Church History of Britain
47. The Presbyterians found themselves much agrieved hereat. They accounted this practice of the Dissenting Brethren but Ecclesiastical felony, for at the best, that they were but Spiritual Interlopers for the same. They justly feared (if this fashion continued) the falling of the Roof, or foundring of the Foundations of their own Parishes, whence so many Corner Stones, Pillars, Rafters, and Beams, were taken by the other to build their Congregations. They complained that these new Pastors though slighting Tithes and set maintenance, yet so ordered the matter by gathering their Churches, that these gleanings of Ephraim became better then the Vintage of Abi-ezer.
48. Not long after when the Assembly of Divines was called, these five Congregationalists were chosen members thereof, but came not up with a full consent to all things acted therein. As accounting that the pressing of an exact occurrence to the Presbyterian Government, was but a kind of a Conseience-Prison, whilst accurate conformity to the Scotch Church was the very Dungeon thereof, A reginsine ecclesiastic • (say they) uti nunc in Scotia viget longius distamus, quippe quod (ut nobis videtur) non tantum à scriptures, sed ab ecclesiarum reformatarum suorumque Theologorum sententijs ( qui sub Episcoporum tyrannide diu duriterque passi sunt) plurimum distit. No wonder therefore if they desired a Toleratien to be indulged them, and they excused for being concluded by the Votes of the Assembly.
49. But the Presbyterians highly opposed their Toleration, and such who desired most ease and liberty for their sides when bound with Episcopacy, now girt their own government the closest about the consciences of others. They tax the Dissenting Brethren for Singularity, as if these men (like the five senses of the Church ) should discover more in matter of Discipline then all the Assembly besides, some moving their ejection out of the same, except in some convenient time they would comply therewith.
50. Hopeless to speed here, the Dissenters seasonably presented an Apologetical narrative to the Parliament, styled by them the most sacred resuge or Asylum for mistaken and misjudged innocence. Herein they petitioned Pathetically for some favor, whose conscience could not join with the Assembly in all particulars, concluding with that pitiful close (enough to force tears from any tender heart) that they pursued no other interest or design, but a subsistence (be it the poorest and meanest) in their own land, as not knowing where else with safety health and livelihood to set their feet on earth, and subscribed their names.
- Thomas Goodwin.
- Philip Nye.
- Sidrach Simson.
- Jeremiah Burroughs.
- William Bridge.
If since their condition be altered and bettered, that they (then wanting where to set their feet) since lie down at their length in the fat of the land, surely they have returned proportionable gratitude to God for the same. Sure it is that at the present these Petitioners found such favor with some potent persons in Parliament, that they were secured from farther trouble, and from lying at a posture of defense, are now grown able not only to encounter but invade all opposers; yea to open and shut the door of preferment to others, so unsearchable are the dispensations of Divine Providence in making sudden and unexpected changes, (as in whole nations) so in private men's estates, according to the Counsel of his will.
51. Such as desire further instruction in the Tenants of these Congregationalists, may have their recourse to those many Pamphlets written pro and con thereof. The worst is, some of them speak so loud, we can scarce understanding what they say, so hard is it to collect their judgments, such the violence of their passions. Only I will add, that for the main, the Churches of New-England are the same in Discipline with these Dissenting Brethren.
52. Only I will add, that of all the Authors I have perused concerning the opinions of these Dissenting Brethren, none to me was more informative, then M r John Norton, (One of no less learning then modesty ) Minister in New-England in his answer to Apollonius Pastor in the Church of Middle-borrough.
53. Look we now again into the Assembly of Divin • s, where we find D r Cornelius Burgess, and M r Herbert Palmer the Assessors therein, and I am informed by some (more skillful in such niceties then myself) that Two at the least, of that Office, are of the Qu • rum Essential to every lawful Assembly. But I miss D r William Twisse their Prolocutor lately deceased; He was bred in New-College in Oxford, good with the Trowell, but better with the Sword, more happy in Pol • mical Divinity, then edifying Doctrine. Therefore he was chosen by the States of Holland to be Professor of Divini • y there, which he thankfully refused. M r Charles Herle Fellow of Exeter College of Oxford succeeded him in his place, one so much Christian, Scholar and Gentleman, that he can unite in affection with those who are disjoin'd in judgment from him.
54. The Assembly met with many difficulties, some complaining of M r Selden, that advantaged by his skill in Antiquity Commonlaw, and the Oriental tongues, he employed them rather to pose then profit, perplex then inform the members thereof, in the fourteen queries he propounded. Whose intent therein was to humble the Jure-divino-ship of Presbytery, which though Hinted and Held forth, is not so made out in Scripture, but being too Scant on many occasions it must be peeced with prudential Additions. This great Scholar, not over loving of any (and lest of these ) Clergy-men, delighted himself in raising of scruples for the vexing of others, and some stick not to say, that those who will not feed on the flesh of God's-word cast most bones to others, to break their teeth therewith.
55. More trouble was caused to the Assembly by the Opinions of the Erastians, and it is worth our enquiry into the first Author thereof. They were so called from Thomas Erastus a D r of Physic, born at Baden in Switz • rland, lived Professor in Hidelbridge, and died at Basil, about the year one thousand five hundred eighty three. He was of the Privy Council to Frederick, the first Protestant Prince Palatine of that name, and this Erastus (like our M r Perkins ) being lame of his right, wrote all with his left hand, and amongst the rest, one against Theodor. Beza, de Excommunicatione, to this effect, that the power, and excommunication in a Christian State, principally resides in secular power as the most competent Judge, when and how the same shall be exercised.
56. M r John Coleman a modst and learned man, beneficed in Lincolnshire, and M r John Lightfoot, well skilled in Rabinical Learning were the chief members of the Assembly, who (for the main) maintained the tenets of Erastus. These often produced the Hebrew Original for the power of Princes in ecclesiastical matters. For though the New Testament be silent of the Temporal Magistrate, ( Princes then being Pagans ) his▪ • ermedling in Church-matters, the Old is very vocal therein, where the Authority of the Kings of Judah; as nursing fathers to the Church is very considerable.
57. No wonder if the Prince Palatine (constantly present at their debates) heard the Erastians with much delight, as wellcoming their Opinions for Country sake, (his Natives as first born in Hidelbridge ) though otherwise in his own judgment no favourer thereof. But other Parliament men listened very favourably to their Arguments ( Interest is a good quickener of Attention ) hearing their own power enlarged thereby, and making use of their Erastiens for a Check, to such who pressed conformity to the Scotch Church in all particulars.
58. Indeed once the Assembly stretched themselves beyond their own line, in meddling with what was not committed by the Parliament, to their cogniz • nce and consultation, for which they were afterward staked down, and tied up with a shorter tedder. For though the wise Parliament made use of the Presbyterian zeal and activity, for the extirpation of Bishops, yet they discreetly resolved to hold a strict hand over them; as not coming by their own power to advise, but called to advise with the Parliament. Nor were they to cut out their own work, but to make up what was cut to their own hands, and seeing a Praemunire is a rod, as well for a Presbyter, as a Praelate (if either trespass on the state by their over activity) though they felt not this rod, it was shown to them, and shak'd over them, and they shrewdly and justly shent for their over-meddling, which made them the wiser and warier for the time to come.
59. Indeed the major part of the Assembly endeavored the settling of the Scotch Government in all particulars that though Tweed parted their Countries, nothing might divide their Church Discipline, and this was labored by the Scotch Commissioners with all industry and probable means to obtain the same; But it could not be effected, nor was it ever settled by Act of Parliament. For as in Heraldry the same seeming Lions in color and posture, rampa • t and langued alike,) are not the self-same, if the one be armed with nails and teeth, the other deprived of both, so cannot the English be termed the same with the Scotch-Presbytery, the former being in a manner absolute in itself, the latter depended on the State in the Execution of the power thereof.
60. Insomuch that the Parliament kept the Coercive power in their own hands, not trusting them to carry the KEYS AT THEIR GIRDLE, so that the power of excommunication, was not entrusted with them, but ultimately resolved into a Committee of eminent persons of Parliament, whereof Thomas Earl of Arundel (presumed present because absent with leave beyond the seas) is the first person nominated.
61. A Treaty was kept at Vxbridge betwixt the Commissioners of the King and Parliament, many well meaning people promising themselves good success thereby, whilst others thought this Treatie was born with a dying countenance, saying there wanted a third to interpose to make their distances up by powerful persuasion, no hope of good in either without condescension in both parties. One may smile at their inference, who presumed that the Kings Commissioners, coming to Vxbridg, two parts of three to meet those of the Parliament, would proportionably comply in their yieldings. A weak Topical conjecture, confuted by the formerly going of the Parliaments Commissioners clean through to Oxford, and yet little condescension to their propositions.
62. Here M r Christopher Love (waiting on the Parliament Commissioners in a general relation) gave great offense to the Roialists in his Sermon, showing the impossibility of an agreement, such the dangerous errors, and malicious practice • of the opposite party; many condemned his want of charity, more of discreti • n in this juncture of time, when there should be a cessation from Invectives drives for the time being. But men's censures must fall the more lightly upon his memory, because since he hath suffered, and so satisfied here for his saults in this or any other kind.
63. with the Commissioners on both sides, certain Clergy-men were sent in their presence to debate the point of Church-government▪
-
For the King.
-
D
r
- Benjamin
- Henry
- Henry
- Steward
- Shelden
- Laney
- Hammond
- Ferne
-
For the Parliament.
- M r Steven Marshall.
- M r Richard Vines.
64. D r Laney proffered to prove the great benefits which had accrued to God's Church in all Ages by the Government by Bishops, but the Scotch-Commissioners would in no wise hear him, whereupon the Doctor was contentedly silent. Some discourses rather then disputes passed betwixt D r Steward, and M r Marshal, leaving no great impressions in the memories of those that were present thereat.
65. Only M r Vines was much applauded by his own party, for proving the sufficiency of ordination by Presbyters, because Ministers made by Presbyterian Government in France and the Low-Countries, were owned and acknowledged by our Bishops for lawfully ordained for all intents and purposes, both to Preach and Sacramentize, and no reordination required of them. Thus the goodness of Bishops in their charity to others, was made use of against themselves, and the necessity of the Episcopal function.
66. To return to the Assembly; the Monuments which they have left to posterity of their meeting, are chiefly these, Articles of Religion drawn up by them, and a double Catechism, one the lesser, the other the greater, whereof at first very few were printed for Parliament men, meaner folk not attaining so great a Treasure, besides their Directory whereof hereafter.
67. As for the conclusion of this Assembly it dwinled away by degrees, though never legally dissolved. Many of them after the taking of Oxford returning to their own cures, and others living in London absented themselves, as disliking the managing of matters. Such as remained, (having survived their great respect) and being too few to maintain the dignity of an Assembly, contented themselves with the notion of a Committee, chiefly employed to examine their abilities, and good affections, who were presented to livings. Till at last as in Philosphy, accidentia non corrumpuntur. sed definunt, they vanish with the Parliament, and now the execution of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury comes next under our pen, whose trial being most of civil concernment, is so largely done in a book of that subject, that by us it may be justly omitted.
68. Next followed the execution of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Sherif Chambers of London, bringing over night the warrant for the same, and acquainting him therewith. In preparation to so sad a work, he betook himself to his own, and desired also the prayers of others, and particularly of D r Holdsworth fellow prisoner in that place for a year and half, though all that time there had not been the least converse betwixt them. On the morrow he was brought out of the Tower to the Scaffold, which he ascended with a cheerful countenance, (as rather to gain a Crown, then lose an Head ) imputed by his friends to the clearedness, by his foes to the seardeness of his Conscience. The Beholders that day were so divided betwixt Bemoaners and Insulters, it was hard to decide which of them made up the major part of the company.
69. He made a Sermon-Speech, taking for his Text the two first verses of the •• . Chap. of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Let us run with patience the ra • e which is • et before us; Looking unto Jesus the Author and finisher of our saith, who for the joy that was set before him, endured the Cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the thro • e of God. Craving leave to make use of his notes, (for the infirmity of his aged memory) he dilated thereon about half an hour, which discourse, because common, (as publicly printed) we hear forbear to insert. For the main, He protested his own innocence and integrity, as never intending any subversion of Laws and Liberty, no enemy to Parliaments (though a mistaker of some miscarriages) and a Protestant in Doctrine and Discipline, according to the established laws of the land. Speech ended, He betook himself a while to his prayers, and after wards prepared himself for the fatal stroke.
70. S r John Clotworthy (a member of the House of Commons ) being present interrogated him concerning his assurance of Salvation, and whereon the same was grounded. Some censured this interruption for uncivil and unseasonable, as intended to r • ffle his soul with passion, just as he was fairly folding it up, to deliver it into the hands of his Redeemer. But the Arch-Bishop calmly returned, that his assurance was evidenced unto him by that inward comfort which he found in his own soul. Then lying down on the block, and praying Lord receive my Soul, the Executioner dexterously did his office, and at one blow severed his Head from his Body. Instantly his face ( ruddy in the last moment) turned white as ashes, confuting their falsehoods, who gave it out that he had purposely painted it, to fortify his cheeks against discovery of fear in the paleness of his complexion. His corps were privately interred in the Church of Alhal • owes Barking without any solemnity, save that some will say, He had, (in those days) a fair Funeral, who had the Common-Prayer read thereat.
71. He was born Anno 1573 of honest parents at Reading in Bark-shire, a place, for the position thereof, almost equally distanced from Oxford the Sc •• of his breeding, and London the principal stage of his preserment. His Mother was Sister to S r William Web, (born also at Reading) Salter, and Anno 1591 Lord Majon of London. Here the Arch-Bishop afterwards built an Almshouse, and endowed it with two hundred pounds per annum, as appeareth by his own Dia • y, which if evidence against him for his faults may be used as a witness of his good works. Hence was he sent to S t Johns College in Oxford, where he attained to such eminency of learning, that one since hath ranked him amongst the greatest Scholers of our Nation. He afterwards married Charles Blunt Earl of Devon-shire to the Lady Rich, which proved (if intended an advantage under his feet, to make him higher in the notice of the world) a covering to his face, and was often cast a rubb in his way, when running in his full speed to preferment, till after some difficulty, his greatness at the last made a shift to stride over it.
72. In some sort He may be said to have served in all offices in the Church, from a Common-Soldier, to a kind of General therein. There was neither Order, Office, Degree, nor Dignity in College, Church or University, but he passed thorough it.
- 1. Order, Deacon, Priest, Bishop, Arch-Bishop.
- 2. Office, Scholar, Fellow, President, of S t Johns College, Proctor, and Chancellor of Oxford.
- 3. Degree, Bachelor, and Master of Arts, Bachelor and Doctor of Divinity.
- 4. Dignity, Vicar, Prebendary of Stanford, Parson of Ibstock, Prebendary of Wesiminster, Arch-Deacon of Huntingdon, Dean of Colchester, Bishop of S t David's in Wales, Bath and Wells, and London, in England, and finally Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
It was said of D r George Ablot, his Predecessor, that he suddenly started to be a bishop, without ever having Pastoral charge, whereas this man was a great Traveler in all Cli •• a • es of Church-prefermen, sufficient to acquaint him with an experiment knowledge of the conditions of all such persons who at last were subjected to his Authority.
73. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations, and the story is commonly told and believed, of a Lady (still alive) who turning Papist, and being demanded of the Arch-Bishop the cause of her changing her religion, tartly returned, My Lord it was because I ever hated a • oud. And being desired to explain her meaning herein, I perceived (said she) that your Lordship and many others, are making for Rome as fast as • e •• , and therefore to prevent a press, I went before you. Be the tale true or false, take Papist for a Trent-Papist, embracing all the derisions of that council, and surely this Arch-Bishop would have been made Fuel for the • ire, before ever or that persuasion. Witness his book against Fisher, wherein he giveth no less account of his sincerity then ability to defend the most dominative points wherein we and the Papists dissent.
74. However most apparent it is by several passages in his life, that he endeavored to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome, so to compremise the difference, and to bring us to a Vi • nity, if not Contiguity therewith, an impossible design (if granted lawfully) as some every way his equals did adjudge. For composition is impossible with such, who will not agree except all they sue for, and all the charges of their suite be to the utmost farthing awarded unto them. Our reconciliation with Rome is clogged with the same impossibilities: She may be gone to, but will never be met with, such her • ride or as Peevishness not to stir a step to obviate any of a different Religion. Rome will never so far un-Pope itself, as to part with her pretended Supremacy and Infallibility, which cuts off all possbility of Protestants Treaty with her, if possibly without prejudice to God's glory and the truth, other controversies might be composed. Which done, England would have been an Island as well in Religion, as Situation cut off from the continent of For • aign Protestant Churches, in a singular posture by itself, hard to be imagined, but harder to be effected.
75. Amongst his human frailties, ch • ler and passion most discovered it self. In the Star-Chamber (where if the crime not extraordinary, it was fine enough for one to be sued in so chargable a Court) He was observed always to concur with the severest side, and to infuse more vinegar then oil into all his censures, and also was much blamed for his severity to his Predecessor easing him against his will, and before his time, of his jurisdiction.
76. But he is most accused for over-meddling in State-matters, more then was fitting, say many, then needful, say most, for one of his profession. But he never more overshot himself, then when he did impose the Scotch Liturgy, and was over 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 over a free and foreign Church and Nation. At home, many grumbled at him for oft making the shallowest pretence of the Crown deep enough (by his powerful digging therein) to drown the undoubted right of any private Patron to a Church-living. But Courtiers most complained, that he persecuted them, not in their proper places, but what in an ordinary way he should have taken from the hands Of inferior officers, that He with a long and strong Arm reached to himself over all their heads. Yet others plead for him, that he abridged their bribes not fees, and it vexed them that He struck their fingers with the dead-palsy, so that they could not as formerly) have a feeling for Church Preferments.
77. He was conscientious according to the principles of his devotion, witness his care in keeping a constant Diary of the passges in his life. Now he can hardly be an ill husband, who casteth up his receipts and expenses every night, and such a soul is, or would be good, which enters into a daily Scrutiny of his own actions. But such who commend him in making, condemn him in keeping such a Diary about him in so dangerous days. Especially he ought to untongue it from talking to his prejudice, and should have garbled some light trivial and joculary passges out of the same. Whereas sure the omission hereof argued not his carelessness but confidence, that such his privacies should meet with that favor of course, which in equity is due to writings of that nature.
78. He was temperate in his diet, and (which may be presumed the effect thereof) chaste in his conversation. Indeed in his Diary, he confessed himself lapsed into some special Sin with E. B. for which He kept an Anniversary Humiliation. Indeed his Adversary makes this note thereon, perchance he was unclean with E. B. which is but an uncharitable suspicion. New an exact Diary is a window into his heart who m • keth it, and therefore pity it is any should look therein, but either the friends of the party, or such ingenious foes as will not, (especially in things doubtful) make conjectural comments to his disgrace, But, be E. B. male or female, and the sin committed, of what kind soever, his fault whispers not so much to his shame, as his solemn repentance sounds to his commendation.
79. He was very plain in apparel, and sharply checked such Clergymen whom he saw go in rich or gaudy clothes, commonly calling them of the Church-Triumphant. Thus as Cardinal Woolsy is reported the first Prelate, who made Silks, and Sattens fashionable amongst clergy-men; so this Arch-Bishop first retrenched the usal wearing thereof. Once at a Visitation in Essex, one in Orders (of good estate and extraction) appeared before him very gallant in habit, whom D r Land (then Bishop of London ) publicly reproved, showing to him plainness of his own apparel. My Lord (said the Minister) you have better cloths at home and I have worse, whereat the Bishop rested very well contented.
80. He was not partial in preferring his kindred, except some merit met in them with his alliance. I knew a near kinsman of his in the University, Scholar enough, but somewhat wild and lazy, on whom it was late before he reflected with favor, and that not before his amendment. And generally persons promoted by him were men of learning and abilities, though many of them Arminians in their judgments, and I believe they will not be offended with my reporting it, seeing most of them will endeavor to justify and avouch their opinions herein.
81. Covetousness He perfectly hated, being a single man and having no project to raise a name or Family, he was the better enabled for public performances, having both a price in his hand, and an heart also to dispose thereof for the general good. S t Johns in Oxford, wherein he was bred, was so beautified, enlarged, and enriched by him, that strangers at the first sight knew it not, yea, it scarce knoweth itself, so altered to the better from its former condition. Insomuch that almost it deserveth the name of Canterbury-College, as well as that which Simon Islip founded, and since hath lost its name, united to Christ-Church. More buildings he intended, (had not the stroke of one Axe hindered the working of many hammers ) chiefly on Churches, whereof the following passage many not impertinently be inserted.
82. It happened that a Visitation was kept at S t Pe ers in Corn-hill, for the Clergy of London. The Preacher discoursing of the painfulness of the Ministerial Function, proved it from the Greek deduction of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Deacon, so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dust, because he must labor are in arena in pulvire, work in the dust, do hard service in hot weather. Sermon ended, Bishop Land proceeded to his charge to the Clergy, and observing the Churchill repaired without, and slovenly kept within, I am sorry (said He) to meet here with so true an Etymology of Diaconus, for here is both dust and dirt too, for a Deacon (or Priest either) to work in, Tea it is dust of the worst kind, caused from the ruins of this ancient house of God, so that it pitieth his servants to see her in the dust. Hence he took occasion to press the repairing of that, and other decayed places of divine worship, so that from this day we may date the general mending, beautifying and adorning of all English Churches, some to decency, some to magnificence, and some (if all complaints were true) to superstition.
83. But the Church of S t Paul's, (the only Cathedral in Christendom dedicated to that Apostle ) was the master piece of his performances. We know what one Satyrically said of him, that he plucked down Puritans, and Property, to build up Paul's and Prerogative. But let unpartial Judges behold how he left, and remember how he found that ruinous fabric, and they must conclude that (though intending more) he effected much in that great design. He communicated his project to some private persons, of taking down the great Tower in the middle, to the Spurrs, and rebuild it in the same fashion, (but some yards higher) as before. He meant to hang as great and tuneable a ring of Bels, as any in the world, whose sound advantaged with their height and vicinity of the Thames, must needs be loud and melodious. But now he is turned to his dust, and all his thoughts have perished, yea that Church, formerly approached with due reverence, is now entered with just fear, of falling on those under it, and is so far from having its old decays repaired, that it is daily decayed in its new reparations.
84. He was low o Stature, little in bulk, cheerful in countenance, (wherein gravity and quickness were well compounded) of a sharp and piercing eye, clear judgment, and (abating the influence of age) firm memory. He wore his hair very close, and though in the beginning of his greatness, many measured the length of men's stricktness by the shortness of their hair, yet some will say, that since out of Antipathy to conform to his example, his opposites have therein indulged more liberty to themselves. And thus we take out leave of him, whose estate, (neither so great as to be envied at, nor so small as to be complained of) he left to his heir and Sisters Son M r John Robinson Merchant of London, though fain first to compound with the Parliament before he could peaceably enjoy the same.
85. The same year with this Arch-Bishop, died another Divine, (though of a different judgment) no less esteemed amongst men of his own persuasion, viz. M r John Dod, who (in the midst of troublesome times) quietly withdrew himself to heaven. He was born at Shotledge in Cheshire (the youngest of seventeen children) bred in Jesus College in Cambridge. At a disputation at one Commencement he was so facetiously solid (wild, yet sweet fruits which the stock brought forth before grafted with grace ) that Oxford-men there present, courted him home with them, and would have planted him in their University, save that he declined it.
86. He was a Passive Non conformist, not loving any one the worse for difference in judgment about Ceremonies, but all the better for their unity of affections in grace and goodness. He used to retrench some hot spitits when enveighing against Bishops, telling them how God under that government had given a marvelous increase to the Gospel, and that godly men might comfortably comport therewith, under which learning and religion had so manifest an Improvement. He was a good Decalogist, and is conceived to his dying day (how roughly soever used by the opposite party) to stick to his own judgment of what he had written on the fifth Commandment, of Obedience to lawful Authority.
87. Some riotous Gentlemen casually coming to the table of S r Anthony Cope in Hanwell were half-starved in the midst of a feast, because refraining from swearing (meat and drink to them) in the presence of M r Dod; of these one after dinner ingeniously professed, that he thought it had been impossible for himself to forbear oaths so long a time. Hereat M r Dod (the sl • me of whose zeal turned all accidents into su l ) fell into a pertinent and seasonable discourse (as more better at occasionals, ) of what power men have more then they know of themselves to refrain from sin, and how active God's restraining grace would be in us to bridle us from wickedness, were we not wanting to ourselves.
83. Being stricken in years, he used to compare himself to Sampson when his hair was cut off. I rise saith he in a morning as Sampson did, and think, I will go out as at other times, go, watch, walk, work, study, ride, as when a young man▪ But alas he quickly found an alteration, and so do I, who must stoop to age, which hath clipt my ha • r and taken my strength away.
89. Being at Holdenbie, and invited by an Honorable person to see that stately house built by S r Christopher Hatton, (the Masterpiece of English Architecture in that age) he desired to be excused, and to sit still looking on a flower which he had in his hand. In this Flower (saith he) I can see more of God, then in all the beautiful buildings in the world. And at this day as his flower is long since withered, That magnificent Pile (that fair flower of art ) is altogether blasted and destroyed.
90. It is reported, he was but coursly used of the Cavaliers, who (they say) plundered him of his linen and householdstuff, though (as some tell me) if so disposed, he might have redeemed all for a very small matter. However the good man still remembered his old maxim, Sanctified afflictions are good Promotions, and I have been credibly informed, that when the soldiers brought down his sheets out of the Chamber, into the room where M r Dod sat by the fire side; He (in their absence to search after more) took one pair and clapt them under his Cushion whereon he sat, much pleasing himself after their departure that he had (as he said) plundered the plunderers, and by a lawful feleny saved so much of his own to himself.
91. He was an excellent scholar, and was as causlessly accused, as another John, of his name (M r John Fox I mean) for lacking of latin. He was also an exquisite Hebrician, and with his society and directions in one Vacation taught that tongue unto M r John Gregory that rare Linguist, and Chaplain of Christ's-Church, who survived him but one year, and now they both together praise God in that language, which glorified Saints and Angels use in heaven.
92. He was buried at Fausly in Northampton -shire, with whom the Old Puritan may seem to expire, and in his grave to be interred. Humble, Meek, Patient, Hospital, Charitable as in his censures of, so in his alms to others. Would I could truly say but half so much of the next Generation.
SECTION X.
To the right Worshipful Roger Price Esq High Sheriff of Buckingham-shire.
SEa-men observe, that the water is the more troubled the nearer they draw on to the Land, because broken by repercussion from the Shore. I am sensible of the same danger, the nearer I approach our times, and the End of this History.
Yet fear not Sr, that the least wrong may redound to You, by my indiscretion in the writing hereof; desiring You only to Patronize what is acceptable therein, and what shall appear otherwise, is left on my account to answer for the same,
YOu may know, that amongst the most Remarkables, effected by the Assembly of Divines, the compiling of the Directory was one, which although composed in the former year, yet because not as yet meeting with universal Obedience, it will be seasonable enough now to enter on the consideration thereof. The Parliament intending to abolish the Liturgy, and loath to leave the Land altogether at a loss, or deformity in public service, employed the Assembly in drawing up a model of Divine Worship. Herein no direct form of Prayer Verbis conceptis was prescribed, no outward or bodily worship enjoined, nor people required in the Responsals (more than in Amen ) to bear a part in the Service, but all was left to the discretion of the Minister, not enjoined what, but directed to what purpose, he ought to order his devotions, in public-prayer and administering Sacraments.
2. The dissenting Brethren (commonly called Independents ) were hardly persuaded to consent to a Directory. Even libera custodia, (though it be the best of Restraints) is but a restraint; and they suspected such a Directory would (if enforced) be an infringing of the Christian-liberty; However, they consented at last, the rather because a Preface was prefixed before it, which did much moderate the matter, and mitigate the rigorous imposition thereof.
3. In this preface, respectful terms are (no less discreetly than charitably) afforded to the first compilers of the Liturgy, allowing them wise and pious, in redressing many things which were vain, erroneous, superstitious, and idolatrous, affirming also, that many Godly and Learned men of that age, rejoiced much in the Liturgy at that time set forth; But adding withal, that they would rejoice more, had it been their happiness to behold this present reformation, they themselves were persuaded, that these first Reformers (were they now alive) would join with them in this work at advanting the Directory.
4. The Assemblie-work of the Directorie thus ended, the Lord's and Commons began therewith, prefixing an Ordinance thereunto (made much up of forms of repeal) laying down the motives inclining them to think, the abolishing of the Common-Prayer, and establishement of this Directory necessary for this Nation. First, the consideration of the many inconveniences risen by that book in this Kingdom. Secondly, their Covenant-Resolution to reform Religion according to God's word and the best reformed Churches. Thirdly, their consulting with the learned, p •• us, and reverend Divines for that purpose.
5. The Benefit of Printing the Directorie was bestowed on M r Rowborrough, and M r Byfield Scribes to the Assembly, who are said to have sold the same for some hundreds of pounds. Surely the Stationer who bought it, did not with the dishonest, Chap-man, first decry the worth thereof, and then host of his pennyworth: If since he hath proved a loser thereby, I am confident, that they who sold it him, carried such a Chancery in their bosoms, as to make him fair satisfaction.
6. Now because it was hard to turn people out of their old track, and put them from a beaten path, (such was, call it constuncy or obstinacy, love or doting, of the generality of the Nation, on the Common-Prayer the Parliament found it fit, yea necessary to back their former Ordinance with a second, dated twenty third of August 1645. And entitled an Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the more effectual putting in execution the Directorie &c. Wherein directions were not only given for the dispersing and publishing of the Directory, in all Parishes, Chappelries, and Donatives, but also for the calling in, and suppressing of all books of Common-Prayer, and several forfeitures and penalties to be levied and imposed upon conviction before justices of Assize, or of Oyer and terminer, &c.
7. But in opposition hereunto, the King at Oxford set forth a Proclamation (bearing date the thirteenth of November 1645. ) enjoining the use of Common-Prayer, according to the Law▪ notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new Directory. Thus as the waves, commanded one way by the Tide, and countermanded another with the wind, know not which to obey; so, people stood amused betwixt these two forms of service, line upon line, precept upon precept, being the easiest way to edify, whilst line against line, precept against precept, did much disturb and distract.
8. The King and Parliament being thus at difference, no wonder if the pens of the Chaplains followed their Patrons, and engaged violently pro and con in the controversy. I presume it will be lawful and safe for me, to give in a breviat of the Arguments on both sides, reserving my private opinion to myself, as not worthy the readers taking notice thereof; for as it hath been permitted in the height and heat of our Civil man, for Trumpeters and Messengers, to have fair and free passage on both sides, pleading the Privilege of the public faith, provided they do not interest themselves like parties, and as spies forfeit the protection, so subjecting themselves justly to the severest punishment: So. Historians in like manner in all ages have been permitted to transmit to posterity an unpartial account of actions, preserving themselves Neuters in their indifferent relations.
Tractats written on this subject.
9. But leaving these disquiets, the Common-Prayer daily decreased, and Directorie by the power of Parliament was advanced. Here some would fain be satisfied, whether the Abolishing of the main body of the Common-Prayer, extendeth to the prohibition of every expression therein, (I mean not such which are the numerical words of Scripture, whereof no question) but other ancient passages, which in the Primitive Times, were laudably (not to say necessarily) put in practice.
10. I know a Minister who was accused for using the Gloria Patri (conforming his practice to the Directorie in all things else,) and threatened to be brought before the Committee. He pleaded the words of M r Cartwright in his defense, confessing the Gloria Patri founded en just, cause that men might make their open profession in the Church of the Divinity of the Son of God, against the detestable opinion of Arius and his Disciples. But now (saith he) that it hath pleased the Lord to quench that fire, there is no such cause why those things should be used. But seeing, (said the Minister ) it hath pleased God for our sins to condemn us to live in so licentious an age, wherein the Divinity both of Christ and the Holy-Ghost is called frequently and publicly into question, the same now (by M r Cartwrights judgment ) may lawfully be used, not to say can well be omitted. I remember not that he heard anymore of the matter.
11. It is now high time to take our farewell of this tedious subject, and leave the issue thereof to the observation of Posterity. The best Demonstration to prove, whether Daniel and his Fellows (the Children of the Captivity ) should thrive better by plain pulse (to which formerly they had been used) or the new diet of diverse and dainty dishes, was even to put it to the Trial of some days experiment, and then a Survey taken of their Complexions, whether they be impaired or not; so when the Directorie hath been practiced in England ninety years (the world lasting so long) as the Liturgy hath been, then Posterity will be the competent Judge, whether the Face of Religion had the more lively, healthful, and cheerful looks, under the one, or under the other.
12. The next news engrossing the talk of all tongues, was about D r Williams Arch-Bishop of York, no less suddenly than strangely metamo phosed, from a zealous Royalist into an active Parliamentarian; being to relate the occasion thereof, we will enter on the brief history of his life, from the cradle to the grave, repeating nothing formerly written, but only adding thereunto.
13. None can question the gentility of his extraction, finding him born at Aberconway in Carnatvon-shire in Wales; of a family rather ancient than rich. His Grandfather had a good estate, but aliened (it seems) by his heirs, so that this Doctor, when Lord-Keeper, was fain to repurchase it. Surely it was of a considerable value, because he complaineth in his letter to the Duke (who encouraged him to the purchase) that he was forced to borrow money, and stood indebted for the same.
14. He was bred in S t Johns College in Cambridge, to hold the scales even with S t Johns in Oxford, wherein Arch-Bishop Land had his education. D r Gwin was his tutor, his chiefest, if not his only eminency, and afterwards the occasion of his preferment. For as this Tutor made his Pupil Fellow; this Pupil made the Tutor Master of the College. Next was M r Williams made Proctor of the University, excellently performing his Acts for the place in so stately a posture, as rather but of duty, thereby to honor his Mother-University, than desire to credit himself, as taking it only in his passage to an higher employment.
15. He was Chaplain (or Counselor shall I say?) to Thomas Egerton Lord Chancellor, who imparted many mysteries of that place unto him. Here an able Teacher of State met with as apt a Scholar, the one not more free in pouring forth, then the other capable to receive, firm to retain, and active to improve what was infused into him. So dear was this Doctor to his Patron, that this Lord dying on his death-bed, desired him to choose what most acceptable legacy he should bequeath unto him. D r Williams, waving and slighting all money, requested four Books, being the collections of the Lord his industry, learning, and experience, concerning
- 1. The Prerogative Royal.
- 2. Privileges of Parliaments.
- 3. The proceedings in Chancery.
- 4. The power of the Starr-Chamber.
16. By the Duke of Buckingham (whom he had married to the daughter of the Earl of Rutland ) he presented these Books to King James. Then did His Majesty first take notice of his extraordinary abilities, soon after preferring him by the Dukes mediation, to the Deanry of Westminster, Bishop of Lincoln, and Keepers place of the Great Seal, till he lost the last in the first of King Charles, as hath formerly been related.
17. I dare confidently avouch what I knowingly speak, that the following passage was the motus primo primus of the breach betwixt him and the Duke. There was one D r Theodore Price a Welsh man, highly beloved both by Bishop Williams and BP Land, so that therein the rule did not hold, Those that agree in one third agree among themselves; these two Prelates mutually mortal enemies meeting in the love of this Doctor. Now the Archbishopric of Armagh in Ireland falling vacant, Bishop Williams moved the Duke for D r Price, his country man: to whom the Duke answered, that King James had by promise fore-disposed the place on the Bishop of Meath, D r James Usher, one whose deserts were sufficiently known. Not satisfied herewith, Bishop Williams by his own interest endeavored to bring D r Price into the place. The Duke understanding that he, who formerly professed a subordination to, at the least a concurrence with his desires, should now offer to contest with him, resolved, that seeing the Lord-Keeper would not own himself to stand by his love, the world should see he should fall by his anger; and this ministered the first occasion to his ruin. And when once the Alarum was sounded of the Dukes displeasure, no Courtier so deaf and drowsy, but did take the same; And all things concurred to his disadvantage. This is that D r Theodore Price, afterwards died a professed Catholic, reconciled to the Church of Rome.
18. Yet after his resigning the Seal, fair preferment was left unto him, could he have consined his large heart thereunto. I meet with a passage in a letter from this Lord-Keeper to the Duke, wherein he professeth calling God to witness, that the Lord-Keeper (troubled with many miseries wherewith sudden greatness is accompanied) envied the fortunes of one D r Williams, late Dean of Westminster. Be this a truth or a complement, what he formerly envied now he enjoyed, returned to a plentiful privacie; not only of the Deanry of Westminster, but Bishopric of Lincoln, which he held with the same. But alas, when our desires are forced on us by our foes, they do not delight but afflict. The same step is not the same step, when we take it aseendendo in hopes to higher preferment, and when we light upon it descendendo, or are remitted unto it as falling from higher advancement. The Bishop is impatient for being less than he had been; and there wanted not those secret enemies to improve his discontents to his disgrace, almost destruction, as fining in the Star-Chamber, and long imprisoning in the Tower.
19. Now came that Parliament so much wished for, that many feared it would never begin, and afterwards (oh the mutability of desires, or change of things desired!) the same feared it would never have an end. Then is Bishop Williams sent for out of the Tower, brought to Parliament, advanced to the Arch-Bishopric of York, and is the Antesignanus of the Episcopal party, to defend it in the House of Lord's (as best armed with his power and experience) against a volly of affronts and oppositions.
20. Once when His Majesty saw him earnest in the defense of Episcopacy then opposed by Parliament, My Lord (saith the King) I commend you that you are no whit daunted with all disasters, but are zealous in defending your Order. Please it your Majesty (returned the Arch-Bishop) I am a true Welshman, and they are observed never to run away, till their General do first forsake them. No fear of my flinching whilst your Highness doth countenance our cause. But soon after he was imprisoned about the Bishops Protestation to the Parliament, and with great difficulty obtained his liberty, as was afore observed.
21. Retiring himself into North-Wales (where his birth, estate, alliance, but chiefly hospitality did make him popular) he had a great, but endeavored a greater influence on those parts. It gave some distaste, that in all consultations he would have his advise pass for an oracle, not to be contested with, much less controled by any. But vast the difference betwixt his Orders in Chancery, armed with power to enforce obedience, and his counsel here, which many Military men (as in their own element ) took the boldness to contradict; Buff-coats, often rubbed and grated against this Prelates silk Cassock, which (because of the softer matter) was the sooner fretted therewith. Indeed he endeavored as much as might be to preserve his country from taxes (an acceptable and ingratiating design with the people) but sometimes inconsistent with the Kings present and pressing necessities. All his words and deeds are represented at Oxford (where his Court-interest did daily decline) to his disadvantage, and some jealousies are raised of his cordialness to the Royal Cause.
22. At last some great Affronts were put upon him (increased with his tender resenting of them,) being himself (as I have been informed) put out of Commission, and another placed in his room. A disgrace so much the more insupportable to his high Spirit, because he conceived himself much meriting of his Majesty, by his loyalty, industry, ability, and expense in his Cause, who hitherto had spared neither care nor cost in advancing the same, even to the impairing of his own estate.
23. But now he entereth on a design, which had I line and plummet, I want skill to manage them in measuring the depth thereof. He sueth to the Parliament for favor, and obtained it, whose General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way, till he had reduced it to their service, and much of the Town to his own possession.
24. And now Meruit sub Parliamento in Wallia is the wonder of all men. I confess he told his kinsman, who related it to me, that if he might have the convenience to speak with his Majesty, but one half-hour (a small time for so great a task) he doubted not but to give him full satisfaction for his behavior. Sure it is, those of the Royal Party, and his own Order, which could not mine into his invisible motives, but surveyed only the sad surface of his actions, condemn the same as irreconcilable with the principles he professed. And though hereby he escaped a Composition for his estate in Goldsmiths-Hall, yet his memory is still to compound (and at what rate (know not) with many mouths, before a good word can be afforded unto it; But these, perchance, have never read the well latined Apology in his behalf. And although some will say, that they that need an Apology come too near to fault, the word (as commonly taken) sounding more of excuse then defense, yet surely in its genuine notation, it speaks not guilt, but always greatness of enemies and opposers.
25. Of all English Divines since the Reformation, he might make the most experimental Sermon on the Apostles words, By honor and dishonor, by ill report and good report, though the method not so appliable as the matter unto him, who did not close and conclude with the general good esteem, losing by his last compliance his old friends at Oxford, and in lieu of them finding few new ones at London.
26. Envy itself cannot deny, but that whithersoever he went, he might be traced by the footsteps of his benefaction. Much he expended on the repair of Westminster-Abby-Church, and his answer is generally known, when pressed by Bishop Land to a larger contribution to S. Paul's, that he would not rob Peter to pay Paul. The Library of Westminster was the effect of his bounty, and so was a Chapel in Lincoln-College in Oxford, having no other relation thereunto, than as the name-sake of his Bishopric: so small an invitation will serve to call a coming charity. At S. Johns in Cambridge he founded two Fellowships, built a fair Library, and furnished it with books, intending more, had his bounty then met with proportionable entertainment. But Benefactors may give money, but not grateful minds to such as receive it.
27. He was very chaste in his conversation, whatsoever a nameless author hath written on the contrary: Whom his Confuter hath styled, Aulicus e Coquinariâ, or, The Courtier out of the kitchen, and that deservedly for his unworthy writings, out of what Dripping-pan soever, he licked this his sluttish intelligence. For most true it is, (as I am certainly informed from such who knew the privacies and casualties of his infancy,) this Arch-Bishop was but one degree removed from a Misogynist, yet to palliate his infirmity to noble females, he was most complete in his courtly addresses.
28. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred: and though oft declaring freedom and favor to imprisoned Papists, as a Minister of state, in obedience to his office; yet he never procured them any courtesies out of his proper inclinations. Yea, when D r 〈…〉 the new Bishop of Calcedon, at the end of King James His Reign first arrived in England, he gave the Duke of Buckangham advice (in case other circumstances conveniently concurred) that the Judges should presently proceed against him, and hang him out of the way, and the King cast the blame on Arch-Bishop Abbots, or himself, prepared (it seemeth) to undergo his Royal displeasure therein.
29. Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists, but Antipathy to Bishop Laud, he was favorable to some select persons of that opinion. Most sure it is, that in his greatness he procured for M r Cotton of Boston a toleration under the Broad Seal, for the free exercise of his Ministry, not withstanding his dissenting in Ceremonies, so long as done without disturbance to the Church. But as for this Bishop himself, he was so great an honourer of the English Liturgy; that of his own cost, he caused the same to be translated into Spanish, and fairly printed, to confute their false conceit of our Church, who would not believe, that we used any Book of Common-Prayer amongst us.
30. He was of a proper persons, comely countenance, and amiable complexion, having a stately garb and gate by nature, which (suppose him prouder then he should be) made him mistaken prouder then he was. His head was a well filled Treasury, and his tongue the fair key to unlock it. He had as great a memory as could be reconciled with so good a judgment; so quick his parts, that his extempore-performances equalized the premeditations of others of his profession. He was very open, and too free in discourse, disdaining to lie at a close guard, so confident of the length and strength of his weapon.
31. Thus take we our farewell of his memory, concluding it with one of his speeches (as savory I believe as ever any he uttered) wherein he expressed himself to a grave Minister coming to him for Institution in a living. I have ( saith he ) passed thorough many places of honor and trust, both in Church and State, more then any of my Order in England this seventy years before. But were I but assured that by my preaching I had converted but one soul unto God, I should take therein more spiritual joy and comfort, than in all the honors and offices which have been bestowed upon me,
32. He died as I take it, Anno 1649. Sure I am on the 25. of March, leaving a leading case (not as yet decided in our Law ) whether his half years rents (due after Sunrise ) should go with his Goods and Chattels, unto his Executor, or fall to his Heir; The best was, such the Providence of the Parties concerned therein, that before it came to a Suite they seasonably compounded it amongst themselves.
33. Come we now to present the Reader with a List of the principal Ordinances of the Lord's and Commons, which respected Church-matters. I say principal, otherwise to recite all, (which wear the Countenance of an Ecclesiastical Tendency, some of them being mingled with civil affairs ) would be over-voluminous. Yea I have heard, that a great Antiquary should say, that the Orders and Ordinances of this Parliament in bulk and number, did, not only equal, but exceed all the Laws and Statutes, made since the Conquest, it will be sufficient therefore to recite Titles of those most material, going a little backward in Time, to make our History the more entire.
Die Martis August. 19. 1645.
Directions of the Lord's and Commons (after advice had with the Assembly of Divines) for the election and choosing of Ruling Elders, in all the Congregations, and in the Classical Assemblies for the City of London and Westminster, and the several Countries of the Kingdom. For the speedy settling of the Presbyterial Government.
Die Lunae. Oct. 20. 1645.
An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons together with Rules and Directions concerning suspension from the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, in cases of Ignorance and Scandal. Also the names of such Ministers and others that are appointed Triers and Judges of the ability of Elders in the twelve Classes with the Province of London.
Die Sabbathi March 14. 1645.
An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for keeping of scandalous persons from the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, the enabling of the Congregation for the choice of Elders, and supplying of defects in former ordinances and directions of Parliament concerning Church Government.
Die Veneris June 5. 1646.
An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the present settling (without further delay) of the Presbyterial Government in the Church of England.
Die Veneris August 28. 1646.
An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the Ordination of Ministers by the Classical Presbyters within their respective bounds, for the several Congregations in the Kingdom of England.
Die Sabbathi Jan. 29. 1647.
An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the speedy dividing and settling of the several Counties of this Kingdom into distinct Classical Presbyteries, and Congregational Elderships
34. Great now was the clamorous importunity of the Wives and Children of Ministers sequestered, ready to starve for want of maintenance. I had almost called them the Widows and Orphans of those Ministers, because though their Fathers were living to them, their Means were not living to their Fathers, and they left destitute of a livelihood. Indeed there was an Ordinance of Parliament made 1644, impowring their Commissioners in the Country to appoint means (not exceeding a fifth part) to the Wives and Children of all sequestered Persons, but seeing Clergy-men were not therein expressed by name, such as enjoyed their Sequestrations refused to contribute anything unto them. Whereupon the House of Commons compassionately reflecting on the distresses of the foresaid complainers, made an Order in more particular manner for the Clergy, and (seeing it is hard to come by ) I conceive it a charitable work, here to insert a Copy thereof.
Die Jovis. Nov. 11. 1647.
That the Wives and Children of all such Persons as are or have been or shall be sequestered, by Order of either Houses of Parliament, shall be comprehended within the Ordinance, that alloweth a fifth part for Wives and Children, and shall have their fifth part allowed unto them, and the Committee of Lord's and Commons for sequestration, and the Committee of plundered Ministers, and all other Committees are required to take notice hereof, and yield Obedience hereunto accordingly.
H. Elsing Clericus Parliamenti Domus Communis.
35. But Covetousness will wriggle itself out at a small hole. Many were the Evasions whereby such Clergy-men possessed of their livings do frustrate and defeat the effectual payment of the fifth part to the aforesaid Wives and Children. Some of which starting-holes we will here present, not to the intent that any should unjustly hide themselves herein, but that for the future they may be stopped up, as obstructing the true performance of the Parliaments intended Curtesie.
36. First they plead that Taxes being first deducted, Tythes are so badly paid, they cannot live and maintain themselves if they must still pay a fifth part out of the remainder. Such consider not, if themselves cannot live on the whole Grist, how shall the Families of such sequestered Ministers subsist on the Tole.
37. Secondly, if the foresaid Minister hath a Wife without Children, or Children without a Wife, or but one Child, they deny payment, as not within the Letter (though the Equity ) of the Order; though one Child is as unable to live on nothing, as if there were many more.
38. Thirdly, if the sequestered Minister hath any temporal means of his own, or since his sequestration hath acquired any place wherein he officiateth (though short of a comfortable subsistence) they deny payment of a fifth part unto him.
39. Fourthly, they affright the said sequestered Minister, threatening to New article against for his former faults. Whereas, had he not been reputed a malignant, not a fifth part, but all the five parts were due unto him.
40. Fifthly, many who have livings in great Towns (especially Vicarages ) disclaim the receiving of any Benefits in the nature of Tithes, and accept them only in the notion of Benevolence. Then they plead nothing due to the sequestered Minister, out of the free gratuities which only are bestowed upon them.
41. Sixthly, they plead, that nothing can be demanded by virtue of the said Ordinance, longer then the sitting of the said Parliament which made it, which long since is dissolved; now though this be but a dilatory plea, (themselves enjoying the four parts by virtue of the same Order ) yet though it doth not finally blast, it doth much set back the fifth part, and whilst the same groweth, the Ministers Wives and Children starve.
42. Lastly, of late, since the setting forth of the Proclamation that all who disquiet their peaceable possession, who are put into livings by the Parliaments Order, should be beheld as enemies to the State. Such sequestered Ministers who only sue the refusers to pay the fifth part unblameable in all things else, are threatened (though they humbly conceived contrary to the true intent of the Proclamation ) with the foresaid penalty if they desist not in their suite. Many more are their subterfugies (besides vexing their wives with the tedious attendance to get Orders on Orders ) so that as one truly and sadly said, the fifts are even paid at sixes and sevens.
43. I am sorry to see the pitiful and pious intentions of the Parliament, so abused and deluded by the indirect dealings of others, so that they cannot attain their intended ends, for the relief of so many poor people, seeing no doubt therein, they desired to be like the best of beings; who as closely applieth his lenitive, as corrasive plasters, and that his mercy may take as true effect as his justice. Sure if the present Authority (when at leisure from higher employment) shall be pleased to take the groans of these poor souls into its consideration, the voice of their hungry bowels will quickly be turned to a more pleasant tune, from barking for food, to the blessing of those who procured it. Nor let any censure this a digress from my History, for though my estate will not suffer me with Job to be eyes to the blind, and feet to the Iame, I will endeavor what I can to be a Tongue for the Dumbe.
THE HISTORY OF THE University of Cambridge, SINCE THE CONQUEST.
Printed in the year of our Lord, 1655.
To the Honorable BANISTER MAINARD Esq Son and Heir to the Right Honorable WILLIAM Lord MAINARD, Baron of Estaynes in England, and Wicklow in Ireland.
THERE is a late generation of People, professed enemies to all human Learning; the most moderate amongst them accounting it (as used in Divinity) no better then the barren Fig-tree; Cut it down, why cumbreth it the ground? whilst the more furious resemble it to the wild Gourd in the Pottage of the Children of the Prophets, deadly and pernicious. Thus as Wisdom built her an house with seven Pillars, (generally expounded the Liberal Sciences) Folly seeketh (but I hope in vain) to pluck down and destroy it.
The staple place whereon their ignorance or malice, or both, groundeth their error, is on the words of the Apostle ; Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit; or, which is the same in effect, vain and deceitful Philosophy.
Which words seriously considered neither express nor imply any prohibition of true Philosophy, but rather tacitly commend it: Thus, when our Savior saith, Beware of false Prophets, by way of opposition, he inviteth them to believe and respect such as true-ones.
Indeed, if we consult the word in the notation thereof, consisting of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to love, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wisdom, nothing can be cavilled thereat: The child of so good Parents cannot be bad, and the compound resulting thence, viz. Philosophy, or the love of Wisdom, is the same so commended by Solomon; Who so loveth Wisdom, rejoiceth his Father.
True Philosophy, thus considered in it self, is, as Clemens Alexandrinis termeth it, Aeternae veritatus, sparagmon, a Sparke or Splinter of Divine truth: Res Dei Ratio, saith Tertullian, God himself being, in a sort, the great Grand father of every Philosophy Act.
But we confess there is a great abuse of Philosophy, making it vain and deceitful (according to the Apostles just complaint;) when it presumeth by the principles of Reason to cross and control the Articles of Faith: then indeed it becometh 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vain or empty, as wherein nulla impletio, & multa inflatio, nothing to fill man's mind, though too much to puff it up; which is true both of Philosophy in general, and of all the parts thereof.
Thus Logic, in it self, is of absolute necessity, without which Saint Paul could never have disputed two years (no nor two hours) in the School of Tyrannus, so highly did the Apostle prize it, that he desired to be free'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from men who have no Topics, from absurd men who will fixe in no place to be convinced with reason: But Logic, thus useful, may be abused and made deceitful, either in doubtful Disputations, where the Questions can never be determined, or in perverse disputings of men, where the Disputants are so humorous and peevish, that they are unwilling to understand each other; making wrangling, not satisfaction, the end of their dispute.
Ethics in like manner are of special use in Divinity, though not to be believed where they cross Christianity; namely, where they exclude Humility from being a virtue (on the erroneous account that it is destructive to Magnanimity ) which is the Christians Livery; Be ye clothed with Humility: and the Third part of all which God, in this world, enjoineth us to perform.
Natural Philosophy must not be forgotten, singularly useful in Divinity, save when it presumes to control the Articles of our Creed; it is one of the four things for which the Earth is moved: A Servant when he Reigneth; and intolerable is the pride of Natural Philosophy, which should hand-maid it to Divinity, when once offering to rule over it.
Your Honors worthy Grandfather William Lord Maynard well knew the great conveniency, yea necessity of Logic for Divines, when he founded and plentifully endowed a Professors place in the University of Cambridge for the Reading thereof. Of Cambridge, which I hope ere long you will grace with your presence, who in due time may become a • tudent and good Proficient therein; Learning being no more prejudicial to a Person of Honor then moderate ballaste to the safe-sailing of a Ship. Till which time and ever after, the continuance and increase of all Happiness to you and your relations is the daily prayer of
Your Honors humble Servant, THOMAS FULLER.
THE HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF Cambridge, Since the CONQVEST.
Preface.
ALthough the foundation of this University was far ancienter, yet because what before this time is reported of it, is both little and doubtful, and already inserted into the Body of our Ecclesiastical History; it is early enough to begin the certain History thereof. Far be it from me to make odious comparisons between Jachin and Boaz the two Pillars in Solomon's Temple, by preferring either of them for beauty and strength, when both of them are equally admirable. Nor shall I make difference betwixt the Sisters (Coheires of Learning and Religion) which should be the Eldest. In the days of King Henry the sixth such was the quality of desert betwixt Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham, and Henry Beauchampe Duke of Warwick, that to prevent exceptions about Priority, it was ordered by the Parliament, That they should take precedency by turns, one one year, and the other the next year; and so by course were to checquer or exchange their going or setting all the years of their life. Sure I am there needeth no such pains to be took, or provision to be made, about the preeminence of our English Universities, to regulate their places, they having better learned Humility from the Precept of the Apostle, In honor preferring one another. Wherefore I presume my Aunt Oxford will not be justly offended, if in this Book I give my own Mother the upper hand, and first begin with her History. Thus desiring God to pour his blessing on both, that neither may want Milk for their Children, or Children for their Milk, we proceed to the business.
1. AT this time the fountain of learning in Cambridge was but little, and that very troubled. For of late the Danes (who at first, like an intermitting Ague, made but inroads into the Kingdom, but afterwards turned to a quotidian of constant habitation) had harraged all this Country, and hereabouts kept their station. Mars then frighted away the Muses, when the Mount of Parnassus was turned into a Fort, and Helicon derived into a Trench. And at this present, King William the Conqueror going to subdue the Monks of Eli that resisted him, made Cambridgeshire the Seat of War.
2. For to the town of Cambridge he retired, and there for a season reposed himself, half dead with sorrow, that his design against the aforesaid Monks took no effect. At what time he found in the Town 3 • 7 dwelling houses, 18 whereof he caused then to be plucked down, to make room for the erecting of a Castle, which he there reedified, that it might be a check-bit to curb this Country which otherwise was so hard-mouthed to be ruled. This Castle, here built by him, was strong for situation, stately for structure, large for extent, and pleasant for prospect; having in it, amongst other rooms, a most magnificent Hall: the stones and timber whereof, were afterwards begged by the Master and Fellows of Kings-Hall, of King Henry the fourth, towards the building of their Chapel. At this day the Castle may seem to have run out of the Gate-house, which only is standing and employed for a Prison: so that what was first intended to restrain Rebells without it, is now only used to confine Felons within it. There is still extant also an artificial high Hill deeply entrenched about, steep in the ascent, but level at the top, which endureth still in defiance of the teeth of Time; as the most greedy Glutton must leave those bones, not for manners, but necessity, which are too hard for him to devour. King William had scarce finished this •• stle, when it was first hanselled with the submission of the Abbot of Eli, who came hither to bewail his errors, and beseech the Kings mercy, having formerly paid 700 Marks to preserve the life and liberty of himself and his Covent. Besides, when that money came to be paid, and one groat thereof was found wanting in weight, a new sum was extorted from him for breach of Covenants; to teach them who are to deal with potent Creditors to weigh right, left otherwise they approve themselves penny wise, and pound foolish.
3. Now, though these martial impressions did much discompose the studies of Scholars in Cambridge, under William the Conqueror; who being a Militarie man, by his very constitution was not over-fond of Learning: yet even in these days the place was not totally abandoned of Scholars. Yet Cambridge was in some reputation and eminence for Literature. For Henry, youngest son to King William, was here brought up in the study of Arts and Sciences; and afterwards he travailed beyond the Seas (being at Paris, some say, though improbable, when news was brought of the death of his brother King William Rufus so that both hom • bred and foreign Learning met in him, to deserve the surname of Beauclerk. His father is reported to have designed him for a Bishop; as Maud, wife to this Henry, is said by her Parents to have been intended for a Nun; and these two marrying together, were the most learned couple in that Age.
4. Some say that this Henry, afterwards King of England, in gratitude to Cambridge for his education, endowed Readers of several languages therein, alleging Lelands verses, as alluding thereunto:
5. Not long after, Roger of Montgomerie, most mischievously with Fire and Sword destroyed the Town and County of Cambridge, spoiling the poor Subjects, so to be revenged of their Sovereign King William Rufus; in so much as, for a time, the University was wholly abandoned.
6. Hugolina, a worthy woman, and wife to Picot Baron of Burn, and Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, recovered at Cambridge of a desperate sickness: wherefore in gratitude (according to the devout mode of those days) she built a Church there, dedicating it to God and S t . Giles, and placed six Canons therein: Yea, she prevailed so far with her husband, that he endowed this her Church with half the tithes of his Demesnes, in his Manors
-
of
- 1. Qui
- 2. Stow
- 3. Water-Beach
- 4. Midleton
- 5. Histons
- 6. Impeton
- 7. Gretton
- 8. Hokington
- 9. Ramton
- 10. Cotenham
- 11. Lolesworth
- 12. Trumpington
- 13. Haselingfield
- 14. Harleton
- 15. Eversden
- 16. Toft
- 17. Caldecot
- 18. Kingston
- 19. Winepole
- 20. Gransden
- 21. Hatley
- 22. Pampsworth
- 23. Alewind.
7. See we here a grand difference betwixt the endowments of Monasteries before and after the Conquest. The Saxons generally endowed them with solid and substantial revenues out of their own estates, giving good Farms and Manors unto them. (Or if any tithes, only those within the circuit of that Parish wherein that Covent was erected; the secular Priests (and afterwards the Monks) therein, being presumed to take some spiritual pains in that place, to the deserving thereof.) This properly was frank-almonage, bestowing on God in his Church (as they accounted it) what was their own to estate upon him. But the Normans embraced a cheaper way of dotations, chiefly bestowing all, or part of the tithes of their lands, on Covents of their foundation, payable out of Parishes lying a good distance from the same; and this was according to the French fashion. Now if it be true, that tithes be due jure Divino, this was no gift, but a payment, which they were bound to tender to the Church: Yea, which is more, such grants of tithes were no better than felony, robbing the Ministers of their respective Parishes, of what was due unto them: Insomuch, that they took the oil from the weike (the Pastor laboring in his Church) and gave it to the thief or waster in the Lamp, to which the idle Monks may fitly be compared.
8. To repair the damage lately done by Montgomerie to the Town of Cambridge, King Henry the first bestowed many privileges thereon, which the University is so far from repining, she rejoiceth thereat. For well may the jewel delight to be put in an handsome cabinet. He freed the Town from the power of the Sheriff, making it a Corporation, upon the payment of one hundred and one marks yearly into the Exchequer, which sum the Sheriff paid before for his profits out of the Town, when it was under his jurisdiction. Besides, whereas the Ferrie over the river Grant was a vagrant before (even any where, where passengers could get wastage over) by authority and custom, it now began to be fixed near Cambridge, which brought much trading and concourse of people thereunto.
9. About this time Barnwell, that is, Children's-well, a Village within the precincts of Cambridge, got both the name thereof and a Faire therein on this occasion. Many little children on Midsummer (or S t . John Baptists ) eve met there in mirth to play and sport together: Their company caused the confluence of moe and bigger boys to the place: Then bigger than they; even their Parents themselves came thither, to be delighted with the activity of their children. Meat and drink must be had for their refection, which brought some victualling-booths to be set up. Pedlers with toys and trifles cannot then be supposed long absent, whose packs in short time swelled into Tradesmens stalls of all commodities. Now it is become a great Faire, and (as I may term it) one of the Townsmens Commencements, wherein they take their degrees of wealth, fraught with all store of Wares, and nothing (except buyers) wanting therein.
10. Jews at this time came first to Cambridge, and possessed a great part of the Town, called the Jewrie at this day. •• und-Church in the Jewrie is conjectured, by the rotundity of the structure, to have been built for their Synagogue. Much like whereunto, for fabric and fashion, I have seen another at Northhampton, where Jews about the same time had their Seminary. Some will say, Cambridge, an inland Town of small trading, was ill chosen by these Jews for their Seat, where the poor Scholars, if borrowing from these Userers, were likely to bring but small profit unto them. But let it suffice, that the Jews chose this place, whom no Christians need advise, for their own advantage. Here their carriage was very civil, not complained of (as elsewhere) for cruel crucifying of Christian children, and other enormities.
11 Now the Reader is requested seriously to preuse the following passage as faithfully transcribed out of an excellent author, and of high concernment in this our History. Joffred Abbot of Crowland, sent over to his manour of Cotenham nigh Cambria, Gislebert his fellow Monk, and professor of Divinity, with three other Monks, who following him into England, being thoroughly furnished with Philosophical Theorems, and other primitive sciences, repaired daily to Cambridge; and, having hired a certain public Barn, made open profession of their sciences, and in short space of time drew together a great company of Scholars.
12 But in the second year after their coming, the number of their Scholars grew so great, as well from out of the whole country as the town, that the biggest house and barn that was, or any Church whatsoever sufficed not to contain them: Whereupon, sorting themselves apart in several places, and taking the University of Orleans for their pattern, early in the morning, Monk Odo, a singular Grammarian, and satyrical Poet, read Grammar unto boys, and those of the younger sort assigned unto him; according to the doctrine of Priscian, and Remigius upon him. At one of the clock Terricus, a most witty and subtle Sophister, taught the elder sort of young men Aristotle's Logic, after the Introductions of Porphyry, and the Comments of Averroes. At three of the clock, Monk William read a Lecture in Tullius Rhetoric, and Quintilians Flores: But the great Master Gilbert, upon every Sunday and Holy-day, preached God's word unto the People. And thus out of this little fountain which grew to be a great river, we see how the City of God now is become enriched, and all England made fruitful by means of very many Masters and Doctors proceeding out of Cambridge, in manner of the holy Paradise, &c.
13 Thus Author writ some fifty years after the coming of these Crowland Professors to Cambridge; so that, who seriously considereth, how learning there, from a contemptible occasion, by small means, in so short a time, improved it self to so great an height, will conclude much of Providence therein; and we may observe according to Scripture expression, God had prepared the people, for the thing was done suddenly.
15 But some adversaries to the antiquity of Cambridge, represent and improve this action much to her disadvantage, as if newly now, and not before, she began to be an University. Objecting, that if Scholars were at Cambridge before the coming of those four Professors thither, they shown small civility in giving those strangers no better entertainment, to whom they should have said, as once Laban to Abraham's servant; Come in ye blessed of the Lord, wherefore stand you without? welcoming them to their Halls, Hostles, Chambers, Studies, with the best fare their present condition afforded; Especially, seeing Scholars of all men are soonest acquainted, the sameness of profession commonly making them familiar at the first sight. It seems therefore that at their coming thither, either Cambridge had no Scholars in her, or her Scholars had no manners in them; yea, had not read so much as Tully his Offices, to teach them civility to strangers professing learning, but suffered them to live, and read in a Barn by themselves.
15. In answer hereunto, may the Reader be pleased to take into his impartial consideration the following particulars:
- 1 Not much more then twenty years since that mischievous man Robert of Montgomerie had despoiled Cambridge. And no wonder if the Blackbirds were slow in flying back to their nests, which had been so lately destroyed.
- 2. Yet a racemation at least of Scholars either remained in Cambridge all that plundering time, or returned soon after it: For we find King Henry the first, in the second of his Reign, by order commanding some Civilians there to perform their Acts, and pay the Beadles their sees, which formerly they refused; and this was some years before the coming of the Crowland-Professors hither.
- 3. Probably some emulation, not to say envy (a canker we find fretting the fairest flowers) might make some distance betwixt the old stock of standing Scholars in Cambridge, and this new addition of Professors. Our Aunt Oxford may easily remember what little love, yea how great grudging there was betwixt her ancient Students, and that new plantation of Scholars which S t . Grimbal, under King Alfred, first placed there.
- 4. The marvelous increase of learning in Cambridge, in so short a time after the coming of the Crowland Professors thither, is justly imputed to this cause, for that Cambridge had formerly been a place of learning. Thus when green-wood is long is kindling, brands (which before were half burnt, and then quenched) do quickly take fire, and presently blaze into a bright flame.
16. Pain Peverell (Stander-bearer to Robert Duke of Normandy in the Holy-Land, removed Picot his foundation from S t . Giles in Cambridge (where they were pent for room) to a larger place of thirteen acres at Barnewell, about a mile off, where one Godesonn formerly led an Eremitical life. This Peverell increased the number of those Canons from six to thirty (because forsooth at that time he was just thirty years old) and endowed them with large revenues. Afterwards, in process of time, Barnwell became a prime Priorie, through the bounty of many Benefactors, and able at the dissolution of Abbeys to expend of old rents low rated three hundred fifty one pounds fifteen shillings four pence. Insomuch that the Prior thereof, in the forty ninth year of King Henry the third, by Writ bearing date at Woodstock, the twenty fourth of December, was (with many moe) voluntary summonitus, freely summoned (saith the Record) to be present as a Baron in Parliament. But let him make much of this favor, which never before or after was bestowed upon him or his successors. These Black-Canons of Barnewell were generally kind neighbors to the Scholars, and their Prior did sometimes good offices unto them.
17. Now amongst the eminent Scholars, who at this time studied in Cambridge, Alphred of Beverley was of especial note. He was born in Yorkshire, lived many years in Cambridge to gain learning, where he attained to be an excellent Philosopher, Divine, and Historian. Returning into his native country at Beverlie, he wrote the History of the British Nation, from the beginning of the world unto his ownage; which work was by him truly and elegantly composed. He is commonly surnamed the Treasurer; a title given him (as I conceive) not for bearing that office in his Covent; but from his diligent searching, discreet selecting, methodical compiling, and careful preserving or treasuring up precious passages of former ages for the use of Posterity. This Alphred, when living in Cambridge, maintained himself (as the rest of the Students there) on his own cost; every Scholar in that age being his own Founder and Benefactor: For, as yet, no public Halls or Hostles were built for to receive them, but each one lived as S t . Paul at Rome, in his own hired house, as they could contract with the Townsmen; who unconscionably improving themselves on the Scholars necessities, extorted unreasonable rents from them; as hereafter, God willing, shall appear.
18. And here I must admire one thing, and shall be thankful to such who will cure my wonder, by showing me the cause of that I wonder at: What might be the reason, that Monks and Friers in this age had such stately houses, rich endowments, plentiful maintenance; whilst Students in the University had poor chambers, hard fare, short means, and that on their own or parents charges: and yet there was more honesty, industry, painfulness, and piety, within the study of one Scholar, than the cells of an hundred Monks? Some, perchance, will impute this to the fancy of men, lapping, dandling, and feeding Monkies and Marmosets, whiles Creatures of more use are less regarded. Others will say, It was becauuse Scholars studied the liberal, Monks the lucrative Sciences: University men were more busied in reading Books, than numbling of Masses and praying for the dead, the main matter which brought grift to the Monks mill. Whatever was the secret cause, this was the apparent effect thereof: Scholars as they were lean, so they were lively, attracted less envy, procured more love, endured more labor, which made them to last, and to live after the destruction of the other.
19. William Meschines, brother to Ranulph Earl of Chester, was by King Stephen made the first Earl of Cambridge. And it is no small credit to Cambridge, that (after this William ) none were ever honored with that title, but such who were Princes of the Blood Royal, either actual Kings of Scotland, or Kings sons, or nephews of England, or foreign and free Princes of their next alliance, as hereafter, God willing, will appear at their several creations. So careful were our English Kings in choosing such persons for the place, who, receiving honor from so famous an University, might also, by their high birth and honorable demeanor, return luster thereunto.
20. For after the death of this Meschines, one may confidently pronounce, that David, King of the Scots (commonly called S t . David ) was Earl of Cambridge: And although his Chatter cannot be produced with the formalities used at his creation (modern ceremonies at the investing of Counts not being used in that age) yet, that he was effectually Earl of Cambridge, by the ensuing evidence doth sufficiently appear. It is a Grant made by M • uld the Emperesse, Daughter of King Henry the first, unto Aubery de Vere, afterward Earl of Oxford▪ part whereof (so much as concerns the present point) we have here transcribed, translated, and commented on, conceiving it to contain some criticisms in History and Heraldry, worthy observation.
The date of this Grant is uncertain; but from the hand of her brother, the Earl of Gloucester, subscribed thereunto, we collect that it must be before the year 1146, wherein the said Earl ended his life.
21. Out of this Grant observe; First, That though Steven, de facto, was King of England, yet the right was in this Mauld the Emperesse. Betwixt these two for many years it was catch who catch may; both in gaining of places and giving of Honors, as success befriended them. Secondly, That Earls in that age were Earls indeed, not merely titular, but substantial, as receiving the third penny (I humbly conceive it of the Crown-revenues therein) of the County whence they had their honor. Thirdly, Kings of Scotland accounted it no abatement to their Crown-Royal, to we are with it an English Coronet, holding (in Commendam, as I may say) with their own Crown one or moe of English Earldoms: As here King David held Cambridge in his own, and Huntingdon in right of his Wife. Fourthly, As the Counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon soon after the Conquest were united under one Comes or Earl: so they two (only of all Shires in England ) remain under one Vicecomes or Sheriff at this day. Fifthly, Queen Mauld earnestly endeavored (in compliance no doubt with the desires of her favorite Aubery de Vere ) to confer the County of Cambridge upon him, as a place of principal honor, above the four other Counties proffered unto him. Sixthly, The honor of the title of Cambridge arose from the famous University therein; otherwise the foresaid Aubery, if consulting his profit, would clearly have preferred either Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, or Dorsetshire, as greater in extent, and therefore returning by the third penny therein larger revenues. Lastly, Seeing a good title of Cambridge could not be made to him (as prepossessed by the Scotch King) Aubery was contented with, and thankful for Oxford, as the other famous University in England, which title his noble and most ancient family enjoyeth at this day.
22. Nigellus or Neal, second Bishop of Eli, having first obtained a faculty from the Pope, • ounded • n Hospital for Canons regular in Cambridge, in the place where now S t . John 's College is erected. He is said to have endowed the same with an hundred and forty pound by the year, yearly rent; which, it so, in that age was a vast proportion.
23. Roger of Hereford, so named because born there, studied at this time in Cambridge, became an admirable Astronomer, Philosopher, and Chymist, diving much into the mysteries of metals. He wrote many books of Astronomy and Astrology, which for a long time were kept in Cambridge. Librarie, but not extant (I fear) at this day. Yet the Oxford Antiquarie will by no means allow this Roger a Student in Crambridge, as who flourished before the coming of the Crowland Professors thither: but whether more credit may be hung on this single Twine, than on the twisted testimony of Leland, Bale, and Pitz, (all agreeing both in his education at Cambridge, and flourishing in this Age) be it reported to any ingenuous Reader.
24. There happened a merciless fire in Cambridge, only so pitiful as to go out when no more fuel was left to feed the fury thereof. Most of the Churches in the town (then built of wood, and therefore the more combustible) were burnt in part, and Trinity-Church wholly consumed. Hence it was, that for time to come, the Steeple thereof was firmly built of freestone, to prevent, by God's goodness, the return of the like casualty.
25. A sad accident happened this year at Oxford. A Clergy-man, and Student in that University, casually killed a woman and fled upon it. The Major of the City, with other officers, search after him, light on three of his Chamber-fellows, both innocent and ignorant of the fact committed: These they injuriously thrust into Prison, and some days after, King John (a back friend to the Clergy, as continually vexed with their constant opposition) commanded them to be executed in contempt (saith my Author) of Ecclesiastical liberty. Offended hereat three thousand Students at once left Oxford, as well Masters as Scholars; It a quod nec unus ex omni Universitate remansit, So that not one remained of all the University. Of these some removed to Cambridge, some to Reading; so that in this total eclipse of learning therein, Oxford was left empty for a season.
26. John of S t . Omers studied about this time at Cambridge. By his surname I should have conjectured him a Forainer of Artois, had not my Author assured me, that he was born in Norfolk. Yea, when a Monk of Peterburgh, (bred also in Cambridge ) had, with his Iatyrical Latin rythmes, abused the County of Norfolk, our John gave him as good as he brought; rythme for rythme, and jest for jest: yet his pen was so much the better employed than his adversaries, as the writer of a'jûst vindication is to be preferred before a scurrilous libeller.
27. With more credit to himself, and profit to others, was Joceline Brakelond employed; who about this time in Cambridge emproved himself in divine and human learning. Afterwards he became a Monk at Burie in Suffolk, where he was born; and of his own accord (unimportuned by any other) as faithfully as learnedly wrote the History of his Covent, which he transmitted to posterity.
28. Most miserable at this time was the condition of Cambridge. For the Barons, to despite King John, with their Forces harraged and destroyed the Town and County thereof, taking Cambridge -Castle by assault: And no wonder, when only twenty men were found therein, not enough to make good the twentieth part thereof; such then was its capacity and extent. To cry quits with the Barons, William Earl of Sarisbury, and Falk de Brent (King John his favorite) replundred Cambridgeshire, leaving nothing worth any thing behind them, that was not too hot or too heavy for them to carry away.
29. And two years after, when Walter Bunk, with his Brabanteers, destroyed the Town and Isle of Eli, and almost burnt the Minstre therein (not quenched with the water of her fens, but with the wise composition of Prior Stephen: ) I say, when Eli was almost burnt, Cambridge no doubt was well warmed, as sorrowfully sensible of its near neighbors calamity. The Scholars then had steady heads and strong brains, if able to study in these distempers, when loud drums and trumpets silenced the (sweet, but) low harp of Apollo. But we know how Archimedes was busy in making his Mathematical figures even when Syracuse was taken by soldiers; and possibly some grave Students made their souls unconcerned in all these martial disturbances.
30. The King, being at Oxford, sent to the Bailiff of Cambridge (as living near Eli, the Staple of fish ) to send unto him such a proportion of Eels, for the provisions of his Court, and it should be discounted unto him out of the Exchequer.
31. The King, by his letters to the Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, gave order, that he should put the Bailiffs of Cambridge into the possession of the house of Benjamin the Jew (probably forfeited to the Crown on his misdemeanor) to make thereof a common Jail for their Corporation.
32. The King confirmed to the Townsmen of Cambridge the privileges confer'd by his Father upon them: namely, That the Merchants of the Guild in Cambridge, should be free in all Fairs in the Kings Dominions on this side and beyond the Seas, de Theolonia, & Passagio, & Lestagio, & Pontagio, & Stallagio. Ill would it be for the Townsmen, should none of them enjoy the benefit of this Royal Charter, till they perfectly understood the terms therein. In this Grant provision is made, that nothing be done in prejudice of London; so careful were our Kings always of that City; but whether that City reciprocally of them, let others inquire.
33. Sad at this present was the condition of the University of Paris, such murders were done, and affronts offered to the Students thereof. Our King Henry being half a Frenchman (in the right of his Queen) and possessing many, pretending to moe Dominions in France, taking advantage hereof, invited the Parisian Students to come over into England, and to dwell in what Cities, Burroughs, and Villages they pleased to choose: An act no less politick than charitable, to fortify himself with foreign affection; knowing, that such Frenchmen, who in their youths had English education, would in their age retain English inclinations. We easily believe the greatest part of these Strangers repaired to Oxford, though Cambridge, no doubt, did share in them her considerable proportion.
34. A crew of pretenders to Scholarship (as long as there are true diamonds there will be counterfeit) did much mischief at this time in the University. These lived under no discipline, having no Tutor (saving him who teacheth all mischief) and when they went to act any villainy, then they would be Scholars, to sin with the more secrecy and less suspicion: when cited to answer for their wickedness, in the Chancellors Court, then they would be no Scholars, and exempt themselves from his Jurisdiction. No wonder if Cambridge was pestered with such Cheats, seeing the Church of Thyatira it self had those in her which called themselves Prophets and were not. Civil Students suffered much by and more for these incorrigible Rake-Hells, especially from such mouths who are excellent at an uncharitable Synecdoche, to call all after a part, and to condemn the whole University for an hand-full of Hang-byes, such as never were matriculated members therein.
35. In vain did the Chancellor endeavor the suppressing of these Malignants, (as the King calleth them in his letter to the Sheriff) the hands of the University being too weak to pluck up weeds so deeply rooted. In vain also did the Chancellor call in the assistance of the Bailiff and Burgesses of the Town, who (as the King taxeth them in one of his letters) aut impotentes fuerunt, aut negligentes, to effect the matter. The business was at last, by command from the King, devolved to the Sheriff, as appears by what followeth.
Rex Vicecom, Cantabrigiensi salutem. Quoniam ut audivimus plures nominantur Clerici apud Cantabr. quì sub nullius Magistri Scholarium sunt disciplina, & tuitione, sed potius mentiuntur se esse Scholares cùm non sint, ut tutiùs, & fortiùs (visâ ad hoc opportunitate) queant malignari, Tibi praecipimus, quod assumptis tecum probis & legalibus hominibus de Comitatu tuo, accedas ad villam nostram Cantabr. & per totam villam illam clamari facias ex parte nostrâ quod nullus Clericus moretur in villa, qui non sit sub disciplina, vel tuitione alicujus Magistri Scholarium. Et si aliqui tales fuerint in Villa illa, eâ exeant infra quindecim dies postquam hoc clamatum fuerit. Et si ultra terminum illum inventi fuerint in eadem villa, hujusmodi Clerici capiantur, & in prisonam nostram mittantur. Teste meipso apud Oxford. 3 Maii Anno Regni nostri 15.
Thus the Sheriff was impowered with a Posse Comitatus to redress this grievance, but whether or no with a Velle Comitatus, I know not. Sure I am, these Clerks-no-Clerks disturbed the University for many years after.
36. The Townsmen of Cambridge began now most unconscionably to raise and rack the rent of their houses wherein the Scholars did sojourn; Every low Cottage was high valued. Sad the condition, when Learning is the Tenant, and Ignorance must be the Landlord. It came at last to this pass, that the Scholars, wearied with exactions, were on the point of departing, to find a place where they might be better accommodated on more reasonable conditions.
37. Here the King seasonably interposed his power, appointing, that two Masters of Arts and two honest Townsmen should be deputed as Chancellors, conscientiously to moderate the rigor of covetousness. And seeing Scholars would hire as cheap, and Townsmen would let as dear as they could, the aforesaid four persons (indifferently chosen out of both Corporations) were to order the price betwixt both, according to the tenor of the Kings Letter ensuing.
Rex Majorì & Ballivis Cantabr. salutem. Satis constat vobis quod apud villam nostram Cantabr. studendi causae e diversis patribus tam cismarinis quàm transmarinis Scholarium confluit multitudo, quod valde gratam habemus & acceptamus, cum exemplum toti Regno nostro commodum non modicum, & honor nobis accrescat, & vos specialiter inter quos fideliter conversantur, students non mediocriter gaudere debetis & laetari. Audivimus autem quod in hospitiis vestris locandis tam graves & onerosi estis scholaribus inter vos commorantibus, quod nisi mensurabiliùs & modestiùs vos habueritis erga ipsos in hac parte, exactione vestra faciente, oportebit ipses villam vestram exire, & studio suo relicto à terra nostra recedere, quod nullatenus vellemus. Et ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quatenus super praedictis hospictis locandis, vos mensurantes secundū consuetudinem Universitatis per duos Magistros & dues probes & legales homines de villa • nostra ad hoc assignandos, hospicia praedicta taxari, & secundū corum taxationem ea locari permittatis; taliter vos gerentes in hac parte, ne si secus egeritis propter quod ad nos debeat clamor pervenire, ad hoc manum apponere debeamus.
Teste meipso apud Oxford. tertio die Maii anno regni nostri xv✚. Ex Rotulo claus. de anno xv. Regis Henrici tertii in dors. in Turre London.
Ex. per Guil. Ryley.
See we here; Cambridge appeareth not as an infant of yesterday, but a grave Matron of great age; witness those words, according to the custom of the University, which show her gravity and gray hairs at the time of the date thereof.
38. This was the first original of the Taxatores or Taxers in Cambridge, so called at first from taxing, prizing, or rating the rents of houses. Their name remains, but office is altered at this day. For after the bounty of Founders had raised Halls and Colleges for Scholars free abode, their liberality gave the Taxers a Writ of ease, no more to meddle with the needless prizing of Townsmens houses. However, two Taxers are still annually chosen, whose place is of profit and credit, as employed in matters of weight, and to see the true gage of all measures, especially such as concern the victuals of Scholars. For where the belly is abused in its food, the brains will soon be distempered in their study.
39. Turnaments and Tilting of the Nobility and Gentry were commonly kept at Cambridge, to the great annoyance of the Scholars. Many sad casualties were caused by these meetings, though ordered with the best caution. Arms and legs were often broken as well as spears. Much lewd people waited on these assemblies, light Housewives as well as light Horsmen repaired thereunto. Yea, such the clashing of swords, the rattling of Arms, the sounding of trumpets, the neighing of horses, the shouting of men all daytime, with the roaring of riotous Revellers all the night, that the Scholars studies were disturbed, safety endangered, lodging straightened, charges enlarged, all provisions being unconscionably enhanced. In a word, so many war-horses were brought hither, that Pegasus himself was likely to be shut out. For where Mars keeps his Term, there the Muses may even make their Vacation.
40. The King being complained to thereof, did plainly show, that he preferred the quiet of the University before the profit of the Town of Cambridge, gaining much money by these meetings: And therefore by his Letters he enjoined, that no Tilting should be kept within five miles of Cambridge. And yet so stout and sturdy were martial men in that age, that they hardly obeyed him. Yea, I find one Ralph de Kamois, a bold Chevalier, who, notwithstanding the premisses, kept a riotous Tilting in the very town of Cambridge; but soon after he was deeply fined for his high contempt, on the payment whereof, and his humble submission before the Earls of Cornwall, Lecester, and Norfolk, he was forgiven.
41. Let us look on these Turnaments (unrelated to Cambridge ) as they were in themselves, and we shall find them the mothers constantly of misrule, commonly of mischief. Their very use (in their first constitution) was no better tham an abuse, to cover malice under the cloak of manhood and merriment: Many brought personal grudges, some family-feuds into the field with them; fewer returned than went forth, as either casually cut off, or intentionally murdered.
42. One instance of the former out of many, though full twenty four miles from Cambridge. Gilbert Mareshall, Earl of Pembroke, a potent Peer of the Land, proclaimed a disport of Turnament, of running on Hors-back with Launces (in defiance of the Kings Authority, who had inhibited the same) at Ware in Hertford-shire, under the name forsooth of Fortune; as if Providence had nothing to do in such wild recreations: But so it fortuned, that this Gilbert cast, bruised, and killed by his own horse, soon ended the mirth of the meeting. Call it not therefore cowardice, but conscience and charity in the Church, which taking these Turnaments (no better than solemn and ceremonious murder) in consideration forbad Christian burial to such as should be slain therein, whilst the Civil power proceeded severely against the slayer, and so betwixt both, with much ado, banished this barbarous custom. As for such tame tilting (mere martial-masques ) since used at Court, being rather expensive than uncharitable, they are of a different nature.
43. Strifes, sights, spoylings, breaking open of houses, ( it is not me, but Matthew Paris whom thou readest ) woundings and murder betwixt the Burgesses ( probably first named because most guilty ) and the Scholars of Cambridge, and that in the very Lent, that with the holy time, holy persons also might be violated. The noise thereof ascended to the ears of the King with a great complaint.
44. Hugh Balsham Sub-Prior (afterwards Bishop of Eli ) began the Foundation of Peterhouse without Trumpington-gate near the Church of S t . Peter (since fallen down) from the vicinity whereof it seemeth to be denominated. As yet no revenue was settled thereon, only the Students that lived therein (grinded formerly by the Townsmen with unconscionable rents for the place of their abode) thankfully accounted themselves well endowed with good chambers and Studies freely bestowed on them. But more hereof hereafter, viz. anno 1284, when this College was enriched with possessions.
45. In vain did the care of the King (in favor of Scholars) so lately remove. Tilting five miles from Cambridge, whilst now the Scholars in open hostility tilted one against another, the Southern against the Northern men therein. What! can the Muses themselves fall out, and fight in the field five against four? I find not the first cause of the falling out betwixt Northern and Southern men: surely the mere distance of their nativity did not cause their difference, because the one was born nearer to the Sun than the other. But however the brawl began, the Northern men were worsted in the end thereof. Strange, that Boreas, the most boisterous wind in all the Compass, should be beaten by Auster. And yet the Northern men, being fewer in number, and farthest from their friends, were over-powered by the numerosity and nearness of those of the South.
46. Indeed the Northern men appear rather to be pitied than condemned, in the whole managing of the matter, being only on the defensive to secure themselves; so that whilst the others fiercely and furiously assaulted them, a great riot was committed, and (too probable) some blood 〈◊〉 . Hereupon the King issued out his Commission of Oyer and Terminer to three eminent persons, viz. Giles Argenton, then living eight miles off at Hors-heath (since, by inheritance, the seat of the ancient and honorable Family of the Alingtons) Henry de Boreham, and Laurence del Brook, to inquire into the matter and proceed therein, as they should see cause, against the offenders.
47. But soon after the King was informed, how the three aforesaid Judges appointed behaved themselves very partially in the matter: whereupon the King took it out of their hands, and, by a new Commission, referred the hearing and determining thereof to Nicolas de Tur and Nicolas de Handlo, the Judges itinerant of that Circuit. Yet, in favor of the Scholars who had offended, he limited the proceedings of these Judges with an Ita tamen quod ad suspensionem vel mutilationem clericorum non procedatis, sed eos alio modo per consilium Universitatis Cantabr. castigetis.
48. It seems the case was of some difficulty, and many persons of quality concerned therein, the deciding whereof was so often in so short a time bandied backwards and forwards at Court. For, few days after, H. le Dispencer, Justiciarius Angliae, by command from the King, inhibited the foresaid Judges itinerant to intermeddle therein, and wholly remitted the business to the examination and determination of Giles Argenton, Henry de Boreham, and Laurence de Brook: before whom some Southern Scholars, active in this Riot, were indicted, found guilty, and condemned, when the Kings gracious pardon was sent in their behalf, in form as followeth:
Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem. Sciatis nos de gratia nostra specially pardonesse magistro Johani de Depedale, magistro Hugoni de Thornham, Bartholomeo de Watton, Willielmo fratri ejus, Willielmo de Merton garcioni eorum, Willielmo de Wethringset, Mich. de Mereforde, Johanni de Dene, Waltero & Ricardo fratribus • jus, Johanni de Shotesham, Ed. de Merston, Waltero de Wodeford, Willielmo de Waburne, Nicholao de Brackden, Willielmo Saleman, Willielmo de Pikneham, & Johanni de Lon, de Comitatibus Norff. & Suff. Rogero Parlebone, Bartholomeo Matelast, Henrico Ledwy, Johanni de Stokenham, Stephano Maymund, Pruetto le Cryur, Johanni de London, Thomae Alnonechilde, Roberto de Frassenden, & Galfrido de Caxton de Comitatu Cantabrigie si sectam pacis nostrae quae ad nos pertinet pro insultu nuper facto in quosdam scholares boreales Universitatis Cantabr. et pro transgressionibus ibidem factis contrae pacem nostram unde indictati fuerunt coram dilectis & fidelibus nostris Egidio de Argentein, Henrico de Borham, & Laurentio del Broke, quos illuc misimus ad inquisitionem, faciendam de transgressionibus praedictis. Et firmam pacem nostram eis inde concedimus, ita tamen quod stent recto si quis versus eos inde lai voluerit. In cujus &c. Teste Rege apud Turrem London. xviii. die Martii anno Regni nostri xlv. ✚. Ex Rotulo patentium de Anno xlv. Regis Henrici tertimembrana 15. in Turre London.
Ex. per Guil. Ryley.
It seemeth some of these Anti-Boreals were men of gentile extraction, especially the two first (styled in the Pardon Masters) importing (I believe) more than the bare University title; as also Bartholomew de Walton, and William his brother, because waited on by William de Merton, their Garcion, that is, their servant. For it cometh from the French Gaxcon, or the Italian Garzone, and is used even by the barbarous Grecians of the middle age, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It was graciously done of the King to pardon the man as well as his Masters, seeing probably he acted only by their pleasure, and command.
49. During these discords, some Scholars of peaceable disposition fairly departed Cambridge, and retired to Northampton, where, by the leave and liking of the King, they began an University. Here they met with many Oxford -men, who, on the like occasion, had deserted Oxford, and retreated hither to study. I commend their judgment in the choice of so convenient a place, where the a • e is clea • e, yet not over sharp; the earth fruitful, yet not very dirty; water plentiful, yet far from any fennish annoyance, and wood (most wanting now of days) conveniently sufficient in that age. But the main is, Northampton is near the center of England, so that all travellers coming thither from the remotest parts of the land, may be said to be met by the Town in the midst of their journey, so impartial is the situation thereof in the navel of the Kingdom.
50. But this University never lived to commence Bachelor of Art, Senior Sophister was all the standing it at • ained unto. For, four years after, the King apprehending that Northampton University would be prejudicial to Oxford (near to which it lay within thirty miles) and therefore as a true honourer of antiquity (loath that a novice-start-up should impair so ancient a found • ) recalled the Scholars of Cambridge by these his ensuing letters.
Rex Major • & civibus suis Northampton. salutem.
Occasione cujusdam magnae contentionis in villa Cantabrigiensi triennio jam elapso subortae ammulli Clericorum tunc ibidem studentium unanimiter ab ipsa villa recessissent, se usque ad villam nostram praedictam Northam. transferentes & ibidem (studiis inhaerendo) novam eonstruere Universitatem cupientes. Nos illo tempore credentes villam illam ex hoc posse meliorari, & nobis utilitatew non modicam inde prove • ire, votis dictorum clericorum ad eo rum requisitionem annuebamus in hac parte. Nunc autem cum ex relaiu multorum fide dignorum veraciter intelleximus quod ex hujusmodi Universitate (si permaneret ibidem) municipium nostrum Okon. quod ab antiquo creatum est & à progenitoribus nostris Regibus Augliae confirmatum, ac ad commoditatem studentium communiter approbatum, non mediocriter laederetur, quod nulla ration vellemus, maxim cum universis Episcopis terrae nostrae ad honorem Dei & utilitatem Ecclesiae Anglicanae & profectum Studentium videatur expedire, quod Universitas amoveatur à villa praedicta, sicut per literas suas patentes accepimus. Vobis de consilio magnatum nostrorum firmiter inhibemus ne in villa nostra de caetero aliquam Universitatem esse, nec aliquos students ibidem manere permittatis, aliter quàm ante creationem dictae Universitatis fieri consuevit.
Teste Rege apud Westmon. primo die Febr. anno Regni xlixo ✚. Ex Rotulo Claus. de anno xlix Regis Henrici tertii membr. 10 in dorso in Turre London.
Ex. per Guil. Ryley.
There is still in Northampton a place called the College, but whether in relation to these students, I know not. Sure it is, that on the Kings letters Patents Northampton was un-universitied, the Scholars therein returning to the place from whence they came.
51. Here I can hold no longer, but must fall out (and be the Reader the Judge betwixt us) with M r . Brian Twine, the writer of Oxford-Antiquities. I honor him as an industrious though no methodical Antiquarie (his book being rather an heap than a pile; ) I commend his affection to his Mother (had it been without detraction to his Aunt ) and his example shall quicken my duty in my filial relation where I owe the same. Lastly, because he is (and I know not how soon I may be) 〈◊〉 I shall deal the more mildly with him. For, he that falls heavy on a ghost, or shadow, will in fine give the greatest blow and bruise unto himself. Yet something must be said against him in vindication of the truth.
52. First, on all occasions, he is buzzing jealousies into the heads of the Readers, to shake the credit of such Authors, who write anything in the honor of Cambridge. Thus, when Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, reports, how many deserting Oxford removed to Cambridge, he squibs in this Parenthesis ( Si illis standum sit historiis quas Matthaeus Parker Cant. Archi. edidit ) dashing as much as lieth in his power the unstained reputation of those his worthy endeavors. And again, speaking of the same Archbishops setting forth of Matthew Paris, he squirts in this passage, Sivera sit Matthaei Cant. editio, suggesting some suspicion of falsehood, and forgery in the same. Such IFS against great persons are more than IFS, and such suspicions if they be not Scandala Magnatis against so great a Peer, cannot be less than breach of Canonical obedience against the memory of so grave and godly a Prelate. Especially seeing neither Twine himself (with all the help of Oxford-Librarie ) nor all the world could ever since find any fault in that edition, as faithfully agreeing with the most authentic Manuscripts.
53. But these his slenting and suppositive, are nothing to his direct and downright traducing of the Records of Cambridge. Take him in his own Latin words, which I have translated to this purpose, that such ingenuous English men never bred in either University (and therefore the more impartial Judges) but understanding the strength of common sense and reason, may indifferently umpire the matter, and find the verdict, as they shall hear things alleged and proved.
Brian Twine, Antiquitatis Academiae Oxoniensis Apologia lib. 3.
pag. 280. numero 76.
Non ignoro tamen in Memorabilibus Universitatis Oxford. à Roberto Haro collectis, unde hanc chartam desumpsi, in exordio diplomatis, Cantabrigiae mentionem fieri, quasi & illa contentio triennio tum elapso Cantabrigiae non Oxoniae accidisset, & nova Universitas ea Northamtonensis à Cantabrigiensibus non Oxoniensibus fuisset inchoata. Eam tamen lectionem si nihil aliud, certe adulterata ipsius vocis Cantabrigiae loco Oxoniae scriptura, & charactere à caeteris dissimillimo & toto exarandi genere diverso, corruptissimam prodit: Ubi enim occurrit Anno Dom. 1246. apud bonos & vetustae fidei autores tantas fuisse Cantabrigiae discordias, quae students Northamptonian arcerent?
Yet I am not ignorant that in the Memorables of the University of Oxford collected by Robert Hare, whence I have taken this Charter, in the beginning of the Patent there is mention made of Cambridge, as if this contention had happened three years since at Cambridge, and not at Oxford, & that new University at Northampton begun of Cambridge, not of Oxford men. Yet, if nothing else, truly the adulterated writing of the word Cambridge in stead of Oxford, and in a character most unlike from the rest, and different in the whole kind for the fashion thereof, betrayeth it to be most corrupted. For where do we find that, in the year of our Lord 1246, amongst good Authors and of ancient faith, there were so great discords in Cambridge as to drive the Students to Northampton?
Here is too much for me to manage at once, we will parcel it for the more effectual examination thereof, this being the first time that I have to do with this adventurous Author. We know that if a Merchants Bill be once protested against in the Exchange, he will scarce ever after recover his credit; and if at first we can discover the falsehood of this our adversary, it will forever give a mortal wound to his reputation, and ease us of much trouble hereafter.
54. First he mentioneth Oxford-monuments transcribed by Robert Hare. This Hare was an Esquire of good worship and wealth, a great lover and preserver (properties never parted) of Antiquities. He carefully collected the precious monuments of both Universities, caused them fairly to be transcribed and freely bestowed a Duplicate, or double copy, on each of them: A gift worthy the giver and the receiver, as of no less cost and pains to the one, than credit and profit to the other. Now it seems