Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

A supplication made and directed by Edmund Boner late B. of London▪ to the kings Majesty, out of the prison of the Marshalsey.

In the which supplication, first after the used form of style, he prayed for the prosperous estate of the king long to reign. Then he shown that his faithful heart and service to him, hath, is▪ and shall be, as it was to his father before.

Then • e declared how he had ben belied of evil men, and misreported not to • ear a true heart to his grace, but a rebellious mind, in denying his royal power in his minority, where in deed (he saith) his grace should find him always during life, both in heart, word, and deed, to do and acknowledge otherwise, & to be most willing to show. &c. and to do all other things for his grace, as willingly as any other subject, or as those that were his denoūcers, who he thought were not sent of his grace, but pretensed Commissioners. &c.

Further, he complained of his denunciation by certain commissioners (who said they were sent by his grace) alleging the same not to be lawful: and of his long & sharp imprisonment, & that the commissioners observed neither law nor reasonable order, but extremity. And where he had made appeal to his grace, and he could not have it: he desired to have law to prosecute & sue his appeal for his remedy, & that he considering his vocation, might not be shut up & put from liberty, which his meanest subjects have.

Then he desired his graces letters of Supersedeas against the commissioners, and that the matter might be heard before the counsel, and then he doubted not but to be found a true faithful man, and herein to have wrong. So in the ende he concluded, this (prostrating him self even to the very ground, and humbly kissing his graces fete) to be the thing only which he humbly desired. &c.

THis done, & the supplication perused, the King eftsoone giveth in charge and commandment, to certain men of honor and worship, & persons skillful in the law, as to Lord Rich high Chancelor, the L. treasurer, the L. Marques Dorset, the B. of Eli, Lord Wentworth, sir Anthony Wingfield, sir W. Harbert knights. Doc. Nich. Wootton, Ed. Montague Lord chief Justice, Sir John Baker knight, with Judge Hales, John. Gosnold, D. Oliuer and also Doctor Leyson, that they scanning and perusing all such acts, matters, and muniments of the said Boner by him exhibited, produced, propounded and alleged, with all and singular his protestations, recusations, & appellatiōs, should upon mature consideration thereof, give their directed answer upon the same, whether the appellation of the said Boner were to be deferred unto, and whether the sentence defined against him, stood by the law sufficient and effectual, or not. Who eftsoons after diligent discussion, and considerate advisement had of all & singular the premisses, gave their resolute answer, that the pretensed appellation of Edmund Boner aforesaid, was naught and unreasonable, and in no wise to be deferred unto, and that the sentence by the Commissioners against him, was rightly and justly pronounced. And this was the conclusion of Boners whole matter and deprivation for that time.

Thus then leaving doctor Boner a while in the Marshalsey with his keeper, we will proceed (the Lord permitting) further in the course of our story, as the order of years and time requireth. And although the trouble of the Lord Protector falleth here jointly with the depriuatiō of D. Boner: yet because he was shortly again delivered out of the same through the Lord's mighty working, I will therefore delay the tractation thereof, till the time of his seconde trouble, which was two years after: and so in the mean time returning ag • ine into our discourse, intend by the Lord's leave, to collect and continue the matters begō, touching y ^e kings godly proceedings for reformatiō of religion, in the foresaid yere of our lord, concurring. an. 1549.

And here first a note would be made of Peter Martyr and of his learned travels, and disputation in the university of Oxford the said present year, with doct. Chedsey, & other moe, about the matter of the sacrament: which was, that the substance of bread and wine was not changed in the sacrament, & that the body and blood of Christ was not carnally and bodily in the bread and wine, but united to the same sacramentally.

In like manner some touch or mention here also would be made of the Ecclesiastical laws, for the gathering and compiling whereof 32. persons were assigned by Act of parliament the said present year 1549. But because these be rather matters of tractation, then Hystoricall▪ I mean, (God willing) to defer the further consideration thereof unto the ende of the history of this kings days, and so to pass forward to other matters in the mean while.

Books of Latin service called in and abolished.

IT followeth then in story, that certain of the vulgare multitude, hearing of the apprehension of the Lord Protectour, and supposinge the alteration of public Service into English, and administration of the Sacrament and other rites lately appointed in the Church, had been the Acte chiefly or only of the said Lord Protectour, began upon the same to noise and brute abroad, that they should now have their old Latin service, with holy bread and holy water, and their other like superstitious ceremonies again, whereupon the King with the body and state of the privy Counsel then being, directed out his letters of request and strait commandment to the Bishops in their diocese, to cause and warn the Dean, and Prebendaries of their Cathedral Churches, all Persons, vicares and Curates: with the Churchwardens of every Parishe within their Diocese, to bring in and deliver up all Antiphoners, Missales, Grailes, Processionals, Manuals, Legendes, Pies, Portuases, Iournals, and Ordinals after the use of Sarum, Lincoln, York, Bangor, Herforde, or any other private use, and all other books of service, the having whereof might be any let to y ^e service now set forth in English, charging also and commanding all such as should be found stubborn or disobedient in this behalf, to be committed unto ward.

And because the Kinge moreover was advertised that there was a slackness and a frowardness among the people refusing to pay toward the finding of bread and wine for the holy Communion, by reason whereof the Communion in many places was omitted, the Bishops in like manner had given in charge to provide for redress thereof, & to punish them which should refuse so to do. Whereby it may appear to us now, that no wafer cakes but common bread, was then by the kings appointment ordinarily received and used in Churches. This was about the latter ende of December. An. 1549.

Taking down of aultares, and setting up of the table in steed thereof.

FUrthermore, in the year next following .1550. other letters likewise were sent out for the taking down of altars in churches, and setting up the table in stead of the same, unto Nicholas Ridley, who being Bishop of Rochester before, was then made Bishop of London, in Boners place, the copy and contents of the kings letters are these, as followeth.

The kings letters to Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London. &c.

RIght reverend father in God, right trusty and well beloved, we greete you well. And where it is come to our knowledge, that being the altars within the more part of the churches of this realm, already upon good and godly considerations takē down, there doth yet remain altares standing in diverse other churches, by occasion whereof much variance and contention ariseth amongst sundry of our subjects, which if good foresight were not had, might perchance engender great hurt and inconvenience: we let you wit, that minding to have all occasion of contention taken away, which many times groweth by those & such like diversities, and considering that amongst other things belonging to our royal office and cure, we do accompt the greatest to be, to maintain the common quiet of our Realm we have thought good by the advice of our Counsaile to require you, and nevertheless especial to charge and command you, for the avoiding of all matters of further contention & strife about the standing or taking away of the said altares, to give substantial order throughout all your diocese, that with all diligence all the altars in every church or chapel, as well in places exempted, as not exempted within your said diocese be taken down, and in the stead of them a table to be set up in some convenient parte of the chancel within every such church or chapel, to serve for the ministratiō of the blessed cōmuniō. And to the intent the same may be done without the offense of such our loving subjects, as be not yet so well persuaded in that behalf as we would wish, we send unto you heerewith, certain considerations gathered and collected that make for the purpose, the which and such others as you shall think meet to be set forth to persuade the weak to embrace our proceedings in this parte, we pray you cause to be declared to the people by some discrete preachers in such places as you shall think meet, before the taking down of the said altars: so as both the weak consciences of other may be instructed and satisfied as much as may be, and this our pleasure the more quietly executed. For the better doing whereof, we require you to open the foresaid considerations in that our cathedral church in your own person, if you conveniently may, or otherwise by your Chancellor, or some other grave preacher, both there, & in such other market towns and moste notable places of your diocese, as you may think most requisite.

Reasons why the Lord's boorde should rather be after the form of a table, then of an altar.

The first reason.

FIrst, the form of a table shall more move y ^e simple from the superstitious opinions of the Popish Mass, unto the right use of the Lord's supper. For the use of an altare is to make sacrifice upon it: the use of a table is to serve for men to eat upon. Now when we come unto the Lord's boorde, what do we come for? To sacrifice Christ again, and to crucify him again? or to feed upon him that was once only crucified, and offered up for us? If we come to feed upon him, spiritually to eat his body, and spiritually to drink his blood, which is the true use of the Lord's supper, then no man can deny, but the form of a table is more meet for the Lord's boorde, then the form o • an altar.

The second reason.

Item, where as it is said, the book of common prayer maketh mention of an alter, wherefor it is not lawful to abolish that which that book alloweth: to this is thus answered: The book of common prayer calleth the thing whereu • on the Lord's supper is ministered, indifferently a Table, an Aultar, or the Lord's board, without prescription of any form thereof, either of a Table, or of an Aultare. So that whether the Lord's boorde have the form of an Aultar, or of a table, the book of common prayer calleth it both an Aultar and a Table. For as it calleth an Altar whereupon the Lord's Supper is ministered, a table, and the Lord's board, so it calleth the table where the holy Communion is distributed with laudes and thanks giving unto the Lord, an Aultar, for that, that there is offered the same sacrifice of praise and thanks giving. And thus it appeareth, that here is nothing neither said nor meant contrary to the book of common prayer.

The third reason.

Thirdlye, the Popish opinion of Mass, was that it might not be celebrated but upon an alter, or at the least upon a superaltare, to supply the fault of the altare, which must have had his printes and charectes, or else it was thought that the thing was not lawfully done. But this superstitious opinion is more holden in the minds of the simple and ignorant by the form of an alter, then of a table: wherefor it is more meet for the abolishment of this superstitious opinion, to have the Lord's boorde after the form of a table, then of an altar.

The fourth reason.

Fourthly, the form of an alter was ordained for the Sacrifices of the Law, and therefore the alter in Greek is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Quasi Sacrificij locus. But now both the law and the Sacrifices thereof do cease: Wherefore the form of the altar used in the Law, ought to cease withal.

The fifth reason.

Fifthly, Christ did institute the Sacrament of his body and blood at his last Supper at a Table, and not at an Aultare, as it appeareth manifestly by the three Evangelists. And Saint Paul calleth the coming to the holy Communion, the coming unto the Lord's Supper. And also it is not read, that any of the Apostles or the Primitive Church did ever use any altare in the ministration of the holy Communion.

Wherefore, seeing the form of a Table is more agreeable with Christ's institution, and with the usage of the Apostles and of the Primitive Church, then the form of an Aultar, therefore the form of a Table is rather to be used, then the form of an Aultare in the administration of the holy Communion.

The sixth reason.

Finally, it is said in the preface of the book of common prayer, that if any doubt do arise in the use and practicing of the same book, to appease all such diversity, the matter shall be referred unto the Bishop of the diocese, who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasinge of the same, so that the same order be not contrary unto anything contained in that book.

After these letters and reasons received, the forenamed Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London, consequently upon the same did hold his visitation, wherein amongst other his Injunctions, the said Bishoppe exhorted those Churches in his Diocese, where the Aultars then did remain, to confourme them selves unto those other Churches which had taken them down, and had set up in the stead of the multitude of their Aultares, one decent Table in every Church.

Uppon the occasion whereof there arose a great diversity about the form of the Lord's boorde, some using it after the form of a Table, and some of an altar. Wherein when the said Bishop was required to say and determine what was moste meet, he declared he could do no less of his bounden duty, for the appeasing of such diversity, & to procure one godly uniformity, but to exhort all his Diocese unto that, which he thought did best agree with Scripture, with the usage of the Apostles, and with the Primitive Church, and to that which is not only not contrary unto any thing contained in the book of Common prayer (as is before proved) but also might highly further the kings most godly proceedings, in abolishing of diverse vain & superstitious opinions of the popish mass out of the hearts of the simple, and to bring them to y ^e right use taught by holy Scripture, of the Lord's Supper, and so appointed he the form of a right Table to be used in his Dioces, and in the Church of Paul's, brake down the wall standing then by the high Aultars side.

Now we will enter, (God willing) into those matters which happened between king Edward and his sister Mary, as by their letters here following are to be seen.

To my Lord Protectour and the rest of the kings Majesty's Counsaile.

MY Lord, I perceive by the letters which I late received from you, and other of the kings Majesty's Counsaile, that ye be all sorry to find so little conformity in me touching the observation of his Majesty's laws: who am well assured I have offended no law, unless it be a late law of your own making, for the altering of matters of Religion, which in my conscience is not worthy to have the name of a Law, both for the kings honors sake, the wealth of the Realm, and giving an occasion of an evil br • ite through all Christendom, besides the parcialitie used in the same, and (as my said conscience is very well persuaded) the offending of God, which passeth all the rest: but I am well assured, that the king his fathers Laws were allowed and consented to without compulsion by the whole Realm, both Spiritual and Temporal, and all ye executours sworn upon a Book to fulfil the same, so that it was an authorised Law, and that I have obeyed, and will do with the grace of God, till the Kings Majesty my brother shall have sufficient years to be a Judge in these matters him self: Wherein my Lord, I was plain with you at my last being in the Courte: declaringe unto you at that time, whereunto I would stand, and now do assure you all, that the only occasion of my stay from altering mine opinion, is for two causes.

One principally for my conscience sake: the other, that the king my brother shall not hereafter charge me to be one of those, that were agreeable to such alterations in his tender years. And what fruits dailye grow by such changes since the death of the King my Father, to every indifferent person, it well appeareth, both to the displeasure of God, and unquietness of the realm.

Notwythstanding, I assure you all, I would be as • oath to see his highness take hurt, or that any evil should come to this his Realm, as the best of you all, and none of you have the like cause, considering howe I am compelled by nature, being his Majesty's poor and humble Sister, moste tenderly to love and pray for him, and unto this his realm, being borne within the same, wish all wealth and prosperity to God's honor.

And if any judge me the contrary for mine opinions sake, as I trust none doth, I doubt not in the ende, with God's help, to prove myself as true a natural and humble sister, as they of the contrary opinion, with all their devises and altering of laws, shall prove them selves true subjects, praying you my Lord and the rest of the Counsail, no more to vnquier and trouble me with matters touching my conscience, wherein I am at a full point, with God's help, whatsoever shall happen to me, intendinge with his grace, to trouble you little with any worldly suits but to bestow the short time I think to live, in quietness, and pray for the kings Majesty and all you, heartily wishing, that your proceedings may be to God's honor, the safeguard of the kings person, and quietness to the whole Realm.

Moreover, where your desire is, that I would send my Controller and Doctor Hopton unto you, by whom you would signify your minds more amplie, to my contentation & honor: it is not unknown to you all, that the chief charge of my house • e • teth only upon the trauails of my said Controller. Who hath not been absent from my 〈◊〉 three who • e days since the setting up of the same unless it were for my letters Patentes, so that if it wer • 〈◊〉 for his continual diligence▪ I think my little portion would not have stretched so far. And my Chaplain by occasion of sickness, hath been long absent, and yet not able to ride.

Therefore like as I cannot forbear my Controller, and my Prieste is not able to journey: So shall I desire you my Lord, and the rest of the Counsaile, that having anything to be declared unto me, except matters of Religion, ye will either write your minds, or send some trusty person, with whom I shall be contented to talk, and make answer as the case shall require, assuring you, that if any servant of mine own, either man or woman, or Chaplain should move me to the contrary of my conscience, I would not give ear to them, nor suffer the like to be used within my house. And thus my Lord, with my hearty commendations, I wish unto you and the rest, as well to do as myself.

A remembrance of certain matters, appointed by the Counsaile, to be declared by Doctor Hopton to the Lady Mary's grace, for answer to her former letter, which said Hopton was after she came to her reign B. of Norwich.

Her grace writeth, that the law made by Parliament, is not worthy the name of a law, meaning the statute for the Communion. &c.

You shall say thereto.

THe fault is great in any subject to disallow a law of the king, a Law of a Realm, by long study, free disputation, and uniform determination of the whole Clergy, consulted, debated, and concluded. But the greater fault is in her grace, being next of any subject in blood and estate to the kings Majesty her brother and good Lord, to give example of disobedience, being a subject, or of unnaturalness, being his Majesty's sister, or of neglecting the power of the crown, she being by limitation of law next to the same. The example of disobedience is most perilous in this time, as she can well understand, her unkindness resteth in the kings own acceptation, the neglecting of the power, before God is answereable, and in the world toucheth her honor.

The executours, she saith, were sworn to king Henry the eight his laws.

You shall say.

It is true, they were sworn to him, his Laws, his heirs, and successors, which oth they duly observe, and should offend if they should break any one jot of y ^e kings laws now being, without a dispensation by a law, and herein her grace shall understand, that it is no law, which is dissolved by a law: Neither may her grace do that injury to the kings Majesty her brother, to diminish his authority so far, that he may not by the free consent of a • arlament, amend and alter unprofitable laws, for the number of inconveniences which hereof might follow, as her grace with consideration may well perceive.

Offence taken by the sending for of her officers.

You shall say.

If her grace consider the first letters of that purpose, they will declare our good meaning to her, and our gentle usage, requiring the presence of her trusty servant, because she might give more trust to our message.

Her house is her flock.

You shall say.

It is well liked her grace should have her house or flock, but not exempt from the Kings orders: neither may there be a flock of the kings subjects, but such as will hear and follow the voice of the king their shepherd. God disaloweth it, law and reason forbiddeth it, policy abhorreth it, and her honor may not require it.

Her grace deferreth her obedience to the kings law, till his Majesty be of sufficient years.

You shall say.

She could in no one saying more disallow the authority of the king, the majesty of his crown, and the state of the Realm. For herein she suspendeth his kingdom, and esteemeth his authority by his age, not by his right and title. Her grace must understand he is a King by the ordinance of God, by descent of Royal blood, not by the numbering of his years.

As a creature subject to mortality, he hath youth, and by God's grace shall have age: but as a Kinge he hath no difference by days and years. The Scripture plainly declareth it, not only young children to have ben kings by God's special ordinance, but also (which is to be noted) to have had best success in their reign, and the favor of God in their proceedings. Yea, in their first years have they most purely refourmed the Church and state of Religiō. Therefore her grace hath no cause thus to diminish his majesties power, and to make him as it were no king until she think him of sufficient years. Wherein howe much his majesty may be justly offended, they be sorry to think.

She saith, she is subject to none of the Counsaile.

You shall say.

If her grace understandeth it of us in that acceptation as we be private men, and not counsailours, sworn to the kings majesty, we knowledge us not to be superiors: but if she understand her writing of us as Counsailors and magistrates, ordained by his majesty, her grace must be contented to think us of authority sufficient by the reason of our office to challenge a superiority, not to rule by private affection: but by God's providence, not to our estimation, but to the kings honor, and finally to increase the kings estate with our counsel, our dignity and vocation: and we think her grace will not forget the saying of Solomon, in the 6. chapter of the book of Wisdom, to move a king to rule by counsel and wisdom, and to build his estate upon them. Wherefore her grace must be remembered, the kings Majesty's pollitike body is not made only of his own Royal material body, but of a Counsaile, by whom his majesty ruleth, directeth, and governeth his Realm. In the place of which Counsaile her grace is not ignorant, that we be set and placed. Wherefore the reputation she shall give us, she shall give it to the kings honor, & that which she shall take from us, she shall take from his Majesty, whose majesty we think if it might take increase of honor, as God giveth a daily abundance, it should receive rather increase from her being his Majesty's sister, then thus any abatement.

She received master Arundel, and master Englefelde.

You shall say.

All the Counsaile remembereth well her refusal to have her house charged w ^t anymore number, alleging the small proportion for her charge, and therefore it was thought to come of their earnest suite, meaning to be privileged subjects from the law, then of her desire, which refused very often to increase her number. Their cautel the king might not suffer, to have his law disobeied, their countries where they should serve by them to be destitute, and having been servants to his majesty, the circumstances of their departure might in no wise be liked.

She refused to hear any man to the contrary of her opinion.

You shall say.

It is an answer more of will then of reason, and therefore her Grace must be admonished neither to trust her own opinion without ground, neither mislike all others. having ground. If hers be good, it is no hurt if she hear the worse. If it be ill, she shall do well to hear the better. She shall not alter by hearing, but by hearing the better. And because she shall not mislike the offer, let her grace name of learned men whom she will, and further then they by learning shall prove, she shall not be moved. And so far it is thought, reason will compel her grace.

In the ende ye shall say.

The good willes and minds of the Lord Protectour and the Counsaile is so much toward her grace, that how soever she would her self in honor be esteemed, how soever in conscience quieted, yea how soever benefited, saving their duties to God and the king, they would as much, and in their doings (if it please her to prove it) will be nothing inferiors, assuring her grace, that they be moste sorry she is thus disquieted: and if necessity of the cause, the honor and surety of the king, and the judgment of their own conscience moved them not, thus far they would not have attempted. But their trust is, her grace will alow them the more, when she shall perceive the cause, and think no less could be done by them, where she provoked them so far.

These and other of like credit, more amply committed to you in speech, you shall declare to her grace, and further declare your conscience for the allowing of the manner of the Communion, as ye have plainly professed it before us.

At Richmund. 14. June. 1549.

The Lady Mary to the Lord Protectour and the rest of the Counsaile. 27. June. 1549.

MY Lord, I perceive by letters directed from you and other of the kings majesties Counsaile, to my Controller, my Chaplain, and master Englefelde my servant, that ye will them upon their allegeaunce, to repair immediately to you, wherein you give me evident cause to change mine accustomed opinion of you all, that is to say, to think you careful of my quietness and well doings, considering how earnestly I write to you for the stay of two of them, and that not without very just cause. And as for master Englefeld, as soon as he could have prepared himself, having his horses so far off, although ye had not sent at this present, would have performed your request. But in deed I am much deceived. For I supposed ye would have waied and takē my letters in better part, if ye have received them: if not, to have tarried mine answer, and I not to have found so little friendship, not to have been used so vngently at your hands in sending for him, upon whose travail doth rest the only charge of my whole house, as I wryt to you lately, whose absence therefore shall be to me & my said house no little displeasure, especially being so far off. And besides all this, I do greatly marvel to see your wrytinge for him, and the other two with such extreme words of pearill to ensue towards them, in case they did not come, and specially for my Controller, whose charge is so great, that he can not suddenly be meet to take a journey: which words in mine opinion needed not (unless it were in some very just and necessary cause) to any of mine, who taketh myself subject to none of you all: not doubting but if the kings majesty my brother were of sufficient years to perceive this matter, and knew what lack and in commodity the absence of my said officer should be to my house, his grace would have been so good Lord to me, as to have suffered him to remain, where his charge is. Notwithstanding, I have willed him at this time to repair to you, commanding him to return forthwith for my very necessities sake, and I have given the like leave to my poor sick priest also, whose life I think undoubtedly shall be put in hasard by the wet and cold painful travail of this journey. But for my parte I assure you all, that since the king my father, your late master and very good Lord died, I never took you for other then my friends: but in this it appeareth contrary. And saving I thought verily that my former letters should have discharged this matter, I would not have troubled myself with writing the same, not doubting but you do consider, that none of you all would have been contented to have been thus used at your inferiors hands, I mean to have had your officer, or any of your servants sent for by a force (as ye make it) knowing no just cause why. Wherefore I do not a little marvel, that ye had not this remembrance towards me, who always hath willed and wished you as well to do as myself, and both have and will pray for you all as heartily, as for mine own soul to almighty God, whom I humbly beseech to illumine you all with his holy spirit, to whose mercy also I am at a full point to commit myself, whatsoever shall become of my body. And thus with my commendations I bid you all fare well.

A copy of the kings Majesty's letter to the Lady Marie. 24. Ian. 1550.

RIght dear. &c. We have seen by letters of our Counsaile, sent to you of late, and by your answer thereunto, touching the cause of certain your Chaplains, having offended our laws in saying of Mass, their good and convenient aduises, and your frutelesse and indirect mistaking of the same, which thing moveth us to write at this time, that where good counsel from our Counsaile hath not prevailed, yet the like from our self may have due regard. The whole matter we perceive resteth in this, that you being our next sister, in whom above all other our subjects, nature should place the moste estimation of us, would wittingly and purposely, not only break our laws yourself, but also have others maintained to do the same. Truly howe soever the matter may have other terms, other sense it hath not: and although by your letter it seemeth you challenge a promise made, that so you might do: yet surely we know the promise had no such meaning, neither to maintain, ne to continue your fault. You must know this sister, you were at the first time when the law was made, borne with all, not because you should disobey the law, but y ^t by our lenity and love shown you might learn to obey it. We made a difference of you from our other subjects, not for that all other should follow our laws, & you only against and them, but that you might be brought as far forward by love, as others were by duty. The error wherein you would rest is double, & every part so great, that neither for the love of God, we can well suffer it vnredressed. neither for the love of you we can but wish it amended. First you retain a fashion in honoring of God, who in deed thereby is dishonored, & therein err you in zeal for lack of science, & having science offered you, you refuse it, not because it is science (we trust, for then should we despair of you) but because you think it is none. And surely in this we can best reprehende you, learning daily in our school, that therefore we learn things, because we know thē not, & are not allowed to say we know not these things, or we think they be not good, & therefore we will not learn them. Sister, you must think nothing can commend you more then reason, according to the which you have been hitherto used, & now for very love we will offer you reason our self. If you are persuaded in conscience to the contrary, of our laws, you or your persuaders shall freely be suffered to say what you or they can, so that you will hear what shall be said again.

In this point you see I pretermit my estate, and talk with you as your brother, rather then your supreme Lord and king. Thus should you, being as well content to hear of your opinions, as you are content to hold them, in the end thank us as much for bringing you to light, as now before you learn, you are loath to see it. And it thus much reason with our natural love shall not move you, whereof we would be sorry, then must we consider the other part of your fault, which is the offense of our laws. For though hitherto it hath been suffered in hope of amendment, yet now, if hope be none, how shall there be sufferance? Our charge is to have the same care over every man's estate, that every man ought to have over his own. And in your own house, as you would be loath openly to suffer one of your servants being next you, most manifestly to break your orders, so must you think in our state it shall miscontent us to permit you so great a subject, not to keep our laws. Your nearnes to us in blood, your greatness in estate, the condition of this time maketh your fault y ^e greater. The example is unnatural, that our sister should do less for us, then our other subjects. The case is sclanderous for so great a personage to forsake our majesty.

Finally, it is too dangerous in a troublesome common wealth, to make y ^e people to mistrust a faction. We be young, you think in years to consider this. Truly sister, it troubleth us somewhat the more, for it may be, this evil suffered in you, is greater then we can discern, & so we be as much troubled, because we doubt whether we see the whole pearil, as we be, for that we see. In deed we will presume no further then our years giveth us, y ^t is, in doubtful things not to trust our own wits, but in evident things we think there is no difference. If you should not do as other subjects do, were it not evident, that therein you should not be a good subject? Were it not plain in that case, that you should use us not as your sovereign Lord? Again, if you should be suffered to break our laws manifestly, were it not a comfort for others so to do? and if our laws be broken, & contemned, where is our estate? These things be so plain, as we could almost have judged them six years past. And in deed it grieveth us not a little, that you which should be our most comfort in our young years, should alone give us occasion of discomfort. Think you not but it must needs trouble us, and if you can so think, you ought sister to amend it. Our natural love towards you without doubt is great, & therefore diminish it not yourself. If you will be loved by us, show some token of love towards us, that we say not with the Psalm. Mala pro bonis mihi reddiderunt. If you will be believed, when by writing you confess us to be your sovereign Lord, hear that which in other things is often alleged: Ostende mihi fidem tuam ex factis tuis. In the answer of your letter to our counsel, we remember you stick only upon one reason divided into two partes. The first is, that in matters of religion, your faith is none other, but as all Christendom doth confess. The next is, you will assent to no alteration, but wish things to stand as they did at our fathers death. If you mean in the first to rule your faith, by that you call Christendom, and not by this Church of England, wherein you are a member, you shall err in many points, such as our fathers & yours would not have suffered, whatsoever you say of the standing still of things, as they were left by him. The matter is too plain to write, what may be gathered, and too perilous to be concluded against you. For the other part, if you like no alteration by our authority, of things not altered by our father, you should do us too great an injury. We take our self for the administration of this our common wealth, to have the same authority which our father had diminished in no part, neither by example of scripture, nor by universal laws. The stories of Scripture be so plenteous, as almost y ^e best ordered church of the Israelites was by kings, younger then we be. Well sister, we will not in these things interpret your writings to the worst: love and charity shall expound them. But yet you must not thereby be bold to offend in that, whereunto you see your writings might be wrested. To conclude, we exhort you to do your duty, and if any impediment be thereof, not of purpose, you shall find a brotherly affection in us to remedy the same. To teache you and instruct you, we will give order, and so procure you to do your duty will • ingly, that you shall perceive you are not used merely as a subject, and only commanded, but as a daughter, a scholar, and a sister, taught, instructed, and persuaded. For the which cause, when you have considered this our letter, we pray you that we may shortly hear from you.

To the kings most excellent Majesty.

MY duty moste humbly remembered to your majesty, please it the same to understand that I have received your letters by master Throgmorton this bearer. The contents whereof doeth more trouble me, then any bodily sickness, though it were even to the death, and the rather for that your highness doeth charge me to be both as a breaker of your laws, and also an encourager of others to do the like. I most humbly beseech your Majesty, to think that I never intended towards you otherwise then my duty compelleth me unto, that is, to wish your highness all honor and prosperity, for the which I do and daily shall pray▪ And where it pleaseth your majesty to write, that I make a challenge of a promise made otherwise then it was meant: the trothe is, the promise could not be denied before your majesties presence at my last waiting upon the same. And although, I confess, the ground of faith (whereunto I take reason to be but an handmaid) & my conscience also hath and doth agree with the same: yet touching that promise, for so much as it hath pleased your majesty (God knoweth by whose persuasion) to write, it was not so meanr: I shall most humbly desire your highness to examine the truth thereof indifferently, and either will your majesties ambassador, now being with the Emperor, to inquire of the same, if it be your pleasure to have him move it, or else to cause it to be demanded of the Emperors ambassador here, although he were not within this realm at that time. And thereby it shall appear that in this point, I have not offended your majesty, if it may please you so to accept it. And albeit your majesty (GOD be praised) hath at these years as much understanding and more, then is commonly seen in that age yet considering you do hear but one part (your highness not offended) I would be a suitor to the same, that till ye were grōwen to more perfect years, it might stand with your pleasure to stay in matters touching the soul. So undoubtedly should your Majesty know more, and hear others, and nevertheless be at your liberty and do your will and pleasure. And whatsoever your majesty hath conceived of me, either by letters to your coūsails, or by their report, I trust in the ende to prove myself as true to you, as any subject within your realm, & will by no means stand in argument with your majesty, but in most humble wise beseech you, even for God's sake to suffer me, as your highness hath done hitherto. It is for no worldly respect I desire it, God is my judge, but rather then to offend my conscience, I would desire of God, to lose all that I have, and also my life: and nevertheless live and die your humble sister and true subject. Thus after pardon craved of your majesty for my rude and bold writing, I beseech almighty God to preserve the same in honor, with as long continuance of health and life, as ever had noble king.

The Lady Marie to the Lord's of the Counsaile 4. December. 1550.

MY Lord's, your letters dated the second of this present, were delivered unto me the third of the same. And where you write, that two of my Chaplains, Doctor Mallet and Barkley be indicted for certain things committed by them contrary to the kings Majesty's laws, and process for them also awarded forth, and delivered to the Sheriff of Essex: I cannot bur marvel they should be so used, considering it is done, as I take it, for saying mass within my house: and although I have been of myself mineded always, and yet am, to have Mass within my house: yet I have been advertised, that the Emperors Majesty hath been promimised that I should never be vnquieted nor troubled for my so doing, as some of you, my Lord's, can witness. Furthermore, besides the declaration of the said promise made to me by the Emperors ambassador that dead is, from his Majesty, to put my chaplaines more out of fear, when I was the last year with the kings majesty my brother, that question was then moved, and could not be denied, but affirmed by some of you before his Majesty to be true, being not so much vnquieted for the trouble of my said Chaplains, as I am to think how this matter may be taken, the promise to such a person being no better regarded. And for mine own part, thought full little to have received such vngentlenes at your hands having always (God is my judge) wished unto the whole mumber of you, as to myself, & have refused to trouble you, or to crave anything at your hands, but your good will & friendship, which very slenderly appeareth in this matter. Notwithstāding to be plain with you, how soever you shall use me or mine (with God's help) I will never vary from mine opinion touching my faith. And if ye or any of you bear me the less good will for that matter, or faint in your friendship towards me, only for the same I must and will be contented, trusting that God will in the ende show his mercy upon me, assuring you, I would rather refuse the friendship of all the world (whereunto I trust I shall never be driven) then forsake any point of my faith. I am not without some hope that ye will stay this matter, not enforcing the rigor of the law against my chaplaines. The one of them was not in my house these 4. months, & D. Mallet having my license, is either at Windsor, or at his benefice, who, as I have heard, was indicted for saying of Mass out of my house, which was not true▪ But in deed, the day before my removing from Woodham water, my whole household in effect was gone to Newhall, he said Mass there by mine appointment. I see and hear of diverse that do not obey your statutes and proclamations, and nevertheless escape without punishment. Be ye Judges, if I be well used to have mine punished by rigor of a law, besides all the false bruits that ye have suffered to be spoken of me. Moreover my Chaplain D. Mallet, besides mine own commandment was not ignorant of the promise made to the Emperor, which did put him out of fear. I doubt not therefore but ye will consider it, as by that occasion no peace of friendship be taken away, nor I to have cause but to bear you my good will, as I have done heretofore, for albeit I could do you little pleasure, yet of my friendship ye were sure, as if it had lien in my power ye should have well known. Thus with my hearty commendations to you all, I pray almighty God to send you as much of his grace, as I would wish to mine own soul.

The Counsaile to the Lady Marie, the 25. of December.

AFter our due commendations to your grace. By your letters to us, as an answer to ours, touching certain process against two of your Chaplains, for saying Mass against the law and statute of the realm, we perceive both the offense of your chaplains is otherwise excused then the matter may bear, and also our good willes otherwise misconstrued then we looked for. And for the first parte, where your greatest reason for to excuse the offense of a law, is a promise made to the Emperors Majesty, whereof you write, that first some of us be witnesses, next that the Ambassador for the Emperor declared the same unto you, and lastly, that the same promise was affirmed to you before y ^e kings majesty at your last being with him: We have thought convenient to repeat the matter from the beginning, as it hath hitherto proceeded, whereupon it shall appear howe evidently your Chaplains hath offended the law, and you also mistaken the promise. The promise is but one in it self, but by times thrice as you say repealed. Of which times, the first is chiefly to be considered, for upon that do the other two depend. It is very true the Emperor made request to the kings Majesty, that you might have liberty to use the Mass in your house, and to be as it were exempted from the danger of the statute. To which request diverse good reasons were made, containing the discommodities that should follow the grant thereof, and means devised rather to persuade you, to obey & receive the general and godly reformation of the whole realm, then by a private fancy to prejudice a common order. But yet upon earnest desire and entreaty made in y ^e Emperors name, thus much was granted, that for his sake and your own also, it should be suffered and winked at, if you had the private mass used in your own closet for a season, until you might be better informed, whereof was some hope, having only with you a few of your own chamber, so that for all the rest of your household, the service of the realm should be used, and none other: further, then this the promise exceeded not. And truly such a matter it then seemed to some of us, as in deed it was, that well might the Emperor have required of the kings Majesty a matter of more profit: but of more weight or difficulty to be granted, his majesty could not. After this grant in words, there was by the ambassador now dead, oftentimes desired some writing, as a testimony of the same. But y ^t was ever denied: not because we meant to break the promise, as it was made, but because there was a daily hope of your reformation.

Now to the second time, you say the Emperors Ambassadors declaration made mention of a promise to you, it might well so be. But we think no otherwise then as it appeareth before written. If it were, his fault it was to declare more then he heard: ours it may not be, that deny not that we have said. As for the last time when you were with the kings majesty, the same some of us (whom by these words your letter noteth) do well remember, that no other thing was granted to you in this matter, but as the first promise was made to the Emperor, at which time you had too many arguments made to approve the proceedings of the kings Majesty, and to condemn the abuse of the mass, to think that where the private mass was judged ungodly, there you should have authority and ground to use it. About the same time, the Ambassadoure made means to have some testimony of the promise under the great seal, and that not hard to have it, but by a letter, and that also was not only denied, but diverse good reasons, y ^t he should think it denied with reason, & so to be contented with an answer. It was told him in reducing that which was commonly called the Mass, to the order of the primative church, and the institution of Christ, the kings majesty & his whole realm had their consciences well quieted, against y ^t which, if anything should be willingly committed, the same should be taken as an offense to God, & a very sin against truth unknown. Wherefore to license by open act such a deed in the conscience of the kings majesty & his realm, were evē a sin against God. The most that might herein be borne, was that the kings majesty might upon hope of your gracious reconciliation, suspende the execution of his law, so that you would use the license as it was first granted. What soever the Ambassador hath said to others, he had no other manner grant from us, nor having it thus granted, could allege any reason against it. And where in your letter your grace noteth us as breakers of the promise made to the Emperor, it shall appear who hath broken the promise: whether we that have suffered more then we licenced, or you y ^t have transgressed that was granted. Now therefore we pray your grace confer the doing of your chaplaines with every point of the premisses, and if the same cannot be excused, then think also howe long the law hath been spared. If it prick our consciences somewhat, that so much should be used as by the promise you may claim, how much more should it grieve us to license more then you can claim? And yet could we be content to bear great burden to satisfy your grace, if the burden pressed not our consciences, whereof we must say as the Apostle said: Gloriatio nostra est haec, testimonium conscientiae nostrae. For the other parte of your graces letter, by the which we see you misconstrue our good willes in writing to you, how soever the law had proceeded against your Chaplains, our order in sending to you was to be liked, and therein truly had we special regard of your graces degree and estate. And because the law of it self respecteth not persons, we thought to give respect to you, first signifying to you what the law required, before it should be executed, that being warned, your grace might either think no strangeness in the execution, or for an example of obedience cause it to be executed yourself. Others we see perplexed w ^t sodainnes of matters, your grace we would not have vnwarned to think anything done sudden. Truly we thought it more commendable for your grace, to help the execution of a law, then to help the offense of one condemned by law. And in giving you knowledge what the kings laws required, we looked for help in the execution by you the kings majesties sister. The greater personnage your grace is, the nigher to the king, so much more ought your example to further laws. For which cause it hath been called a good common wealth, where the people obeyed the higher estates, and they obeyed the laws. As nature hath joined your grace to the kings majesty to love him moste entirely, so hath reason and law subdued you to obey him willingly. The one and the other we doubt not, but your grace remembereth, and as they both be joined together in you, his majesties sister, so we trust you will not severe thē, for in deed your grace cannot love him as your brother, but you must obey his majesty as his subject.

Example of your obedience and reverence of his majesties laws is instead of a good preacher, to a great number of his majesties subjects, who if they may see in you negligence of his majesty or his laws, will not fail but follow on hardly, and then their fault is not their own but yours, by example. And so may the kings majesty whē he shall come to further judgment, impute y ^t fault of diverse evil people (which thing God forbid) to the sufferance of your graces doings. And therefore we most earnestly frō the depth of our hearts desire it, y ^t as nature hath set your grace nigh his Majesty by blood, so your love and zeal to his majesty, will further his estate by obedience. In the end of your letter ii. things be touched, which we cā not pretermit: the one is, you seme to charge us with permission of mē to break laws & statutes. We think in deed it is too true, that laws and proclamations be broken daily, the more pity it is: but that we permit them, we would be so sory to have it proved. The other is, that we have suffered brutes to be spoken of you, & that also must be answered as the other. It is pity to see men so evil, as whom they may touch with tales & infamies they care not, so they miss not the best. Suche is the boldness of people, that neither we can fully bridle them, to raise tales of you, nor of our selves. And yet whensoever any certain person may be got̄, to be charged w ^t any such, we never leave thē unpunished. In deed, the best way is, both for your grace, & also us, y ^t when we cannot find and punish the offender, let us say as he said that was evil spoken of: yet will I so live, as no credit shall be given to my backbiters. Certainly, if we had credited any evil tale of your grace, we would friendly have admonished you thereof, & so also proceeded, as either the taletellers should have ben punished, or else have proved their tales. And therefore we pray your grace to think no unkindness in us, y ^t any evil brutes have been spread by evil men, but think rather well of us, y ^t howsoever they were spread, we believed them not. Hitherto your grace seeth we have writ̄ somewhat at length, of y ^e promise made to you and our meanings, in our former writings. And now for the latter part of our letter, we will as briefly as we can remember to you two special matters, whereof the one might suffice to reform your proceedings, & both together well considered, we trust shall do your grace much good. The one is, the truth of that you be desired to follow: the other is, y ^e commodity y ^t thereby shall ensue. They both make a just commandment, and because of the first the latter followeth, that first shall be entreated. We here say your grace refuseth to hear anything reasoned, contrary to your old determinatiō, wherein you make your opinion suspicious, as that you are afeard to be dissuaded. If your faith in things be of God, it may abide any storm or water: if it be but of sand, you do best to eschew the weather. That which we profess, hath y ^e foundation in Scriptures upon plain texts and no glosses, the confirmation thereof by the use in the primative Church, not in this later corrupted: and in deed our greatest change is not in the substance of our faith, no not in any one article of our creed. Only the difference is, that we use the ceremonies, observations, and Sacraments of our religion as the Apostles, and first fathers in the primative Church did. You use the same that corruption of time brought in, and very barbary and ignorance nourished, and seem to be bold for custom against truth, & we for truth against custom. Your grace in one or two places of your letter, seemeth to speak earnestly in y ^e maintenance of your faith, & therein (so that your faith be according to the Scriptures) we must have the like opinion. The saying is very good if the faith be sound. But if every opinion your grace hath (we cannot tell how conceived) shall be your faith, you may be much better instructed. S. Paul teacheth you, that faith is by the word of God. And it was a true saying of him that said: Non qui cuiuis credit, fidelis est, sed qui Deo. For where hath youre grace ground for such a faith, to think common prayer in the English Church should not be in english? that Images of God should be set up in y ^e church? or y ^t the sacrament of Christ's body & blood should be offered by the priests for the dead? yea, or y ^t it should be otherwise used, then by y ^e scripture it was instituted? Though you have no scripture to mayneteine thē, we have evident scriptures to forbid thē. And although fault might be found, that of late baptism hath been used in your graces house, contrary to law, & utterly w ^t out license, yet is it y ^e worse, y ^t contrary to y ^e primative Church it hath been in a tongue unknown, by y ^t which the best part of y ^e Sacrament is unused, & as it were a blind bargain made by the Godfathers in a matter of illuminatiō, and thus in the rest of the things in which your grace differeth frō the common order of the realm, where have you ground or reason but some custom, which oftentimes is mother of many errors? And although in civil things she may be followed where she causeth quiet, yet not in religions, where she excuseth no error, as in Leviticus it is said: Ye shall not do after the custom of Egypt, wherein ye dwelled, nor after the custom of Canaan: no, you shall not walk in their laws, for I am your Lord God, keep you my laws and commandments. The points wherein your grace differeth in your faith as you call it, may be shown where, when, how, & by whom they begā, since the Gospel was preached, y ^e church was planted, & the Apostles martyred. At which time your faith depended upon the Scripture, & otherwise there was no necessity to believe. For as Jerome saith: Quod de scriptures non habet authoritatem, eadem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur. And because your grace as we hear say, readeth sometime the Doctors, we may allege unto you the 2. or 3. places of other principal Doctors. August. saith: Cum dominus tacuerit, quis nostrûm dicat, illa vel illa sunt: aut si dicere audeat, vnde probat? And Chrisostomes saying is not unlike. Multi, inquit, iactant spiritum sanctum, sed qui propria loquuntur, falso illum praetendunt. And if you wi • l have their meaning plain, read the 5. Chapter of the first book of Ecclesiastica historia, and where Constantine had these words in the Council. In disputationibus, inquit, rerum diuinarum, habetur praescripta spiritus sancti doctrina, Euang • lici & Apostolici libri cum prophetarum oraculis plene nobis ostendunt sensum numinis, proinde discordia posita, sumamus ex verbis spiritus questionum explicationes. What plainer sayings may be then these to answer your fault? Agayne, to infinite it were to remember your grace the great number of particular errors (crept into the church whereupon you make your foundation. The fables of false miracles and lewd pilgrimages may somewhat teach you. Only this we pray your grace to remember w ^t yourself: the two words that the father said of his son Jesus Christ. Ipsum audit. To the second point of the commodity that may follow your obedience, we having by the kings authority in this behalf the governance of this realm must herein be plain with your grace. And if our speech offend the same, then must your grace think it is our charge and office to find fault where it is, and our duty to amend it as we may. Most sory truly we be, y ^t your grace, whom we should otherwise honor, for the kings majesties sake, by your own deeds should provoke us to offend you, we do perceive great discommoditie to the realm by your graces singularity, (if it may be so named) in opinion, & in one respect, as you are sister to our sovereign Lord & master, we most humbly beseech your grace to show your affection continually towards him, as becometh a sister. And as your grace is a subject, and we counsellors to his Majesty's estate, we let you know, the example of your graces opinion hindereth the good weal of this realm, which thing we think is not unknown unto you: & if it be, we let your grace know, it is to true. For God's sake we beseech your grace, let nature set before your eyes the young age of the king your brother. Let reason tell you y ^e losenes of the people, how then can you without a wailing heart▪ think that ye should be y ^e cause of disturbance? if your grace see the king, being y ^e ordinary ruler under God not only of all others in the realm, but of you also▪ call his people by ordinary laws one way, with what heart can your grace stay yourself without following: much worse to stay other y ^t would follow their sovereign Lord? Can it be a love in you to forsake him, his rule and law, & take a private way by yourself? If it be not love, it is much less obedience. If your grace think the kings majesty to be over his people as the head in a man's body is over the rest not only in place but in dignity and science▪ how can you being a principal menber in y ^e same body keep y ^e nourishment from y ^e head, we pray your grace most earnestly think this thing so much greueth us, as for our private affectiō & good willes unto you (though we should dissemble) yet for our public office, we cannot but plainly inform your grace, not doubting but that your wisdom can judge what your office is, & if it were not your own cause, we know your grace by wisdom could charge us, if we suffered y ^e like in any other. Truly everyone of us a part honoreth your grace for our masters sake, but when we join together in public service, as in this writing we do. We judge it not tolerable, to know disorder, to see the cause, & leave it vnamēded. For though we would be negligent, y ^e world would judge us. And therefore we do altogether eftsoons require your grace, in the kings majesties name, y ^t if any of your 2. chaplains, Mallet, or Barcklet, be returned, or as soon as any of them shall return to your graces house y ^e same may be by your graces commandment or order, sent or delivered to the sheriff of Essex, who hath commandment from the kings majesty, by order of the law & of his crown to attache them, or if that conditiō shall not like your grace, yet y ^t then he may be warned frō your graces house, & yet not kept there, to be as it were defended frō the power of the law. Which thing we think surely neither your grace will mean, nor any of your counsel assent thereto. And so to make an end of our letter, being long for the matter, and hitherto deferred for our great business, we trust your grace first seeth how y ^e usage of your Chaplains differeth from the manner of our license, and what good intent moved us to write unto you in former letters: lastly that the things whereunto the king and the whole realm hath consented, be not only lawful and just by the policy of the Realm, but also just and godly by the laws of God. So that if we, which have charge under the King should willingly consent to the open breach of them, we could neither discharge our selves to the king for our duties, neither to God for our conscience. The consideration of which things we pray almighty God, by his holy spirit, to lay in the bottom of your heart, and thereupon to build such a profession in you, as both God may have his true honor: the king his dew obedience, the Realm concord, and we most comfort. For all the which we do heartily pray, & therewith, for the continuance of your graces health to your harts desire. Frō Westminster y ^e xxv. of December.

*The Lady Mary to the Lord's of the Counsel xx. May. 1551.

MY Lord's, after my hearty commendations to you, although both I have been and also am loath to trouble you with my letters, yet nevertheless the news which I have lately hard, touching my Chaplayne Doctor Mallet forceth me thereunto, at this present, for I hear by credible report, that you have committed him to the tower, which news seem to me very strange: notwithstanding I thought it good, by these to desire you to advertise me what is the cause of his imprisonment, assuring you I would be sory that any of mine should deserve the like punishment, and there is no creature within the Kings majesties Realm would more lament, that any belonging to them should give just cause so to be used: then I would do: who would have thought much friendship in you if you had given me knowledge, wherein my said Chaplein had offended, before you had ministered such punishment unto him, eftsoons requiring you to let me know by this bearer, the truth of the matter. And thus thanking you for the short dispatch of the poor Marchaunt of Portingall, I wish to you all no worse then to myself, and so bid you farewell.

*The Counsel to the Lady Mary, 6. of Maye. 1551.

AFter our humble cōmendatiōs to your grace, we have received your letters of the second of this month, by the which your grace seemeth to take it straungely that Doctor Mallet is committed to prison, whereof we have the more marvel, seeing it hath been heretofore signified unto you that he hath offended the kings majesties laws, and thereof condemned, your grace hath been by our letters earnestly desired, that he might be delivered to the Sheriff of Essex, according to the just process of the law, to the which all manner persons of this Realm be subject, whereof howsoever it seemeth strange at this time to your grace that he is imprisoned, it may seme more strange to other that he hath escaped it thus long: and if the place being the Tower, move your grace not to impute his imprisonment to his former offense, then we pray your grace to understand that in deed it is for the very same, and the place of the imprisonment to be at the Kings Majesty's pleasure, from whom, besides the charge of his laws, we have express commandment to do that we do. And so we beseech your grace to think of us, that neither in this case, nor in any other we mean to do any other then minister and see, as much as in our power lieth, ministered justice indifferently, to all persons, which doing then we think your grace should not think it any lack of friendship that we did not certify you of the offense of youre Chaplayne, although in deed the cause hath already been certified. And we trust your grace both of youre natural nearenes to the Kings Majesty and your own good wisdom will not mislike our Ministry in the execution of the laws of the Realm, and the pleasure of the Kyngs Majesty. So we wish to your grace from the bottom of our heart, the grace of almighty God, with the riches of his holy gifts.

*The Lady Mary to the Counsel, the 11. of May.

MY Lord's, it appeareth by your letters of the vi. of this present which I have received, that the imprisonment of my Chaplain Doctor Mallet is, for saying of Mass, and that he was condemned for the same. In deed I have heard that he was endited, but never condemned. Nevertheless, I must needs confess and say, that he did it but by my commandment, and I said unto him that none of my Chaplaynes should be in danger of the law for saying Mass in my house. And thereof to put him out of doubt, the Emperors Ambassador that dead is, declared unto him before that time, how after what sort the & promise was made to his Majesty, whereby it appeareth, that the mā hath not in that willingly offended. Wherefore I pray you to discharge him of emprisonment, and set him at liberty: if not, ye minister cause no • only to him, but to others to think that I have declared more then was true, which I would not wittingly do, to gain the whole world. And herein as I have often said, the Emperors Majesty can be best judge. And to be plain with you according to mine old custom, there is not one amongst the whole number of you all, that would be more loath to be found untrue of their word then I. And well I am assured, that none of you have found it in me. My Lord's, I pray you seek not so much my dishonor, as to disprove my word, whereby it should appear too plain that you handle me not well. And if you have cause to charge my Chaplain for this matter, lay that to me, and I will discharge it again, by your promise made to the Emperors Majesty, which you cannot rightfully deny, wishing rather that you had refused it in the beginning then after such promise made, and to such a person, to seem to go from it which my Lord's, as your very friend I heartily desire you to consider, and to give me no cause to think you otherwise then my friends, considering I have always, and yet do (God is my judge) wish to you all no worse neither in souls nor bodies, then to myself, and so with my hartye commendations, I commit you all to God.

The Counsaile to the Lady Mary, the 27. of May. 1551.

AFter our due commendations to your grace, although the same receiveth not answer so soon, as perchance was looked for upon the return of your graces servant: Yet we doubt not, but youre grace understanding that where we have matters of estate pertaining to the Kings Majesty in hand, as in deed we have had of late, the differring of the answer in a matter being no greater, requireth to be borne withal. And touching the answer of your graces letter for D. Mallet, we pray your grace to understand, that although you write he was indicted, but not condemned, and so seem to take exception at the manner of his imprisonment, yet if they which informed your grace of that manner of reason in the law, were as well disposed to please your grace with truth, as the reason in deed is not true, then should they have told your grace that by the Acte of Parliament, if either Mallet have been convicted by the oaths of twelve men, or that the fact hath been notorious, then the punishment doth follow justly. The truth of the one and the other way of conviction in this case is notorious enough, besides his flying from the process of the law. And where your grace, to relieve him, would take the fault upon yourself, we are sory to perceive your grace so ready to be a defense to one that the Kings law doth condemn. Nevertheless, he is not punished because your grace bad him, and willed him to do that which was an offense: but he is punished for doing it, and if we should not so see the Kings laws executed without respect, it might appear that we too much neglected our duty, and for that your grace taketh it as a discredit to yourself, that he should be punished for that you bad him do, alleging to him that you had authority so to do, and so promise made to the Emperor, it hath been both written, and said to your grace, what is the truth in that behalf: and howsoever that your grace pretendeth your license to have Mass said before yourself, for a time of your reconciliation, it had been so far out of reason for to have desired that whosoever was your Chapleine might say Mass in any house that was yours, when your graces self was not there. For so is D. Mallets offense, for saying Mass at one of your houses, where your grace was not, which thing as it was never granted, so do we not remember that ever it was demanded. The suit that hath been at any time made, either by the Emperous Ambassador that dead is, or by him that now is, was never but in respect of your grace, and not to be taken that the Emperor or his his Ambassador meant to privilege master D. Mallet or any other to say Mass out of your presence. Wherefore as we do plainly write to your grace, so do we pray you to take it in good part, and think we be as ready to do our due reverence towards your grace in any thing we may do with our duty to our master as any youre grace may command: and of such wisdom we know your grace to be, that ye should judge the better of us, for that we be diligent to see the laws of the Realm executed, wherein resteth the strength and safeguard of the kings Majesty our sovereign Lord and Master.

The Lady Mary to the Lord's of the Counsayle, 21. June. 1551.

MY Lord's, although I received by my servant this bearer (who lately delivered unto you my letters, wherein I desired to have my Chaplayne D. Mallet discharged of his imprisonmente) your gentle message in general words, for the which I give you my hartye thanks: yet have I no knowledge whether you will set him at liberty or no: But I think that your weighty affairs at that time, was the let and cause ye did not write. For else I doubt not you would have answered me. Wherefore not being satisfied, and understanding ye would gladly pleasure me, I thought good eftsoons to desire you, that my said Chaplayne may have his liberty, wherein I assure you, ye shall much gratify me, being not a little troubled, that he is so long in prison, without just cause, seeing the matter of his imprisonmente is discharged by the promise made to the Emperors Majesty, as in my late letter I declared unto you. Wherefore my Lord's, I pray you let me have knowledge by this bearer how ye will use me in this matter, wherein if ye do pleasure me accordingly, then shall it well appear that ye regard the foresaid promise, and I will not forget your gentleness therein (God willing) but requite it to my power. And thus with my hearty commendations to you all, I bid you farewell.

The Counsaile to the Lady Mary, the 24. of June. 1551.

AFter our humble cōmendatiōs to your grace, we have received your graces letter of the 21. hereof, wherein is received the same request that in your former letters hath been made for the release of Doctor Mallet, and therein also your grace seemeth to have looked for the same answer of your former letter, y ^t which indeed partly was omitted (as your grace cōiectureth) by the reason of y ^e Kings Majesty's affairs: wherewith we • e thoroughly occupied, partly for that we had no other thing to answer, then you had heretofore heard in the same matter. And therefore where your grace desireth a resolute answer, we assure the same we be right sory for y ^• matter, & that it should be your graces chance to move it, as we cannot, with our duties to y ^e Kings Majesty, accomplish your desire. So necessary a thing it is to see the laws of the Realm executed indifferently in all manner of persons, and in these cases of contempt of the Ecclesiastical orders of this Church of England, the same may not without y ^e great displeasure of God the slander of y ^e state be neglected, and therefore your grace may please to understand we have not only punished your Chaplein, but all such others whom we find in like case to have disobeyed the laws of the Kings majesty. And touching the excuse your grace oftentimes useth, of a promise made, we assure your grace, none of us all, nor any other of the Counsel as your grace hath been certified, hath ever been privy to any such promise, otherwise then hath been written. And in that matter your grace had plain answer both by us of the kings majesties Counsel, at your being last in his Majesty's presence, and therein also your grace might perceive his Majesty's determination, whereunto we beseech your grace not only to incline yourself, but also to judge well of us that do addict our selves to do our duties. And so also shall we be ready to do with all our harts, our due reverence toward your grace, whose preservation we commend to almighty God with our prayer.

The Copy of the Lady Mary's letter to the Kings Majesty.

MY duty most humbly remembered unto your Majesty, it may please the same to be advertised, that I have received by my servants, your most honorable letters, the conte •• es whereof do not a little trouble me, and so much the more, for that any of my said servants should move or attempt me in matters touching my soul, which I think the meanest subject within your highness Realm, could evil 〈◊〉 at their servants hands, having for my part utterly refused heretofore to talk with them in such matters, and of all other persons 〈…〉 them therein, to whom I have declared what I think • 〈◊〉 • he which trusted that your Majesty would have suffered 〈◊〉 your poor sister and beadewomā to have used the accustomed mass, which the King your father & mine with all his predec • ssours did evermore use, wherein also I have ben brought up frō my 〈◊〉 . And thereunto my conscience doth not only bind me; which by no means will suffer me to think one thing and do another▪ 〈◊〉 also the promise made to the Emperor by your Majesty's counsel was an assurance to me, that in so doing I should not off • nd the • wes, although they seem now to qualify and 〈…〉 thing. And at my last waiting upon your Majesty, I was 〈◊〉 to declare my mind and conscience to the same, and desired your highness, rather then you should contstrain me to leave 〈…〉 my life▪ whereunto your majesty made me a very gentle answer. And now I most humbly beseech your highness to givē me leave to write what I think touching your Majesty's letters. In deed▪ they be signed with your own hand, and nevertheless in mine opiniō not your majesties in effect, because it is well know̄ (as heretofore I have declared in the presence of your highness) that although, our Lord be praised, your Majesty hath far more knowledge, and greater gifts then others of your years, yet it is not possible that your highness can at these years be a judge in matters of religion: and therefore I take it that the matter in your letters proceedeth from such as do wish those things to take place, which be most agreeable to themselves by whose doings your majesty not offended, I intend not to rule my conscience. And thus without molesting your Highnes any further, I humbly beseech the same, evē for God's sake to bear with me, as you have done, and not to think that by my doings or example any inconvenience might grow to your majesty or your Realm, for I use it not after such sort putting no doubt but in time to come, whether I live or die, your majesty shall perceive that mine intent is grounded upon a true love towards you, whose royal estate I beseech almighty God long to continue, which is and shall be my daily prayer according to my duty. And after pardon craved of your majesty for these rude and bold letters, if neither at my humble suite, nor for the regard of the promise made to the Emperor, your Highness will suffer and bear with me, as you have done till your Maiestye may be a judge herein yourself, and rightly understand their proceedings, (of which your goodness yet I despair not) otherwise, rather then to offend God and my conscience, I offer my body at your will, and death shall be more welcome then life with a troubled conscience, most humbly beseeching your Maiestye to pardon my slowness in answering your letters. For mine old disease would not suffer me to write any sooner. And thus I pray almighty God to keep your Majesty in all virtue and honor with good health and long life to his pleasure.

A Copy of the kings majesties letters to the said Lady Mary.

RIght dear and right entirely beloved sister, we greete you well, and let you know that it grieveth us much to perceive no amendment in you, of that which we for God's cause, your souls health, our conscience, and the common tranquility of our Realm, have so long desired, assuring you that our sufferance hath much more demonstration of natural love, then contentation of our conscience and foresight of our safety. Wherefore although you give us occasion as much almost as in you is to diminish our natural love: yet be we loath to feel it decay, and mean not to be so careless of you as we be provoked.

And therefore meaning your weal, and therewith joining a care not to be found guilty in our conscience to God, having cause to require forgiveness that we have so long for respect of love towards you omitted our bounden duty, we send at this present our right trusty and right well-beloved counsaylor the Lord R. or Chancelor of England, and our trustye and right well-beloved Counsaylers, Sir A. W. Knight, Comptroler of our household and Sir W.P. Knight, one of our principal Secretaries in message to you, touching the order of your house, wylling you to give them firm credit in those things they shall say to you from us, and do there in our name. Yeauen under our signet at our Castle of Winsor, the 24. of August, in the first year of our Rain.

A copy of the kings Majesty's instructions, given to the said L. C. sir A. W. and sir W.P. Knightes, &c. 24. August. 1551.

FIrst, you the said Lord Chancellor and your Colleagues shall make your immediate repair to the said Lady Mary giving to her his majesties hartye commendations, and show the cause of your coming to be as followeth

Although his majesty hath long time, as well by his maiestyes own mouth and writing, as by his counsel trauayled that the said Lady being his sister, and a principal subject and member of his Realm, should both be in deed and also show her self conformable to the laws and ordinances of the realm, in the profession and rites of Religion, using all the gentle means of exhortation and advise that could be devised, to the intent the reformation of the fault might willingly come of her self, as the expectation and desire of his majesty, and all good wise men was: yet notwithstanding his majesty seeth that hitherto no manner of amendment hath followed, but by the continuance of the error and manifest breach of his laws, no small peril consequently may hap to the state of his Realm, especially the sufferance of such a fault being directly to the dishonor of God and the great offense of his Majesty's conscience, and all other good men: and therefore of late, even with the consent and advise of the whole state of his privy Counsayle, and diverse others of the nobility of his Realm, whose names ye may repeat, if you think convenient, his Majesty did resolutely determine it just, necessary, and expedient, that her grace should not in any wise use or maintain the private Mass, or any other manner of service, then such as by the law of the Realm is authorised and allowed: and to participate this his majesties determination to her grace, it was thought in respect of a favorable proceeding with her self, to have the same, not only to be manifested by her own officers and servants, being most esteemed with her, but also to be executed by them in her house, as well for the more quiet proceeding in the very matter, as for the less molesting of her grace with any message by strangers, in that time of her solitariness, wherein her grace then was by the reason of the late sickness. For which purpose her three servants, Rochester, Eglefield, and Walgraue were sent in message in this mannaer. First, to deliver his Majesty's letter to her, next to discharge the complaints of saying Mass, and prohibiting all the household from hearing any. Wherein the Kings Majesty perceiveth upon their own report, being returned to the Court, how negligently, and in deed how falsely they have execu • ed their commandment and charge contrary to the duty of good subjects, and to the manifest contempt of his majesty. Insomuch as manifestly they have before his Majesty's Counsayle refused to do that which pertaineth to every true faithful subject, to the offense so far of his majesty, and derogation of his authority, that in no wise the punishment of them could be forborne, and yet in the manner of the punishment of them, his Majesty and his Counsayle hath such consideration, and respect of her person being his sister, that without doubt his Majesty could not with honor have had the like consideration or favor in the punishment of the dearest Counselor he hath, if any of them had so offended, and therefore his Majesty hath sent you three not only to declare to her grace the causes of their sending thither of late his officers in message, but also the causes of their absence now presentlye. And further, in the default of the said officers to take order, as well with hir Chaplaynes, as with the whole household, that his Majesty's laws may be there observed. And in the communication with her, you shall take occasion to answer in his Majesty's name certain pointes of her letter, sent now lately to his Majesty. The copy of which letter is now also sent to you to peruse, for your better instruction how to proceed in. First, her allegation of the promise made to the Emperor, must be so answered, as the truth of the matter serveth, whereof every of you have heard sufficient testimony diverse times in the counsel for her offering of her body at the Kings will, rather then to change her conscience. It grieveth his Majesty much, that her conscience is so settled in error, and yet no such thing is meant of his Majesty, nor of any one of his counsel once to hurt, or will evil to her body, but even from the bottom of their heart wisheth to her mentem sanam in corpore sano. And therefore ye shall do very well to persuade her grace that this proceeding cometh only of the conscience the King hath to avoid the offense of God▪ and of necessary counsel and wisdom to see his laws in so weighty causes executed. Item, because it is thought that Rochester had the care and consideration of her graces provision of household, and by his absence the same might be either disordered or disfurnished: his Majesty hath sent a trusty skillful man of his own household, to serve her grace for the time. Who also is sufficiently instructed of Rochester, of the state of her things of household. And if there shall be anything lacking in the same, his Majesty's pleasure is, that his servant shall advertise his own chief officers of household, to the intent if the same may be supplied of any store here, or otherwhere helped conveniently, her grace shall not lack.

Item, having thus proceeded with her grace, as for the declarations of the causes of your commoning, ye shall thē cause to be called afore you the Chaplaynes, and all the rest of the household there present, and in the Kings Majesty's name most straightly forbid the Chaplaynes either to say or use any Mass or kind of service, other then by the law is authorised: and likewise ye shall forbid all the rest of the company to be present at any such prohibited service, upon pain to be most straightly punished, as worthily falling into the danger of the Kings indignation, and a like charge to them all, that if any such offense shall be openly or secretly committed▪ they shall advertise some of his Majesty's Counsayle. In the which clause ye shall use the reasons of their natural duty and allegiance that they owe as subjects to their sovereign Lord, which derogateth all other earthly duties.

Item, if you shall find either any of the priests, or any other person disobedient to this order, ye shall commit them forthwith to prison as ye shall think convenient.

Item, for as much as ye were privy to the determination at Richmond, and there understood how necessary it was to have reformation herein: his Majesty, upon the great confidence he hath in your wisdom and uprightness, remitteth to your discretions the manner of the proceeding herein, if anything shall chance to arise there that in your opinions might otherwise then according to these instructions conduce you to the execution of your charge, which in one sum is to avoid the use of the private Mass, and other unlawful service, in the house of the said Lady Mary.

Item, ye shall devise by some means as you may, to have understanding after your departure how the order you give is observed, and as you shall judge fit, to certify hither.

*The story of Stephen Gardener Bish. of Winchester, briefly collected, the residue whereof concerning his acts and doings, may further appear in the book of Acts and Monuments in the first edition. page. 728.

ALthough the first imprisonment of Stephen Gardener Bishop of Winchester, in order of time was before the deprivation of Bishop Boner: yet for so much as he was not deposed from his Bishopric till the next or seconde year after, which was 1551. I have therefore driven off the history of the said Bishop of Winchester to this present place: intending nevertheless here not to extend and prosecute the explication of that busy matter with all circumstances and particularities thereof, so amply at full as I might, partly for that being done in my first volume of Acts and Monuments, may here suffice and content the reader being disposed there to search and further to read touching the same, partly also considering how this present volume is grown already very large and great, I thought not to p • ster the same with anymore superfluity, then • eedes must, and therefore leaving out his idle letters, his long process of Articles and examinations, his tedious talk with the multitude of depositions brought in against him, and other his acts and interlocutories superfluous, I mind here (the Lord willing) briefly and summarily to excerpe only the principal effects, as to the story may seem most appertinent, referring the residue to be searched (if any reader • o list to do) to the book of Monuments aforesaid, beginning in the page 728.

Briefly therefore, as touching the acts, doings, deservings and misdemeanors of this stout Prelate, and Bishop of Winchester: first we will set before the reader the copy of a certain writ or evidence against the said Bishop, wherein as in a brief sum generally is described the whole order and manner of his misordred demeanour, copied out of the public records in manner as followeth.

The copy of a writ or evidence touching the order and manner of the misdemeanor of Winchester▪ with declaration of the faults where, with he was justly charged.

WHere as the Kings Majesty by the advise of the Lord Protector, and the rest of his highness privy Counsel, thinking requisite for sundry urgent considerations to have a general visitation throughout the whole Realm, did about ten months past address forth Commissions, and by the advise of sundry Byshopps and other the best learned men of the Realm, appointed certain orders or Injunctions to be generally observed, which being such as in some part touched the reformation of many abuses, and in other parts concerned the good governance & quiet of the Realm, were (as reason would) of all men of all sorts obediently received, and reverently observed and executed, saving only of the Bishop of Winchester, who as well by conference with other, as by open protestation and letters also, shown such a willful disobedience therein, as if it had not been quickly espied, might have bred much unquietness and trouble, upon the knowledge whereof he being sent for, and his lewd proceedings laid to his charge, he in the presence of the whole Council so used himself (as well in denying to receive the said orders and Injunctions as otherwise) as he was thought worthy most sharp punishment, and yet considering the place he had been in, he was only sequestered to the Fleet, where, after he had remained a certain time, as much a • his ease as if he had been at his own house, upon his promise of conformity he was both set at liberty again, and also licenced to repair and remain in his diocese at his pleasure▪ where when he was, forgetting his duty, and what promise he had made, he began forthwith to set forth such matters as 〈◊〉 again more strife, variance, and contention in that one small City and Shire, then was almost in the whole Realm after: besides that, the Lord Protectors grace and the Counsayle were informed, that to withstand such as he thought to have been sen • e from their grace and Lordships into those parties, he had caused all his servants to be secretly armed and harnessed: and moreover when such preachers as being men of godly life and learning were sent into that Dioces by his grace and Lordship to preach the word of God, had appointed to preach, the Bishop to disapoint and disgrace them, and to hinder his Majesty's proceedings, did occupy the Pulpit himself, not fearing in his Sermon to warn the people to beware of such new Preachers, and to embrace none other doctrine then that which he had taught them (then the which words none could have been spoken more perilous and seditions: ) whereupon, being eftsoons sent for, and their grace and Lordships objecting to him many particular matters wherewith they had just cause to charge him, they did in the end upon his second promise leave him at liberty, only willing him to remain at his house at London, because they thought it most meet to sequester him from his Dioces for a time, and being come to his house, he began afreshe to ruffle and meddle in matters wherein he had neither Commission nor authority, parte whereof touched the Kings Majesty: whereof being yet once again admonished by his grace and their Lordships, he did not only promise to conform himself in all things like a good subject, but also because he understood that he was diversely reported of, & many were also offended with him, he offered to declare to the world his conformity, and promised in an open Sermon so to open his mind in sundry articles agreed upon, y ^t such as had ben offended, should have no more cause to be offended, but well satisfied in all things: declaring further that as his own conscience was well satisfied, and liked well the Kings proceedings within this Realm, so would he utter his conscience abroad, to the satisfaction & good quiet of others, and yet all this notwithstanding, at the day appointed he did not only most arrogantly and disobediētly, and that in the presence of his Majesty, their grace and Lordships, and of such an audience, as the like whereof hath not lightly ben seen, speak of certain matters contrary to an express commandment given to him on his Majesty's behalf both by mouth and by letters, but also in the rest of the articles, whereunto he had agreed before, used such a manner of utterance as was very like even there presently to have sturred a great tumult, and in certain great matters touching the policy of the Realm, handled himself so colourably as therein he shown himself an open great offender & a very seditious mā: for as much as these his proceedings were of such sort, as being suffered to escape unpunished, might breed innumerable inconveniences, & that the clemency shown to him afore by their grace & Lordships, did work in him no good effect, but rather a pride and boldness to demean himself more and more disobediently against his Majesty and his graces proceedings: it was determined by their grace and Lordships that he should be committed to the Tower and be conveyed thither by Sir Anthony Wingfield, and that at the time of his Commission Sir Rafe Sadler and William Hunnings Clerke of the Counsaile, should seal up the doors of such places in his house as they should think me • e: all which was done accordingly.

By this evidence above mentioned, first here is of the reader to be noted, how • ewdly and disobediently the said Sir▪ Gardener misused himself in the Kings general visitation, in denying to receive such orders and iniunctiōs, as for the which he justly deserved much more seueare punishment. Albeit the King with his Uncle the Lord Protectour, more gently proceeding with him, were contented only to make him taste the Fleet. In the which house, as his durance was not long, so his entreating and ordering was very easy. Out of the which Fleet diverse and sundry letters he wrote to the Lord Protectour and other of the Counsaile, certain also to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some to M. Ridley Bishop of London: the particulars were too long here to rehearse, considering how this book is so overcharged as ye see already: and especially seeing the same be notified in our first edition sufficiently, as is aforesaid. Wherefore omitting the rehearsal of the said letters, and referring the reader to the book aforesaid, I will only repeat one letter of the said Bishop, with the answers of the Lord Protectour unto the same: the contents whereof be these as followeth.

A Letter of Winchester to Mayster Vaughan.

MAister Vaughan, after my right hartye commendations: In my last letters to my Lord Protectour, signifying according to the general commaundemet by letters given to all Justices of peace the state of this Shire, I declared (as I supposed true) the Shire to be in good order, quiet, & conformity, for I had not then herd of any alteratiō in this Shire which the said letters of cōmandement did forbid. Now of late within these two days I have heard of a great and detestable (if it be true that is told me) innovation in the town of Portesmouth, where the Images of Christ and his saints have been most contemptuously pulled down, and spitefully handled. Herein I thought good both to write to you and the Mayor, the kings majesties chief ministers, as well to know the truth, as to consult with you for the reformation of it, to the intent I may be seen to discharge my duty, and discharging it in deed both to God and the kings majesty, under whom I am here appointed to have cure, and care to relieve such as be by any ways fallen, and preserve the rest that stand, from like danger.

Ye are a Gentleman with whom I have had acquayntance and whom I know to be wise, & esteem to have more knowledge wisdom, and discretion, then to allow any such enormities, and therefore do the more willingly consult with you herein, with request freēdly to know of you the very truth in the matter, who be the doers, and the circumstances of it, & whether ye think the matter so far gone with the multitude & whether the reproof and disprouing of the deed, might without a further danger be enterprised in the Pulpit or not, minding if it may so be, to send one thither for that purpose upon Sunday next coming, I would use preaching as it should not be occasion of any further folly, where a folly is begun, and to a multitude persuaded in that opinion of destruction of Images, I would never preach. For (as scripture willeth us) we should cast no precious stones before Hogs. Such as be infected with that opinion, they be Hogs and worse then Hogs, if there be any grosser beasts then hogs be, and have been ever so taken, and in England they are called Lollards, who denying images, thought therewithal the crafts of paynting & grauing to be generally superfluous and naught, and against God's laws.

In Germany such as maintained that opinion of destroying of Images, were accounted the dregs cast out by Luther after he had tunned all his brewinges in Christ's religion, and so taken as Hogs meat. For the reproufe of whom, Luther wrote a book specially: and I have with mine eyes seen the Images standing in all Churches where Luther was had in estimation. For the destruction of Images containeth an enterprise to subvert religion and the state of the world with it, and especially the nobility, who by images set forth & spread abroad to be read of all people, their linage, parentage, with remembrance of their state and acts: and the Pursiuaunt carrieth not on his breast the kings names written in such letters as a few can spell, but such as all can read, be they never so rude being great known letters in Images of three Lions, and three flowers deluce, and other beasts holding those arms. And he that cannot read the Scripture written about the kings great Seal, yet he can read S. George on horseback on the one side, and the king sitting in his majesty on the other side, and readeth so much written in those images as if he be an honest man, he will put of his cap, and although if the Seal were broken by chance, he would and might make a candell of it, yet he would not be noted to have broken the seal for that purpose, or to call it a piece of wax only, whilst it continueth whole And if by reviling of stocks and stones, in which matter Images be graven, the setting of the truth to be read in them of all men, shall be contemned: how shall such writing continue in honor, as is comprised in cloths, and pitch, whereof and whereupon our books be made, such as few can skill of, and not the hundredth parte of the realm? And if we a few that can read, because we read in one sort of letters, so privileged as they have many reliefes, shall pull away the books of the rest, and would have our letters only in estimation, and blind all thē, shall not they have just cause to mistrust what is meant? And if the cross be a truth, and if it be true that Christ suffered, why may we not have a writing thereof, such as all can read, that is to say an Image? If this opinion should proceed, when the kings majesty hereafter should show his person, his lively image, the honor due by God's law among such might continue, but as for the kings Standardes, his banners, his arms, should hardly continue in their due reverence for fear of Lollards Idolatry, which they gather upon scripture beastly, not only untruly. The scripture reproveth false Images made of stocks and stones, and so it doth false men made of flesh and bones.

When the Emperors money was shown to Christ, wherein was the image of the Emperor, Christ contemned not that Image calling it an Idol, nor noted not that money to be against gods law, because it had an image in it, as though it were against the precept of God: Thou shalt have no graven image, but taught thē good civility, in calling it the Emperors image, & bad thē use the money as it was ordered to be used in his right use.

There is no scripture that reproveth truth, and all Scripture reproveth falsehood. False writings, false books, false Images and false men, all be naught, to be contemned and despised, as for paper, ink, parchment, stones, wood, bones, A.B. of the Chauncery hand, and a. b. of the Secretary hand, a letter of Germany fashion, or of any other form, be all of one estimation, and may be of man inclining to the Devil, used for falsehood, or applying to God's gracious calling, used to set forth truth. It is a terrible matter to think, that this false opinion co • ceaued against Images should trouble any man's head: and such as I have known vexed with that devil (as I have known some) be nevertheless wondrously obstinate in it: and if they can find one that can spell Latin to help forth their madness, they be more obdurate then ever were the Jews, and slander whatsoever is said to them for their relief. Of this sort I know them to be, and therefore if I wist there were many of that sort with you, I would not irritate them by preaching without fruit, but labor for reformation to my Lord Protectour. But if you thought there might be other ways used first to a good effect, I would follow your advise and proceeding with you and the Mayor, with both your helps to do that may lie in me, to the redress of the matter: which I take to be such an enterprise against Christ's Religion, as there cannot be a greater by man excogitate with the devils instigation, and at this time much hurtful to the common estate, as ye can of your wisdom consider. Whome I heartily desire and pray, to send me answer by this bearer to these my letters, to the intent I may use myself in sending of a preacher thither, or writing to my Lord Protectour as the case shall require accordingly. And thus fare you heartily well.

A Letter of the Lord Protector answering to the letter above.

AFter hearty commendations, receiving of late two letters from your Lordship, the one enclosed in a letter of Master Uaughans to us, and directed to him, the other directed straight unto us, very wittely & learnedly writ̄, whereby we do perceive how earnest you are that no innovations should be had. The which mind of yours, as we do highly esteem and allow, proceeding from one that would quietness, so we would likewise wish, that you should take good heed, that too much fear of innovation or disturbance, do not cause both to be. Many times in an host, he that crieth enemies enemies when there be none, causeth not only disturbance, but sometimes a mutiny or rebellion to be made, and he that for fear of sickness to come, taketh unadvisedly a purgation, sometime maketh himself sick in deed. We perceive by the said your letters, that haynouser facts and words have been brought to your ears, then there was cause why: and those • acts which were punishable, be already by him redressed.

For the matter of Images, an order was taken in y ^e late king of famous memory our sovereign lords days. Whē the abused Images (yet lurking in some places by negligence of them who should ere this time have looked unto y ^e same) be now abolished, let not that be a matter of y ^e abolishing of all Images. Though felons & adulterers be punished, all men be not slain. Though the Images which did adulterate gods glory be takē away, we may not think by & by all manner of Images to be destroyed. Yet after our advise, better it were for a time to abolish them all, then for the dead Images, the Kings loving subjects being faithful and true to the kings majesty, should be put to variāce and disturbance. With quietness the Magistrates and Rulers shall keep thē well in order, whom cōtentious preachers might iritate and provoke to disorder & strife. So it must be provided that the kings Maiest. Images, Arms, and Ensigns, should be honored and worshipped after y ^e decent order and invention of human laws and ceremonies, and nevertheless that other Images contrary to God's ordinance and laws, should not be made partakers of that reverence, adoration and invocation: which (forbidden by God) should derogate his honor, & be occasion to accumulate God's wrath upon us. Where they be takē for a remembrance, it maketh no great matter though they stand still in the Church or Marketstead, and following the late king of famous memory his counsel & order, yet more gentleness was shown to those books of Images, then to the true and unfeigned books of God's word, both being abused, the one with Idolatry, the other with cōtentiō. The scripture was removed for a time from certain persons, and almost from all: the Images were left still to them, who most did abuse them, y ^e thing yet being closed frō them which should teach y ^e use. Wherefore it may appear unto us meet, more diligenter heed to be takē that the abused before, be not abused again, the advantage of some Priests, simplicity of lay men, and great inclination of man's nature to Idolatry giving cause thereunto.

They that contemn Images, because the matter they are made of is but vile, as stocks and stones, may likewise despise printing in paper, because the meek hath pitch in • & the paper is made of old rags. And if they be both like, it might be reasoned why a man should be more aggrieved, that an Image of wood, though it were of S. Anne, or S. Margaret should be burned, then he will that the Bible wherein the undoubted word of God is comprised, should be torn in pieces, burned, or made paste of. Nor we do not now speak of false Bibles nor false gospels, but of y ^e very true Gospel, either in Latin, Greek or english, which we see every day done, & sometime commanded, because the Translator displeaseth us: & yet herein no man exclaimeth as of a terrible and detestable fact done. But let one image either for age, & because it is wormeaten, or because it hath ben foolishly abused, be burnt or abolished, by and by some men are in exceeding rage, as though not a stock or stone, but a true saint of flesh and bone should be cast in the fire, which were a detestable and a terrible sight. We cannot see but that Images may be counted marueylous books, to whom we have kneeled, whom we have kissed, vpō whom we have rubbed our beads and handkerchers, to whom we have lighted candles, of whom we have asked pardon and help: which thing hath seldom been seen done to the Gospel of God, or to the very true Bible. For who kisseth y ^t but the priest at y ^e Mass, at a painted picture or in such a ceremony? Or who kneeleth unto it, or setteth a candle before it? And yet it seeth or heareth as well as the Images or pictures either of S. John, our Lady, or Christ.

In deed Images be great letters, yet as big as they be we have seen many which have read them amiss. And belike they are so likely to be read amiss, that God himself fearing y ^e Jews to become evil readers of thē, generally did forbid them. Nor it is no great marvel though in reading of them the lay people are many times deceived, whē your Lordship (as appeareth) hath not truly read a most true and a most commō Image. Your Lordship hath found out in the Kings highness great seal, S. George on horseback, which the graver never made in it, nor y ^e sealer never sealed with it, and in this the inscription is not very little, and if it were, it could not escape your Lordships eyes. As the inscription testifieth, the Kings Image is on both the sides: on the one side as in war the chief Captain, on the other side as in peace the liege sovereign: in harnes with his sword drawn to defend his subjects: in his robes in the seat of Justice with his Scepter rightfully to rule and govern them, as he whom both in peace and war we acknowledge our most natural and chiefest head, ruler & governor. If it were S. George (my Lord) where is his spear and dragon? And why should the inscription round about tell an untruth, and not agree to the Image? Yet it is called sometime so of the rude and ignorant people: but not by and by, that that is commonly called so, is always truest. And some have thought that by like deceauing, as your Lordship herein appeareth to have ben deceived, the image of Bellerephon or Perseus was turned first & appointed to be S. George, & of Poliphemus, of Hercules, or of other some Colossus to be S. Christopher, because autenticall histories have not fully proved their two lives. But those be indifferent to be true or not true, either thus invented vpō some devise, or rising of a true fact or history, & whether it were true or not, it maketh no great matter.

It were hardly done in deed my Lord, if that you and a few which can read, should take away from the unlearned multitude, their books of their Images: but it were more hardly done, if that you or a few which can read in one or two languages (as Greek and Latin) the word of God, and have had thereby many relieves and privileges should pull away the english books from the rest which only understandeth english: and would have only youre letters of Greek and Latin in estimation, and blind all them which understandeth not these languages, from the knowledge of God's word. And indeed my Lord, by your saying they have just occasion to suspect what is meant?

What mean you by true Images and false Images, it is not so easy to perceive. If they be only false Images, which have nothing that they represent, as s. Paul writeth An idol is nothing (because there is no such God) & therefore the Cross can be no false image, because it is true y ^t Christ suffered upon it: then the Image of y ^e Sun and the Moon were no Idols, for such things there be as the Sun and the Moon, and they were in the Image then so represented, as painting & caruing doth represent them. And the Image of Ninus and Caesar, and (as some writeth) the Images of all the 12. chosen God's (as they called thē) were the Images of once living men. And it might be said that the Image of God the father hath no such eyes, nose lips and a long gray beard, with a furred robe, nor never had▪ as they kerue & paint him to have. But if that be a false Image and an Idol which is otherwise worshipped & accepted then it ought to be, as the brazen Serpent being a true Image and representation of Christ by abuse was made an Idol: it may be thought in times past, and peradventure howe at this time, in some places the Images not only of S. John or S. Anne, but of our Lady & Christ be false Images and Idols, representing to foolish blind & ignorant men's harts and thoughts, that which was not in them, and they ought not to be made for • The which were by you (my Lord) to have been removed sooner and before that y ^e captayn there should have need to have done 〈◊〉 . But if your Lordship be slack in such matters, he that removeth false images and Idols abused, doth not a thing worthy blame.

Christ called not the money having Caesars Image in it, an Idol when it was used to lawful uses, and to pay the due t • ibute with all. But when a man doth not use those Images graven in money, to do his neighbor▪ good and the common wealth service, S. Paul Christ's disciple called that covetousness, and the serving and bondage to Idols: So that evē in money may be idolatry, if we make to much of those Images which Christ here doth not reprehend. There be some so ticklish and so fearful one ways and so tender stomacked, that they can abide no old abuses to be reformed, but think every reformatiō to be a capital enterprise against all Religion and good order, as there be on the contrary side some to rash, who having no consideration what is to be done, headlong will set vpō everything. The Magistrates duty is betwixt these, so in a mean to sit, and provide that old doting should not take further or deeper ru • t in the common wealth, neither ancient error overcome the seen and tried truth, nor long abuse for the age and space of time only, still be suffered: and yet all these with quietness and gentleness, and without all contention, if it were possible, to be reformed. To the which your Lordship as a man to whom God hath given great qualities of wit, learning and persuasion: could bring great help and furtherance, if it were your pleasure, with great thanks of men, & reward of God. The which thing is our full desire and purpose, and our hearty & daily prayer to God, that in the kings Majesty's time, whose Majesty's reign God preserve, all abuses with wisdom reformed. Christ's Religion with good and politic order of the commom wealth, without any contention and strife among the kings Subiectes, might flourish and daily increase. And this to youre Lordships letter sent to master Uaughan of Portesmouth.

Winchester to the Lord Protector.

MAy it please your Grace to understand, that I have noted some points in my Lord of S. David's Sermon, which I send unto you here with, whereby to declare unto you some part what I think, for the whole I cannot express, somewhat I shall encumber you with my • abling, but he hath encumbered some friends more with his ta • ling. And alas my Lord, this is a piteous case, that having so much business as ye have, these inward disorders should be added unto thē to the courage of such as would this Realm any ways evil. For this is the thing they would desire, with hope thereby to disorder this realm, being now a time rather to repair that needeth reparation, thē to make any new buildings which they pretend. Quiet, tranquility, unity & concord, shall maintain estimatiō. The con̄trary may animate the enemy, to attempt that was never thought on, which God forbid. There was never attemptate or alteration made in England, but upon comfort of discord at home, and woe be to them that mindeth it. If my Lord of S. Dauides, or such others have their head cōbred with any new platform, I would wish they were commanded between this and the kings majesties full age to draw the plat diligently, to hewe the stones, dig the sand, & chop the chalk in the unseasonable time of building, and when the kings majesty cometh to full age, to present their labors to him, and in the mean time not to disturb the state of the realm, whereof your Grace is Protectior, but that you may in every part of religion, laws, lands, and decrees (which four contain the state) deliver the same to our soueraygn Lord, according to the trust you be put in, which shall be much to your honor, & as all honest men wish and desire. To which desired effect there can be nothing so noisome & cōtrarious, as trouble & disquiet. Wherein your Grace shall be specially troubled as on whose shoulders all the weight lieth, and what so ever shall happen amiss by the faults of other, shall be imputed to your Grace, as doer thereof, or wanting foresight in time to withstand the same. And albeit that you mind not to be faulty in either, yet if the effect be not to the Realm as were to be wished, the prince, and though he were of age should be excused, and y ^e governors here the blame. And this is y ^e infelicity of preeminence and authority, and specially in this Realm, as stories make mention, which should not discourage you, for you need fear nothing without if quiet be reserved at home: and at home if the beginning be resisted, the intended folly may easily be interrupted. But if my brother of S. David's, may like a champion with his sword in his hand make enter for the rest, the door of license opened, there shall mo • by folly thrust in with him thē your grace would wish. Thus as I think, I write homely to your grace, because you were content I should write, wherein I consider only to have all things well. And because your grace is the Protector and the chief dir • etor of the realm to present unto your wisdom what my folly is. I have been oftentimes blamed for fearing overmuch, and yet I have had an incling that they that so blamed me feared evē as much as I. Being in the state that you be i • , it shall be ever comēdable to foresee the worst. In quiet ye be strong, in trouble ye be greatly weak, & bring yourself in danger of one part, when parties be, therewith one to scourge the other. Whereas in concord they • e both yours in an honest, reverent, lovely fear to do their duty, which I doubt not your wisedōe can consider. And consider also how noisome any other outward encōber might be in the time of y ^e minority of our sovereign Lord. I told y ^e Emperors counsel that our late souereign Lord did much for the Emperor to enter war with him & put his realm in his old days in y ^e aduēture of fortune, whether he should enjoy it or no, for y ^t is the nature of war. And sometime the cōtēned & abject have had y ^e upper hand. And whē ye administer y ^e realm for another, it were a marvelous question of him y ^t shall enjoy y ^e realm, to say, what meant you in the time of administratiō to aduēture my realm? why took ye not rather for the time of my minoritye any peace, whatsoever it were, which is better thē y ^e best wa • ? as some mē have writ̄. I know you have authority sufficient & wisdom plenty, & yet being entered to write I forget for y ^e time what ye be, & common 〈◊〉 you as I were talking at Brusels with you, devising of the world at large. And if I were sworn to say what I think in the state of the world, I would for a time let scots be scots with despair to have thē, unless it were by conquest, which shall be a godly enterprise for our young master whē he cometh to age. And in y ^e mean time prepare him money for it, & see y ^e realm in an order which hath need of it. And for a stay, if the Emperor would offer the king of Romans daughter as he did: do w ^t him in our masters minority, as he did w ^t us in his. Whereby all this hath chanced unto him. And by this allians your estimation shall increase, & our souereign Lord's surety not a little increase & be augmented. For of France it must be takē for a rule. They be so wantō they cannot do well lēger thē they see, how they may be scourged if they do not. Here is all the wit that I have, which I offer unto you, upon this occasion of writing, & shall pray God to put in your mind y ^t shall be for the best: as I trust he will, & in y ^e mean time, to extinct this barbarous cōtētion at home, which can serve only to do hurt & no good. I had fashioned a letter to master Ridley which I send unto your grace, and encumber you with these malencoly writings, engendered of this fondness which be not worth y ^e reading. And so it may like you to use thē, for having heard that ye have said unto me, and otherwise heard and seen what you do, I shall go occupy my wit in other matters, & now such as have fond enterprises, shall see that I letted not their follyes, which they called God's word. But for his time, the king our sovereign Lord that dead is, and after his time you, much to your honor and reputation howsoever any shall be here not contented, which miscontentation hath been so fond in some, as they have burst out and wished that they might without breach of his laws kill me, which is to me a tokē of a marvelous fury, which hath been cause why I am glad, both to depart hence, and to depart the sooner, & pray to God to order all things for the best. With preseruatiō of our sovereign L. and increase of your graces honor.

An other letter of S.W.

AFter my humble commondations to your grace, it may like the same to understand. I have seen of late 2. books set forth in english by Bale very pernicious, seditious and slanderous. And albeit that your grace needeth not mine advertisement in y ^e matter, yet I am so bold to trouble your Grace with my letters for mine own commodity, wherewith to satisfy mine own conscience to write & say as becometh me in such matters, which I desire your grace to take in good part. For it greueth me not a little, to see so soon after my late sovereign Lord and masters death, a book spread abroad more to his dishonor (if a princes honor may be by vile inferior subjects impeached) then professed enemies have imagined to note a womā to have suffered under him as a martyr, & the woman therewith to be by Bales own elucidation (as he calleth it) so set forth & painted as she appeareth to be, & is boasted to be a sacramētarry, & by the laws worthy (as she suffered) the pains of death, such like things have by stealth in our late sovereign Lord's days gone abroad as they do now▪ And as I am wont in such cases to speak, I keep my wont to write to your grace now, in whose hands I know the estate of y ^e realm to be foretime in government & to whō for respects of old acquaintance I wish all felicity. In these matters of religion I have been long exercised and have (thanks be to God) lived so long as I have seen them thoroughly tried and besides that I have learned in written books of Authority, I have perceived by books written without authority as by M. Bale, Ioye, and other, and specially as Bale useth now, that Scripture doth by abuse, service to the right hand and the left at once in so much as at one time Bale praiseth Luther, and setteth his death forth in English, with commendation as of a Saint, which Luther (whatsoever he was otherwise) stoutly affirmed the presence really of Christ's natural body in the Sacrament of the alter. And yet Bale the noble clerk, would have Anne Askew blasphemously denying the presence of Christ's natural body to be taken for a Saynte also. So as Bales Saints may vary in heaven, if they chance not by the way, which might suffice to disprove the man's creditte, if thwarting talk were not more desired of many, then the truth in deed, which truth was supposed to have been both in writing and exercise, well established, long before our late Lord's death. And Bale & his adherents in their madness plainly reproved & condemned. I cannot forget your grace told me you would suffer no innovation and indeed if you deliver this realm to the king at 8. years of age, as the king his father, whose soul God assoil, left it, as I trust you shall, the act is so honorable and good, as it were pity to trouble it with any innovation, which were a charge to your grace more then needed, being already burdened heauely. And albeit in the commō wealth every man hath his part, yet as God hath placed you, the matter is, under the kings Maiestye, chiefly yours and as it were yours alone. Every man hath his eye directed unto you both here & abroad, you shall shadow men's doings if they be done, which is one in commodity of high rule. And for my part besides my duty to the kings majesty and the realm, I would that your grace in whom since your government, I have found much gentleness and humanity, had much honor w ^t good success as ever any had and pray to God that men would let your grace alone, and suffer the realm in the time of your government in quiet among our selves, whereby to be the more able to resist foreign trouble, which your grace doth prudētly forsee. Certain printers, players, & preachers, make a wondermēt, as though, we knew not yet how to be justified, nor what sacraments we should have. And if the agreement in religion made in the time of our late sovereign Lord be of no force in their judgment, what establishment could any new agrement have. And every incertenty is noisome to any realm. And where every man will be master there must needs be vncertaynty. And one thing is marvelous, that at the same time is taught that all men be liars, at the self same time almost every man would be believed. And amongst thē, Bale when his untruth appeareth evidently in setting forth the examination of Anne Askew which is utterly misreported. I beseech your Grace to pardon my babbling with you. But I see my late sovereign Lord and master slaundred by such simple persons, religiō assaulted, the realm troubled and peaceable men disquieted, with occasion given to enemies to point and say, that after Wickliefes strange teaching in the sacraments of Christ's church hath vexed other, it is finally turned unto us to molest & scourge us, for other fruit cannot Bales teaching have, ne the teaching of such other as go about to trouble the agrement established here. In which matter I dare not desire your grace specially to look earnestly unto it, lease I should seme to note in you that becometh me not. And I know that your grace being otherwise occupied, these things may creep in as it hath been heretofore, sometime it may be heard for your grace to find out or pull out y ^e root of this naughtiness: but yet I am so bold to write of these of mine own stomach, who have ever used for discharge of myself to say and write in time and place as I thought might do good, for relief of the matter, remitting the rest to the disposition of GOD, who hath wrought wonders in these matters, since they were first moved: and given me such knowledge and experience in them, as I ought to take them (as they be) for corruption and untruth: I mean knowledge and experience of them that be chief styrrers, so infect with untruth, as they cannot speak or report truly in common matters. The pretence is of the spirit, and all is for the flesh, Women, and meat with liberty of hand and tongue, a dissolution and dissipation of all estates, clean contrarious to the place GOD hath called your Grace thereunto. For it tendeth all to confusion & disorder, which is the effect of untruth. Bale hath set forth a prayer for the Duke I. of Saxe wherein the Duke remitteth to God's judgment to be shown here in this world the justness of his cause concerning religion, and desireth GOD if his cause be not good, to order him to be taken and to be spoiled of his honor and possessions, with many such gay words whereby to tempt God, since which prayer the Duke is indeed taken as all the world saith, at the time of his taking, as the account is made, such straungenesse in the son as we saw it here, as hath not been seen. They happened both together, this we know, and be both marvelous, but whether the one were a token ordered to concur with other, God knoweth and man cannot define. Many common wealths have continued without the B. of Rome's jurisdiction, but without true religion, and with such opinions as Germany maintained no estate hath co •••• ned in the circuit of the world to us known since Christ c • me. For the Turks and Tartarres government is, as it were a continual war and they uphold their rule with subduing of nobility by fire and sword, Germany with their new religion could never have stand, & though the Emperor had let them alone, for if it be persuaded the understanding of God's law to be at large in women and children, whereby they may have the rule of that, and thē God's law must be the rule of all, is not hereby the rule of all brought into their hands? These of some will be called witty reasons, but they be in deed truths children, and so is all the eloquence, which some (to disprayse me) say I have, whatsoever they say of me. For truth is of it self, in a right meaning man's mouth, more eloquent, then forged matters can with study bring forth. What rymes be set forth to deprave the Lent, and how fond (saving your Graces honor) and foolish, and yet the people pay money for them, and they can serve for nothing, but to learn the people to rail, & to cause such as used to make provision for fish against Lent, fearing now Lent to be so sick as the ryme purporteth and like to die in deed, to forbear to make their accustomed provision for the next year. And thereto shall it come if the common diet be not certain. For the Fishmonger will never hope to have good sale, when the the butcher may with flesh out face him. And fish is that great treasure of this realm & food inestimable. And these good words I give, although I love it not myself, for such as love not fish, should nevertheless commend it to other, to the intent the flesh by them forborne might be to such as love it only the more plenty. The public defamation & trifling with Lent is a marvelous matter to thē that would say evil of this Realm, for there is nothing more commended unto us christen men in both the Churches of the Greeks and Latins then lent is, if all men be not liars. In the king our late sovereign Lord's days this matter was not thus spoken of. And I think our enemies would wish we had no lēt. Every country hath his peculiar inclination to naughtiness, England and Germany to the belly, the one in licor, the other in meat, France a little beneath the belly, Italy to vanity and pleasures devised, & let an English belly have a further advancement, and nothing can stay it, whē I was purueior for the seas, what an exclamatiō was there (as your grace shown me) of the Bishops fasting day, as they called wednesday, and Winchester, Winchester grand mercy for your wine, I beshrow your heart for your water? Was not that song, although it was in sport a signification how loath men be to have their license restrained? or their accustomed fare abated? unless it were in extreme necessity. I hear say that lēt is thus spok of, by Joseph and Tongue, with other new (whom I know not) as be one of Christ's Miracles, which God ordained not man to imitate and follow, at which teaching all the world will laugh. For Christian men have Christ for an example in all things both to use the world as he did, only for necessity, and contemn the world as he did, and in case to refuse it, and choose the vile death, as he did the death of the Cross, which things he did like a Mayster most perfect, for he was very god, and we must endeavor our self in the use of his gifts, to follow that he did, not to fast fortye days without meat as Christ did, for we be but Prentises, and carry about a ruinous Carcas that must have some daily reparation, with food, but yet was there never none that said, how 〈1 page duplicate〉 therefore we should do nothing, because we cannot do all, and take Christ's fast for a miracle only. And yet all that follow Christ truly, they work daily miracles in subduing and cōforming by God's grace there sensual appitites and humble obeying to the will of God, which no man can of himself do, and Christ promised that his true servants should work the works that he did, and greater works also. Wherefore it is a slender matter to say. Lent was one of Christ's miracles, for so was it to love his enemies, & specially those that scourged and bobbed him, which may not be (if that allegation hath place) taught Christian men to follow, because it was a miracle, as they might say it were more tolerable to forgette Lent (as Pogge telleth) of a Priest in the moūtaynes, that knew not how the year went about, and when the weather opened and he went abroad and perceived his neighbors were towards Palme Sunday, he devised an excuse to his Paryshe and bad them prepare therefore, for in deed the year had somewhat slipped him, but he would fashion the matter so, as they should be as soon at Easter as the rest, and thus did he pass over lent with much less slander then to teach it for a doctrine, y ^t lēt was one of Christ's miracles, & therefore not to be imitated for us, for although it was in deed a great miracle (as all Christ's doings were) yet was it there not a great miracle, ne more against man's nature, then to love them y ^t labored & were busy to take away the natural life of his manhood. For as the nature of man desireth relief, so doth it abhor destruction or hurt. In will and desire men follow Christ in all things: in execution they cannot. For we have brickle vessels, and God giveth his gifts to men as he seeth expedient for his Church. So as men cannot heal the lame when they will, as Christ did when he would, but as God shall think profitable for the edification of the flock assembled. Gregory Nazianzen speaketh of some that enterprised to imitate Christ's fast above their power, whose immoderate zeal he doth not disallowe not requiring of all men so to do, for that is an extremity, ne yet assoyling the matter as our new school men do, that Christian men should let Christ's fast alone as a miracle, which manner of solution I heard a good fellow make, when it was told him he might not revenge himself. And when he were stricken on the one ear, put forth the other, I am (quoth he) a man, I am not God, if Christ being God did so, he might (quod he) if it had pleased him have done otherwise. And so when it hath been alleged that Christ fasted forty days, he might (quoth he) have eaten if he had list, these triflinges in sport might be drawn to grave speech, if Christian men shall refuse to follow Christ in miracles. For all his life was miracles and his love that is our Badge most miraculous of all to die for his enemies. I beseech your Grace to pardon me for I am like one of the commō house, that when I am in my tale, think I should have liberty to make an end and specially writing to your grace with whom I accompt I may be bold assuring you it proceedeth of a zeal towards you, unto whom I wish well, whose intent although it be such as it ought to be, and as it pleased you to show me it was, yet such things spread abroad whereof the evil willers of the Realm will take courage and make account, (although it be wrong) that all goeth on wheels, if any man had either fondly or vndiscreetelye spoken of lent to engreue it to be an importable burden I would wish his reformation, for I have not learned that all men are bound to keep the lent in the form received, but this I reckon, that no christen man may contemn the form received, being such a devout and profitable immitation of Christ to celebrate his fast, and in that time such as have been in the rest of the year worldly to prepare themselves to come as they should come, to the feast of Easter, whereof S. Chrysostom speaketh expressly. And for avoiding contempt, a license truly obtained of the superior serveth. And so I heard the kings Majesty our Sovereign Lord declare when your grace was present. And therefore he himself was very scrupulous in granting of licences, and to declare that himself contemned not the fast, he was at charge to have (as your Grace knoweth) the lent diet daily prepared, as it had been for himself and the like hereof I hear say your Grace hath ordered for the kings Maiestye that now is, which agreeth not with certain preaching in this matter, ne the rimes set abroad. Lent is among Christian men a godly feast to exercise men to forbear and in England both godly and politic, such as without confusion we cannot forbear, as the experience shall show, if it be ever attempted, which God forbid. And yet lent is buried in rime, and Stephen Stockefishe bequeathed, not to me, though my name be noted, wherewith for mine own part I cannot be angry, for that is mitigated by their fondness. But I would desire of God to have the strength of this realm increased with report of concord, which doth quench many vain devices and imaginations. And if all men be liars as it is now to my understanding straungely published, me think Bale and such new men as be new liars should be most abhorred and detested, & so much the more dangerous as they be new. That which in Italy and France is a matter of combat, is now found to be appropriate to all men. God grant the truth to be desired of all men truly. But as one asked when he saw an old Philosopher dispute with another, what they talked on. And it was answered how the old man was discussing what was virtue, it was replied if the old man yet dispute of virtue when will he use it? So it may be said in our religion. If we be yet searching for it, when shall we begin to put it in executiō? I would make an end of my letters and cannot, wherein I account myself faulty. And though I may err as every man may, yet I lie not, for I say as I think, for as much as I have said, and further think your grace hath no trouble troublesome, but this matter of religion unseasonably brought into the defamation of our late sovereign Lord's acts, doings & laws. I beseech your grace take my meaning and words in good part, & pardon my boldness which groweth of the familiaritye I have heretofore had with your grace, which I cannot forget. And thus enforcing myself to an end, shall pray to almighty God to preserve your grace in much felicity with increase of honor and the achieving of your hearts desire.

The Letter of the L. Protector answering to Winchester.

YOur letters dated the 21. day of May as concerning 2. books new set forth by one Bale, and certain sermons preached here, were with convenient speed delivered unto us. And like as in your letters to Edw. Uaughan of Portesmouth, so in those to us we perceive that you have a vigilant and diligent eye, and very fearful of innouatiō, which as it cannot be blamed, proceeding of one which is desirous of quiet, good order, and continuance of the godly state of this realm: So we do marvel that so soon, so far of, and so plainly, you can hear tell and say of so many things done here, which in deed we being here and attendant vpō the same cannot yet be advertised of. The world never was so quiet or so unite, but that privily or openly those iii. which you write of, Printers, players, and Preachers, would set forth somewhat of their own heads which the Maiestrates were unawares of. And the which already be banished and hath forsaken the realm, as suffering the last punishment, be boldest to set forth their mind. And dare use their extreme license or liberty of speaking as out of the hands or rule of correction, either because they be gone, or because they be hid. There hath foolish and naughty rimes and books been made and set forth, of the which as it appeareth you have seen more then we, and yet to our knowledge to many be brought, but yet after our mind it is to sore and to cruelly done to lay all those to our charge, and to ask as it were account of us of them all. In the most exact cruelty and tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, yet Pasquill (as we here say) writeth his mind and many times against the Bishops tyranny, and some time toucheth other great princes, which thing for the most part he doth safely, not that the Bishop alloweth Pasquils rimes and verses specially against himself, but because he cannot punish the author, whom either he knoweth not, or hath not. In the late kings days of famous memory, who was both a learned, wise, and politic Prince, & a diligent executor of his laws. And when your Lordship was most diligent in the same, yet as your Lordship it self writeth, and it is to manifest to be unknown, there were that wrote such lewd rimes, and plays as you speak of, & some against the kings proceedings, who were yet unpunished, because they were unknown or vngotten. And whē we do wey the matter we do very much marvel why that, about iack of lentes lewd balad, and certain as it was reported unto us, Godly sermons (which be evil in your letters joined together) you be so earnest. When against D. Smiths book being a man learned in the doctors & scripture which made so plain against the kings highness authority. And for the furtherance of the Bishops of Rome's usurped power, your Lorship neither wrote nor said nothing. And as it appeared you be so angry with his retractation (which frankly w ^t out fear, dread compulsion, or imprisonment only with learning & truth ouercommed, he came unto) that you cannot abide his beginning, although having the very words of scripture. Except peradventure you think that the saying of David, omnis homo mendax, cannot be enterpreted, every man is a liar, which how soever your Lordship taketh it at pleasure, it appeared unto us then of him taken but godly to declare the infirmitye of man, and the truth of God and his word. And we are not able to reason so clerkly with you, & yet we have heard of the subtle difference of lying and telling of a lie, or as it is in latin called mentiri and mendacium discere, but if your Lordship be loath to be counted mendax, which belike he hath interpreted a liar, or a lying man, and think it a matter of combat, he was deceived in the interpretation, and it is a matter for clerks to dispute of, we would have wished your Lordshipp to have written against his book before, or now with it, if you think that to be defended which the author himself refuseth to aver: your Lordship writeth earnestly for lent which we go not about to put away, no more then whē D. Smith wrote so earnestly y ^t every man should be obedient to the Bishops. The Maiestrates by and by went not about to bring Kings and Princes and other under their subjection. Writers write their fantasy, my Lord, and Preachers preach what either liketh them, or what God putteth in their heads. It is not by and by done what is spoken. The people buyeth those foolish ballads of Jack a lent. So bought they in times past, pardons, and carroles and Robbin hoodes tales. All be not wise mē, and the foolisher a thing is to some (although not to the more party) it is the more pleasant and meet, and peradventure of the sermons there is, and in deed there is (if it be true that we have heard) otherwise spoken and reported to you, then it was of the preachers there and then spoken or meant. Lent remaineth still my Lord, & shall god willing till the kings highness with our advise and the residew of his Graces counsel take another order, although some light and lewd mē do bury him in writing, evē as the kings Majesty remaineth head of the Church, although by subtle means some traitors have gone about and daily do, to abuse the kings Majesty's supremacy, and bring in the Bishop of Rome's tyranny, with other superstition and Idolatry. On both sides great heed is to be taken, and as your Lordship writeth, we are set in a painful rome, to reform all lightness and leudnes, to the which we do endeavor our self to the best of our power, although not so cruelly and fiercely as some peradventure would wish, yet not so loosely that there needeth such exclamation or great fear to be. We do study to do all things attemperately, and with quiet and good order. And we would wish nothing more then your Lordship to be as ready to the reformation of the one, as of the other, that neither superstition, Idolatry, or papacy, should be brought in, nor lightness, nor contempt of good order to be maintained. They both take beginning at small things, and increaseth by little and little at unawares. And quiet may be as well broken with ielosy, as negligence, with to much fear or to much patience. No ways worse then when one is over light eared, the one way, and deaf on the other side. Rumors by space and times increase naturally and by that time they come at you as it appeareth, they be doubled & trebled. We do perceive your diligent eye towards us, & we will wish (& trust you have) your faithful heart to us, our most hearty desire & continual prayer to God is to leave this realm to the kings highness at his graces age by you written, rather more flourishing in men, possessions, wealth, learning, wisdom, & God's religion and doctrine if it were possible and God's will, then we found it. And that is our whole intent, & esperaunce to the which we refuse no man's help, as knoweth God in whom we bid you heartily fare well.

An other letter of W. to the L. Protector.

AFter my moste humble commendations to your good Grace upon the return of my seuant Massy with your Graces letters answering to such my letters wherein I signified the robbing of my secretary, I read the same gladly, as by the contents of the matter I had cause so to do, which was such a comfortatiue as I digested easily the rest of the great packet, having been accustomed thereunto in the kings my late sovereign Lord's days, which fashion of writing his highness (God pardon his soul) called whetting, which was not all the most pleasant unto me at all times, yet when I saw in my doings was no hurt, and sometime by occasion thereof the matter amended I was not so coy as always to reuers my argument, nor so that his affairs went well, I never troubled myself, whether he made me a wanton or not. And when such as were privy to his letters directed unto me were afraid I had been in high displeasure (for the terms of the letters sounded so) yet I myself feared it nothing at all, I esteemed him (as he was) a wise prince, and whatsoever he wrote or said for the present, he would after consider the matter as wisely as any man, and neither hurt or inwardly disfauor him that had been bold with him. Whereof I serve for a proof, for no man could do me hurt during his life. And when he gave me the Bishopric of Winchester, he said he had often squared with me, but he loved me never y ^e worse. And for a token thereof gave me the Byshopricke. And once when he had been vehement with me, in the presence of the Earl of Wilteshyre, and saw me dismayd with it, he took me a part into his bed chamber, and comforted me and said that his displeasure was not so much to me, as I did take it, but he misliked the matter and he durst more boldly direct his speech to me then to the Earl of Wilteshyre, and from that day forward he could not put me out of courage, but if any displeasaunt words passed from him, as they did sometime, I folded them up in the matter, which hindered me a little, for I was reported unto him that I stouped not and was stubborn, and he had commended, unto me certain men's gentle nature (as he called it) that wept at every of his words, & me thought that my nature was as gentle as theirs, for I was sory that he was moved, but else I know when the displeasure was not justly grounded in me, I had no cause to take thought, nor was not at any time in all my life miscontent or grudging at anything done by him I thank God of it. And therefore being thus brought up, and having first read your graces most gentle letters, signifying the devise of a proclamation to stay these rumors, and reading the same proclamation which my servant brought with him, I read the more quiet your Graces great letters, and would have laid them up without further answer were it not that percase my so doing might be mistaken. For glum silence may have another construction then frank speech where a man may speak, as I reckon I may with your grace, upon confidence whereof I am so bold to write thus much for my declaration touching your graces letters of the xxvij. of may, that how earnest so ever my letters be taken in fearing any innovation, I neither inwardly fear it, neither show any demonstration in mine outward deeds to the world here, or in communication, that I do fear it to be done by authority, but in myself resist the rumors and vain enterprises, with confidence in the truth and your Graces wisdom, for if I feared it in deed, which persuasion it should come to pass, I should have small lust to write in it, but I fear more in deed the trouble that might arise by light boldness of other, and then comber of such matter whiles other outward affairs occupy your Graces mind, then the effect by your direction that hath been talked on abroad, and yet in the writing I do speak as the matter leadeth, continuing mine old manner to be earnest, which as some men have dispraised, so some have commended it, and therefore in a good honest matter I follow rather mine own inclinatiō, thē to take y ^t pains to speak as Butter would not melte in my mou • h, wherewith I perceive your Grace is not miscontent, for the which, I most humbly thank you. And first as concerning Portestmouth I wrote to the Captain and Major in the thing as I had information, and by men of Credence. And yet I suspended my creditte till I had heard from thence, as by my Letters appear, and as I was loath to have it so, so was I loath to believe it. And to show that I feared no innovation by authority, ne regarded not any such danger, went thither myself, and in conclusion was in such familiarity with the Captayne, that after he had shown me all the gentle entertaynement he could, he desired me to make an exhortation to his men as they stood handsomely with their weapons, wherewith they had shown warlike feats, which I did, and departed in amitye with the Captayne and soldiers and all the town. The captain telling me playnelye he was nothing offended with anything I had said in my sermon, ne there was cause why he should. But the very act in deed in defacing the Images had no such ground as master Captayne pretended, for I asked specially for such as had abused those Images, and no such could be shown, for y ^t I enquyred for openly. And the Image of S. John the Evangelist standing in the chancell by the high alter was pulled down, & a table of alablaster broken. And in it an Image of Christ crucified, so contemptuously handled, as was in my heart terrible, to have the one eye bored out & the side perced, wherewith mē were wondrously offended, for it is a very persecution beyond the sea, used in that form where the parson cannot be apprehended. And I take such an act to be very slaūdrous & esteming the opinion of breaking Images, as unlawful to be had very dangerous, void of all learning and truth wrote after my fashion to the captayn, which letters I perceive to come by your graces hands I was not very curious in the writing of them, for w ^t me truth goeth out plainly and roundly, and speaking of the kings Seal, uttered the common language, I was brought up in, after the old sort, when as I coniect of a good will the people taking Saint George for a patron of the Realm under God, and having some confidence of succor by God's strength derived by him, to increase the estimation of their Prince and Soueraygne Lord, called their king on horseback in the seat of Arms, Sayncte George on Horsebacke, my knowledge was not corrupt, I know it representeth the king, and yet my speech came forth after the common language, wherein I trust is none offense. For besides learning I by experience have known the preeminence of a king both in war and peace. And yet if I had wist my letter should have common to your Graces hands to be answered, then I would have been more precise in my speech then to give occasion of so long an argument therein. As for S. George himself, I have such opinion of him as becometh me and have read also of Belerephon in Homer as they call him the Father of tales, I will leave that matter. And as for books let Latin and Greek continue as long as it shall please God, I am almost past the use of them, what service those letters have done, experience hath shown, and religion hath continued in them 1500. years: but as for the english tongue it self hath not continued in one form of understanding 200. years and without God's work and special miracle it shall hardly contain religion long, when it cannot last itself, and whatsoever your Graces mind is now in the matter, I know well that having the government of the Realm your Grace will use the gift of policy, which is a gift of God.

And even as now at this time Bishops be restrained by a special pollicye to preach only in their Cathedral Churches (the like whereof hath not been known in my time) so upon another occasion your Grace may percase think expedient to restrain (further then the parliament hath already done) the common reading of the Scripture, as is now restrained the Bishops liberty of preaching. As for the brazen Serpēt did not in all men's language represent Christ, and if I had written to another then your Grace, I might have had the like matter of argument that was taken against me of S. George on horseback. For Gregory Nazianzen chief divine in the Greek Church calleth the Serpents death, the figure of the death of christ, but not the serpent to be the figure of Christ, and yet when I had done all mine argument, I would resolve as is resolved with me in the speech of S. George on horseback, that the common speech is otherwise, and so it is in saying the serpent to be a true figure of Christ, and yet Gregory Nazianzen called the serpent it self 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Christ in these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c? in his sermon de pascate and yet in Almechorus Domini we read Aries, Leo, Uermis, spoken of Christ, and some expound the scripture, sicut Moses. &c. After that sort. And as your Grace said when I was last at your house with the french Ambassador, ye wished him & me together disputing, to see whē we would make an end, even so it is in these matters, when they come in argument, for a bye thing (as Saint George on Horsebacke) when it escapeth me, or speaking of the brazen serpent, following a speech not thoroughly discussed, shall be occasion of a digression all out of purpose. And therefore was it a great gift of God, that our late Sovereign Lord (God rest his soul) set these matters in quiet: Who had heard all these reasons touching Images which be now rehearsed in your graces leters, and having once my Lord of Canterbury & me present with him alone in his Palace that they call otherwise new Hall, handled that matter at length and discussed with my Lord of Canterbury the understanding of gods commandment to the Jews, so as all the Clerks in Christedome could not amend it. And where as one had denied the Image of the Trinitye to be had, by reasons as be touched in your Graces letters, I heard his highness answer to them at another time. And when he had himself specially commanded diverse Images to be abolished yet (as your Grace knoweth) he both ordered and himself put in execution the kneeling and creeping before the Image of the Cross, and established agreement in that truth through all this Realm, whereby all arguments to the contrary be assoiled at once. I would wish Images used as the book by his highness set forth doth prescribe and no otherwise. I know your Grace only tēpteth me with such reasons as other make unto you, and I am not fully at liberty although I am bold enough (and some will think to bold) to answer some things as I would to another man mine equal, being so much inferior to your Grace as I am, but me thinketh Saynte Paul's solucion during the kings Majesty's minoritye should serve all. Nos talem consuetudinem non habemus. We have no such custom in the Church. When our sovereign Lord cometh to his perfect age (which God grant) I doubt not but God will reveal that shall be necessary for the governing of his people in religion. And if anything shall be done in the mean time (as I think there shall not) by your Graces direction, he may when he cometh to age say in the rest, as I hear say, he said now of late concerning procession, that in his fathers time men were wont to follow procession, upon which the kings maiestyes saying the procession (as I heard) was well furnished afterwards by your Graces Commandment, which speech hath put me in remembrance, that if the Bishops and other of the Clergy, should agree to any alteration in religion to the condemnation of anything set forth by his Father, whereby his father might be noted to have wanted knowledge or favor to the truth, what he would say, I cannot tell, but he might use a marvelous speech, and for the excellency of his spirit, it were like he would, and having so just a cause against Bishops as he might have it were to be feared he would. And when he had spoken, thē he might by his laws do more then any would gladly suffer of our sort at these days, for as the allegatiō of his authority represented by your grace, shall be then answered (as youre Grace now writeth unto me) that y ^t your Grace only desired truth according to God's scripture, and it may be • hē said: we Bishops when we have our sovereign Lord & head in minority we fashion the matter as we lust, & then some young man that would have a piece of the Bishops lands shall say: the beastly Bishops have always done so, and when they can no longer maintain one of their pleasures of rule and superioritye, then they take another way and let that go, and for the time they be here, spend up that they have, which eat you and drink you, what ye list & we together, with Edamus & bibamus cras moriemur. And if we shall allege for our defense the strength of God's truth and the playnesse of scripture, with the word of the Lord, and many gay terms, and say we were convinced by scriptures, such an excellent judgment, as the kings majesty is like to have, will never credit us in it, ne be abused by such a vain answer. And this is a worldly politic consideration, and at home, for the noise abroad in the world will be more slanderous then this is dangerous. And touching the bishop of Rome, the doing in this realm hitherto hath never done him so much displeasure as an alteration in religion during the kings Majesty’s minority, should serve for his purpose, for he wanteth not wits to beat into other princes ears, that where his authority is abolished, there at every change of governors, shall be change in Religion and y ^t hath been amongst us by a whole consent established, shall by pretence of another understanding in scripture straight be brought in questiō, for they will give it no other name but a pretence, howe stiffly so ever we will affirm otherwise and call it God's word and here it should much be noted that my Lord of Canterbury, being the high Bishop of the Realm, highly in favor with his late Sovereign Lord, and my Lord of Duresme a man of renowned fame in learning and gravity, both put by him in trust for their council in the order of the Realm, should so soon forgette their old knowledge in Scripture set forth by the Kynges Majesty's book, and advise to enuey such matter of alteration. All which things be (I know well) by your Grace and them considered. And therefore it is to me incredible that ever any such thing should be in deed with effect whatsoever the lyghtnesse of talk shall spread abroad, which your Grace hath by Proclamation well stayed. But and ye had not, and the world talked so fast as ever they did, I assure your Grace I would never fear it, as men fear things they like not, unless I saw it in execution, for of this sort I am that in all things I think should not be done in reason, I fear them not, wherewith to trouble me otherwise then to take heed if I can, and to the head Governors (as now to your Grace) show my mind, and such experience hath every man of me that hath commoned with me in any such matters. And therefore albeit your Grace writeth wisely that overmuch fear doth hurt, and accelerateth sometime, that was not intended, yet it needs not to me, for I have learned that lesson already, and would a great many moe had, which in deed should be a great stay. And thus I talk with your Grace homely, with multiplication of speech not necessary, as though I meant to send you as great a packet, as I received from you. One thing necessary to answer your Grace in touching your marvel: howe I know sooner things from thence, then your Grace doth there, which ariseth not upon any desire of knowledge on my behalf, for evil things be ouersoone known, not vpō any slackness of your graces behalf there, who is & is noted very vigilāt, as your graces charge requireth. But thus it is even as it was when I was in some little authority, they that were the evil doers in such matters would hide them from me. So now they have handled it otherwise, for as for Jack of lentes Testament was openly sold in Winchester market, before I wrote unto your Grace of it. And as for Bales book called the Elucidiation of Anne Askewes Martyredome, they were in these partes common some with leaves vnglewed, where master Paget was spoken of and some with leaves glued. And I call them common because I saw at the least four of them. As for Bales book touching the death of Luther wherein was the Duke Saxons prayer (whereof I wrote) was brought down into this country by an honest Gentleman to whom it was (as I remember he told me) given at London for news, and had it a good while ere I wrote to your Grace. I had not then received the inhibition for preaching whereof men spake otherwise then they knew. And in the mean time Doctor Smith recanted with a Prieste of this Town (who to mine own mouth boasted himself to be your Graces Chaplayne, but I believed it not) brought down with speed, & made by means to have it brought to my knowledge, which I knew besides, for they had by and by filled all the Country here aboutes of tales of me. And when I saw Doctor Smiths recantation begin with Omnis homo mendax so englished and such a new humility as he would make all the Doctors of the Church Liars with himself, knowing what opinions were abroad, it enforced me to write unto your Grace for the ease of my conscience: giving this Judgment of Smith that I neither liked his tractation of unwritten verityes, ner yet his retractation, and was glad of my former Judgment, that I never had familiaritye with him, I saw him not (that I wotte these three years ne talked with him these seven years, as curious as I am noted in the common wealth.) And where as in his unwritten verityes he was so mad to say, Bishops in this Realm may make laws, I have witness that I said at that word, we should be then dawes, and was by and by sory that ever he had writted of the Sacrament of the alter, which was not as it was noised, untouched, with that word, all men be Liers which is a marvelous word, as it soundeth in our tongue when we say a man were better have a thief in his house then a liar. And the depraving of man's nature in that sort is not the setting out of the authority of the Scripture. For albeit the authority of the Scripture dependeth not upon man, yet the ministration of y ^e letter which is writing and speaking, is exercised, and hath been from the beginning delivered through man's hand and taught by mans mouth: which men in the Scripture calleth holy men, and that is contrary to liars. And therefore S, Augustine in his book De mendacio, saith omnis homo mendax, signifieth omnis homo peccans. If Smyth had only written of Bishops laws, and then said he had (saving your honor) lied loudly or to mitigate the matter, said he had erred by ignorance that had been done truly and humbly, for he that seeketh for much company in lying as he did, hath small humility, for he would hide himself by the mumber, & this much as touching Smith of whō nor his book till he was in trouble I never heard talking. But to the matter I wrote of, I have told your Grace how I came to knowledge of thē very scarcely in time, but in the thing over quickly & never had any such thought in my life, as I denied to your Grace to be worthily charged with thē, by them I mean that may hereafter charge, for I know no such yet in this world, and I never was in mine opinion so mad, as to write to your Grace in that sort when all things be well, I have many causes to rejoice but where things were otherwise (as I trust they shall not) I have nothing to do to ask any accompt, I trust I shall never forget myself so much, I thank God I am even as well learned to live in the place of obedience, as I was in the place of directiō in our late sovereign Lord's life. And for my quietness in this estate accompt myself to have a great treasure of your Graces rule and authority, and therefore will worship and and honor it otherwise then to use such manner of presumption to ask any accompt. And I know your Grace cannot stay these matters so suddenly, and I esteem it a great matter that things be stauld hitherto thus, but if things had increased as the rumors purported, your Grace might have been encumbered more in the execution of your good determination. Now thanks be to GOD your Grace goeth well about to stay it. As for myself I know mine inward determination to do, as I may, my duty to God and the world, and have no cause to complain of the universal Disposition of them in my Dioces. I know but one way of quiet to keep and follow such laws and orders in Religion as our late sovereign Lord left with us: which by his life, as the Bishops and Clergye said was the very truth, and I never read yet or heard anything why to swerve from it, ne think it expedient to call any one thing in doubt during the Kings Majesty’s minority whereby to empayre the strength of the accord established, which I write not mistrusting your Grace in the contrary, but declaring myself and wishing the same mind to other about you, as I trust they have, for which I shall • pray to GOD, who prospered out late Sovereign Lord in that rebellion as we have seen experience, and by your Graces foresight and politic Gouernement shall send the like prosperity to our Soueraygne Lord that now is, wherein I shall do my parte as a Subject most bounden many ways thereunto. I send unto your Grace herewith my discussion of my Lord of S. Dauies Purgation, wherein I walk somewhat more at liberty, then writing to your Grace, and yet I take myself liberty enough with a reverent mind, nevertheless to keep me within my bonds which if I at any time exceed, I trust your Grace will bear with me after your accustomed goodness, for whose prosperity I shall continually pray with increase of honor. At Winchester the 6. of June.

Certain additions after these Leters above specified, with notes and solutions answering to the same.

THus have we set out to thee (gentle and studious reader) an extract of certain letters af Bishop Gardener: not of all that he wrote, but of such as could come to our hands: Neither of these also that we have for any good stuff, or any great profit in thē contained, or that they did clear him, or his cause anything, for y ^e which he was most worthily condemned. For if there did or might appear any such thing in all his writings, that might clear the ill favored doings of that man, be thou sure such as was thē secret about him, and yet his well willers (their names I leave untouched) having his writings, or being able to show them, as I am privy they are, would not so conceal them in covert as they do, being thereto both provoked and occasioned by us, if they had seen anything in them meet to relieve the person, or to remedy his matter. Wherefore think not for any such effect these his vain glorious Letters to be brought in here of us. But only that thou might hereby collect and understand by those his foresaid epistles, and articles following, not only the whole course and story almost of all his procedinges from time to time, but also might see the nature and inward condition of the man, how vayneglorious, full stuffed and puffed up with arrogancy, and drowned in his own conceit he was, much like to the parson, or rather he himself, described in the latin Comedy, Miles Thraso Gloriosus, have nothing in his mouth, but Emperors, Kings, counsellors, protectors, aduisementes, direction: as though all directiō of realms and princes did flowe out of his brain, like as it is in the Poets fables, that Minerva did spring out of the head of Jupiter. And yet if this vaynglorious conceit had been alone in him, less matter had been against him. Now his subtle practices, and pretensed purposes and dissimulynge conveyance did not only augment, but also exceded all his other evils. As in the letters above specified is notorious and evident to see, wherein though he durst not apertly gainsay that, which he inwardly misliked: yet how covertly doth he insinuate himself to the Lord Protector, under pretence of giving counsel, to bring that to pass, which was for his purpose, that is, no innovation or alteration to be made of religion, during all the kings minority, but to let all things stand as king Henry left them. And that is the chiefest. But in all his letters, whereto he driveth: using commonly this argument: which as it is easy to recite, so neither is it hard to answer to. Although in the notes before we have answered already sufficiently.

The Sum and Conclusion of all Winchesters drift, in his Epistles before.

THat is chiefly to be feared and avoided of the Lord Protector, and now specially in the Kings minority, that may bring both danger to him, and trouble to the Realm.

Innouation of religion from that state, which K. Henry left it, may be and is like to be dangerous to himself, and cause trouble to the Realm.

Ergo innovation of Religion, from the state that the king left it is in no wise to be attempted.

The answer.

TO answer first to the vocable innovation, which he stumbleth so greatly upon, this I say: that innovation is properly used, where a thing is brought in a new, which was not before. Forasmuch therefore, as in this alteration there is no new religion brought in, but only the old religion of the primitive church revived, therefore here is to be thought not so much an innovation, as a renovation or reformation rather of religion, which reformation is oft times so necessary in common weals, that without the same all runneth to confusion.

Secondly, I answer to the argument, which I do deny as a fallax, for there is fallacia accidentis. Where it is said, that reformation of religion gendereth danger to the Protector, and trouble to the realm: first what will come, that is uncertain: And God be hallowed, yet no danger hath come to England for the reformation of religiō. And though there did, yet the cause thereof is not to be imputed to religion reformed. For sincere and true doctrine of his own nature worketh quiet, peace and tranquility, with all good order. And if the contrary happen, that is incident by other causes, as by the malice of Satan, and wicked adversaries, not by reason of the doctrine and true religion. So after the preaching of Christ and his Apostles, dissention followed in common weals betwixt father and son, brother and brother, &c. but that is not to be ascribed to them, but to other.

As concerning the faults found in the Paraphrase of Erasmus, this I answer and say, that this bishop belike had ouerwatched himself in this matter. For if it be true which he himself affirmeth, fol. 744. that he never read that book before, and now he never slept till he himself red it. It happened peradventure, that in the overmuch watching of himself, and swift reading of the book, his judgment was a sleep, whiles his eyes were open in reading the same.

Likewyse touching the book of Homilies, especially the Homilie of salvation, wherewith he findeth himself so much grieved with the Archbishop, seeing he bringeth forth no proves, I have nothing to answer. In y ^e mean season this I have to think, that if he had been so cunning in the knowledge of his own salvation, as he was in the destruction and vexation of Christ's members, he would never so rage against that Homily.

Touching the examination of Anne Askew, if it be misreported by M. Bale, why doth not he note the places which they be, and wherein? And if he had, or were able so to do: yet seeing the examination was of her own penning, which M. Bale did follow, let every Christian Reader judge, whether is more to be credited of these two, she that was persecuted, or he that was the persecutor.

And where he speaketh so much of quiet and tranquility. This I answer, that quiet and tranquility in weals public, so long as they are joined with right reformed religion, be much to be embraced. But when it is otherwise, that is, where true religion lacketh his right, there let the second table give place to the first.

He thwarteth also, and wrangleth much against plaiers, Printers, Preachers. And no marvel why. For he seeth these three things to be set up of God, as a triple bulwark against the triple crown of the Pope, to bring him down, as God be praised they have done meetely well already.

As touching the Article of Free justification by faith, which he cannot abide, forasmuch as we have sufficiently declared in the notes before, we shalt refer the Reader now also unto the same.

And moreover, because in one of his letters, mention is made of a certain letter sent unto M. Ridley, because we will defraud thee (gentle reader) of nothing that cometh to our hands, here hast thou the copy thereof, in effect as followeth.