithfully love me, and then I doubt not, but we shall give these rebels a short & speedy overthrow.

As concerning the Marriage, ye shall understand that I enterprised not the doing thereof without advise, and that by the advice of all our privy Counsel, who so considered and weighed the great commodities that might ensue thereof, that they not only thought it very honorable, but also expedient, both for the wealth of the Realm, and also of you our Subjects. And as touching myself, I assure you, I am not so bente to my will, neither so precise, nor affectionate, that either for mine own pleasure, I would choose where I lust, or that I am so desirous, as needs I would have one. For God I thank him, to whom be the praise therefore, I have hitherto lived a Virgin, and doubt nothing, but with God's grace am able so to live still. But if as my progenitors have done before, it might please God that I might leave some fruit of my body behind me, to be your Governor, I trust you would not only rejoice thereat, but also I know it would be to your great comfort. And certainly, if I either did think or know, that this Marriage were to the hurt of any of you my Commons, or to the empeachment of any part or parcel of the royal state of this realm of England, I would never consent thereunto, neither would I ever mary while I lived. And in the word of a Queen I promise you, that if it shall not probably appear to all the Nobility and Commons in the high Court of Parliament, that this Marryage shall be for the high benefit & commodity of all the whole Realm, then I will abstain from Marriage while I live.

And now good Subjects, pluck up your hearts, and like true men, stand fast against these rebels, both our enemies and yours, and fear them not: for I assure you I fear them nothing at all, And I will leave with you my Lord Haward, & my Lord Treasoror, who shall be assistants with the Mayor for your defense.

Here is to be noted, that at the coming of Queen Mary to the Guild hall, being bruted before that she was coming w ^t harnessed men, such a fear came among them that a number of the Londoners fearing least they should be there entrapped & put to death, made out of the gate before her entering in. Furthermore note, that when she had ended her Oration (which she seemed to have perfectly conned without book) Winchester standing by her, when the Oration was done, with great admiration cried to y ^e people: O how happy are we, to whom God hath given such a wise and learned Prince. &c.

Two days after, which was the 3. of February, the L. Cobham was committed to the Tower, and M. Wyat entered into Southwarke. Who, for so much as he could not enter y ^t way into London, returning another way by Kingstone with his army, came up through the streets to Ludgate, and returning thence, he was resisted at Temple bar, and there yielded himself to Sir Clement Parson, and so was brought by him to the Courte, & with him the residue of his army (for before, Sir George Harpar & almost half of his men ran away from him at Kingstone bridge) were also taken, and about an 100. killed, and they that were taken were had to prison, and a great many of them were hanged, and he himself afterward executed at the Tower hill, and then quartered, whose head after being set up upon Haihil, was thence stolen away, and great search made for the same. Of which story ye shall here more (the Lord willing) hereafter.

The 12. day of February was beheaded the lady Jane, to whom was sent M. Fecknam, alias Howman, from the Queen 2. days before her death, to commune with her, and to reduce her from the doctrine of Christ, to Queen Mary's religion. The effect of which communication here followeth.

The communication had between the Lady Jane and Fecknam.

A letter of the Lady Jane sent unto her father.

FAther, although it hath pleased God to hasten my death by you, by whom my life should rather have been lengthened: yet can I so patiently take it, as I yield God more hearty thanks for shortening my woeful days, then if all the world had been given into my possession with life lengthened at my own will. And albeit I am well assured of your impacient dolours, redoubled manyfold ways, both in bewailing your own woe, and especially (as I hear) my unfortunate state, yet my dear father (if I may without offense rejoice in my own mishaps) me seems in this I may accompt myself blessed, that washing my hands with the innocence of my fact, my giltles blood may cry before the Lord, mercy to the innocent. And yet though I must needs acknowledge, that being constrained, and, as you wot well enough, continually assayed, in taking upon me I seemed to consent, and therein grievously offended the Queen and her laws: yet do I assuredly trust that this mine offense towards God is so much the less, in that being in so royal estate as I was, mine enforced honor being never with mine innocent heart. And thus good father I have opened unto you the state wherein I presently stand. Whose death at hand, although to you perhaps it may seme right woeful, to me there is nothing that can be more welcome, then from this vale of misery to aspire to that heavenly throne of all joy and pleasure with Christ our Savior. In whose steadfast faith (if it may be lawful for the daughter so to write to the Father) the Lord that hitherto hath strengthened you, so continue you that at the last we may meet in heaven with the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost.

At what time her father was flourishing in freedom and prosperity in the time of King Edward, there belonged unto him a certain learned man, student and Graduate of the University of Oxford. Who then being Chaplayne to the said Duke, and a sincere Preacher (as he appeared) of the Gospel, according to the doctrine of that time set forth and received, shortly after that the state of Religion began to alter by Queen Mary, altered also in his profession with the time, and of a Protestant, became a friend and defender of the Popes proceedings. At whose sudden mutation and inconstant mutability, this Christian Lady being not a little aggrieved, and most of all lamenting the dangerous state of his soul, in sliding so away for fear from the way of truth, writeth her mind unto him in a sharp and vehement letter: which as it appeareth to proceed of an earnest and zealous heart, so would God it might take such effect with him, as to reduce him to repentance, and to take better hold again for the health and wealth of his own soul. The copy of the letter is this as followeth.

Another letter of the Lady Jane to M. Harding, late Chaplayne to the Duke of Suffolk her father, and then fallen from the truth of God's most holy word.

SO oft as I call to mind the dreadful and fearful saying of God: That he which layeth hold upon the plough, and looketh back, is not meet for the kingdom of heaven: and on the other side, the comfortable words of our Savior Christ to all those that forsaking themselves, do follow him: I cannot but marvel at thee and lament thy case: which seemedst sometime to be the lively member of Christ, but now the deformed imp of the devil, sometime the beautiful temple of God, but now the stinking and filthy kenel of Satan, sometime the unspotted spouse of Christ, but now the unshamefast paramour of Antichrist, sometime my faithful brother, but now a stranger and Apostate, sometime a stout Christian soldier, but now a cowardly runneaway. Yea, when I consider these things, I cannot but speak to thee, and cry out upon thee, thou seed of Satan, and not of Judah, whom the devil hath deceived, the world hath begiled, and the desire of life subverted, and made thee of a Christian an Infidel: wherefore hast thou taken the Testament of the Lord in thy mouth? Wherefore hast thou preached the law and the will of God to others? Wherefore hast thou instructed other to be strong in Christ, when y ^u thyself doest now so shamefully shrink, and so horrible abuse the Testament and law of the Lord? When thou thyself preachest, not to steal, yet most abominably stealest, not from men but from God, and committing most heinous sacrilege, robbest Christ thy Lord of his right members thy body and soul, and chosest rather to live miserably with shame to the world, then to die and gloriously with honor to reign with christ in whom even in death is life? Why doest thou now show thyself most weak, when in deed thou oughtest to be most strong? The strength of a for • is unknown before the assault: but thou yeldest thy hold before any battrie be made.

Oh wretched and unhappy man, what art thou but dust and ashes? and wilt thou resist thy maker that fashioned thee and framed thee? Wilt thou now forsake him y ^t called thee from the custom gathering among y ^e Romish Antichristians, to be an Ambassador & messenger of his eternal word? He that first framed thee, and since thy first creation and birth preserved thee, nourished and kept thee, yea and inspired thee with the spirit of knowledge (I cannot say of grace) shall he not now possess thee? Darest thou deliver up thyself to another, being not thine own but his? How canst thou having knowledge, or how darest thou neglect the law of the Lord, and follow the vain traditions of men: and whereas thou hast been a public professor of his name, become now a defacer of his glory? Wilt thou refuse the true God, and worship the invention of man, the golden calf, the whore of Babylon, y ^e Romish Religion, the abhominable Idol, the most wicked mass? Wilt thou torment again, rent, and tear the most precious body of our Savior Christ with thy bodily and fleshly teeth? Wilt thou take upon thee to offer up any sacrifice unto God for our sins, considering that Christ offered up himself (as Paul saith upon the cross a lively sacrifice once for all? Can neither the punishment of the Israelites (which for their Idolatry they so oft received) nor the terrible threatenings of the Prophets, nor the curses of God's own mouth fear thee to honor any other God then him? Doest thou so regard him that spared not his dear and only son for thee, so diminishing, yea, utterly extinguishing his glory that thou wilt attribute the praise and honor due unto him to the Idols, which have mouths and speak not, eyes and see not, ears and hear not: which shall perish with them that made them?

What saith the Prophet Baruch, where he recited the Epistle of Jeremiah written to the captive Jews? Did he not forwarne them that in Babylon they should see God's of gold, silver, wood, & stone borne upon men's shoulders, to cast a fear before the Heathen: But be not ye afraid of them (saith Jeremiah) nor do as other do? But when you see other worship thē, say you in your hearts: it is thou (O Lord) that oughtest only to be worshipped: for as for those God's, the Carpenter framed them and polished them, yea gilded be they, and laid over with silver, and vain things and cannot speak. He showeth moreover, the abuse of their deckings, howe the Priests took off their ornaments and aparelled their women withal: how one holdeth a scepter, another a sword in his hand, and yet can they judge in no matter, nor defend themselves, much less any other, from either battle or murder, nor yet from gnawing of worms, nor any other evil thing. These, & such like words, speaketh Jeremiah unto them, whereby he proveth them to be but vain things, and no God's. And at last he concludeth thus: Confounded be they that worship them. They were warned by Jeremiah, and thou as Ieremye hast warned other, and art warned thyself by many Scriptures in many places. God saith: he is a jealous God, which will have all honor, glory, and worship given to him only. And Christ saith in the 4. of Luke to Satan which tempted him: even to the same Satan, the same Belzebub, the same devil, which hath prevailed against thee: It is written (saith he) thou shalt honor the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve.

These and such like do prohibit thee and all Christians to worship any other God then which was before all worlds, and laid the foundations both of heaven and earth: and wilt thou honor a detestable Idol, invented by Romish Popes, and the abhominable College of crafty Cardinals? Christ offered himself up once for all, and wilt thou offer him up again daily at thy pleasure? But thou wilt say, thou doest it for a good intent. O sink of sin: Oh child of perdition: doest y ^u dream therein of a good intent, where thy conscience beareth thee witness of God's threatened wrath against thee? How did Saul? who for that he disobeyed the word of the Lord for a good intent was thrown from his worldly and temporal kingdom. Shalt thou then that doest deface God's honor, and rob him of his right, inherit the eternal and heavenly kingdom? Wilt thou for a good intent dishonor God, offend thy brother, and danger thy soul, wherefore Christ hath shed his most precious blood? Wilt thou for a good intent pluck Christ out of heaven, and make his death void, and deface the triumph of his cross by offering him up daily? Wilt thou either for fear of death, or hope of life, deny and refuse thy God, who enriched thy poverty, healed thy infirmity, and yielded to thee his victory, if thou couldest have kept it? Doest y ^u not consider that the thread of thy life hangeth upon him that made thee, who can (as his will is) either twine it harder to last the longer, or untwine it again to break it the sooner? Doest thou not then remember the saying of David a notable King, to teach thee a miserable wretch, in his 104. Psalm, where he saith thus: When thou takest away thy spirit (oh Lord) from men, they die and are turned again to their dust: but when thou lettest thy breath go forth, they shall be made, and thou shalt renew the face of the earth. Remember the saying of Christ in his Gospel: Whosoever seeketh to save his life, shall lose it: but whosoever will lose his life for my sake, shall find it. And in the same place: Whosoever loveth father or mother above me, is not meet for me. He that will follow me, let him forsake himself, and take up his cross and follow me. What cross? the cross of infamy and shame, of misery and poverty, of affliction and persecution for his names sake. Let the oft falling of those heavenly showers, pierce thy stony heart. Let the two edged sword of God's holy word there asunder the sinowes of worldly respects, even to the very marrow of thy carnal heart, that thou mayest once again forsake thyself and embrace Christ. And like as good subjects will not refuse to hazard all in the defense of their earthly and temporal Governor, so fly not like a white liuered milkesop from the standing wherein thy chief captain Christ hath set thee in array of this life. Viriliter age, confortetur cor tuum, sustine dominum. Fight manfully, come life, come death: the quarrel is God's, and undoubtedly the victory is ours.

But thou wilt say, I will not break unity. What? not the unity of Satan and his members? not the unity of darkness, the agreement of Antichrist and his adherents? Nay thou deceauest thyself with the • ond imagination of such an unity as is among the enemies of Christ. Were not the false Prophets in an unity? Were not Joseph's bre • thren and Jacob's sons in an unity? Were not the Heathen, as the Amelechites, the Ph • resites and Jebusites in an unity? Were not the Scribes and Pharisees in an unity? Doth not King David testify: Conuenerunt in vnum aduersus dominum? Yea thieves, murderers, conspirators, have their unity. But what unity? Tully saith of amity: Amicitia non est, nisi inter bonos. But mark my friend, yea friend, if thou be not God's enemy: there is no unity but where Christ knitteth the knot among such as be his. Yea, be well assured, that where his truth is resident, there it is verified that he himself saith: Non veni mittere pacem in terram, sed gladium, &c. but to set one against another, the son against the father, and the daughter against the mother in law. Deceaue not thyself therefore with the glittering and glorious name of unity: for Antichrist hath this unity, not yet in deed, but in name. The agreement of ill men is not an unity, but a conspiracy.

Thou hast heard some threatenings, some curses, and some admonitions out of the scripture to those that love themselves above Christ. Thou hast heard also the sharp and biting words to those that deny him for love of life: Sayth he not: He that denieth me before men, I will deny him before my father in heaven? And to the same effect writeth Paul Heb. 6. It is impossible (saith he) that they which were once lightened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were partakers of the holy Ghost, and have tasted of the good word of God, if they fall and slide away, crucifyeng to themselves the son of God afresh, and making of him a mockingstocke, should be renewed again by repentance. And again saith he: if we shall willingly sin after we have received the knowledge of his truth, there is no oblation left for sin, but the terrible expectation of judgment and fire which shall devour the adversaries. Thus S. Paul writeth, and this thou readest, and doest thou not quake and tremble?

Well, if these terrible and thundering threatenings cannot stir thee to cleave unto Christ, and forsake the world: yet let the sweet consolations and promises of the scriptures, let the example of Christ and his Apostles, holy Martyrs and Confessors encourage thee to take faster hold by Christ. Hearken what he saith: Blessed are you when men revile you, and persecute you for my sake: rejoice and be glad, for great is your reward in heaven: for so persecuted they the Prophets that were before you. Hear what Isaiah the Prophet saith: Fear not the curse of men, be not afraid of their blasphemies, for woormes and moths shall eat them up like cloth and wool, but my righteousness shall endure forever, and my saving health from generation to generation. What art thou then (saith he) that fearest a mortal man, the child of man which vadeth away like the flower: and forgettest the Lord that made thee, that spread out the heavens, and laid the foundation of the earth▪ I am thy Lord thy God, that make the sea to rage, and be still, whose name is the Lord of hosts. I shall put my word in thy mouth, and defend thee with the turning of an hand. And our Savior Christ saith to his Disciples: They shall accuse you and bring you before Princes and Rulers for my names sake, and some of you they shall persecute and kill: but fear you not (saith he) nor care you not what you shall say: for it is the spirit of your father that speaketh within you. Even the very he • es of your head are all numbered. Lay up treasure for yourselves (saith he) where no thief cometh, nor moth corrupteth. Fear not them that kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul, but fear him that hath power to destroy both soul and body. If ye were of the world, the world would love his own: but because ye are not of the world, but I have chosen you out of the world, therefore the world hateth you.

Let these and such like consolations taken out of the Scriptures, strengthen you to godward. Let not the examples of holy men and women go out of your mind, as Daniel and the rest of the prophets, of the three children, of Eleazarus that constant father, of the vii. of the Machabies children, of Peter, Paul, Stephen, and other Apostles and holy Martyrs in the beginning of the Church: As of good Simeon Archbishop of Seloma, and Zetrophone, with infinite other under Sapores the King of the Persians and Indians, who contemned all torments devised by the tyraunts for their saviors sake. Return, return again into Christ's war, and as becometh a faithful warrior, put on that armor that S. Paul teacheth to be most necessary for a Christian man. And above all things take to you the shield of faith, and be you provoked by Christ's own example to withstand the devil, to forsake the world, and to become a true and faithful member of his mystical body, who spared not his own body for our sins.

Throw down yourself with the fear of his threatened vengeance for this so great and heinous an offense of Apostasy: and comfort yourself on the other part with the mercy, blood and promise of him that is ready to turn unto you whensoever you turn unto him. Disdayne not to come again with the lost son, seeing you have so wādred with him. Be not ashamed to turn again with him from the swill of strangers, to the delicates of your most benign and loving father, acknowledging that you have sinned against heaven and earth. Against heaven, by stayning the glorious name of God, and causing his most sincere and pure word to be evil spoken of through you. Against earth, by offending so many of your weak brethren to whom you have been a stumbling block through your sudden sliding. Be not abashed to come home again with Mary, and weep bitterly with Peter, not only with shedding the tears of your bodily eyes, but also pouring out the streams of your heart, to wash away out of the sight of God the filth and mire of your offensive fall. Be not abashed to say with the Publican, Lord be merciful unto me a sinner. Remember the horrible history of Julian of old, and the lamentable case of Spyra of late, whose case (me think) should be yet so green in your remembrance, that being a thing of our time, you should fear the like inconvenience, seeing you are fallen into the like offense.

Last of all, let the lively remembrance of the last day be always afore your eyes, remembering the terror that such shall be in at that time, with the runnagates and fugitiues from Christ, which setting more by the world then by heaven, more by their life, then by him that gave them life, did shrink, yea, did clean fall away from him that forsook not them: and contrariwise, the inestimable joys prepared for them, that fearing no peril, nor dreading death, have manfully fought, and victoriously triumphed over all power of darkness, over hell, death, and damnation, thorough their most redoubted Captain Christ, who now stretcheth out his arms to receive you, ready to fall upon your neck and kiss you, and last of all to feast you with the deynties and delicates of his own precious blood, which undoubtedly, if it might stand with his determinate purpose, he would not set to shed again, rather then you should be lost. To whom with the Father and the holy Ghost be all honor, praise and glory everlasting. Amen.

A Letter written by the Lady Jane in the ende of the New Testament in Greek, the which she sent unto her sister Lady Katherine, the night before she suffered.

I Have here sent you (good Sister Katherine) a book, which although it be not outwardly trimmed with gold, yet inwardly it is more worth then precious stones. It is the book (dear Sister) of the law of the Lord. It is his Testament and last will which he bequeathed unto us wretches: which shall lead you to the path of eternal joy: and if you with a good mind read it, and with an earnest mind do purpose to follow it, it shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life. It shall teache you to live, and learn you to die. It shall win you more then you should have gained by the possession of your woeful fathers lands. For, as if God had prospered him, you should have inherited his lands: so if you apply diligently this book, seeking to direct your life after it, you shall be an inheritor of such riches, as neither the covetous shall withdraw from you, neither thief shall steal, neither yet the moths corrupt. Desire with David (good Sister) to understand the law of the Lord your God Live still to die, that you (by death) may purchase eternal life.