Acts and Monuments Volume 1

Albertus Emperor.

THis Sigismund left behind him one only daughter Elizabeth, who was married to Albert, Duke of Austrich: by reason whereof, he was advanced to the Empire, and so was both Duke of Austrich, Emperor, king of Hungary, and king also of Boheme. But this Albert (as is afore declared) being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians, and especially to the good men of Thabor, as he was preparing and setting forth against the Turks, in the mean time died, in the second year of his Empire, an. 1439. leaving his wife great with child, who lieng then in Hungary, and thinking to be great with a daughter, called to her the Princes and chiefetaines of the Realm, declaring to them that she was but a woman, and insufficient to the gouernāce of such a state: and moreover how she thought her self to be but with child of a daughter, and therefore required them to provide among them, such a Prince and governor, (reserving the right of the Kingdom to hir self) as were fit and able under her, to have the regiment of the land committed. The Turk in the mean while being eleuated and encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismundus aforesaid, began then more fiercely to invade Hungary and those parties of Christendom. Wherefore the Hungarians making the more haste, consulted among themselves, to make Duke Uladislaus, brother to Casimi • us King of Polony, their King.

But while this was in working between the Hungarians and Uladislaus the Duke, in the mean space Elizabeth brought forth a son called Ladislaus, who being the lawful heir of the kingdom, the Queen calleth back again her former word, minding to reserve the kingdom for her son, being the true heir thereof, and therefore refuseth marriage with the said Uladislaus, which she had before pretended. But Uladislaus joining with a great part of the Hungarians, persisting still in the condition before granted, would not give over: by reason whereof, great contention and division kindling among the people of Hungary, Amurathes y ^• great Turk, taking his advantage of their discord, and partly surpressed with pride of his former success against Sigismund aforesaid, with his whole main & force, invaded the realm of Hungary: where Hunyadi surnamed Uaiuoda, Prince of Transiluania, joining with the new King Uladislaus, did both together set against the Turk, anno. 1444. and there Uladislaus the new King of Hungary, the fourth year of his kingdom was slain. Elizabeth with her son, was fled in y ^• mean while, to Fridericke the Emperor. Of Hunyadi Uaiuoda the noble Captain, and of his Acts and also of Ladislaus (Christ willing) more shall be said hereafter, in his time and place.

Fridericus the third Emperor.

AFter the deceasse of Albert, succeeded in the Empire Fridericus the third, Duke of Austria, an. 1440. By whom it was procured (as we have before signified) that Pope Felix elected by the Council of Basel, did resign his Popedom, to Pope Nicholas the fifth, upon this condition, that the said Pope Nicholas should ratife the acts decreed in the said Council of Basil. In the days of this Emperor, much war and dissention raged almost thorough all Christian Realms, in Austria, Hungaria, Polonia, in France, in Burgoine, and also here in England, between King Henry the sixth, and King Edward the fourth, as ye have already heard: whereby it had been easy for the Turk, with little maistry, to have overrun all the Christian Realms in Europe, had not the providence of our merciful Lord otherwise provided to keep Amurates the Turk, occupied in other civil wars at home in the mean while. Unto this Fridericke came Elizabeth (as is aforesaid) with Ladislaus her son: by whom he was nourished & entertained a certain space, till at length, after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid, king of Ungarie (which was slain in battle by the Turks) the men of Austria, through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus, and of Ulricus Earl of Silicia rising up in armor, required of Fridericke the Emperor, either to give thē their young king, or else to stand to his own defense.

When Fridericke heard this, neither would he render to them a sudden answer, neither would they abide any longer delay: and so the matter growing to war, the new City was besieged, where many were slain, and much harm done. At length the Emperors part being y ^• weaker, the Emperor through the interuētion of certain Nobles of Germany, restored Ladislaus unto their hands, who being yet under age, committed his in. kingdoms to three governors. Whereof John Hunyadi the worthy Captain above mentioned, had the ruling of Ungarie: George Pogiebracius had Boheme: and Ulricus the Earl of Silicia, had Austria. Which Ulrice, having the chief custody of the King, bare the greatest authority above the rest, a man as much full of ambitiō and tyranny, as he was hated almost of all the Austrians, and shortly after by the means of Eizingerus, was excluded also from the King and the Court, but afterward restored again, and Eizingerus thrust out. Such is the unstable condition of them which be next in place about Princes. But this contention between them I overpass.

Not long after, Ladislaus the young King went to Boheme, there to be crowned, where George Pogiebracius (as is said) had the governance. But Ladislaus during all the time of his being there, though being much requested, yet would neither enter into the Churches, nor hear the service of them, which did draw after the doctrine of Hus. In so much that when a certain Priest in the high tower of Prague, was appointed and addressed, after the manner of Priests, to say service before the King, being known to hold with John Hus and Rochezaua, the King disdaining at him, commanded him to give place and depart, or else he would send him down headlong from the rock of the Tower: and so the good minister repulsed by the King, departed. Also another time the said Ladislaus, seeing the Sacrament carried by a Minister of that side, whom they called then Huslites, would do thereunto no reverence. Ex Aene. Syluio.

At length the long abode of the King, although it was not very long, yet seemed to the godly disposed to be longer then they wished: and that was not to y ^• king unknown, which made him to make the more hast away. But before he departed, he thought first to visit the noble City Uratislauia in Schlesia. In the which City, the foresaid King Ladislaus being there in the high Church, at service many great Princes were about him: Among whom was also George Pogie bracius, who then stood nearest to the King, unto whom one Chilianus, plaieng the Parasite about the King (as the fashion is of such as fain themselves fools, to make other men as very fools as they) spake in this wise as followeth: with what countenance you do behold this our service, I see right well, but your heart I do not see. Say then, doth not the order of this our Religion seem unto you decent and comely? Do you not see how many and how great princes, yea the king himself, do follow one order and uniformity? And why do you then follow rather your Preacher Rochezana then these? Do you think a few Bohemians to be more wise then all the Church of Christ besides? Why then do you not forsake that rude and rusticall people, and join to these Nobles, as you are a noble man yourself.

Unto whom, thus Pogiebracius sagely again doth answer. If you speak these words of yourself, saith be, you are not the man whom you fain yourself to be: and so to you I answer, as not to a fool. But if you speak this by the suggestion of others, then must I satisfy them. Hear therefore. As touching the Ceremonies of the Church, every man hath a conscience of his own to follow. As for us, we use such Ceremonies, as we trust do please God: Neither is it in our arbitrement to believe what we will our selves. The mind of man being persuaded with great reasons, is captivated, will he, nill he: and as nature is instructed and taught, so is she drawn, in someone way, and in some another. As for myself, I am fully persuaded in the Religion of my preachers. If I should follow thy Religion, I might perchance deceive men, going contrary to mine own conscience, but I cannot deceive God, who seeth the harts of all: Neither shall it become me to frame myself like to thy disposition. That which is meet for a Iester, is not likewise convenient for a noble man. And these words either take to thyself, as spoken to thee, if thou be a wise man, or else I refer them to those which set thee a work. Ex Aen. Sylu. in Hist. Bohem.

After the King was returded from the Bohemians again to Austria, y ^e Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king, that he would also come unto thē. The governor of Hūgarie (as ye before have heard) was Johannes Hunyadi, whose victorious acts against y ^e Turks are famous. Against this Hunyadi, wicked Ulricus Earl of Silicia, did all he could with the King, to bring him to destructiō, and therefore caused the king to send for him up to Vienna, and there privily to work his death. But Hunyadi having thereof intelligence, offereth himself within Hungary to serve his Prince, to all affairs: Out of the lande where he was, it was neither best (said he) for the Kynge, nor safest for him self, to come. The Earl being so disappointed, came down with certain Nobles of the Courte, to the borders of Hungary, thynking either to apprehend him and bring him to Vienna, or there to dispatch him. Hunyadi, without in the fields, said he would common with him, within the Town he would not be brought. After that, another trayne also was laid for him, that under pretence of the kings safeconduct, he should meet the king in the broad fields of Vienna. But Hunyadi suspecting deceit, came in deed to the place appointed, where he neither seeing the Kyng to come, nor the Earl to have any safe conduct for him, was moved (and not without cause) against the Earl, declaring howe it was in his power there to slay him, which went about to seek his blood, but for the reverence of the king, he would spare him and let him go.

Not long after this, the Turk with a great power of fighting men, to the number of an hundredth and fifteen thousand, arrived in Hungary, where he laid siege to the City Alba. But through the merciful hand of God, John Hunyadi, and Capistranus a certain Minorite, with a small garrison of Christian soldiers, gave him the repusse and put him to flight, with all his mighty host: Whereof more (Christ willing) hereafter. Ex hist Bohemie. Aen. Syluij. Hunyadi shortly after this victory, deceased. Of whose death when the king and the Earl did understand, they came the more boldly into Hungary, where he being received by Ladislaus Hunyadi tonne, into the Town of Alba, there vewed the places where the Turks before had pitched their tents. When this Ladislaus heard that the king was coming first toward the town, obediently he opened to him the gates. Four thousand only of armed soldiers he debarred from entering the City.

In the mean time while the King was there resident in the City, the Earl with other nobles did sit in counsel, requiring also Ladislaus to resort unto them: who first doubting with himself what he might do, at length putteth on a privy coat of maile, and cometh to them. Whether the Earl first began with him, or he with the Earl, it is not known. The opinion is of some, that Ulricus first called him traitor, for shutting the gates against the kings soldiers. Howsoever the occasion began, this is undoubted, that Ulricus taking his sword from his page, let fly at his head. To break the blow, some putting up their hands, had their fingers cut of. The Hungarians hearing a noise & tumult within the chamber, brake it upon them, & there incontinent slew Ulrike the Earl, wounding and cutting him almost alto pieces: The King hearing thereof, although he was not a little discontented thereat in his mind: yet seeing there was then no other remedy, dissembled his grief for a time,

Frō thence the king took his journey again to Buda, accompanied with the foresaid Ladislaus, who passyng by y ^e town, where the wife of Hunyadi was mourning for the death of her husband, seemed w ^t many fair words to comfort her: and after he had there sufficiently repasted him self, with such pretence of dissembled love, and feigned favor, that they were without all suspicion & fear: from thence he set forward in his journey, taking with him the two sons of Hunyadi, Ladislaus and Mathias, who were right ready to wait upon him. The king being come to Buda (whether of his own head, or by sinister counsel set on) when he had them at a vauntage, caused both the sons of Hunyadi: to wit, Ladislaus and Mathias, to be apprehended. And first was brought forth Ladislaus the elder son, to the place of execution, there to be beheaded: where meekly he suffered, being charged with no other crime, but this, published by the voice of the crier, saying: Thus are they to be chastened, which are rebels against their Lord. Peucerus writing of his death, addeth this moreover, that after the hangman had 3. blows at his neck, yet notwithstanding the said Ladislaus having his hands bound behind him, after the third stroke, rose upright upon his feet, and looking up to heaven, called upon the Lord, and protested his innocence in that behalf: and so laying down his neck again, at the fourth blow was dispatched. Mathias the other brother was led captive with the king unto Austria. The rest of the captives brake the prison and escaped.

It was not long after this cruelty was wrought upon Ladislaus, the king being about the age of twentye & two years, that talk was made of the kings marriage, with Magdalene daughter to the French king. The place of the marriage was appointed at Prague, where great preparation was for the matter. At the first entrance of the King into the City of Prague, Rochezana with a company of Ministers, such as were favorers of John Hus, and of sincere Religion, came with all solemnity to receive the king, making there his oration to gratulate the kings most joyful and prosperous access into the same his own Realm and country of Boheme. Unto which Rochezana, after he had ended his Oration, scarce the king would open his mouth to give thanks to him, nor any cheareful countenance unto his company, but fiercely seemed to frown upon them. In the next Pagen after these, came forth the Priests of the high Minster, after the most Popish manner, meeting him with Procession, and with the Sacrament of the altar: For as Panacea among Physicians serveth for all diseases, so the sacrament of the popes altar serveth for all pomps and Pagens. First it must lie upon the altar, then it must be holden up in hands, then it must hang in the pyx, it must serve for the quick, it must also help the dead, it must moreover visit the sick, it must walk about y ^t churchyard, it must go about the streets, it must be carried about the fields to make the grass to grow, it must be had to the battle, it must ride on horseback before the Pope. And finally, it must welcome kings into Cities. Wherein these Catholic fathers do seem somewhat to forget themselves. For if the Pope, being inferior to the Sacrament of the alter, at the coming of kings, do use to sit still while the kings come and kiss his feet, what reason is it that the Sacrament of the altar, which is (I trow) above the Pope, should meet kings by the way, and welcome them to the town? But this by the way of parenthesis : Let us now continue the text.

When Ladislaus this Catholic king, who had shown himself before so stout and stern against Rochezana and his company, had seen these Catholic priests with their Procession, and especially with their blessed Sacrament, to come: with all reverence and much devotion, he lyghted down from his horse, he embraced the cross and kyssed it, and with cheerful countenance saluted the Priests in order. All this while his young wife was not yet come out of France, but Legates were sent, after most sumptuous wise, to conduct her. Other Legates also were sent the same time, to the Emperor Frederick, for conconclusion of peace. The third Legacy was directed likewise to Pope Calixtus about Religion, howe to reduce the Bohemians to the Church of Rome. The author of this story (which was Pope Pius himself) declareth further the opinion of some to be, that king Ladislaus y ^e same time had intended, to make a final ende and destruction of all that sect in Bohemia, which held with the doctrine of John Hus, and Jerome, by the assemble and cōcourse of the Catholic Princes, and popish Prelates, which were appointed there to meet together at that marriage in Prague. For there should be first the Emperor Frederick, Elizabeth the kings mother, and his sisters Elizabeth, and Anna, the Princes of Saxony. Baioria, Slesia, Franconia, the Palatine, and other Princes of Rhene: many also of the Lord's of France, besides the Popes Cardinals, Legates, Prelates and other potestates of the Popes Church. Who if they had all together convented in Boheme, no doubt but some great mischief had been wrought there against the Hussires: against whom this Ladislaus, following the steppes of Sigismundus his graundfather, and Albertus his father, was ever an utter enemy. But when man hath purposed, yet God disposeth as pleaseth him,

And therefore, truly it is written of Aeneas Sylvius in the same place, saying: De regimine Ciuitatum, de mutatione regnorum, de orbis imperio, minimum est, quod homines possint (tum vero De religions constitutione multo minus) magna magnus dispoint Deus. That is. In regiment of Cities, in alteration of kingdoms, in ruling and governing the world, it is less then nothing that man can do: it is the high God that ruleth high things. Whereunto then I may well add this moreover, and say: that if the governance of worldly kingdoms standeth not in man's power, but in the disposition of God, much less is it then, that man's power can do in the regiment and governing of Religion. Example whereof in this purposed devise of Princes, doth evidently appear. For as this great preparation and solemnity of marriage was in doing, and the Princes ready to set forth, with a little turn of God's holy hand, all these great purposes were sodeinly turned and dashed. For in the midst of this business, about the 21. day of November. An. 1461. this great adversary of Christ's people, king Ladislaus, king of Boheme, of Hungary, and Prince of Austria sickened, and within 36. hours died, some say of a Pestilent fore in his grine, some say of poison. But howe so ever it was, as it came not without the just judgment of God, revenging the innocent blood of Ladislaus Hunyadi son, wrongfully put to death before: so by the oportune death of this King, the poor Churches of Boheme were graciously delivered. And this ende made Ladislaus, one of the mightiest Princes at that time in all Europe: in whom three mighty kingdoms were conjoined and combined together, Austria, Hungaria, and Bohemia: which countries do lie Southeast from England, in the farthest partes of all Germany, toward Constantinople, and the dominion of the Turks, & contain these principal towns in them.

• AVstria, called once Panonia superior.
• Vienna, which was besieged of the Turk. Anno 1533.
• Melck.
• Neustat noua Ciuitas.
• Gretz.
• S. Hypolit.
• Lintz.
• Stein.
• Haynberg.
• Kremsz.
• Karolsburg.
• Teben.
• Kotzo.
• Raba.
• Lindenburg.

To Austria be adioining also certain Provinces & Earledomes, as

• Stiria. Provinces.
• Carinthia. Provinces.
• Croaia. Provinces.
• Silicia. Earldomes.
• Tyrolētz. Earldomes.

• HVngaria, which once called Pannonia inferior.
• Buda. Ofen.
• Strigonium.
• Kalachia.
• Varadinum.
• Nitria. Noua. Vetus.
• Nicopolis. Noua. Vetus.
• Agria. Noua. Vetus.
• Agria.
• Orszaw •
• Bossen.
• Sabaria.

Thys Vngaria, was first called Pannonia, or Poeonia. After y ^• coming of y ^• Hunes it was called Hungaria. Of which came Attila, which destroyed Italy, about the year of the Lord 440. Thorough Ungaria, rūneth Danubius, having on the west side, Austria, and Bohemia, on the East, Seruia, on the Southside, Polonia. &c. The most of this Hungary, is now under the Turk: which Turks first came into Europe. An. 1211.

• BOhemia.
• Praga.
• Pilzen.
• Thabor.
• Buduuis.
• Kolin, or Koelu.
• Egra.
• Kuttenberg.
• Leimiritz.
• Laun.
• Rakonicke.
• Glataw.
• Bern. or Beraun.
• Bruck. Most.
• Gretz. Hradetz.
• Aust.
• Maut. Myto.
• Hof.
• Iaromir.
• Dub. Biela.
• Lantzhut.
• Gilowy.
• Krupka.
• Krumaw.
• Pardubitz.
• Chumitaun.
• Loket. Teplitz.
• Hantzburg. Zbraslau.
• Labe. Vltawa.

After the death of Ladislaus, the kingdom of Boheme fell to George Pogiebracius above mentioned, whō Pope Innocent the eight, did excommunicate and depose for his religion, as is afore declared.

Furthermore, the kingdom of Hungary, was given to Mathias son of Hunyadi, who was in captivity (as is said) with king Ladislaus, and should have been put to death after his brother, had not the king before been prevented with death, as is above recorded. Moreover, here is to be noted that the said king Ladislaus, thus dying without wife and issue, left behind him two sisters alive: to wit, Elizabeth, which was married to Casimirus king of Polonia: and Anna, married to William, duke of Saxony, Elizabeth by her husband Casimirus, king of Polonia, had Uladislaus, who at length was king both of Boheme and Hungary. This Casimirus, first was married to Beatrix, wife before to Mathias. Then being divorced from her by the dispensation of Pope Alexander, married a new wife a Countess of France, by whom he had two children, Louis, and Anna, Louis which was heir of both kingdoms of Boheme, and Hungary, was slain fighting against the Turks, Anna was married to Ferdinandus, by whom he was Archduke of Austria, king of Boheme. &c.

• Sigismundus left only ouedaughter.
• Elizabeth, wife to Albertus Emperor. Who had 3. children.
  • Ladislaus, king of Hungary, Boheme, and Austria.
  • Elizabeth, with of Casimirus, king of Polonie : who had
  • Anna, wife to William Duke of Saxon.
• Vladislaus, king of Baheme and Hungary, who by his seconde wife, Countess of France, had
  • Ludouicus, King of Boheme & Hungary.
  • Anne, wife to Ferdinandus, Father to this Maximilian now Emperor.

Ye heard before, howe after the decease of Ladislaus, the Hungarians by their election preferred Mathias surnamed Coruinus, which was son of Hunyadi, to y ^e kingdom of Hungary. For which cause dissention fell between Friderick the Emperor and him, for that the said Friderick was both nominated himself by diverse unto that kingdom, & also because he had the crown of Hungary then remaining in his hands, which Elizabeth mother to K. Ladislaus, had brought to the Emperor, as was before declared. But this war between them, was ceased by the intercessiō of the Princes of Germany, so that Mathias ransomed that crown of Fridericke for 8000. Florences.

Not long after, Pope Innocent being displeased with George Pogiebracius (or Boiebracius) king of Bohemia, for favoring of John Hus, & his Religion, that is to say, for playing the part of a godly Prince, did excommunicate & depose him, conferring his kingdom to Mathias. But for so much as Fridericke the Emperor would not thereto consent, and especially after the death of the foresaid George, when the Emperor and the Bohemians, leaving out Mathias, did nominate Uladislaus son of Casimirus, king of Polonie, and of Elizabeth, to be king of Boheme, therefore great war and trouble kindled between him and Fridericke the Emperor: wherein the Emperor had utterly gone to ruin, had not Albertus Duke of Saxony rescued the Emperor, and repressed the vehemency of Mathias.

The noble acts of John Hunyadi, and of this Mathias his son, were not only great stays to Hungary, but almost to all Christendom, in repelling back y ^e Turk. For beside the other victories of John Hunyadi the father, afore mentioned, this Mathias also his son succeeding no less in the valiantness, then in the name of his father, did so recover Sirmium, and the confines of Illyrica, from the hands of the Turks, & so vanquished their power, that both Mahometes, and also Baiazetes his son, were enforced to seek for truce.

Ouer and besides, the same Mathias, conducting his army into Bosna (which lieth South from Hungary) recovered again Iaitza, the principal town of that kingdom, from the Turks possession. Who, if other Christian Princes had joined their helps withal, would have proceeded farther into Thracia. But behold here the malicious subtlety of Satan, working by the Pope. For while Mathias was thus occupied in his expedition against the Turks, wherein he should have been set forward and aoded by Christian Princes, and Bishops: the Bishop of Rome, wickedly and sinfully ministereth mater of civil discord between him & Pogiebracius aforesaid, in removing him from the right of his kingdom, and transferryng the same to Mathias. Wherupon, not only the course of victory against the Turks was stopped, but also great war and bloodshed followed in Christian realms, as well between this Mathias, and Pogiebracius, with his two sons Uictorinus and Henricus, as also between Casimirus, Uladislaus, and Mathias warring about Uratislauia, till at length the matter was taken up by the Princes of Germany.

Albeit, for all the execrable excommunication of the Pope against Pogiebracius, a great part of Boheme would not be removed from the obedience of their King, whom the Pope had cursed, and deposed: yet Mathias toke from him Morauia, and a great portion of Slesia, and adjoined it to his kingdom of Hungary. An. 1474.

Where this by the way is to be noted, that the Religion in Bohemia, planted by I. Hus, could not be extinct or suppressed withal the power of four mighty Princes, Uenceslaus, Sigismundus, Albertus, and Ladislaus, notwithstanding they with the Popes, did therein what they possibly could: but still the Lord maintained the same, as ye see by this Pogiebracius king of Boheme, whom the Pope could not utterly remove out of the kingdom of Bohemia.

This forementioned Mathias, beside his other memorable acts of chiualry, is no less also commended for his singular knowledge and love of learning and of learned men, whom he with great stipends, procured into Pannonia: where by the means of good letters, and furniture of learned mē, he reduced in short space the barbarous rudeness of that country, into a flourishing common wealth. Moreover, such a Library he did there erect, and replenish with all kind of authors, sciences, and histories, which he caused to be translated out of Greek into Latin, as the like is not thought to be found, next to Italy, in all Europe beside. Out of which Librarye we have received diverse fragments of writers, as of Polybius, and Diodorus Siculus which were not extant before. Ex Peucer.

The constante fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebracius king of Boheme, is not unworthy of commendation: of whom also Pope Pius himself, in Descriptione Europae, doth honestly report (as a Pope may speak of a protestāt) in these words writing: Magnus vir alioqui, & rebus bellicis clarus. &c. Who although Pope Innocent did execrate w ^t his children, yet he lett not of the profession of the verity & knowledge which he had received. Moreover, the Lord so prospered his sons, Uictorinus, and Henricus, that they subdued their enemies, and kept their estate: In so much, that when Frederick the Emperor at Vienna was in custody enclosed by the Citizens. Uictorinus did restore and deliver him out of their hands: wherefore the Emperor afterward advanced them to be Dukes. Also God gave them sometimes prosperous victory against Mathias, as at the City of Glogonia. &c.

After the decease of Georgius Pogiebracius, King of Boheme, Friderike the Emperor assigned that kingdom, not to Mathias, upon whom the Pope had bestowed it before, but upon Uladislaus son of Casunirus, king of Polonye, and of Elizabeth, daughter of the Emperor Albert, and sister to Ladislaus. For the which, Mathias being discontented, and for that the Emperor had denied him his daughter Runegunda, went about to exclude Uladislaus out of Boheme, and also proclaimed war against Fridericke. But before he accomplished his purposed preparation, death prevented him, who without issue departed. Anno 1490.

After the death of Mathias, departing without issue, Uladislaus son of Casimirus, king of Polonie, and of Elizabeth daughter to Albert Emperor, and sister to K. Ladislaus married his wife Beatrix, whom Mathias left a widow, and with her was elected king of Hungary, with this condition made between him and Friderike the Emperor, that if he died without lawful issue, then the kingdoms of Hungary and of Boheme, should return to Maximilian, son to Fridericus. But Uladislaus not long after, did repudiate his wife Beatrix, and depriving her of her kingdom, caused the said Beatrix to swear and to consent to the marrying of another woman, which was the daughter of the French king, named Anne, procuryng from Pope Alexander, a dispensation for the same, as is before signified. By this Anne, Uladislaus had Lewys, & Anne, which Anne afterward was married to Ferdinandus.

Lewys succeeding after his father, had both the said kingdoms of Boheme and Hungary. An. 1492. and married Mary sister to Charles the 5. Emperor. Anne, as is said, was coupled to Ferdinandus. &c.

Of Charles Duke of Burgoine, somewhat was before touched, who had married king Edward's sister: and what troubles by him were stirred up in France, partly was before notified. Thys Charles after he had besieged the City Nussia, or Nouasium, the space of a whole yere, went about to alienate the territory of Colen, from the Empire to his own dominion: wherefore war began to be moved between him and Frederick the Emperor. At length through communication had, peace was concluded, and a marriage appointed between Mary the only daughter of Charles, and Maximilian the Emperors son. Anno 1475. Then from Nouasium, Charles leadeth his army toward Heluetia, against Renatus or Reinhardus Duke of Lotharing: then against the Heluetians. Where he being thrice overcome, first at Granson, then at Moratum or Murta, in the hier parte of Heluetia, at last at the town of Nanse, was overthrown and slain. Anno 1477. The procurer of which wars: was chiefly Lewys the 11. the French king, to the intent he might compass the dominion of Burgundy under his subjection: which afterward by open wrong and privy fraud, he brought about, defrauding Mary the daughter of Charles, of her rightful inheritance: For the which cause the Burgundians were the more willing to join her in marriage with Maximilian, son of Friderike the Emperor: by reason whereof the title of Burgundy, was first joined to the house of Austria.

And thus have you the miserable vexations and contentions among our Christian Princes here in Europe described, under the reign of this Frederick the third Emperor, so that almost no angle nor portion of all Christendom (whether we consider the state of the Church, or civil government) was free from discord, tumults, and dissensions. Thys cankerde worm of ambition so myghtely creepeth, and everywhere prevaileth in these latter ends of the world, that it suffereth neither rest in common weals, nor peace in the Church, nor any sparkle of charity almost to remain in the life of men. And what marvel then, if the Lord seeing us so far to degenerate, not only from his precepts and counsels, but almost from the sense and bound of nature, that brother with brother, uncle with nephewe, blood with blood cannot agree in striving, killing, and fighting for worldly dominions, do send therefore these cruel Turks upon us so to scourge and devour us? Of whose bloody tyranny & daily spilling of Christian blood, hereafter (by the grace of Christ) we will discourse more at large, when we come to the peculiar consideration of the Turkishe stories. In the mean time, this shall be for us to note and observe, not so much the scourge howe grievous it is: but rather to behold the causes which being the whip upon us, which is our own miserable ambition and wretched wars among our selves.

And yet if this Christian peace and love, left and commended so heartily unto us by the mouth of the son of God being now banished out of Christian realms and civil governance, might at least find some refuge in the Church, or take Sanctuary among men professing nothing but Religion, less cause we had to mourn. Now so it is, that as we see little peace and amity among civil Potentates: so less we find in the spiritual sort of them, which chiefly take upon them the administration of Christ's Church. So that it may well be doubted, whether the scourge of the Turk, or the civil sword of Prynces have slain moe in the fields, or the Popes keys have burnt moe in Towns and Cities. And all be it such as be professed to the Church, do not fight with sword and targate for dominions and revenues, as warlike Princes do: yet this ambition, pride, and avarice, appeareth in them nothing inferior to other worldly potestates: especially if we behold and advise the doings and insatiable desires of the court of Rome. Great argument and proof hereof neither is hard to be found, nor far to be sought. What realm almost through all christendom hath not only seen with their eyes, but have felt in their pursses the ambitiō intolerable, and avarice insatiable of that devouring church, and also have complained upon the greuance thereof, but never could be redressed? What exactions and extortions have been here in England out of bishopricks, monasteries, benefices, deanries, Archdeaconries, and all other offices of the Church, to fill the Popes coffers: and when they had all done, yet every year brought almost some new invention from Rome, to fetch in our English money: and if all the floods in England (yea in all Europe) did run into the sea of Rome, yet were that Ocean never able to be satisfied.

In France likewise, what floods of money were swallowed up in this sea of Rome, it was openly complained of in the council of Basil as is testified by Henry Token, Canon and Ambassador of the Archbishop of Maidenburge, written in his boke entitled Rapularium, where as he writeth that in the Council of Basel. An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare, that in the time of Pope Martin, there came out of France to the court of Rome, 9. millions of gold, which was gathered of the Bishops and Prelates, besides those which could not be counted of the poor clergy, which daily without number, run unto the court of Rome, carrying with them all their whole substance, The archbishop of Turonne said also at Basil, in y ^e year of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came unto Rome in his time, within the space of 14. years, from the prelates & prelacies, whereof no accompt could be made beside the poor clergy, which daily run to that court. Let the man which feareth God, judge what a devouring gulf this is. A million containeth x.C.M.

And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Louis the 11. the French Kinge (who as is aforesaid was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin) that he would (according to his former promise) abolish & utterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsel of Bitures, by king Charles the 7. his predecessor, called Pragmatica Sanctio, but only the ambition of that sea, which had no measure, and their avarice which had no ende, the story is this. King Charles 7. the French king, willing to obey and follow the council of Basil, did sommon a Parliament at Bitures. Where by the full consent of all the states in France, both spiritual and temporal, a certain constitution was decreed and published, called Pragmatica Sanctio. wherein was comprehended, briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees concluded in the council of Basil. The which constitution the said king Charles willed and commanded through all his realm, inviolably to be observed and ratified for the honor and increase of Christian religion forever. This was An. 1438.

It followed, that after the decease of this foresaid Charles the 7. succeeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before, being Dolphine to Pope Pius, that if he ever came to the crown, the foresaid Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished. Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned, did send unto him John Balueus a Cardinal, with his great letterg patent, willing him to be mindful of his promise made. The king either willing, or else pretending a will to perform, and accomplish what he had promised, directed the Popes letters patēt, with the said Cardinal, to the counsel of Paris, requiring them to consult upon the cause.

Thus the matter being brought and proposed in the Parliament house, the kings Attorney named Johannes Romanus, a man well spoken, singularly witted, and well reasoned, stepping forth, with great eloquence, and no les boldness, proved the said Sanction to be profitable, holy, and necessary for the wealth of the realm, and in no case to be abolished. Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Paris adjoining their consent, did appeal from the attempts of the Pope, to the next general Council. The Cardinal understanding this, toke no little indignation thereat, fretting and fuming, and threatening many terrible things against them: but all his minatory words notwithstanding, he returned again to the king, his purpose not obtained, An. 1438. Ex John. Mario.

Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappointed, which also in Germany had come to the like effect, if Frederick the Emperor had there done his part likewise toward the Germans: Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate, went about with humble suit to persuade the Emperor that he should no longer be under the subjection of the Popes of Rome, except they had first obtained certain things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales, declaring their estate to be far worse (although undeserved) then the Frenchmen or Italians: whose servants (and especially of the Italians) they are worthily to be called, except that their estate were altered. The nobles & comminalty of Germany, did instantly entreat w ^t most weighty reasons & examples, both for the utility and profit of the Empire, to have the Emperors aide and help therein, for that which he was bound unto them by an oth: alleging also the great dishonor & ignominy in that they alone had not the use of their own laws, declaring how y ^e French natiō had not made their suit unto their king in vain against the exactions of Popes: by whom they were defended, which also provided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people, & caused the same to be observed: the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within his Empire, & to provide for his people and states of his empire, as well as other Kings do. For what shall come to pass thereby, if that foreign nations having recourse unto their kings, being relieved and defended by them from the said exactions, and the Germains, & states of the Empire flying unto their Emperor, be by him forsaken or rather betrayed & deprived of their own laws and decrees? The Emperor being moved, & partly overcome by their persuasions, promised that he would provide no less for them, then the king of France had done for the Frenchmen, and to make decrees in that behalf: but the grave authority of Aeneas Sylvius, as Platina writeth in the history of Pius the second, brake of the matter, who by his subtle and pestiserous persuasions did so bewitche the Emperor, that he contemning the equal, just, and necessary requests of his subjects, chose the said Aeneas to be his Ambassador unto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope, to swear unto him in his name, & to promise the absolute obedience of all Germany, as the only country (as they call it) of obedience, neglecting the ordinances & decrees of their country, as before he had done unto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassador for the said Fredcrike, promising that he & all the Germans would be obedient unto him from henceforth in all matters, as well spiritual as temporal.

Thus twice Friderike of Austrich contemned and derided the Germans, & frustrating them of their native decrees and ordinances, brought them under subjection and bondage of the Pope: which partly was the cause that 7. years before his death, he caused his son Maximiliā, not only to be chosen, but also crowned king of Romans, and did associate him to y ^e ministration of the Empire, least after his death (as it came to pass) the Empire should be transported into another family, suspecting y ^e Germains, whom he had twice contrary to his laws made subject and in bondage unto the Popes exactions: first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after his coronation, and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests. Wherupon Germany being in this miserable poverty and grievous subjection under the Popes tyranny and polling, with tears and sighs lamenting their estate, continued so almost unto Luther's time, as the histories hereafter following do testify.

And here ceasing with the story of Frederick, we will now proceed to the reign of Maximilian his son, omitting diverse things else incident in the time of this Emperor: as first touching the unbrotherly contention & conflicts between this Frederick and Albertus his brother, and Sigismundus his uncle, for the dukedome of Austria, after the death of Mathias afore mentioned: Omitting also to speak of the long and cruel war between the Prussians, and Polonians, with the religious sect of them, which were called Tentones fratres sanctae Mariae, in the time of Uladislaus: Omitting also the strife and variance for the dukedome of Milan, between Fredericus the Emperor, Alfonsus, Carolus duke of Orleans, & Franciscus Sfortia: And howe the said Princedom being after given to Sfortia, great wars were kindled & long continued between Sfortia and the Milleners, then between the Milleners and Uenetians, and after between the Frenchmen and the Milleners. All which tumults and commotions, as not pertinent greatly to the purpose of this story, I refer to other writers, where they are to be found more amply discoursed.

Thys as more properly belonging to the story of the Church, I thought good not to pass over touching such as were condemned, & suffered the pains of fire for testimony of Christ and his truth: Of whom one was John a pastor or a neteheard, which was a keeper of cattle: The other was Johannes de Wesalia, although not burned, yet persecuted near to death under the reign of this Emperor Fredericus the 3.

And first touching this John the Netehearde, Thus writeth Sebast. Munsterus. That the Bishop of Herbypolis, condemned and burned for an heretic one John, which was a keeper of cattle at a town called Niclas Hausen in Franconia, because he taught and held that the life of the clergy was ignominious and abhominable before God. An. 1476. Ex Munstero.

The other was Doctor Johannes de Wessalia, who was complained upon unto Dietherus the Archbishop of Mainz, by the Thomists, upon certain articles and opinions, gathered out of his books. Wherefore the said Dietherus, fearing else to be deposed again from his Bishopric, directeth forth commission to the universities of Heidelburg and Colen, to have the mater in examination, who conventing together the yere above mentioned, called this Doctor de Wessalia before them, making him to swear that he should present and give up all his treatises, works and writings, what so ever he had made or preached: that being done, they divided his books amongst themselves, severally every man to find out what heresies and errors they could. His articles & opinions were these.

That all men be saved freely, and through mere grace by faith in Christ. Free will to be nothing. Only that we should believe the word of God, and not the gloss of any mā, or fathers. That the word of God is to be expounded with the collation of one place with another. That Prelates have no authority to make laws, or to expound the scriptures by any peculiare right, given them more then to another. That men's traditions, as fastings, pardones, feasts, long prayers, peregrinations and such like, are to be rejected. Extreme unction and confirmation to be reproved: confession and satisfaction to be reprehended. The primacy of the Pope also he affirmed to be nothing.

Certain other articles also were gathered out of him by his adversaries, but in such sort, that they may seme rather to follow their own malicious gathering, then any true intelligence of his mind: whereof more is to be understanded in this process hereafter.

Thus when Wesalianus was commanded to appear, there convented together, first the Archbishop, the inquisitor, the doctors of Colen, and the doctors of Heidelburg, with the masters of the same, and the Rector of the university of Mainz, the Dean of faculties, Bachelers of divinity, and many other masters of the same university, Canous, doctors, with the bishops Chanceller, and his councellers, besides many religious prelates, scholars, with a doctor of Franckforte, the sumner & bedels, which all met together in the great hall of the Minorites, for the examination of this Johannes de Wesalia.

Frier Elton the Inquisitor, first sitteth in the highest place, then after him others according to their degree. In the beginning of the examination, first the Inquisitor beginneth with these words: Most reverent father and honorable doctors. &c. Our reverent father and prince Elector hath caused this present convocation to be called, to hear the examination of M. John de Wesalia, in certain suspected articles concerning the catholic faith. But something I will say before, that may do him good, and desire that two or three of them that favor him, or some other, will rise up and give him counsel, to forsake and leave his errors, to recognise himself, & to ask pardon, which if he will do, he shall have pardon: if he will not, we will proceed against him without pardon. And thus Wesalianus being cited and brought in the midst betwixt 2. minorites, being very aged, and having a staff in his hand, was set before the Inquisitor. Who beginning to answer for him self with a long protestation, could not be suffered to prosecute his Oration, but was cutre off and required briefly, to make an end, and to tell them in few words whether he would stand to his opinions, or to the determination of the church. To this he answered, y ^t he never spake anything against the determination of the Church, but said that he had written diverse and sundry treatises, in the which if he had erred, or were found to say otherwise then well, he was content to revoke and cal back the same, and do all things that was requisite. Then said the Inquisitor, do you ask then pardon? The other answered, why should I ask pardon, when I know no crime or error committed? The inquisitour said: well we will call you to the remembrance thereof, and proceed to the examination.

In the mean time, others called upon him instantly to ask pardon. Then said Wesalianus. I ask pardon. Notwithstanding the Inquisitor proceeded to the examination, reading there two instruments, declaring that he had authority from the Apostolic sea: after this cited the said John to appear to his examination. Thirdly he commanded him under pain of disobedience, in the virtue of the holy Ghost, and under pain of excommunication of the greater curse, (from the which no man could absolve him, but only the Pope or the Inquisitor, except only at the point of death) to tell plainly the truth upon such things as should be demanded of him concerning his faith, without ambages and sophistication of words. And so being demanded first, whether he did believe upon his oth taken, that he was bound to tell the truth, although it were against himself or any other: to this he answered, Scio, that is: I know: Thē the Inquisitor biddeth him say, Credo, that is, I believe. To the which he answered again, what need I say that I believe that thing I know. There the Inquisitor something stirred with the matter, as hot as a toste (as they say) cried out with a loud voice, master Johannes, master Johannes, master Johannes, say Credo, say Credo. Then he answered Credo.

After this, being demanded whether he had written any treatise, concerning the binding of human laws, to one Nicolas of Boheme, and whether he had written any treatise of the Ecclesiastical power of indulgences & pardons, and of fasting and other treatises: he believed that he had so written, and had conferred w ^t diverse learned men: Also that he had sent to the Bishops of Wormes, a certain treatise of fasting.

Many other interrogatories were ministered unto him, whereof some were vain, some false. Such as were more principal, here we will briefly touch, leaving out superfluiti • s.

Being demanded whether he was a fautour of the Bohemians, he said he was not. Also being demanded concerning the Sacrament of the holy body and blood of our Lord, whether he thought Christ there to be contained really, or only divinely, and whether he did believe in the said Sacrament the substance of bread there to remain, or only the form thereof: to this he answered, not denying but the body of Christ was there really contained, and also with the body of Christ, the substance of bread to remain.

After this he was demanded his opinion concerning religious men, as Monks, Nuns, or begwines, whether he thought them to be bound to the vow of chastity, or to the keeping of any other vow, and whether he said to the Friers Minorites any such word in effect: I cannot save you in this your state and order. Thys he confessed, that he had said, howe that not your religion saveth you, but the grace of God, &c. not denying but they might be saved.

Item, being required whether he believed or had written, that there is no mortal sin, but which is expressed to be mortal in the canon of the holy Bible: to this he answered, that he did so believe as he hath written, til he was better informed. Likewise being required what he thought of the vicar of Christ in earth, he answered, that he believed that Christ left no vicar in earth: For the confirmation whereof he alleged and said, that Christ ascending up to heaven, said: Ecce ego vobiscum sum. &c. Behold I am with you. &c. In the which words he plainly declared, that he would substitute under him no vicar in earth, and said moreover, if a vicar signified any man, which in y ^e absence of the principal hath to do the works of the principal, then Christ hath no vicar here in earth.

In like manner, concerning indulgences and pardons, such as the church doth use to give, they demanded of him, whether they had any efficacy, & what he thought thereof: who answered again that he had written a certain treatise of that matter, & what he had written in that treatise, he would persist therein, which was thus: that he believed, that the treasure box of the merits of Saints could not be distributed of the Pope to others, because that treasure is not left here in earth: For so it is wryttē in the Apocalypse: Opera enim illo • um, sequuntur illos, &c. that is: their works follow them.

Item, that their merits could not be applied to other men, for the satisfaction of their pain due unto them, and therefore that the Pope and other Prelates cannot distribute that treasure to men.

It was objected to him moreover, that in the said his treatise, he called pardons & indulgences, Pias frauds fidelium, that is, holy frauds and deceits of the faithful.

Also, being demanded what he thought of the halowing and blessings of altars, chalices, vestments, wax cande • s, palms, herbs, holy water and other divine things, &c. He answered that they had no spiritual virtue and power in them to drive away devils, and that holy water hath no more efficacy then other water not hallowed, as concerning remission of venial sins, and driving away deuels and other effects, which the school doctors do attribute to it.

Item, for degrees of marriage forbidden in the Scryptures, he believeth that all Christian men under deadly sin, are bound unto the same.

Item, that he believeth that God may give grace to a man having the use of reason, without all motion of Free will. Also he thinketh that S. Paul in his conversion, did nothing of his own free will for his conversion. He believeth moreover, that God may give such grace to a man having the use of reason, not doing that which in him is.

Item, he affirmed that nothing is to be believed, which is not contained in the Canon of the Bible.

Also, that the elect are saved only by the grace of God.

Besides all these moreover, he was charged with y ^e old opinion of the Grecians, which they did hold contrary to the Romaine church, unto the time of the council of Ferraria above mentioned, concerning the proceeding of the holy Ghost.

The Wednesday next following, 3, Doctors, the suffragane, Herwicus & Jacobus Sprenger, were sent unto him with persuasions to exhort him, and when he would not stand to their Canons, whereby they went about to refute his doctrine, he was then demanded of Herwicus, why he would believe rather the 4. Evangelists, then the Gospel o • Nicodemns. To whō he answered, because he would. Being asked again why he believed the 4. Evangelists, he said: because he so received of his parents. Then being demanded, why he would not believe the Doctors, because (said he) their doctrine is not canonical scripture. Again, it was to him objected, why he would be credited himself, when he preached, seeing he would not believe the holy doctors? To whom he answered in this wise, saying, that he did preach as his duty was, but whether they gave credit to his words, he did not care.

Thys examination being ended, after these Articles were condemned by the Inquisitor & his assistance, then said he after this manner: As you do with me, if Christ himself were here, he might be condemned as an heretic. After this they sent diverse to him to have communication w ^t him, and to persuade him, sending also to him w ^t his Articles a form of asking pardon: at length within 3. or 4. days after, he was content to condescend unto them, and to submit himself to their holy mother Church, and the information of the Doctors. In the boke of Orthuinus Gratius, and in Paralypomena, adjoined to Abbas Vrspergensis, we read these words written of this Johannes de Wesalia : Dempto solo articulo de processione spiritus sancti, in alijs videtur non ita graui censura &c. That is: except only the Article of the proceeding of the holy Ghost, in other Articles it seemeth that he was not to be chastened with so sharp censure, if respite and space had ben given him, if good councellours had been about him, if all they which did accuse and molest him, had not been de via realium, as Thomistes, that is, of the sect of Thomas: which Thomists were set at that time, against the other sect of the seculars, which were called Nominales, and therefore, they so spited this Doctor because he did not hold with their Thomas, against whom otherwise (had it not ben for that cause) they would never have ben so fierce and malicious in proceeding against him. I take God to witness, which knoweth all things, y ^t this process, which was made against him for his revoking & burning of his books, did greatly displease M. Engeline of Brunswick, a great divine, and also M. John Reisersberge, being both learned, and famous men, but namely M. Engeline thought, that too much malice and rashness was shown in handling of that same man, and did not fear to say, that many of his articles, and the greater part thereof, might be holden well enough, and greatly blamed the mad and fantastical dissention of the Thomists, seeking by all manner of ways, how to get the triumph over the seculare deuines, &c. Haec ill.

Although this aged and feeble old man, by weakness was constrained to give over unto the Romish clergy, by outward profession of his mouth: yet notwithstanding, his opinions and doctrine declared his inward heart, of what judgment he was, if fear of death present had not otherwise enforsed him to say, then he did think. Agayne, although he had revoked after their minds, yet we read no such form of recantation to be prescribed to him to read openlie unto the people, as the use is here in England. The story of this man is more fully to be found in the books of Orth. Gratius. &c.

As touching the reign of this Frederick Emperor, seeing we have comprehended hitherto sufficiently the most principal matters in his time incurrent, we will now pass forward (the Lord guiding us) to Maximilian, after I have first given a brief memorandum of 3. valiant Princes and Captains, flourishing in the same time of this Frederick, in German: Of the which, was one Albert Duke of Saxony, who for his renowned and famous acts, was called by public voice, Dextera manus Imperij. The right hand of the Empire. The other was Albert, Marques of Brandenburge, to whom also the name was attribute, named of Pope Pius to be Achilles Germanicus. The third was Frederick Earl Palatine, surnamed Victoriosus, who manfully defended the freedom and majesty of y ^e Empire, from the fraudulent oppressions of the popes tyranny.

In the year of our Lord 1484. in this Emperors time died Pope Sixtus the 4. a little before touched, a monster rather of nature, then a prelate of the Church. Of him writeth Platina, that unjustly he vexed all Italy with war and dissension. Agrippa writing of him, saith that among all the bauds of these other latter days, which were builders of brothelhouses, this Pope Sixtus 4. surmounted all other: who at Rome erected a stews of double abomination, not only of women, but also. &c. whereupon no small gain redounded to his coffers: For every such common harlot in Rome paid to him a July piece, the sumnie whereof grew in the yere, some while to 20000. at length to xl. M. duckets. Wherunto accordeth right well the Epitaphe of John Sapidus, which in the ende here of we will annex.

John Carion, also speaking of this Bishop, witnesseth him to be a man rather borne to war, then to Religion: For he warred against Uitellius Tiphernates, against the Florentines, the Uenecians, whom he excommunicated, and did not absolve till he died: also against Columnenses, against Ferdinandus king of Apulia, and Duke of Calabria: also against other nations and Princes moe. Ex John. Laziardo.

Of the said Pope it is recorded, that he was a special patron and tutor to all begging Friers, granting them to have and enjoy revenues in this world, & in the world to come everlasting life. Among the which Friers there was one named Alanus de rupe, a Black Frier, which made the Rosary of our Ladies Psalter (so they term it) and erected a certain new fraternity upon the same, called Fraternitas Coronariorum, pertaining to the order of the Dominickes, of the which order Jacobus Sprenger, one of the condemners of Johannes de Wesalia above mentioned, was a great aduācer, and especially this Pope Sixtus 4. who gave to the said fraternities large graces and priuilegies.

Concerning the institution of this Rosary, there was a book set forth about the yere of our Lord 1480. in the beginning whereof is declared, that the blessed virgin entered into the celle of this Alanus, and was so familiar with him, that not only she did espouse him to her husband, but also kissed him with her heavenly mouth, and also for more familiarity, opened to him her paps, and poured great plenty of her own milk into his mouth. For the confirmation whereof the said Alanus, this holy babe (saith the story) did swear deeply, curssing himself, if it were not thus, as he had made relation.

This fabulous figment, when I read in the centuries of John Bale, I began with myself to mistrust the credit thereof, and had thought not to trouble the reader with such incredible forgeries. But as the providence of God worketh in all things, so also it appeared in this, that the very same book came to my hands at the writing hereof, wherein this self same narration is contained, wherein I found not only this to be true, which in John Bale is expressed, but also found in like manner, another wonder as prodigious as this: where in another place not far off, is storied in the same book, howe that about the time of S. Dominic, there was a certain matron in Spain, named Lucia, which being taken captive by the Saracenes, having her husband killed, was carried great with child into the Turkish land.

When the time of her labor came, she being left desolate among beasts and hogs, and remembering this twice holy Rosary, (first instituted saith the book by S. Dominic, and afterward renewed by Alanus) eftsoons the holy virgin was ready and stood by her, & received the child at her travail, supplying all the partes of a diligent midwife: and moreover causing a Priest suddenly to appear, gave the child to be Christened, calling it after her own name, Marianus: and so was she wife to Alanus, midwife to Lucia, and Godmother to Marianus. Which story if it be true, then is the Popes Canon, by this example, to be controlled, which permitteth midwives in time of necessity, to baptize, seeing the blessed Virgin, playing the parte her self of a midwife, durst not Baptise this child without a priest.

It followeth more in the story, that by the help of the said blessed virgin, this Lucia our Ladies gossip, after her Purification, was restored w ^t her child safe to her country again. Thys book being in Latin and Printed, beareth this title: Rosacea Augustissimae Christiferae Mariae Corona : and in the front it showeth the name of Iodocus Bisselaius a noble man of Aquine. And this by the occasion of Pope Sixtus. Which Sixtus, what a maintainer of blind superstition he was, partly by that aforespoken, partly by the ende following it may be seen. For we read in certain writers, y ^• after this Pope had understanding that Hercules Estensis, Duke of Ferraria, had joined peace with the Uenetians against his will, he was so grieved therewith, that for rancor of mind, within 5. days after, he died: whereunto his Epitaph following giveth sufficient record. About whose time also died Platina, a man not unlearned, but yet a shameful flatterer and bearer with the wicked lives of the Popes.

But leaving here pope Sixtus with his verses, & vices, let us now proccede, as we before promised, to enter the story of Maximilian, keeping notwithstanding the order of our kings here in England: For a little before the reign of Maximilian, king Edward the fourth ceased his life. an. 1483. after he had reigned 22. years. In the time of which K. Edward, this also is not to be forgotten, y ^t one Burdet, a merchant dwelling in Cheapside, at the sign of the crown, which is the sign now of the flower de luce merely speaking to his son, said that he would make him inheritor of the crown, meaning in deed his own house. For the which words, when K. Edward caused to be misconstred, & interpreted, as though he had meant the crown of the Realm, w ^t in less space then 4. hours, he was apprehended, judged, drawn, and quartered in Chepeside.

King Edward the 5.

T His king Edward left behind him by his wife Elizabeth 2. sons, Edward, & Richard & 2. daughters, Elizabeth and Cicilie. Which 2. sons Edward & Richard, for so much as they were under age and not ripe to govern, a consultation was called among y ^e pieres, to debate whether y ^e foresaid young prince & king, should be under the government of his mother, or else y ^t Rich. Duke of Gloucester brother to K. Edward the 4. & uncle to the child, should be governor of the K. and protector of the realm, there hath been and is an old adage, the words whereof rather then the true meaning, is wrasted out of Solomon: Vae regno cuius Rex est pure. &. 1. Woe to y ^e kingdom, the king whereof is a child. &c. But if I may find leave herein to thrust in a gloss, I would this add and say: Vae illi puero, qui fui regni Rex non est. 1. Woe to that child, which is a king in a kingdom unruly and ambitious. There was the same season among other noble peers of y ^e realm, the Duke of Buckingham, a man of great authority, who had married King Edwards wifes sister. Because the duke being so near alliaunt to the K. had been vnkindely (as he thought) of the king entreated, having by him no anauncement nor any great friendship shown, according to his expectation, took part therefore w ^t Richard Duke of Gloucester, both against the Queen & her children, to make the foresaid Duke, the chief governor and protector. The which thing being broughe to pass, by the aid, assistance, and working of the Duke of Buckingham, the Queen took sanctuarye with her yōger son: the elder brother, which was y ^e king remained in the custody of the Duke of Gloucester his uncle. Who being now in a good towardness to obtain that which he long looked for, sought all the means, & soon compassed the matter, by false color of dissembled words, by perjury, and labor of friends, namely of the Duke of Buckingham, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Caunterburye, that the other brother also should be committed to his credit. Thus the ambitious protector and unnatural uncle, having the possession of his two nephews, and and innocent babes, thought himself almost up the whele where he would clime • : Although he could not walk in such mists and clouds, but his devised purposes began to be espied: which caused him more covertly to go about to remove from him all suspicion and to blind the people's eyes. But before, he could accomplish his execrable enterprise, some there were, whom he thought first must be rid out of his way, as namely the Lord Hastinges, and the Lord Stanley, who as they were sitting together in counsel within the tower, the protector (the matter being so appointed before) sodaynly rushed in among them, and after a few words there commoned, he suddenly hasted out again: his mind belike, being full of mischief and fury was not quiet. Who within the space of an hour, returned again into y ^e chamber with a stern countenance and a frowning look, and so there set him down in his place. When the Lord's were in great meruell and muse at the meaning hereof: then he out of a cankered heart, thus begā to bray, asking them what are they worthy to have, which go about to imagine the destruction of him being so near to y ^e kings blood, and protector of the Realm? At the which question, as the other Lord's sat musing, the Lord Hastinges, because he had been more familiare with him, thus answered, that they were worthy of punishment, whatsoever they were. Which when the other Lord's also had affirmed: that is (quoth the protector) yonder sorceresse, my brothers wife, meaning the Queen and other with her, adding moreover, and saying: that sorcere •• & other of her counsel, as Shores wife, with her affinity, have by their witchcraft, thus wasted my body: and therewith shown forth his left arm a wearish withered thing as it was never otherwise, as was well known.

This Shores wife had been before a Concubine to K. Edward, & afterward was kept by the same Lord Hastinges. Moreover here is to be noted, that by the consent of the said Lord Hastinges, the cruel protector had devised about the same time, the kindred of the Queen, innocently to be headed at Pomfret, of mere despite and hatred. Wherefore, this punishment not undeservedly, by the just hand of God, fell upon the said Lord Hastinges.

It followeth then more in the story, that when the L. Hastinges had heard these false accusations of the tyrant which he knew to be untrue: certainly (my Lord) said he, if they have so done, they be worthy of heinous punishment. Why quoth the protector, doest thou serve me with if and with and? I tell thee, they have so done, and that I will make good on thy body traitor: and therewith giving a great rap on the board (for a token or watchword) one cried treason without, and forthwith the chamber was full of harneysed men, The protector then approchyng to the L. Hastinges, arrested him as a traitor. An other let fly at the Lord Standley: who to avoid the blow shrunk under y ^e table, or else his head had been cleft a sonder: notwithstanding he received such a wound, that the blood ran about his ears. There were in that counsel y ^e same time the Archbishop of York, and Doctor Morton Bishop of Eli (by whose procurement afterward king Henry the vii. was sent for into England, and he made archbishop after that of Canterbury) these with the Lord Standley diversely were bestowed in diverse chambers. The Lord Hastinges was commanded to speed and shriue him a pace, for before dinner the protector sware by S. Paul, y ^t he should die: and so incontinently, without farther judgment, his head was stricken of, by whose counsel the Queens kindred were at the same time and day, beheaded at Pomfret.

After this tyrannous murder accomplished, the mischienous protector aspiring still to the crown, to set his devises forward, first through gifts and fair promises, did subordinate Doctor Shaw a famous preacher then in London, at Paul's Cross to insinuate to the people, that neither king Edward with his sons, nor the Duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten, nor the very children of the Duke of York, but begotten unlawfully by other persons in adultery on y ^• Duches their mother, and y ^t he alone was y ^e true and only lawful heir of the Duke of York: Moreover to declare and to signify to the audience, that K. Edward was never lawfully married to the Queen, but his wife before was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so the 2. childrē of king Edward to be base and bastards, and therefore the title of y ^e crown most rightly to pertain to y ^e Lord protector. That this false flatterer, and loud lying preacher, to serve y ^e protectors humor, shamed not most impudently to abuse that holy place, that reverent auditorye, the sacred word of God, taking for his theme: Adulterae plantationes nō dabūt radices altas &c which he most impiously did apply against the innocent children & right heirs of this realm. Whereupon such grudge and disdain of the people with worldly wonder followed him, that for shame of the people crying out of him, in few days after he pyned way.

When this sermon would take no effect with the people the protector unmercifully drowned in ambitiō, rested not thus, but w ^t in few days after, excited y ^e Duke of Buckingham, first to break the matter in covert talk, to the Mayor and certain of the heads of the City, picked out for the purpose: that done, to come to y ^e Guildhall, to move the people by all flattering and lying persuasions to the same which shameless Shaw before had preached before at Paul's Cross. Which the Duke with all diligence and helps of eloquence, being a man both learned and well spoken, endeavored to accomplish, making to the people a long and artificial Oration, supposing no less, but that y ^e people allured by his crafty iusinuations would cry, king Rich. K. Ric. But there was no king Rich, in their mouths less in their hearts. Wherupon the Duke looking to the Lord Mayor, and asking what the silence meant, contrary to the promise of the one, & the expectation of y ^t other It was then answered of the Mayor, that the people peradventure well understood him not: wherefor the Duke reiterating his narration in other words, declared again y ^t he had done before. Likewise the third time he repeated his Oration again and again. Then the commons which be fore stood mute, being now in a mase, seeing this importunity, began to mutter softly among themselves, but yet no king Richard could sound in their lips, save only that in the nether end of the Hall, certain of the Dukes servants with one Nashfield, and other belonging to the protector, thrusting into the Hall among the press, began sodaynly at men's backs to cry king Richard k. Rich, throwing up their cappes, whereat the cittizens turning back their heads, marveled not a little, but said nothing.

The Duke and the Lord Mayor with that side, taking this for sufficient testimony, incontinent came blowing for hast to the protector, then lying at Baynardes Castle. Where the matter being made before, was now so contrived, that forsooth, humble petition was made in the name of the whole commons, and that with 3 sundry suits, to y ^e humble and simpel protector, that he, although it was utterly against his will to take it: yet would of his humilitye stoop so low, as to receane the heavy kingdom of England upon his shoulders. At this their tender request and suit of the Lord's and commons made (ye must know how) y ^e mild Duke seeing no other remedy, was contented at length to yield, although fore against his will (ye must so imagine) and to submit himself so low, as of a protector to be made king: not much herein unlike to our prelates in y ^t Popish church, who when they have before well compounded for the popes Bulls, yet must they for manner sake make curtesy, and thrice deny that for which they so long before have gaped, and so sweetly have paid for.

King Richard the third usurper.

A Nd thus Richard Duke of Gloucester took upon to be made & proclaimed king of England, the year aforesaid. an. 1483. in the mōth of June. Who then coming to the Tower by water, first made his son a child of x. year old, prince of Wales, & John Haward (a man of great industry & service) he advanced to be Duke of Norfolk, & Sir Tho. Haward his son, he ordained Earl of Surry. Also William Lord Barckeley was appointed Earl of Nottingham. Frances L. Louell, was made Uicunt Louell. L. Stanley for fear of his son, was delivered out of the Tower, and made Steward of the kings household. Likewise the Archbishop of York was set free: but Morton Bishop of Eli was committed to the Duke of Buckingham, by whom was wrought the first devise to bring in Henry Earl of Richmond into England, and to cōioin marriage between Elizabeth king Edward's daughter, and him, whereby the two houses of York and Lancaster were united together.

After the kingdom of England was thus allotted to king Rich. the usurper, as in manner above remembered, he tarried not long for his coronation, which was solemnised the month next ensuing, the 6. day of July.

The triumph and solemnity of this usurped coronation, being finished, & all things to the same appertaining, this unquiet tyrant yet could not think himself safe, so long as young Edward the right king & his brother, were alive: Wherefore the next enterprise which he did set upon was this, how to rid these innocent babes out of the way, that he might reign king alone.

In the mean time while all this ruffling was in hand what bread & sorrow the tender harts of these fatherless and friendles children were in, what little joy of them selves what small joy of life they had, it is not so hard as dolorous for tender harts to understand. As the younger brother lingered in thought and heaviness, so the prince which was a 11. year old, was so out of heart and so fraught with fear that he never tied his points, nor joyed good day, till the traiterous impictie of their cruel uncle had delivered thē of their wretchedness, which was not long in dispatching For after king Richard their uncle, first attempting to cōpass his devilish devise by Robert Brakenbury Constable of the tower, and could not win him to such a cruel fact (to die therefore) then he got one James Tyrell, joining with him John Dighton, and Miles Forest, to perpetrate this heinous murder. Which Dyghton and Forest about midnight entering into their chamber, so be wrapped and entangled them amongst the clothes, keeping down the fetherbed and pilowes hard unto their mourns, that within a while: they smothered and stifled them pitiously in their bed.

And thus ended these two young princes their lives, thorough the wretched cruelty of these forenamed tormentors who for their detestable and bloody murder committed, escaped not long unpunished by the just hand of God. For first Miles Forest, at S. Martines le grand, by peecemeale miserably rotted away, John Dighton lived at Calais long after so disdained and hated, that he was pointed at of all men, and there died in great misery. Sir James Tyrell was beheaded at Tower hill for treason. Also King Richard himself within a year and a half after, was stain in the field hacked and hewed of his enemies hands, torn and tugged like a cur dog.

Furthermore, the said justice of gods hand left not the Duke of Buckingham escape free: Which was a great maintainer and setter up of this butcherly usurper: for les then within a year after so God wrought, that he was himself beheaded for treason by the said king, whom he so unjustly before had advanced and set up.

In the same catologue and order of these wicked doers afore recited, we have also to comprehend two other, as well worthy of memorial, as the best or rather as y ^t worst. The name of the one was doctor Shawe, above rehearsed: The other doctor Pinkie, provincial of the Agustine Friers: both famous preachers, and both Doctors in divinity both of more learning then virtue (saith the story) of more same thē learning, & yet of more learning thē truth. Shaw made a Sermon in the praise of the Protector, before his coronation. Pinkie preached after this coronation. Both were so full of tedious flatterye, that no good cares could abide them. Pinkie in his sermon so lost his voice, that he was sayne to leave of & came down in in the midst. Doctor Shaw by his sermon lost his honenesty, and soon after, his life for very shame of the world, so that he never durst after that, show his face again. But as for the Friar, he was so far past shame, that the loss thereof did little touch him.

Mention was made a little before, of Doctor Morton Bishop at Eli, by whose means the devise was first broached, for the conioyning the two houses of York & Lancaster together. This devise was first broken to the Duke of Buckingham, which soon after cost him his life. But y ^t bishop more crafty to save himself, incontinent fled into Britain. Notwithstanding, the devise once being broached was so plausible, and took such effect, that message was sent over the sea to Henry Earl of Richmond, by his mother and by the Queen, mother to the Lady Elizabeth, that if he would make his return, and promise to marry with the said Lady Elizabeth King Edwards daughter, he should be received. To make a longer discourse of this matter, which is sufficiently set forth by S. Tho. More so ornately, it needeth not.

Briefly (to contract that in a small compass of words, which was not so small a thing in doing) after that the Earl Henry, with such other banished mē, as fled out of England at the taking of the Duke of Buckingham, had perfect intelligence by his mother and by the Queen and other friends moe out of England, how the case of y ^t realm stood, and how it was here purposed by his friends, that is, that he should with all convenient speed, hast his return over into England, promising to mary with Lady Elizabeth: he with all diligence as time and preparation would serve, advanced forward his journey, being well helped and furnished by Francis Duke of Britain, and so shipped his mē. Albeit his first voyage sped not, for that the winds turning contrary: by force of weather his ships were disparcled, and he repulsed back into France again. His second viage was more prosperous. Who taking the seas at Harslet, in the month of August. an. 1485. accompanied only with two thousand men, and a small number of ships, aryued at Milford Haven in Wales, and first came to Dale, then to Harford West, where he was joyfully received, and also by the coming in of Arnolde Butler and the Pēbroke men, was in power increased. Frō thence he removed by Cardigan to Shrewsbery, & then to Newport, and so to Stafford, from thence to Liechfield, his army still more and more augmented. Lyke as a great flood by coming in of many small rivers, gathereth more abundance of water: so to this Earl diverse noble Captains and men of power adjoined themselves as Richard Griffith, John Morgan. Rice ap Thomas, thē sir Georg Talbot, with the young Earl of Shrewesbery his ward, Sir William Stanley, Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerford, knights. At last the said Earl hearing of the kings coming, conducted his whole army to Tam worth.

King Richard first hearing of the arriuall of the Earl Henry in the partes of Wales after such a slender sort, did give little or no regard unto it. But after, understanding that he was come to Lichfield, without resistance or incombraunce, he was sore moved, and exceedingly took on cursing and crying out against them which had so deceived him, & in all post speed, sent for John Duke of Norfolk, Hen. Earl of Northumberland. Tho. Earl of Surrey with other his friends of special trust. Robert Brakenbury also liesetenaunt of the tower was sent for, with Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerforde, with certain other knights and Esquiers, of whom he partly misdoubted, or had some suspicious gelousy. Thus K. Richard, after most forceable manner well fortified and accompanied, leaving nothing undone y ^t diligence could require set forward toward his enemies. The Earl by this time was come to Tamworth, to whō secretly in the Euening resorted sir John Sauage, sir Bryan Sanford, sir Simon Digby, and many other, forsaking the part of K. Richard, whom all good men hated, as he no otherwise deserved. The king having perfect knowledge the Earl to be encamped at Tamworth, embatled himself in a place near to a village called Bosworth, not far from Leicester, appointing there to encounter with his adversaries. Here y ^t matter lay in great doubt and suspense concerning y ^t Lord Stanley (which was y ^e Erles father in law & had married his mother) to what part he would incline. For although his heart went (no doubt) with the Earl, & had secret conference with him the night before, yet because of his son and heir George Lord Straunge, being then in the hands of king Richard, least the king should attempt any prejudicial thing against him, durst not be seen openly to go that way, where in heart he favored, and therefore closely kept himself between both, till the push came that his help might serve at a pinch.

The number of the Erles part exceeded not to the one half of the side of king Richard. When the time and the place was appointed, where the two battles should encounter and join together, fore stripes and great blows were given on both sides, and many slain. If number & multitude might govern the success of battle, king Richard had double to the erle. But God is he, not man, that giveth victory, by what means it seemeth to his divine providence best. In what order and by what occasion this field was won and lost, the certain intelligence we have not certainly expressed, but only by the history of Polydore Vergile, whom sir Thomas More doth follow word for word. In the which history it doth appear, y ^t as these 2. armies were coupling together, king Richard understanding by his espials where the earle of Richmond was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and seeing him to approach more near unto him, he rather carried with courage, then ruled with reason, set spurs to the horse and raunging out of the compass of his ranckes, pressed toward the Earl, setting upon him so sharply, that first he killed sir William Brandon, the Erles standard bearer, father to y ^e Lord Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, thē after overthrew sir John Cheny, thinking likewise to oppress the Earl. But as the Lord by his secret providence disposeth the event of all things, as the earle with his mē about him being overmatched, began to despair of victory, sodeinly & oportunely came syr William Stanley with 3. thousand well appointed able men, whereby king Richardes men were driven back & he himself cruelly fighting in the thick of his enemies, was there slave, & brought to his confusion and death, which he worthily deserved.

In the mean time the Earl of Oxford, who had the guiding of the forewarde, discomfited the forefrunt of king Richards host, and put them to flight, in which chase many were slain, of noble men especially above other, John Duke of Norfolk, Lord Ferrers, sir Richard Radcliffe and Robert Brakenbury Lieutenaunt of the Tower. &c. Lord Thomas Haward Earl of Surrey, there submitted himself, and although he was not received at first to grace, but long remained in the Tower, yet at length for his fidelity, was delivered and advanced to his recovered honor and dignity again.

This king Richard had but one son, who shortly after the cruel murder of king Edward's sons, was taken with sickness and died. The wife of the said king Richard (whether by poison or by sickness) died also a little before the field of Bosworth: After whose decease, the story of Polydore & of sir Tho. More affirmeth: that he intended himself to mary the Lady Elizabeth his own brothers daughter, and so to prevent the Earl of Richmond.

Moreover as touching the Lord Stanley, thus reporteth the story, that king Richard being in Bosworth field, sent for the Lord Stanley by a purseuaunt, to auaunce forward with his company, and come to his presence: otherwise he sware by Christ's passion, that he would strike off his sons head before dinner. The L. Stanley sent word again, that if he did, he had more sons alive. Wherupō the king immediately commanded the Lord Strange to be beheaded: which was the very time whē both y ^• armies were within fight, & were ready to join together. Wherefore the kings counsailers pondering the time and y ^e case persuaded the king, that it was now time to sight, & not to do execution, advising him to delay the matter till the battle were ended. And so (as God would) king Richard breaking his oath, or rather keeping his oath, for he himself was slain before dyner, the Lord Straunge was committed to be kept prisoner within the kings tente: who then after the victory gotten, was sought out and brought to his joyful father. And thus have ye the tragical life and end of this wretched king Richard.

Henry the Earl of Richmond, after hearty thanks given to almighty God, for his glorious victory obtained, proceeded to the town of Leicester, where was brought to him by the Lord Straunge, the Crown and put on the Earls head.

In the mean time the dead corpse of king Richard was shamefully carried to the town of Leicester, being naked and despoyled to the skin, & being trussed behind a purseuaunt of arms, was carried like a hog or a dog, having his head & arms hanging on the one side of y ^t horse, and the legs on the other side, all sprincled with mire & blood. And thus ended the usurped reign of king Richard who reigned two years, and two months. Ex Polydo. & Thom. Moro.

King Henry the vii.

W Hen king Henry, by the providence of God had obtained this triumphant victory, & Diademe of the realm, first sending for Edward Plantaginet Earl of Warwick, son to George Duke of Clarence, & committing him to safe custody w ^e in the tower, frō Leicester removed to London, & not long after, according to his oth & promise made before, espoused to him the young Lady Elizabeth, heir of y ^e house of York: whereby both the houses of York and Lancaster were conjoined together, to the no little rejoicing of all English hearts, & no less quiet unto the realm which was. an. 1485. This king reigned 23. years, and 8. months, and being a Prince of great policy, justice and temperance, kept his realm in good tolerable rule & order. And here interrupting a little the course of our English matters, we will now (the Lord willing) enter the story above promised, of Maximilian the Emperor, & matters of the Empire, especially such as pertaineth to y ^t Church.

Maximilian Emperor.

IN the year of our Lord. 1486. Fridericus waxing aged and partly also mistrusting the hearts of the Germayns who had complained before of their grievances, and could not be heard, and therefore misdoubting that his house after his decease, should have the less favor among them, for that cause in his life time did associate his son Maximilian to be joined Emperor with him: with whom he reigned the space of 7. years till the death of the said Fridericke his father, who departed. an. 1494. after he had reigned over the Empire. 53. years, lacking only but iii years of the reign of Augustus Caesar, under whom was the birth of our Lord and Savior Christ.

This Maximilian, as he was a valiant Emperor, prudent and singularly learned: so was his reign entangled in many unquiet and difficile wars: first in the lower Countries of Flaunders and Brabant, where the said Maximilian was taken captive, but shortly after, reschued & delivered again by his father. 1487. It was signified before how this Maximilian by the advise of y ^t Burgundians, had to wife Mary y ^e only daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy afore mentioned, by whom he had 2. children, Phillip and Margarete. an. 1477. Which Mary not long after, about the year of our Lord. 1481. by a fall from her horse, fell into an agew, and departed. Other wars many mo, the same Maximilian also achieued, both in France, in Italy, in Hungary and diverse besides.

So happy was y ^t education of this Emperor in good letters: so expert he was in tongues and sciences, but especially such was his dexterity and Promptnes in the latin style, that he imitating the example of Julius Caesar, did write and comprehend in Latin histories, his own acts and seats done, and that in such sort, that when he had given a certain taste of his history, to one Pircamerus a learned man, asking his judgment how his warlike style of Latin did like him, the said Pyrcamerus did affirm and report of him to John Caron (the witness and writer of this story) that he did never see nor read any Germane story, a thing more exactly (and that in such hast) done as this was of Maimilian. Moreover, as he was learned himself, so was he a singular patron and aduauncer of learned students, as may well appear by the erecting and setting up the university of Wittenburg. By this Emperor many in those days were excited to the embrasing as well of other liberal arts, as also namely to the searching out of old antiquities of histories, whereby diverse were then by him first occasioned in Germany, to set their minds & to exercise their diligence, in collecting & explicating matters pertaining to the knowledge of history, as well of ancient as also of latter times, as namely Cuspinianus, Nauclerus, Conradus Peutingerus, Manlius, and other.

Here now it began right well to appear, what great benefit was broached to the world, by the Art and faculty of Printing, as is before mentioned. Through the means of which printing, the church and common wealth of christ began now to be replenished with learned men, as both may appear by this Emperor being so induced himself with such excellent knowledge of good letters, and also by diverse others famous and worthy wits, which began now in this age exceedingly to increase and multiplye, as Baptista Mantuanus, Ang. Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Picus Mirandula, and Franciscus his cousin, Rodol. Agricola, Pōtanus, Philippus, Bero aldus, Marsilius Ficinus, Volateranus, Georgius Valla, with infinite other.

Among whom is also to be numbered Weselus Groningensis, otherwise named Basilius, who was not longe after John de Wesalia above recited, both much about one time, and both great friends together. This Weselus died the year of our Lord. 1490. After that Johannes Doctor De Wesalia aforesaid was condemned this Weselus being familiar with him, thought that the Inquisitor would come and examine him also, as he himself in a certain Epistle doth write. He was so notable and worthy a man that of the people he was called Lux Mundi. That is: The light of the world.

Concerning his doctrine, first he reprehended the opinion of the papists, as touching repentance, which they divided in three partes, of the which three partes, satisfaction and confession he did disallow. Likewise Purgatorye and supererogation of works & pardons he did disprove, both at Rome and at Paris. He spake against the popes indulgences, by the occasion whereof diverse of the Popes court, persuaded by him, began to speak more freely against the same matter, then he himself had done.

The abuses of Masses and praying for the dead he disallowed: and likewise the supremacy of the Pope, he vtterterly rejected (as appeareth in a book of his De Sacramento poenitentiae ) denying utterly that any supreme head or governor ought to be in the world over all other: affirming also & saying many times, y ^t the pope had no authority to do any thingby commandment but by truth: that is, so far as truth goeth with him, so far his sentence to stand: neither y ^t he ought to prevail by commanding but only by teaching, so as every true Christian Bish. may prevail over another. Also in some place in his writings he denieth not, but that popes and their spiritual Prelates, proceeding against Christ's doctrine, be plain Antichrists: such as were infirm and not able to perform the bond of chastity taken upon them, he said they might well break their vow.

Also the said Weselus witnesseth, that the forefathers which were before Albert and Thomas, did resist and w ^e stand the popes indulgences, calling them in their writings plain Idolatry, mere fraud and error: adding moreover that unless the severity of some good Divines, had not withstand these pardons and indulgences of the Pope: innumerable errors had overflown the church.

Amongest these works of Weselus, there is a certain Epistle of one written to him, • in which the author of the Epistle confesseth, that in his time there was a certain learned man at Paris called master Thomas de Curselis a Dean: who being in the council of Basel, whereas diverse began to advance the power of the pope to far, declared and affirmed, to be said to him of Christ: Quicquid ligaueris super terram erit ligatum & in coelo: &c. Et non, quicquid dixeris esse ligatum. That is. What soever thou shalt bind upon earth shall be bound in heaven, but not, whatsoever thou sayst to be bound. As who should say the pope cannot nor doth not bind therefore, because he so saith, except truth and righteousness go also with him: then he doth so bind in deed. There is a certain book of this man amongst diverse others, which he intiruleth, De subditis & superioribus, in y ^t which he disputeth greatly against y ^t pope & his Prelates: affirming that the pope unless his faith & doctrine be found, ought not to be obeyed. He affirmeth also that the pope may err, and when he erreth, men ought by all manner of means to resist him. Item, that great & superfluous riches in the clergy do not profit, but hurt y ^t church. That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rentes of the Church, and the Church it self, to unworthy Ministers by Simony for his own profit and gain, whereby it may appear that he neither careth for GOD, nor the health of the Church. Item, that the precepts and commandments of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councils and precepts of Physicians, binding no further then they are found to be wholesome and standing with the truth of the word. Item, that the Pope can command no man under pain of deadly sin, except God command him before. He saith that the keys of the Pope and of the prelates be not such, wherewith they open the kingdom of heaven, but rather shut it, as the Pharisees did. Concerning vows, he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossible, ought to be brokē: that the hearers ought to discern and judge of the doctrine of their Prelates, and not to receive everything that they say, without due examination.

He showeth moreover that the sentence or excommunication is of more force, proceeding from a true godly honest, simple and learned men, then from the Pope, as in y ^e Council of Constance, Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius. Also if the pope with his prelates, govern and rule naughtely, that the inferiors, be they never so base, ought to resist him.

Writing moreover of two Popes, Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth, he saith, that Pius the second did usurp unto himself all the kingdoms of the whole world & that Sixtus the pope did dispense with all manner of oaths in causes temporal, not only with such oaths, as have been already, but also with all such, as shall be made hereafter: which was nothing else but to give liberty and license for men to forswear themselves and deceive one another.

This Weselus being a Phrisian borne, and now aged in years, upon a certain time, when a young man called master Johannes Oftendorpius, came to him, said these words: Well my child, thou shalt live to that day, when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious divines, as Thomas and Bonaventure, with others of the same sort, shall be utterly rejected and exploded from all true Christian deuines: And this which Oftendorpius then being young, heard Weselus to speak, he reported himself to Nouiomagus, which wrote this story. an. 1520. & heard it of the mouth of the said Weselus, an. 1490. Martij. 18.

Philippus Melanchthon writing of the life, of Rodolphus Agricola, saith: that Iosquinus Groningonsis, an ancient and a godly man, reported that when as he was young, he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus, wherein they many times lamented the darkness of the church, and reprehended the abuses of the Mass: and of the single life of priests. Item, that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousness of saith, why S. Paul so oftentimes did inculcate, that men be justified by faith and not by works, the same Iosquine also reported, that they did openly reject and disprove the opinion of monks, which say that men be justified by their works. Item, concerning men's traditions their opinion was, that all such were deceived, whatsoever attribued unto those traditions any opinion of God's worship, or y ^t they could not be broken. And thus much for the story of doctor Wesellianus and Wesilus.

By this it may be seen and noted, how by the grace of God and gift of printing, first came forth learning: by learning came light to judge and discern the errors of y ^e pope from the truth of God's word, as partly by these abovesaid may appear partly by other that follow after by y ^e grace of Christ) shall better be seen.

About the very same time and season, when as y ^e Gospel began thus to branch & spring in Germany: the host of Christ's church began also to muster & to multiply likewise here in England, as by these histories here consequent may appear. For not long after the death of this Weselus in the year of our Lord 1494. and in the 9. year of the reign of K. Henry 7. the 28. of April, was burned a very old woman named Joan Boughton widow, and mother to the Lady Young, which Lady was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was. Her mother was of four score years of age or more, & held 8. of Wickleffes opinions (which opinions my author doth not show) for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abovesaid. My author saith, she was a Disciple of Wycliffe, whom she accounted for a Saint, and held so fast and firmly viii. of his x. opinions, that all the Doctors of London could not turn her from one of them, and when it was told her that she should be brent for her obstinacy & false belief, she set nothing by their manacing words, but defied them, for the said she was so beloved of God, and his holy angels, that she passed not for the fire, & in the midst thereof she cried to God to take her soul into his holy hands. The night following that she was burnt, the most parte of her ashes were had away of such as had a love unto the doctrine that she died for.

Shortly after the martyrdom of this godly aged mother in the year of our Lord, 1497. and the 17. of January, being Sunday, two men, the one called Richard Milderale, and the other James Sturdy, bare Fagots before the procession of Paul's, and after stood before the preacher in the time of his Sermon. And upon the Sunday following, stood other two men at Paul's cross all the sermon time: the one garnished with painted & written papers, the other having a Fagot on his neck. After that in Lent season upon Passion Sunday, one Hugh Glover bare a Fagot before the procession of Paul's, & after with the Fagot stood before the preacher all the sermon while at Paul's cross. And on the Sunday next following four men stood, and did there open penance at Paul's as is aforesaid, in the sermon time many of their books were burnt before them at the Cross.

FUrthermore the next year following, which was the year of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye, the king then being at Canterbury, was a priest burnt, which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerks & doctors then there being, could not remove him from his saith: whereof the king being informed, caused the said priest to be brought before his presence, who by his persuasions caused him to revoke, and so he was burnt immediately.

IN the same year above mentioned, which was the yere of our Lord. 1499. after the beheading of Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, and son to the Duke of Clarence, the king and Queen being removed to Calys, a

ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next following y ^t xx. day of July, was an old mā burnt in Smithfield

IN the same year also, which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdom and burning of Hieronimus Sauonarola, a man no less godly in heart, then constant in his profession. Who being a Monk in Italy, & singularly well learned, preached fore against the evil life & living of the spiritualty and specially of his own order, compsayning fore vpō thē, as the springes and authors of all mischieues & wickedness. Wherupō by y ^e help of certain learned men he begā to seek reformatiō in his own order. Which thing the pope perceiving, and fearing that the said Jerome, which was now in great reputation amongst all men, should diminish or overthrow his authority, he ordained his vicar or provincial to see reformatiō of these matters: which vicar w ^t great superstition began to reform things, but the said Jerome did always withstand him, whereupon he was complained of to the Pope, and because that contrary unto y ^e popes commandment, he did w ^t stand his vicar, he was accursed. But for all that Hieronimus left not of preaching, but threatened Italy with y ^e wrath and in dignation of God, and prophesied before unto them, that the land should be overthrown for the pride and wickedness of y ^e people, and for the untruth, hypocrisy and falsehood of y ^t clergy, which God would not leave vncenēged, as ofterward it came to pass, when as king Charles came into Italy and to Rome, and so straitly beset the pope Alexander, y ^t he was forced to make composition with the king.

Now for so much as the said Jerome would not leave of preaching, he was commanded to appear before the pope, to give accompt of his new learning, (for so thē they called the truth of the Gospel,) but by means of the manifold perilles, he made his excuse that he could not come. Then was he again forbidden by the pope to preach, and his learning pronounced and condemned as pernicious, false and seditious.

This Hieronimus, as a man worldly wise, foreseeing the great perils and dangers that might come unto him, for fear, left of preaching. But when as the people, which fore hungered and longed for God's word, were instant upon him that he would preach again, he began again to preach in the year of our Lord. 1496. in the City of Florence, and albeit y ^t many counseled him that he should not so do without the Popes commandment, yet did he not regard it, but went forward freely of his own good will. When as the Pope and his shauelinges heard news of this, they were grievously incensed and inflamed against him, and now again cursed him, as an obstinate and stiffnecked heretic. But for all that, Hieronimus proceeded in teaching and instructing the people, saying that men ought not to regard such curses, which are against y ^e true doctrine and the common profit, whereby the people should be learned and amended, Christ kingdom enlarged, and the kingdom of the devil utterly overthrown.

In all his preaching he desired to teach no other thing then the only pure and simple word of God, making often protestation that all men should certify him if they had heard him teach or preach any thing contrary thereunto, for upon his own conscience he knew not y ^t he had taught any thing but the pure word of God. What his doctrine was all mē may easily judge by his books y ^t he had writ̄.

After this, in the year of our Lord. 1498. he was takē and brought out of S. Markes cloister, & two other Friars with him, named Dominic and Sylvester, which favored his learning, and was carried into prison, whereas he wrote a godly meditation upon that most comfortable 31. psalm In te Domine speraui non confundar in aeternūsed in iusticia tua libera me. Wherein he doth excellently describe and set forth, the continual strife between the flesh and the spirit.

After this the Popes Legates came to Florence, & called forth these three good men, threatening thē marvelously but they continued still constant. Then came the chief coūsailers of the city, with the popes commissioners, which had gathered out certain Articles against these men, whereupon they were condemned to death: the tenor of which Articles hereafter ensue.

• 1. The first article was as touching our free justification through faith in Christ.
• 2. That y ^e communion ought to be ministered under both kinds.
• 3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope, were of no effect.
• 4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked living of the Cardinals and spiritualty.
• 5. For denying the popes supremacy.
• 6. Also that he had affirmed, that the keys were not given unto Peter alone, but unto the universal Church.
• 7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor doctrine of Christ, for that he did attribute more to his own pardons and traditions, then to Christ's merits, and therefore he was Antichrist.
• 8. Also, that the popes excommunications are not to be feared, and that he which doth fear or fly them, is excommunicate of God.
• 9. Item, that auriculer confession, is not necessary.
• 10. Item, that he had moved the Citizens to uproar and sedition.
• 11. Item, that he had neglected and contemned the popes Citation.
• 12. Item, that he had shamefully spoken against, & slandered the pope.
• 13. Itē, that he had taken Christ to witness of his naughtiness and heresy.
• 14. Also, y ^t Italy must be cleansed through God's scourge, for the manifold wickedness of the princes and clergy.

These & such other like Articles, were laid unto them & read before them. Then they demanded of the said Jerome and his companions, whether they would recant & give over their opinions. Whereunto they answered, that through God's help, they would steadfastly continue in the manifest truth, and not depart from the same. Then were they disgraded one after another, by the bishop of Uasion and so delivered over to the secular rulers of Florence, w ^t straight commandment, to carry them forth, and handle them as obstinate and stiffnecked heretics,

Thus, was the worthy witness of Christ, with the other two aforesaid, first hanged up openly in the market place, and afterward burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathered up, & cast into the River of Arum, the 24. day of May in the year of our Lord 1499. Ex Catal. testium. Illyrici.

This man foreshowed many things to come, as the destruction of Florence and Rome, and the renewing of the Church: which three things, have happened in these times within our remembrance. Also he foreshowed that the Turks and Mores in the latter days, should be converted unto Christ. He also declared that one should pass the Alps into Italy, like unto Cirus, which should subvert and destroy all Italy. Whereupon Johannes Franciscus Picus, Earl of Mirandula, called him a holy prophet, and defended him by his writings against the pope. Many other learned men also, defend the innocence of the said Sauonarola. Marsilius Ficinus also in a certain Epistle doth attribute unto him the spirit of prophecy, greatly commending and praising him. In the like manner Philippus Comineas a French historiographer, which had conference with him witnesseth that he was a holy man, and full of y ^e spirit of prophecy, for so much as he had foreshowed unto him so many things, which in event had proved true.

There were besides these, many other, not to be passed over or forgotten: as Phillip Norice an Irishman, professor at Oxford, who albeit he was not burned (yet as it is said) he was long time vexed and troubled by the religious route. But would to God, that such as have occupied themselves in writing of histories, and have so diligently committed unto memory all other things done in foreign common wealths, had bestowed the like diligence & labor, in noting and writing those things, which pertain unto the affairs of the Church: whereby the posterity might have had fuller and more perfect understanding & knowledge of them.

This Sauonarola above mentioned, suffered under pope Alexander the 6. of which pope, more leisure & opportunity shall serve hereafter (Christ willing) to entreat, after that we shall first make a little digression to entreat of certain cases and complaints of the Germaynrs, incidēt in the mean time, which as they are not to be overpast in silence, so can they have no place nor time more convenient to be inferred. What complaints of the Germans were made and moved unto the Emperor Frederick against the popes suppressions and exactions, mention was made before pag. 724. where also was declared, howe the said Germans at that time, were twice put back and forsakē of the Emperor: whereby they continued in y ^e same yoke and bondage, until the time of Luther. Wherefore it cometh now to hand, and we think it also good, here briefly to declare, how the said Germaynes, in the time of Maximilian the Emperor: renewing their complaints again, delivered unto the Emperor, x. principal grievances. whereby the Germaynes have been long time oppressed: showing also the remedies against the same, with certain aduisements unto the Emperors majesty, how he might withstand and resist the popes subtleties and crafts: The order and tenor whereof here ensueth.

Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certain letter of y ^e Emperor Maximiliā, given out in manner of a decree or commandment, against certain abuses of the Clergy. Wherunto we have also annexed the answer of Jacobus Selestadiensis, unto the Emperors letters, wherein he seemeth also to have sought advise for the remedy of the like abuses▪ which we thought good here not to be omitted.

Here ensueth the copy of a letter written unto the Emperor Maximilian,

To return now to the order of Popes where we left before speaking of Innocentius the eight, after the said Innocentius, next succeeded Pope Alexander the 6. In which Alexander, among other horrible things, this is one to be noted, that when Gemes (Peucerus named him Demes) brother to Balazetes the great Turk, was committed by the Rhodians, to the sat custody, first of Pope Innocent, then of Alexander the 6. for whose keeping the Pope received every year 40000. crowns: yet notwithstanding, whē pope Alexander afterward was cōpelied to send the said Gemes to Charles the eight the French king for a pledge: because the French king should not procure the great Turks favor, by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slain, he being hired by the Turk, caused the said Gemes to be poisoned, who in his journey going toward the French king, died at Terracina. Ex Hieronymo Mario.

Moreover in the said Dicronymus Marius it appeareth, that this Alexander taking displeasure with the foresaid Charles the French king, about the winning of Naples, sent to Baiazetes the Turk, to fight against the foresaid Clarles. Ex eodem.

Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmog Declaring the foresaid history of Gemes, something otherwise, first calleth him Zizymus, and saith, that he was first committed by the Rhodians to the french king. And when as Johannes Hunyadi afore mentioned, did labor to the French king to have him, thinking by that means to obtain a noble victory against the Turk, as it was not unlike: this Alexander the pope, thorough his fraudulent flatterye, got him of the French King, into his own hands: by whose means the said Gemes afterward was poisoned, as is in manner before expressed.

Unto these poisoned acts of the Pope, let us also adioin his malicious wickedness, with like fury exercised vpō Antonius Mancinellus, which Mancinellus being a mā of excellent learning, because he wrote an eloquēt oratiō against his wicked manners & filthy life, with other vices, he therefore commanded both his hands & his tongue to be cut of, playing much like with him, as Antonius y ^e tirant once did with M. Cicero, for writing against his horrible life. At length, as one poison requireth another, this poisoned Pope, as he was sitting with his Cardinals, & other rich Senators of Rome at dinner, his servants vuwares brought to him a wrong bottle, wherewith he was poisoned, and his Cardinals about him.

In the time of this Pope Alexander, also it happened (which is not to be pretermitted) how that the Angel which stood in the high top of the Popes Church, was beaten down with a terrible thunder: which thing seemed then to declare the ruin and fall of the Popedom. After this Pope next succeeded Pius the 3. about the year of our Lord 1503. After whom came next Julius the second a man so far passing all other in iniquity, that Wicelius, & such other of his own friends writing of him, are compelled to say of him, Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse : that is, that he was more given to war and battle, then to Christ. Concerning the madness of this man this is most certaynely known, that at what time he was going to war, he cast the keys of S. Peter into the river of Tybris, saying, that for as much as the keys of Peter would not serve him to his purpose, he would take himself to the sword of Paul. Wherupon Philip Melancthō, amongst many other writing upon the same, maketh this Epigrame.

Of this Julius it is certaynely reported, that partly w ^t his wars, partly with his cursinges, within the space of 7, years, as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed. Fyrst he besieged Rauenna against the Uenetians, then Seruia, Imola, Fauentia, Foroliuium, Bononia and other cities, which he gate out of Princes hands, not without much bloodshed. The Chronicles of John Steban maketh mention, that when this Julius was made Pope he took an oathe, promising to have a Council within two years: but when he had no leisure thereunto, being occupied with his wars in Italy among the Uenetians, and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other countries: 9. of his Cardinals departing from him, came to Millayne, and there appointed a Council at the Citty of Pise, amongst whom the chief, were Bernardus, Cruceius, Gulielmus Prenestinus, Franciscus Cōstantinus, with diverse others: amongst whom also were adjoined the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperor, and of Charles▪ the French king. So the Council was appointed the year of our Lord 1511. to begin in the Kalendes of September. The cause why they did so call this Council was thus alleged, because the Pope had so brokē his oth, and all this while he gave no hope to have any council, & also because there were diverse other crimes, whereupō they had to accuse him. Theyr purpose was to remove him out of his seat, the which he had procured through bribes and ambition. Julius hearing this, giveth out contrary commandment under great pain, no man to obey them, & calleth himself another council against the next year, to be begun the 19. day of April. The French king vnderstading Pope Julius to join with the Uenetians, and so to take their part against him, couented a council at Thurin in the month of September, in the which council these questions were proposed.

Unto the which questions it was answered, that neither the bishop ought to invade, and also that it was lawful for the king to defend himself. Moreover that the Pragmaticall sanction was to be observed thorough the realm of France: Neither that any unjust excommunications ought to be feared, if they were found to be unjust. After this the king sent unto Julius, the answer of his council, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoint a generalll Council some other where, where this matter might be more fully decided. Julius would neither of both these, but forthwith accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdom. At the lenth, at Rauenna in a great war, he was overcome by the freēch king, and at last, after much slaughter and great bloodshed, and mortal war, this Pope died in the year of our Lord 1513. the 21. day of February.

If it were not that I fear to overlay this our volume w ^t heaps of foreigne histories, which have professed chiefly to entreat of Acts and Monuments here done at home: I would adioine after these popes above rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turks story: of their rising, and cruel persecution of the say • tes of God, to the great anoiance and peril of Christendom: yet notwithstanding certain causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of their order and doings, and of their wicked proceedings, their cruel tyranny, and bloody victories, the ruin & subversion of so many Christian Churches, with the horrycle murders and captiui • ye of infinite Christians to be made plain and manifest, as well to this our country of England, as also to other nations:

First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the New Testament, as in S. Paul's Epistle ad Chessall, and also in the revelation of S. John. Which Scriptures otherwise, without the opening of these histories, cannot so perfectly be understand. Ofthe which Scriptures we mind hereafter (Christ granting) orderly, as the course of matter shall lead us, to make rehearsal.

An other cause is, that we may learn thereby either with the public Church, to lament with our brethren such a great defection and decay of Christian faith, through these wicked Turks: or else may fear thereby our own danger.

The third cause, that we may pōder more deeply with our selves, the scourge of God for our sins, and corrupt doctrine, which in the sequel hereof, more evidently may appear to our eyes, for our better admonition.

Fourthly, the consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turks, rising chiefly by our discord and dissention among our selves, may reduce us again from our domestical wars, in killing and burning one of another, to join together in Christian patience and concord.

U. but chiefly these great victoryes of the Turks and unprosperous speed of our men fighting against thē, may admonish & teach us, following the example of the old Israelites, how to seek for greater strength to encounter with these enemies of Christ, then hitherto we have done. First we must consider, that the whole power of Satan y ^e prince of this world, goeth with the Turks. Which to resist, no strength of man's arm, is sufficient, but only the name, spirit, and power of our Lord Jesus the son of god, going with us in our battles, as among the old Israelites, the Arcke of God's covenant and promise went with them also, fighting against the enemies of God. For so are we taught in Scripture, that we christen mē have no strength, but in Christ only. Whether we war against the deuilt, or against the Turk it is true that the Scripture saith: Sine me nihil potestis facere. i. without me you ea do nothing. Otherwise there is no puissaunce to stand against y ^e devil or to conquer the world, Nisi fides nostra : that is, our faith only all the promises of God (touching salvation) be annexed, beyond which promises we must not go, for the word must be our rule. He that presumeth beyond the promises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth, he cannot tell whether. Neither must we appoint God, how to save the world, but must take that way which he hath appointed. Let us not set our God to school, nor cōprehēd his holy spirit within our sculles. He that made us w ^t out our counsel, did also redeem us as pleased him. If he be merciful, let us be thankful. And if his mercies surmoūt our capacity, let us therefore not resist, but search his word, and thereunto apply our will: which if we will do, all but contentious will soon be at a point. Let us therefore search the will of our God in his word, and if he will his salvation to stand free to all nations, why do we make merchandise thereof? If he have graciously offered his waters to us, without money or money worth, let us not hedge in the plētuous springes of his grace given us.

And finally, if God have determined his own son only to stand alone, let not us presume to admixt with his majesty any of our trumpery. He y ^t bringeth S. George or S. Deuise as patrons, to y ^e field to fight against y ^e turk, leaveth Christ (no doubt) at home. Now how we have fought these many years against the Turk: though stories keep silence, yet y ^e success declareth. We fight against a persecutor, being no less persecutors our selves. We wrestle against a bloody tyrant, and our hands be as full of blood as his. He killeth Christ's people with the sword: and we burn them with fire. He observing the works of the law, seeketh his justice by the same: the like also do we. But neither he nor we seek our justification as we should, that is, by faith only in the son of God.

And what marvel then, if our doctrine being as corrupt almost, as his: and our conversation worse, if Christ fight not with us, fighting against y ^e Turk? The Turk hath prevailed so mightily, not because Christ is weak, but because that Christians be wicked, and their doctrine impure. Our temples with Images, our hearts with idolatry are polluted: Our priests stinck before God for adultery, being restrained from lawful matrimony. The name of god is in our mouths, but his fear is not in our harts. We war against the Turk with our works, Masses, traditions and ceremonies: but we fight not against him with Christ and with the power of his glory, with if we did, the field were won.

Wherefore briefly to conclude, saying my judgment in this behalf, what I suppose: this hope I have, & do believe that when the Church of Christ with the Sacraments thereof, shall be so reformed, that Christ alone shall be received to be our justifier, all other religions, merits, tradition, images, patrons and advocates set a part: the sword of the Christians, with the strength of Christ, shall soon vanquish the Turks pride and fury. But of this more largely in the process of this story.

The sixte and last cause, why I think the knowledge of the Turks history, requisite to be considered, is this: because that many there be, which for y ^e they be farther frō the Turks, and think therefore themselves to be out of danger, take little care and study, what happeneth to their other brethren. Wherefore to the intent to excite their zeal and prayer to almighty God, in this so lamentable ruin of Christ's church: I thought it requisite by order of history, to give this our natiō also something to understand, what hath been done in other nations by these cruel Turks, and what detriment hath been and is like more to happen by them, to the Church of Christ, except we make our earnest inuocatiō to almighty God, in the name of his son, to stop the course of the devil by these Turks, and to stay this defection of Christians falling daily unto them, and to reduce them again to his faith which are fallen frō him. Which the Lord Jesus of his grace, grant with speed. Amen.

Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Saracens, first let us call to remembrance the Prophecy and forewarning of S. Paul writing to the Thess. in his 2. Epistle, in these words: Be not moved nor troubled in your minds, either by preaching, or by writing, or by letter frō us, as though the day of the Lord were at hand: for the Lord will not come except there come a defection first, and the wicked person be revealed. &c. Of this defection sundry minds there be, of sundry expositors: some thinking this defection to mean a falling away from the Empire of Rome: some from the obedience of the Pope. But as S. Paul little passed upon the outward glory of the Romayn Empire: so less he passed upon the proud obedience of the Pope. What Saint Paul meant by this defection, the reading of these Turkishe stories, and the miserable falling away of these Churches by him before planted, will soon declare.

Another mistery there is in the Re • elations, Apoc. 13. where the number of the beast is counted 666. Whereby may seem by all evidences, to be signified the first origene and springing of these beastly Saracens, as by sequel hereof may appear by the first rising of this devilish sect of Muhammad.

Moreover, another place there is, cap. 16. Apoca. where we read that by pouring out of the Phial of God's wrath. of the sixth Angel, the great flood Euphrates was dried up, to let in the kings of the East: the opening of which Prophecy, may also more evidently appear, in considering the order and manner of the coming in of these Turks into Europe.

Some also apply to the Turks certain Prophecyes of Daniel, Ezekiel, and other places of the old Testament moe, which here I omit, for so much as the Prophecyes of the Old Testament, if they be taken in their proper & native sense, after my judgment, do extend no further, then to the death of our Savior, and the end of the Jews kingdom. Albeit herein I do not prejudicate to any man's opiniō, but that every man may abound in his own sense.

As touching the year and time when this pestiferous sect of Muhammad first began, histories do not fully consent: Some affirming that it began, an. 621. and in the 10. year of Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople: in which mind is Johannes Lucidus. As Munsterus counteth, it was in the year of our Lord 622. Martin Luther, & John Carion referreth it to the 18. year of the reign of Heraclius, which is the yere of our Lord 630. Unto the which mumber the computation of the Beast signified in the Apocali. doth not far disagree, which numbereth the name of the Beast, with three Greek letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which Greek letters after the supputation of the Greciās, make the number of 666.

In this all writers agree, that this damnable Muhammad was borne in the country of Arabia, bordering on the East part of Jewry. His father was a Syrian, or a Persian, his Mother was an Ismalite, which Ismalites being a people of Arabia, were called then Agarens: which term Muhammad afterward turned to the name of Saracens. Of this wretched Mahumete mention was made before. pag. 124. where we shown, how he making himself the highest Prophet of all other, yet denieth not Christ to be an holy Prophet and next to him, and Moses also to be another. Moreover he denieth not Mary the mother of Christ to be a uirgin, and to have conceived Christ by the holy ghost, affirming further that Christ in his own person was not crucified, but another called Judas for him. He greatly commendeth also John the son of Zacharias for a virgin: whē he himself permitteth a man to have 4. wives, and as many concubines as he is able to find: & saith that where as Christ & other Prophets had the gift given them to work miracles, he was sent by force of sword, to compel men to his religiō. The prodigious vanityes, lies, & blasphemies contained in his law called Quran, are rather to be laughed at, then recited.

It is thought that Sergius a Nestorian, was a great doer with Māhumet, in cōtriuing of this lying Alchorā & so it doth well appear by the scope and pretence thereof which especially tēdeath to this end, to take the divinity frō the person of Christ, whom he granteth notwithstanding to be a most holy man, & also that he is received up to God and shall come again to kill Antichrist. &c.

Moreover this ridiculous Quran is so blaunched & poudered with so diverse mixtures of y ^e Christians, Jews and the Gentiles laws, giving such liberty to all wantonness of flesh, setting up circumcision, abstaining from swine's flesh and Judaical lotions, and so much standeth upon Father Abraham, that it is supposed of some, this filthy Alchorā, not to be set out in the days of Muhammad, but that certain Jews had some handling also in this matter, and put it out after his death: and so seemeth first to take his force about the number of years limited in the Apocal. as is aforesaid, where thus it is written: He that hath intelligence, let him count the number of the beast: For it is the number of a man, and his number is six hundred, six score and six.

After this devilish Muhammad had thus seduced y ^e people, teaching thē that he came not by miracles, but by force of sword, to give his law, & that they which will not obey it must either be put to death or else pay tribute (for so be the words of the Quran) and after that he had gathered strength about him, of the Arabians, which Arabians thē had occasion to rebel against the Emperor, because their stipendes were not paid them of Heraclius the Emperors officers: he began to raunge with force and violence in the partes of Syria bordering nere unto him, and first subdued Mecha, then Damascus: and further increasing in power, entered into Egypt, and subdued the same. From thence he turned his power against the Persians, with whom Cosroes the king of Parsia, encountering with a puissaunt army, overthrew the Saracens, & put Muhammad to fight. Of these Persians came the Turks, which afterward joining with the Saracens, maintained them against the Christians. Ex Munster.

After the death of this beast, which as some say, was poisoned in his house succeeded Ebocara, or Ebubecer his father in law, or as Bibliander affirmeth, his son in law who took upon him the government of the Saracens, and got the City Gaza, and besieged also Jerusalem two years. He reigned two years, having for his chief City, Damaicus.

After him followed Omar, or Ahumar, who conquered a great part of Syria, and got Egypt.

The 4. king of the Saracens after Muhammad, was Odmē, then followed Haly, & after him Muhanias: which after the siege of 7. years, obtained & got the Christian Citty of Cesaria: also overcame the Persians, with their king Orunasda, and subdued that country to his law.

Thus the wicked Saracens in the space of 30. years subdued Arabia, got Palestine, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt, and Persia: which came directly to the 666. years, prophesied of in the Revelations of S. John, as is aforesaid. And not long after they proceeded further, and got Affrike, and then Asia, as in the process of their story shall appear, the Lord willing.

Not long after, Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople, succeeded Constance his nephew, who in the 13. yere of his Empire, fighting vnluckely against the Saraceus in Licia, was overthrown of Muhamas aforesaid in y ^e year of our Lord 655. Which Constance if he were not prospered by the Lord in his wars, it was no great marvel, considering that he had slain his brother Theodosius before at home: moreover lived in incestious matrimony: also being inclined to certain new sects, could not abide the contrary teachers, but slew thē which admonished him thereof. The said Constance going afterward to Italy, was also overcome of the Lumbardes, &c. the Saracens after this victory spoiled also Rhodes.

Although these cursed Saracens, in these their great victories & conquests, were not without domestical seditions and devisions among themselves, yet the princes of y ^e Saracens, being called then Sultans, had in their possession, the government of Syria, Egypt, Affrike, & of a great part of Asia, about the term of 400. years: till at length the Saracen king which ruled in Persia, fighting against the Saracene of Babylon, sought aid of the Turks, to fight with him against y ^e Sultane of Babylon. The which Turks by little and little surprised vpō y ^e Sultan of Persia, & not long after putting him out of place, usurped the king dome of Persia: which afterward went further, as ye shall hear the Lord willing. And this is the first beginning of the Turks dominion.

These Turks after they had thus overcome great coūtries and provinces: and made their power large & mighty both in Asia and Europa, begā to devide their kingdomes & countries amongst themselves. But when they could not agree, but with deadly war contended for the bounds of those kingdoms and dominions: in the mean time 4. of the principal families conquering and subduing all the rest, parted the whole Empire amongst thenselves. And yet they also not so contented, fell to such cruel hatred, contention, war, and slaughter (no doubt by the just judgment of God against his blasphemous enemies) that there was no end thereof, until the remnant of the ancient Turks was utterly rooted out.

For it is evident, that there are few now remaining which are Turks in deed by birth and blood, and that the state of that great empyre is not upholdē, but by y ^e strength an • power of souldyors, which have been Christians, and now are turned to Mahumetes Religion: so that even their own natural language is now out of use amongst them, saving in certain families of their nobility and gētlemen.

These four families above mentioned, with their Captains and armyes, about the year of our Lord. 1330, went raging throughout all Asia and Europa, and everyone of them conquered some parte of the countries where they passed.

The causes of these great inuasiōs and victoryes were the dissention and discord, falsehood, idleness, inconstancy, greedy avarice, lack of truth and fidelity among Christian men of all states and degrees, both high and low. For by the willful defection and backsliding of the Christians, the Turkish power did exceedingly increase, in that many • rsiring the licentious life & liberty of war, & allured with the prosperous success of things, forsook the Church of God, and made themselves bond slaves to Muhammad and his devilish sect: b • th because that fleshly liberty is delighting to all men, and partly also because, as fortune fauoreth, so commonly the willes of men enclyne: And again such as be profane and without the fear of God, (whereof there is an infinite number in the Church) in all ages, are wont commonly to judge of Religion, according to the success of realms and kingdoms. For if any, not only for the variety of opinions, but also for the diuersitye of euentes and fortune amongst men, have inquired and do inquire, whether there be any Church of God distyncte from other nations: what it is, and where it is: especially, for so much as the greatest part of men, both in the old time, when as the four Monarchyes flourished in order, was ignorant of this doctrine, which is peculiar to the Church alone, and now also the barbarity of Muhammad prevaileth & reigneth in the moste part of the world. And how standeth this with man's reason, that a small number both miserable and also feebled and broken with many battayles, should be regarded and loved of God, and the other flourishing in all wealth, prosperity, victoryes, authority and power, should be rejected and despised of God, seeing there is no power and authority, but by the ordinance of God? Albeit therefore, the power of the Turks hath been, for these two hundredth years, of greater force, then any other Monarchy of the world besides: yet is there no Imperial dignity to be esteemed in that Turkish tyranny: but amongst those nations only, where the heavenly doctrine of the Gospel is preached, & other disciplines necessary for the Church of God, & the common life of man maintained and regarded: where the laws of God, & other honest and civil ordinances agreeable to the same, do flourish and reign: where lawful judgment is exercised: where virtue is honored and rewarded: where sin and wickedness is punished: where honest families are maintained and defended.

These things are not regarded amongst the Turks, the enemies of the son of God, and all lawful Empyres: because they dissolve and reject all godly focietyes, honest discipline, good laws, policyes, righteous judgments, the ordinance of matrimony, and godly families. For what hath the Empire of the Turks been hitherto, but moste deadly, cruel, and perpetual war, to work all mischief, destruction and desolation? to subvert good laws, Cities, kingdoms, policies, and to enlarge their cruel power & dominion? The stay and strength whereof, is not love and favor proceeding of virtue and justice, as in lawful and well governed Empyres: but fear, violence, oppression, swarms and infinite thousands of barbarous and most wicked people, ministers of Satan's malice & fury. Which kind of dominion and tyranny hath been condemned by the voice of God, many years ago: the •• stimonyes whereof the Lord would have to remain in the Church, least the godly being moved with y ^e power & success thereof, should fall away and forsake the son of God.

Wherefore, let us not se • ke for any Imperial state in that barbarity: but let us be thankful, & acknowledge the great benefit of God, for that he hath reserved to us certain remnaunts of the Romayn Empire: And let us call upon him daily with hearty petitions and groans & with zeal and love to the house of God, that this Turkish power joined with the malice of Satan, against the son of God, prevail not against the poor congregations & little remnant of his Church, as it hath hitherto done against those strong and noble Christian kingdoms and churches, were now we see the Turkish tyranny to reign & Sathā to have taken full possession. Whose state was once far better then ours is now, and more like to continue without such horrible overthrows and desolation Oh that we might foresee a little the great danger that hangeth over our heads. For though the Turk seemeth to be far of, yet do we nourish within our breasts at home, that may soon cause us to feel his cruel hand and worse, if worse may be, to overrun us: to lay our land waste: to scatter us amongst the Infidels, the enemies and blasphemers of the son of God.

Now, although these 4. families above mentioned, long continued together in bloody wars and deadly hatred, yet one of them passed the rest in all cruelty and tyranny, and subduing the other 3. families, took upon him the government alone, and so became the first Monarch, or Emperor that reigned among thē, called Ottomannus, of whom all that reigned after him, were called Ottomanni. Who succeeding orderly of his line, have occupied the same dominion and seat of the Turks, from the year of our Lord 1300. unto this present time, which have been to the number of 12. Of the which 12. in such order as they lived and raygned, I intend (Christ so permitting) scuerally and compendeously something to entreat, briefly abstracting out of prolixe and • edious writers, such specialties, as for us Christians, shall be chiefly requisite to be known.

Ottomannus the first great Emperor or Tyraunt of the Turks.

THis Ottomannus was at the first, of poor estate and obscure amongst the common sort of men, coming of a base progeny and of rusticall parents: but through his valiantness and activity in war, he got him a great name amongst the Turks. For he being a man of fierce courage, refusing no labor and delighting in war, and gathering together by great subtlety and multitude of common soldiers, began to make war, and by conquestes and victories, to advance himself and his family. Fyrst he began to rob and spoil with a great band of rouers and afterward he attempted to set upon all men. Neither did he vex and destroy the Christians only, but set upon his own nation also, and sought all occasion to subdue thē wholly unto him. For now the Princes and Captains of the Turks, inflamed with ambition and desire of rule, began to fall out and contend among themselves, in so much that they fell to domestical and inward war, with all the power they could.

Ottomannus having this occasion very fit & meet to accomplish that which he long had sought for, gathering unto him all such as he thought to be givē to robbing and spoiling, and set all upon mischief, in short time began to grow in authority, & first set upon certain towns, as he saw opportunity to serve him: Of which towns, some he took by force, some by yielding, other some he spoiled & overthrew, to terrify the rest, thus laying the first foundation of his rising. In the mean time, the discord which was among the Christians, was no small advantage to this Ottomannus, by occasion whereof, he within x. years space, subdued Bethinia, and all the provinces about Pontus: Also Natolia, which comprehendeth all the dominion of the Greeks within Asia: Ancyra a City in Phrigia: Sinope a City in Galatia: and Sabastia a City in Capadocia: and thus still prevailing, he increased in short time, to a mighty power, either through the secret judgment of God against that nation, or else because God would have them so far & so cruelly to prevail, for the punishmen of the sins of other nations, like as it was prophesied before, that such a kingdom there should be of Gog and Magog.

This Ottomannus, after he had reigned 28. years in the year of our Lord 1527. died, and departed to his Muhammad, leaving behind him three sons, of whom Orchanes being the youngest, killed his two brethren, whilst they were at variance between themselves.

Orchanes the second Emperor after Ottomannus.

ORchanes, the youngest of the sons of Ottomannus, after he had slain his two brethren, took the regiment of the Turks after his father. Who after he had drawn to him the hearts of the multitude, such as had their dispositions set upon the licētious life of war, converted his power, further to enlarge his fathers dominion: winning & subduing Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Caria: All which countries, being within the compass of Asia, unto the sea side of Hellespontus, and the sea Euxinus, he added to the Turkishe Empire. Also he wan Prusia: which was the metropolitan City of Bithynia, which thē he made the chief seat of the Turks Empire. Besides these moreover, he conquered Nicaea, & got Nicomedia: all which were before Christian Cities & regions. And yet all this could not make the Christian Princes in Grecia, to cease their civil wars, & to join & accord among themselves: Such debate and variance was thē between Cātacuzenus, on the Greeks part, & Paleologus y ^e Emperor of Constantinople. By reason whereof, y ^e Turks aid was sent for out of Asia, to help our Christians one to kill another, and at length to get all those partes of Europe from them both. Who if they had according to their profession, so well joined in brotherly unity, as they did in cruel hostility dissent, neither had Orchanes so prevailed in gettynge Prusia from the Grecians, neither had the Turks so soon presumed into Europe as afterward they did. Orchanes after these victories, when he had reigned 22. years was strokē, as some say, with a dart in the shoulder, at the siege of Prusia. The opiniō of others is, that he fighting against the Tartariās, where he lost a great part of his army, was there also slain himself. an. 1349.

Amurathes the 3. after Ottamannus.

THe Greek writers do hold that Orchanes had two sons, Solimannus, and Amurathes. Of which two, first Solimannus reigned albeit not long. After him followed Amurathes, who after that Asia now was subdued by his predecessors, sought by all means and ways how to proceed further & to invade Europe. To whose ambitious purpose the domestical wars of the Christians gave unprosperous occasion: which occasion is thus declared. Certain discord fell between the princes of Greece (whose captain was Cantaguzenus) and Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople. Wherupō Paleologus, for that he was not able to make his party good with the Grecians, moste unwisely sent for Amurathes, to help him. Who being glad to have such an occasion offered, which he so long had sought, sent to aid him 12000. Turks into Thracia: but first used all delays he could, of crafty policy to the intent that the Greeks first should waste their strength and power upon themselves, whereby he might be more able afterward to set vpō them, and to accomplish his conceived desire.

The Turks thus being called into Europe, by the Christians, whether they tasting the sweetness of the soil incensed Amurathes their Emperor to make invasion, or whether Amurathes of his own head thought good to use the time, in the year of our Lord 1363. he came himself over into Europe with 60000. Turks, falling upon the Grecians, being wasted and spent with their long wars and battelles before. The pretence of the deuilishe Turk was to aid and to assist the Emperor Peleologus, whether he would or no, and to subdue such as had fallen from him. The Christian ships of the Ligurians for money were hired to conduct them over, taking for every soldier a piece of gold. Ex Pucer. & alijs.

Thus the Turks army being conveyed over by the Grecianssea called Hellespōtus, first got Callipolis with other towns and Cities bordering about the sea, & there planting themselves, and preparing ships of their own for transporting their munitions out of Asia, advanced their power further into Thrasia, and there wan Philip polis, then got Adrianopolis, which was not far from Constantinople, & there Amurathes made his chief seat. Then began Paleologus the Emperor at lenth to bewail his offer & covenant made with Amurathes. Whē the Turks had expugned thus a great part of Thrasia, they extended forth their army unto Mysia, which they soon subdued: from thence proceeding and conquering the Bessos and Triballos, they entered into Seruia, and Bulgaria: where they joining battle with Lazarus Despota prince of Seruia, and with other Dukes of Dalmatia, and Epirus, wan of them the field, & put them to the worse: where Lazarus Despota being taken, and committed to prison, ended his life. This Lazarus had a certain faithful client or servant, who to revenge his masters death, with a bold courage, although seeing death before his eyes, yet ventred his life so far, that he came to the tyraūt & thrust him through with his dagger. This Amurathes reigned. 23. years, and was slain in the year of our Lord 1372.

Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus.

THe power of the Turks began to increase in Europe, what time Baiazetes, the first of that name, after the death of his father, entered the possession of the Turks kingdom. This Baiazetes had 2. brethrē, Solimānus & Sauces. Which Sauces had his eyes put out by his father for striving for the kingdom. Solimānus was slain of his brother. Thus Baiazetes beginning his kingdom with the murder of his brother, reduced his Imperial seat frō Prusia a city of Bithynia, unto Adrianople, entēding with himself to subdue both Asia & Europe to his own power. First he set upon the Seruians and Bulgarians, thinking to revenge his fathers death, where he gave the overthrow to Marcus Despota, with all the nobility of the Seruians and Bulgarians, and put all those parties under his subjection unto the fines and borders of the Illyrians. All Thracia moreover he brought likewise under his yoke, only Constantinople and Pera excepted. That done, he invaded the residue of Grecia, preuaylyng against the countries of Thessalia, Macedonia, Phocides, and Attica, spoiling and burning as he passed, without any resistance: and so returning with innumerable spoil of the Christians, unto Adrianople, laid siege to Constantinople the space of viii. years, and had expugned the same, but that Paleologus being brought to extremitye, was driven to crave aid of the frenchmen, and of Sigismund the Emperor. Who being accompanied with a sufficient power of Frenchmen & Germaynes, came down to Hūgaria & toward Seruia against the Turk. Baiazetes hearing of their coming, raised his siege frō Constantinople, and with 60000. horsemen, came to Nicopolis, where he encountering with them, overthrew all the Christian army, took John the Captain of the French power prisoner: Sigismundus, which before in the Council of Constance, had burned John Hus & Jerome of Prague, hardly escaped by flieng. Baiazetes after the victory got, carried away Duke John, with five other in hands, into Prusia, where before his face he caused all the other Christian prisoners to be cut in pieces.

Afterwarde the said John being raunsomed with 200000. crowns, was delivered. Some authors refer this story to the time of Calepinus, as followeth hereafter to be seen.

Baiazetes the cruel tirant after this victory won, & tyranny shown upon the Christians, returned again to his siege of Constantinople, fully bending himself to cōquery and subdue the same, which thing no doubt he had accomplished, but that the providence of God had found such a means that Tamerlanes King of Parthia, with an 100. thousand horsemen, and swarms of footmen, like a violent flood, ouerrunning Asia, and pressing upon Siria and Sebastia, had taken Orthobules the son of Baiazetes, prisoner, and afterward slue him, exercising the like cruelty vpō his prisoners, as Baiazetes had done before upon the Christians: insomuch that he spared neither sex nor age of the Turkish multitude: of whom he caused xii. thousand at one time, to be ouerriden and trodden down under his horses feet. By reason whereof, Baiazets the tirant was enforced to raise his siege from Constantinople, & to return his power into Asia: where he, near the hill called Stella, pitched his tents there to encounter with Tamerlanes.

The fight between these ii. was long & great on both sides, which was in the year of our Lord 1397. and the second year after the slaughter of our Christians at Nicopolis in Ponnonia: but the victory of this battle fell to Tamerlanes at length. In the which battle as Munsterus writeth, were slain 2000000. Turks. Among whom, Baiazetes the tirant, having his horse slain under him, was takē prisoner, and to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune, was bound in golden fetters, and so being enclosed in an iron grate (whom before all Grecia could not hold) was led about and shown through all Asia, to be skorned & laughed at: and moreover was used instead of a footstool to Tamerlanes, or a block, as often as he mounted upon his horse. Some add also, that he was made like a dog to feed under Tamerlanes table. The tyranny of which Baiazetes against the Christians, as it was not much unlike to the cruelty of Ualerianus y ^e Romaine Emperor above mentioned, pag. 73. so neither was the example of his punishment much discrepant, for as Sapores King of the Persians did then with Ualerianus in time of the eight persecution of the primative Church: so likewise was Baiazetes this persecutor worthily handled by Tamerlanes king of the Parthians, as in manner abovesaid.

Tamerlanes after this conquest, passed with his army into Mesopotamia, to Egypt, and all Syria, where he victoriously subduing the Cities and munitions of the Turks, at length also conqured Damascus. In his sieges his manner was, the first day to go all in white attire, the seconde day in red, the third day in black: signifying thereby mercy the first day to them that yielded, the seconde day the sword, the third day fire and ashes. At last, after great victories, and spoils gotten of the Turks, he returned into his Country again, and there died, anno 1402.

Seb. Munsterus writing of this Tamerlanes, recordeth that he had in his army 200. thousand men: and that he overcame the Parthians, Scythians, Hiberians, Albans Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia: and after he had also subdued Armenia, passing over the river Euphrates with six hundred thousand footmen, and 4000000. horsemen, he invaded all Asia Minor, conquering and subduing from the flood Tanais unto Nile in Egypt, and was called terror orbis, the terror of the world. He left behind him two sons, who falling in discord for their possessions, lost all again that their father got.

In the mean time Baiazetes in the second year of his captivity, died, leaving behind him diverse sons, Jesus or Joshua the eldest, Mulsumanes, Moses, Celebinus, or Calepinus, Jesus the younger, Mustaphas, and Hali, of whom first Jesus the eldest was overcome and slain of Mulsumanes: which Mulsumanes afterward was delivered to Moses his brother, and by him was slain likewise, which Moses had also the like ende by his brother Calepinus, having his neck broken with a bow string, which was then the usual manner among the Turks in killing their brethren. The same Calepinus sparing only the life of Mustaphas his other brother, condemned him to perpetual prison. Jesus the younger was Baptized, & shortly after departed at Constantinople. In these such disorders and divisions among the Turks, what occasions were given to the Christias to have recovered again of the Turks that they had lost, if they had not been either negligent, or in their own private wars otherwise occupied with themselves.

Calepinus the 5. after Ottomannus.

CAlepinus, or Celebinus was the son of Baiazetes, and of four brethren, the eldest: who being all taken captives of the Parthians, he only escaped and obtained his fathers kingdom. This Calepinus encouraged by the sloth and negligence of the Princes of Europe, and by the discord of the Grecians amongst them selves and other nations near about them, long troubled and vexed the Bulgarians, Seruiās, and Macedonians, even to the time of Sigismundus. Which Sigismundus seeing now Baiazetes to be overcome and taken of Tamerlane, and the power of the Turks weakened in Europe, & having such occasion offered him, as it were from heaven, to destroy and utterly to root out, not only out of Asia but also all Europe, that barbarous nation, and cruel enemies to the name and Religiō of Christ: and also to revenge the great slaughter and discomfiture of his army fighting before with Baiazetes at Nicopolis a City in Mysia: with great power made war against Calepinus at Columbatium a Town in Seruia, as is also before mentioned. pag. 719. but as vnluckely and with as little success as he did before against Baiazetes his father: For in that battle were slain of the Christians to the mumber of xx. thousand, and the rest utterly discomfited, the king himself escaping so hardly, that he entered not again into his kingdom for the space of 18. months after. Some write that this was done under Baiazetes, other some refer this battle to Amurathes, but howsoever it was, most pernicious was it to the Christians. He reigned but vi. years and died very young. an. 1404.

Orchanes and Moses his uncle, the sixth after Ottomanus.

AFter the captivity of Baiazetes above mentioned, histories diversely do dissent. The Greek writers making no mention at alof Calepinus, only make mention of the sons of Baiazetes, & of the contention among them. until the time of Muhumetes. The Latin stories writing of the children of Baiezetes and of their succession, do not therein agree, some affirming that Baiazetes had two sons, Orchanes surnamed Calepinus, & Mahumetes his brother, which within two years slew the said Calepinus, and entered his dominion. Other attribute to Baiazetes moe sons, as is above rehearsed. Some again do give to Baiazetes only these two sons Celebinus and Mustaphas: and hold that Calepinus or Celebinus had two sons, to wit, Orchanes and Mahumetes, and add moreover that the said Orchanes being somewhat young, was slain of his uncle Moses, who governed but ii. years. For Mahumetes to revenge his brothers death slew Moses, and invaded his dominion. The Greek stories make no mention at all of Orchanes.

Mahumetes the 7. after Ottomannus.

THis Mahumetes, whether he was the son of Baiazetes, or else of Calepinus, converted to himself alone the kingdom, or tyranny rather, of the murdering Turks. Who afflicted the Christians with sore wars within Europe, especially the country called Wallachia, lying not far frō the flood Danubius, between Hungary & Thracia. From thence he removed into Asia, where he recovered diverse partes in Galatia, Pontus, Capadocia, Silicia, which before Tamerlanes had alienated from the Turks. This Mahumetes planted his chief Imperial seat in Adrianople not far from Constantinople, within the country of Thracia. In some writers the conflict between Sigismund & the great Turk, wherein the Christians were so discomfited, is referred rather to this Mahumetes, then to Calepinus: of which conflict mention is above made in the story of Sigismundus. pag. 719. This Mahumetes reigned, as some say 14. years, & died in the year of our Lord. 1419. Other affirm 17. years.

Amurathes the second, 8. after Ottmannus.

AMurathes, as Philelphus saith, was the son of Celebinus, as Laonicus Chalcondiles testifieth, of Mahumetes: whose son soever he was, a wretched traunt he was, and permitted as a scourge of God, to correct y ^e sins of the Christians. In the story of Baiazetes, mentiō was made before of Mustaphas his son, who was condemned to perpetual prison by Calepinus his brother. This Mustaphas escaping out of his brothers prison, was conveyed to the Grecians, where he remained long in custody, til at length they understanding the purpose of Amurathes, set him up with sufficient habiliments and furniture of war, to fight against the said Amurathes his nephew. But in conclusion, he being not able to make his party good, came into y ^e hands of his enemy, and had his neck broke with a bowstring, after the manner of the Turkish execution.

The Grecians then terrified with this sinister adversity required truce of the Turk, but when that would not be granted, they procured unto them Mustaphas, the other brother to Amurathes, being of the age of xiii. years: who likewise being armed of y ^e Grecians, got the City of Nice in Bithynia, from Amurathes his brother: Albeit it was not long but he was circumvented in the same City, and brought to Amurathes: who caused him likewise to taste of the same whip, as the other Mustaphas had done before. Amurathes being now out of all fear and doubt of brethren & kinsfolk to rise against him, converted all his power against the Grecians: and first raunging through out Thracia, where diverse Cities yielded unto him, which before belonged to the Emperor of Constantinople, frō thence he set forward to the noble and famous City Thessalonica, being then under the league and protectiō of the Uenetians. This Thessalonica is a City in Greece, bordering upon Macedonia, to y ^e Citizens whereof, S. Paul writeth, foreshowing unto them in his 2. Epistle, of a defection to come before the coming of the day of the Lord 2. Thess. 2. By the which apostasy or defection, what the holy Apostle doth mean, this story of the Turks may easily declare. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis, with all the country about Athens, Beocia likewise, Aetolia, Acarnauia, with all the region beyond Peloponesus, unto the coast of Corinth, to whom S. Paul also wrote other two epistles, were brought in bondage and slavery unto the Turk.

In Epirus, and in that quarter that adjoineth to Macedonia, named Albania, reigned then one Johannes Castriotus, who perceiving himself too weak to match with the Turks power, made with the Turk this cōuention, that he should have Croia, a famous City in Grecia, and also gave to him his three sons for hostages, to wit, Constantine, Reposius, and Georgius.

In this George, such towardness of noble courage, such vigor of mind, and strength of body singularly did appear, that the Turk caused him more freely to be instructed after the Turkish religion and manner in his own court: where he being traded up, did so shoot up as well in feats of activity, as in strength of body, that he excelled all his equals: in so much that he was named Scanderbeins, which soundeth as much as Alexander Magnus.

After this Alexander was grown up to mature ripeness of age, and was well trained up in feats of war, he was sent out by the Turk, to war against Caramannus of Silicia, The Turks enemy. In which expedition he sped himself most manfully, fighting hand to hand, first with a footeman of Scythia, then with an horseman of Persia, being challenged by them both to encounter, first with the one, after with y ^e other: whom he so valiantly overthrew, y ^e he wan great renoun with y ^e Turk: In so much that he trusting to y ^e Turks favor, whē he heard of the decease of his father, durst ask of y ^e Turk the grant of his fathers dominion to be given unto him. Which request, although Amurathes y ^• Turk did not deny him: yet notwithstanding he perceiving the matter to be dalied out with fair words, by subtle means and policy slipped out of the Turks court, and came to Epirus his own inheritance: where first by forged letters he recovered Croia. The other Cities of their voluntary mind, yielded themselves unto him, who then gathering unto him the people of Epirus & Macedonia (which were not so many in mumber, as with good willing minds they stuck unto him) so manfully and valiantly behaved himself, that against all the puissance both of Amurathes, and also of Mahumete, he maintained his own, repulsed their violence, and put to flight their armies, many years together. But to return again to the course of Amurathes victories, after he had thus prevailed (as is before signified) against the East parts of Europa and Grecia,