Acts and Monuments Volume 1

^e deposition of Gabriel, it seemed good unto the fathers, to proceed to the election of another Bishop. And first of all they nominated those that together w ^t the Cardinals, should elect y ^e Pope. The first & principal of the Electors was the Cardinal Arelatēsis a man of invincible constancy, and incomparable wisdom: unto whose virtue I may justly ascribe whatsoever was done in the council: for without him, the prelates had not persevered in their purpose, neither could the shadow of any Prince have so defended thē. This man came not to the election by any favor or denomination, but by his own proper right. The rest of the Electors were chosen out of y ^e Italian, French, Germayne and Spanish nations, & their Sels & chambers appointed to them by lots, without respect of dignity or person, & as the lots fell, so they were placed: Whereby it chanced a Doctor to have the highest place, and a Bishop the last. Wherein the distribution of lots was very strange, or rather a Divine dispensation, reproving the devises of man, whereas the prelates had determined to have the best Chambers appointed for themselves, & had earnestly contēded before to have their chambers appointed according to their dignity.

The next day after, there was a Session hold̄, where in Marcus a famous Divine, made an Oration unto the Electors, wherein he reckoned up the manifold crimes of Gabriel, which was deposed. He endeavored to persuade the Electors to choose such a man, which should in all pointes, be contrary unto Gabriel, & eschew all his vices: that as he, through his manifold reproaches, was hurtful unto all men: so he which should be chosē, should show himself • acceptable unto all men, through justice: and as Gabriel was covetous and full of rapine, so this man should show himself continent.

There was so great a mumber of people gathered together to behold this matter, that neither in the church, neither in the stretes, any man could pass. Th • re was present John Earl of Diestein, who supplied the place of the Emperors Protector: also the Senators of the Citty, with many other noble men, to behold the same, whereof you shall hear (Christ willing) more largely hereafter. The Citizens were without in armor to prohibit that there should be no uproar made. The Electors received the Communion together, and afterwards, they received their oth: & the Cardinal Arelatensis opening the book of Decrees, read the form of the oath in y ^e audience of all mē, & first of all, he taking the oath himself, began in this manner.

Most reverend Fathers, I promise, swear and vow before my Lord Jesus Christ (whose most blessed body I unworthy sinner have received: unto whom in the last judgment I shall give accompt of all my deeds) that in this business of election, whereunto now by the will of the Council we are sent: I will seek nothing else, then the only salvation of the Christian people, and the profit of the universal Church. This shall be my whole care and study, that the authority of the general Councils be not contemned: that the Catholic faith be not impugned, and that the fathers which remain in the council, be not oppressed. This will I seek for: this shall be my care: unto this, withal my whole force and power, will I bend myself: neither will I respect anything in this point, either for mine own cause, or for any friend, but only God and the profit of the Church. With this mind and intent, and with this heart will I take mine oath before the Council.

His words were lively and fearful. After him all the other Electors in their order, did swear and take their oath. Then they went with great solemnity unto the Cōclave: where they remained 7. days. The manner of their election was in this sort. Before the Cardinals seat was set a Deske, whereupon there stood a basen of silver: into the which basen all the Electors did cast their scheduls: which the Cardinal receiving, read one by one, and four other of the Electors wrote as he read them.

The tenor of the Schedules was in this manner. I George Bishop of Uicene do choose such a man, or such a man, for bishop of Rome, and peradventure named one or two: everyone of the electors subscribed his name unto the Schedule, that he might thereby know his own, and say nay, if it were contrary to that which was spokē: whereby all deceit was utterly excluded. The first scrutiny thus ended, it was found that there were many named to y ^e papacy. Yet none had sufficient voices, for that day there were xvii. of diverse nations nominate. Notwithstanding Amedeus duke of Savoy, a man of singular virtue, surmoūted them all: for in the first scrutiny he had the voice of xvi. Electors which judged him worthy to govern the church.

After this, there was diligent inquisition had in the Council, touching those which were named of the Electors, and as every man's opinion served him, he did either praise or discommēd those which were nominate. Notw ^t standing there was such report made of Amedeus, that in the next Scrutiny, which was holden in the Nonas of November, the said Amedeus had 21. voices, and likewise in the 3. and 4. Scrutinye 21. voices. And for so much as there was none found in all the scrutiny to have 2. partes all y ^e other schedules were burnt. And forsomuch as there lacked but only one voice to the elecion of y ^e high bishop, they fell unto prayer, desiring God that he would vouchsafe to direct their minds to an unity and concord, worthily to elect and choose him which should take the charge over the flock of God. Forsomuch as Amedeus seemed to be nearer unto the papacy then all other, there was great communication had amongst them touching his life and disposition. Some said that a lay man ought not so suddenly to be chosen: for it would seem a strange thing for a secular prince to be called unto the Byshopricke of Rome: which would also to much derogate frō the ecclesiastical state, as though there were none therein meet or worthy for that dignity. Other some said that a man which was married and had children, was unmeet for such a charge. Other some again affirmed that the bishop of Rome ought to be a Doctor of law, and an excellent learned man.

When these words were spoken, other some rising up, spake far otherwise, that albeit Amedeus was no Doctor, yet was he learned and wise, for so much as all his whole youth, he had bestowed in learning & study, & had sought not the name, but even the ground of learning. Thē said another, if ye be desirous to be instructed further of this princes life, I pray you give ear unto me, which do know him throwly. Truly this man from his youth upward, and even from his young and tender years, hath lived more religiously then secularly, being always obedient to his parents and masters, and being always endued with the fear of God, never given to any vanity or wantonnes: neither hath there at any time been any child of the house of Savoy, in whom hath appeared greater wit to towardness, whereby all those which did behold and know this man, judged and foresaw some great matter in him: neither were they deceived. For if ye desire to know his rule & governance, what and how noble it hath been: First know ye this, that this man hath reigned since his fathers decease, about xl. years.

During whose time, justice, the Lady and Queen of all other virtues, hath always flourished: For he hearing his subjects himself, would never suffer the poor to be oppressed, or the weak to be deceived. He was the defender of the fatherless, the advocate of the widows, and protector of the poor. There was no rapine or robbery in all his territory. The poor and rich lived all under one law, neither was he burthenous unto his subjects, or importune against strangers throughout all his country: there was no grievous exactions of money, throughout all his dominion. He thought himself rich enough, if the inhabitants of his dominions did abound and were rich, knowing that it was the point of a good shepherd to sheare his sheep, and not to devour them. In this also was his chief study and care, that his subjects might live in peace, and such as bordered upon him, might have no occasion of grudge.

By which policies he did not only quietly govern his Fathers dominion, but also augmented the same by others, which willingly submitted themselves unto him. He never made war upon any, but resisting against such as made war upon him, he studied rather to make peace then to seek any revenge, desiring rather to overcome his enemies with benefits, then with the sword. He married only one wife, which was a noble virgin, & of singular beauty and chastity. He would have all his family to keep their hands and eyes chaste, and continent, and throughout all his house, honesty and integrity of manners was observed. When as his wife had changed her life, and that he perceived his Duchy to be established, & that it should come without any controuersye unto his posteritye, he declared his mind which was always religious, & dedicate unto god, & shown what will and affectiō he had long borne in his heart. For he contēning the pomp and state of this world, calling unto him his dear friends, departed and went into a wilderness: where as building a goodly Abbey he addicted himself wholly to the service of God, and taking his cross upon him, followed Christ. In which place he being cōuersant by the space of many years, shown forth great examples of holiness, wearing no other garments then such as could withstand the cold, neither using any kind of daynty fare, but only to resist hunger, watching and praiing the most part of the night. Wherefore this Prince is not newly come unto the Church (as some do suppose) but being a Christian borne of progenitors, a thousand years and more being Christians, doth now serve God in a monastery.

But as touching that, also which is spokē concerning a wife, I do not regard it: when as not only he which hath had a wife, but he also which hath a wife may be elect & chosen pope. For why do the doctors dispute, whether a married man chosen pope, ought to perform his duty toward his wife, but only because a married man might be received and chosen? For as you know well enough, there were many Popes that had wives: and Peter also was not without a wife. But what do we stand about this? for peradventure it had been better that more priests had been married, for many should be saved through marriage, which are now damned through their single life. But hereof we will (saith he) speak in another place. But this seemeth unto me, rather to be laughed at, then worthy any answer which is objected touching his children, for what can children (specially being of great age) be impediment or let unto the father, being a Bishop? Doth not the Scripture say woe be unto him that is a lone, for if he fall, he hath none to help him up again? This cannot be imputed unto the prince, for he hath 2. sons, both comely and wise. Whereof the one is prince of Piemont, the other Earl of the Gebennians: these men will rule the country of Savoy in the absence of their father, & will help him, if he have need, for they have already learned to rule over that people. I pray you what hurt is it for a Bishop of Rome, to have valiant childrē, which may help their father against tyrants? O most reverent fathers, the more I do behold the storm of this most perverse and froward time, the more I do consider the vexations and troubles which the church is now tormented withal: I do so much the more think it profitable, yea & necessary, that this man should be chosen prince and head: I will think that God hath shown his mercy upon us, if I may see him have the governance over this boat, I pray you consider into what straights we are now driven, with what perils we are now vexed & tossed. What prince is it that is obedient unto this council? For some will not confess that the Coūcel is here, neither receive our decrees: other some confess it in their words, but by their deeds they declare it to be at Florence. For albeit that by their words & letters, they do not deny that the church is here, yet do they procure promotions at the hands of Gabriel, which is deposed. This is the state of the Church: with these storms and tempests the ship is shaken and bruised: Wicked children have risen up against their mother, which being unmindful of their mothers labors & kindness towards them, despise her, contēn her & beat her. What is to be done here in? Shall we choose a bare man, which shall rather be derided of our princes, thē had in reverence? The days are not now, that mē have respect only unto virtue: for (as the Satirical Poet writeth) virtue is praised, but is coldly followed. A poor man speaketh & they ask what he is? Truly virtue is good: but for our purpose, it must be marked and looked upon, whether it be in a riche man or a poor man, you must choose a governor which may rule the ship not only by Council, but by power also. The wind is great: Wherefore except the Council be good, and the power strong, the ship shall be broken, & all put in danger. The memorial is yet fresh before our eyes: that the princes do neglect the authority which is of no force or power. Is there not great valiantness shown in this point, in that you fearing no peril or danger, either of life or goods, have so long contended for the truth of Christ? But the moste mighty & high God looketh down from on high, and will resist this their pride. I have often consented unto their opinion, which said it was expedient, that y ^e temporal dominions should be divided from y ^e Ecclesiastical state: for I did think that the priests should thereby be made more apt to the divine ministry, & the secular princes more obedient to the clergy: but for so much as at this present, y ^e churches of the world are possessed, partly by Eugenius & partly by other tyraunts, we must provide that we choose such a one, which may recover again the patrimony of the Church, and in whom the office of Christ's vicar may not be contemned: through the shielde of whose power, their contumacy may be suppressed, which contemn both verity & reason. Whereunto no man seemeth unto me more apt or meet, thē Amadeus duke of Savoy, which holdeth the one part of his possessions in Italy, and the other in France: Unto whom all christen princes are allied either by consanguinity, or joined by amity and friendship, & whose virtue, how famous it is, I have already declared. Why do we then stay or doubt to choose him? then whom Gabriel feareth no mā more. Let him therefore perish with the sword where withal he hath stricken. There is no man which can more pac •• y the church then he. Do you require devotion in a bishop? there is no man more devout thē he. Do you require prudēce? Now ye understand by his former life, what manner of man he is. If ye seek for justice, his people are a witness thereof: so y ^t whether you seek for virtue or power, all are here present before you. Wherupon do ye stay? Go to I pray you: choose this man. He will augment the faith: he will reform manners, and preserve the authority of the Church. Have ye not heard these troubles of the church to have been afore spoken of, and that the time now present should be an end of all troubles? Have ye not heard that about this time, there should a Pope be chosen, which should comfort Syō, and set all things in peace? And who I pray you should he be that could fulfill these things, except we choose this man? Beleue me, these sayings must be fulfilled, & I trust that God will move your minds thereunto. Notwithstāding, do whatsoever ye shall think most good and holy.

When he had spoken these words, the greatest mumber of the electors seemed to consent unto him, and his words took such effect, that in the next Scrutiny, the matter was finished and ended, and when the Scrutiny was opened, it was found that Amedius, the most devout duke of Savoy according to the decree of the Council, was chosen Pope. Wherefore suddenly there was great joy & gladness amongst them, and all men highly commended their doings. Then the Cardinal Arelatensis, published unto thē the name of the elect bishop. After this, all the prelates in their robes, pōtificalibus, and miters, and all the clergy of the city coming unto the conclaue, the electours being likewise adourned, they brought thē unto y ^e great church, where as after great thanks given unto God, and the electiō again declared unto the people, a Hymn being song for joy, the congregation was dissolved.

This Amedeus aforesaid, was a man of reverent age, of comely stature, of grave and discreet behavior: also before married. Who thus being elect for Pope about November, was called Felix the v. and was crowned in the city of Basel, in the month of July. There were present at his coronation Louis Duke of Savoy: Philip Earl Gebenēs. Louis Marques of Salutze: The Marques of Rotelen: Cōrade of Winsperghey, Chāberlain of the Empire: The Earl of Dierstein: The Ambassadors of the Cittyes of Strasbrough, Berne, Friburge, Solatorne, with a great multitude of other beside, to the vew of 50000. persons. At this coronatiou, the Popes two sons did serve and minister to their father. Louis Cardinal of Hostia did set on his head, the pontifical Diademe, which was esteemed at 30. thousand crowns. It were long here to recite y ^e whole order and solemnity of the procession, or the Popes ryding about the City. First proceeded the Pope under his Canaby of cloth of gold, having on his head a triple crown, and blessing the people as he went. By him went the Marques of Rotelen, and Conrade of Winsperge, leading his horse by the bridle. The procession finished, they went to dinner, which lasted four full hours, being excessively sumptuous: where the Popes two sons were butlers to his cup. The Marques of Salutze was the stuard, &c.

Of this Felix, thus writeth Uolaterane in his 3. book, that he being desired of certain of the Ambassadors, if he had any dogs or houndes to show them: he willed them the next day to repair to him, and he would show unto them such as he had. When the Ambassadors, according to the appointment, were come, he showeth unto them, a great number of poor people and beggars sitting at his tables at meat, declaring, that those were his hoūdes, which he every day used to feed: hunting with them (he trusted) for the glory of heaven to come.

And thus you have heard the state of this Council hitherto, which Council endured a long season, the space of 17. years.

About the 6. year of the Council, Sigismund the Emperor died, leaving but one daughter to succeed him in his kingdoms: whom he had married to Albert 2. Duke of Austricke, which first succeeded in the kingdom of Hungary and Boheme, being a sore adversary to the Bohemians: and afterward was made Emperor. an. 1438. and reigned Emperor but 2. years, leaving his wife, which was Sigismūd his daughter, great w ^t child. After which Albert, succeeded his brother Frederick the third Duke of Austrich, in the Empire, &c. whereof more (Christ willing) hereafter.

In the mean time, Eugenius hearing of the death of Sigismund above recited, began to work the dissolutiō of the Council of Basel, and to transfer it to Ferraria, pretending the coming of the Grecians. Notwithstanding the Council of Basel, through the disposition of God, and the worthiness of Cardinal Arelatensis, constantly endured. Albeit in the said Council were many stops and practices to empeach the same, beside the sore plague of pestilence, which fell in the City, during the said Council. In the which plague time, besides the death of many worthy men, Aeneas Sylvius also himself, the writer & compiler of the whole history of that Council sitting at the feet of the Bishops of Tournon, and of Lubecke, lay sick iii. days of the same sore, as is above touched, and never thought to escape. They that died, departed with this exhortation, desiring mē to pray to God, that he would convert the harts of them that stooke to Eugenius as Pope, against that Council, as partly is afore noted, and now repeated again for the better marking. Arelatensis being most instantly exhorted by his friends to fly that danger, could by no means be entreated to avoid, fearing more the danger of the Church, then of his own life.

Beside these so great difficulties & obstacles to stay and hinder this Council, strange it was to behold the mutation of men's minds. Of whom, such as first seemed to favor y ^e Council, after did impugn it: and such as before were against it, in the end shown themselves most friends unto the same. The chief Cardinals & prelates, the more they had to loose, the sooner they slipped away, or else lurked in houses or towns near, and absented thenselves for fear: so that the stay of the Council most rested vpō their Proctors, Doctors, Archdeacons, Deans, Prouostes, Priours, and such other of y ^e inferior sort. Wherof Aeneas Sylvius in his 183. Epistle, maketh this relation, where one Caspar Schlicke the Emperors Chancelor writeth to the Cardinal Julian in these words: Those Cardinals (saith he) which so long time magnified so highly the authority of the Church, and of general Councils, seeming, as though they were ready to spend their lives for y ^e same, now at the sight of one letter from their king (wherein yet no death was threatened, but only loss of their promotions) slipped away frō Basil. And in y ^e same Epistle deridingly commendeth thē, as wise men, that had rather lose their faith, then their flock. Albeit (saith he) they departed not far away, but remained about Solotorne, waiting for other commandments from their Prince. Whereby it may appear, how they did shrink away not willingly, but the Burse (quoth he) bindeth faster, then true honor.

Quid enim saluis infamia nummis? That is to say: what matter maketh the name of a man, so his money be safe? Haec Aeneas.

Moreover in one of the Sessions of the said Council, the worthy Cardinal Arelatensis is said thus to have reported, that Christ was sold for xxx. pence: but I (said he) was sold much more dear. For Gabriel, otherwise called Eugenius, Pope, offered 60. thousand crowns, who so would take me, & present me unto him. And they that took the said Cardinal, afterward excused their fact by another color, pretending the cause, for that the Cardinals brother, what time the Armiakes wasted Alsatia, had wrought great damage to the inhabitants there, and therefore they thought (said they) that they might lawfully lay hands upon a Frenchman, wheresoever they might take him. At length by the Bishop of Strasbrough, Rupert, and the said City, the matter was taken up, and he rescued. Wherein, no doubt, appeared the hand of God, in defending his life from the pestilent danger of the Pope his adversary. Ex Paralip. Abbot. Vrsper.

And thus far having proceeded in the matters of this foresaid Council, until the election of Amadeus, called Pope Felix v. before we prosecute the rest, that remaineth thereof to be spoken, the order and course of times requireth to intermixt withal the residue pertaining to the matters concluded between this Council, and the Bohemians, declaring the whole circumstances of the Ambassade, their Articles, disputations, and answers, which they had first in the said Council, then in their own country with the Councils Ambassadors: also with their petitions and answers unto the same.

Touching the story of the Bohemians, how they being sent for, came up to the Council of Basel, & how they appeared, and what was there concluded and agreed, partly before hath been expressed, pag. 675. Now, as leisure serveth frō other matters, to return again unto the same, it remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh, so far as both brevity may be observed, and yet the reader not defrauded of such things, principally worthy in the same to be noted and known.

The Bohemians then (as is before declared) having always the upper hand, albeit they were accused by y ^e new Bishop Eugenius, yet it was thought good that they should be called unto Basel, where as the Council was appointed. Wherupon Cardinal Julian sent thither before, John Pullumair Doctor of y ^e law, & John de Ragulio, a Divine. Who coming unto Basel in the month of August, anno. 1431. called by their letters unto y ^e Council, John, Abbot of Mulbrun, and John Belhusius, Monk of the same cloister: which men for the dexterity of their wit, and experience and knowledge of countries, were very meet and necessary for Ambassades.

Within a few days after, Julianus also came thither, as he had promised, and immediately sent out John Belhusius, and Hammon Offenbourg, a Senator of Basel, first unto the Emperor Sigismund being at Felokirch, and afterward unto Friderike Duke of Austrich, for the appealing of the wars between him & Phillip, Duke of Burgony. This done, to the intent that peace being had, not only the Ecclesiastical Prelates, but also the Merchants might have safe access unto Basel, and so bring in all things necessary for sustentation.

They going on this Ambassade, received letters from the Sinode to be delivered unto y ^e Emperor Sigismūd, whereby the Bohemians and Morauians, were called unto the Council. These letters he by and by, caused to be carried unto Boheme. But for so much as he himself went into Italy, to receive the Imperial Crown of the Bishop, he left William Duke of Bavaria, as his Deputy, to be protector unto y ^t Council. Furthermore, when as y ^e Synod understood that our men would take a peace with the Bohemians, after their most shameful flighte, they sent John Niderius a Divine, & John Belhusius, to comfort the people which joined upon Boheme, and earnestly to move the Morauians & Bohemians, which were before called, to come unto the Council.

They departing from Basel about the end of October, took their journey toward Monacum, a town of Bavaria: Where, after they had saluted Williā Duke of Bavaria and his brother Ernestus, and Albert the son of Ernestus, and had declared y ^e Cōmission of their Ambassade, and had shown unto Duke Williā, how that as soon as he should come unto Basel, the protection of the Council should be committed unto him by the Emperor: they exhorted Fridericke, Marques of Brandenberg, and John Duke of Bavaria, the Senate of Noremberg, and other Princes and Lord's, partly by letters from y ^e Council, and partly by words of mouth, that they should by no means, take any truce with the Bohemians, for that it might be hurtful unto the Church, and said they should have aid out of hand. They desired them also in the name of the Council, that if the Bohemians would send their Ambassadors unto Basel, they would guide them, every man through his country in safety: which they promised to do. It is incredible how all men rejoiced, that the Bohemians was sent for.

After this, when as they counseled with the Senate of Noremberg, touching the sending of the Councils letters unto Boheme, it seemed best, first of all to inquire of y ^e rulers of Egra, whether y ^e Bohemians had made any answer to the former letters of y ^e council which they had sent. The rulers of Egra being advertised by these letters, sent him, which carried y ^e Councils letters into Boheme, unto Noremberg. He reported how reverently the Council of y ^e greater city of Prague received y ^• letters, and how he was rewarded.

Wherupon they conceived great hope of the good success of the Ambassade. Therefore the Ambassadors using the Council of y ^e Senate of Noremberg, and diverse others, sent the messenger back again unto Egra, with their own private letters, and with letters of the Council: for there was no better mean to send the letters unto Boheme. Much travail was taken by them of Egra, Friderike Marques of Brandenberg, and John Duke of Bavaria, in this matter, for that they were very desirous that peace might be had amongst all Christians. The copy of those letters, whereby the Synod did call the Bohemians unto the Council, and other letters exhortatorie of the Ambassadors, and the Bohemians answer unto the same: for brevities cause we have here pretermitted. The Bohemians not in all points trusting unto the Ambassadors, required by their letters, that the Councils Ambassadors with the other Princes, would come unto Egra, whereas their Ambassadors should also be present, to entreat upon the safe conduict and other matters.

The day was appointed for the meeting, the Sunday after Easter, which was y ^e xxvij. day of April. Then came the Ambassadors of the Council unto Egra, with y ^e noble Princes, Friderike Marques of Brandenberg, and John Duke of Bavaria, with other nobles, almost to the number of 252. horsse. But none of the Bohemians were present, because the inhabitants of Pilsana, and the Lord Swambergius had not sent their safe conduict. When they understood this by their letters, they brought to pass that the Ambassadors of the Bohemians, Nicolaus Hunpeltzius, secretary of the greater City of Prague, and Matthew Clumpezane, President of Piesta, should be brought forth by them of Egra, and the Elenbogenses, and so they came unto Egra with xix. horse, the viii. day of May. The next day after, Henry Tocgye, received y ^e Bohemian Ambassadors before y ^e Marques, with an eloquent Oration, taking this part of the Gospel for his Theame, Pax vobis. i. Peace be with you. Then they propounded what great injuries they had hitherto received at their hands, which was the cause of so many great slaughters on either party, and that they were glad that yet now at the length there was some hope that they should be heard.

After this, they conferred as touching the safeconduict. The Bohemians required pledges, and that not of y ^e common sort, but Princes & nobles. Which thing, for so much as it did not content the Ambassadors, and that the matter should so be put of, the common people of Egra began to cry out that it was long of the Ecclesiastical Princes, that a concord was not made with y ^e Bohemians. Then Friderike Marques of Brandēberge, and John Duke of Bavaria, bound themselves of their own good will. The like also did William Duke of Bavaria, at the request of the Council. Likewise also did the Council and the Emperor Sigismūd. Furthermore promise was made, that all the Princes and Cities, should do the like, thorough whose dominion they should come, and the City of Basel also. The copy of which safeconduict was afterward sent unto Prague. This also was required by the Bohemians, that if it were possible, the Emperor should be present at the Council.

This conuention at Egra continued xxj. days. But the Bohemians, albeit they heard the Councils Ambassadors make great promises, yet did they not fully give credit unto them. Whereupon they chose out two Ambassadors, Nicholas Humgolizius, & John Zaczenses, which should go to Basel, & diligently inquire out all things. These men, Conrade Bishop of Ratisbone, and Conrade Seglauer Dean of Esteine, brought unto Cattelspurg, where as the Marques dwelt, being sent out by the Synod a little before, to inquire whether the Bohemian Ambassadors would come or not. When they were come unto Biberacke, one being ouercurious, inquired of one of the Bohemian Ambassadors, of what Country he was. He answered that he was a Zaczen. There (said he) are most execrable heretics and noughty men, &c. Who for that slanderous word, as a breaker of y ^e truce, was straightway carried to prison, and there should have suffered more punishment, if the Bohemian Ambassadors, and the Abbot of Ebera, had not entreated for him. When they came unto Basel, they were honourably received with wine and fish. They tarried there five days and a half. The tenth day of October, they came unto the Synod, which was assembled at the Friers Augustine's.

These Ambassadors, when as they were returned home with the Chartour of y ^e Synod, and declared those things which they had seen, and that the matter was earnestly handled without fraud or disceipt: there were Ambassadors chosen to be sent unto the Council, both for the kingdom of Boheme, and the Marquesdome of Morauia, which coming unto Tusca, were brought from thence, with xxxij. horse, & diverse noble men, unto Chambia. From thence they came to Swenkendorph, and so unto Noremberg, where as beside their entertainment of wine & fish, xxij. horsemen accompanied thē unto Ulmes: from thence, they of Ulmes brought thē unto Biberacke, and Sulgotia: there James Tunches a Knight receiving them, brought them to Stockacum, and from thence the hands of the Duke of Bavaria brought thē unto Schafhuse. There they taking ship the fourth day of January, came unto Basel the ix. day of the same month. What were the names of these Ambassadors of the Bohemians, which were brought up with 300. horse, and how they were received at Basel, mention is made before, pag. 675. When as they came unto the Synod, Cardinal Julian made an Oration, that whatsoever was in any place in doubt, the same ought to be determined by the authority of the Council, for so much as all men are bound to submit themselves to the judgment of y ^e holy Church, which the General Council doth represent. Which Oration was not allowed of all the Bohemians.

Then Rochezanus made an Oration, requiring to have a day appointed whē they should be heard, which was appointed the xvj. day of the same month. Upō which day, John Rochezanus having made his preface, begā to propound y ^e first Article touching the Communion to be ministered under both kinds, and disputed upon the same by the space of three days always before noon. Then Uenceslaus the Thaborite disputed vpō the second article, touching the correctiō and punishing of sin, by the space of ii. days. After whom Uldaricus priest of y ^e Orphans propounded & disputed upon the third Article by y ^e space of ii. days, touching the free preaching of the word of God.

Last of all, Peter Paine, an English man, disputed iii days vpō y ^e fourth article touching y ^• civil dominion of y ^e Clergy, and afterward gave copies of their disputations in writing unto y ^e Council, with hearty thanks that they were heard. The three last did somewhat inuey against the Council, Commending John Hus & John Wycliffe for their doctrine. Whereupon John de Ragusio a Divine, rising up, desired that he might have leave to answer in his own name, to the first article of the Bohemians. The Council consented thereunto: so that by the space of viii. days in the fore noon, he disputed therupō. But before he began to answer, John the abbot of Sistertia made an oration unto y ^e Bohemians, that they should submit themselves to the determination of the holy church, which this council doth represent. This matter did not a little offend the Bohemians, John Ragusinus a divine, after Scholers fashion: in his answer spake often of heresies and of heretics. Procopius could not suffer it, but rising up with an angry stomach complained openly to the council of this injury. This our countreymā (saith he) doth us great injury, calling us oftentimes heretics. Whereunto Ragusinus answered: for so much as I am your coūtrymā both by tongue and nation, I do the more desire to reduce you again unto y ^e Church. He was a Dalmatian borne, and it appeareth that y ^e Dalmatians going into Boheme, took their name by their country which they possessed. It came almost to this point, that through this offense, y ^e Bohemians would depart from Basel, and could scarcely be appeased. Certain of the Bohemians would not hear Ragusinus finish his disputation.

After him, a famous Divine, one Egidius Carlerius, Dean of y ^e Church of Cambrey, answered unto the second article, by the space of iv. days. To the third article answered one Henricus, surnamed Frigidum ferrū iii. days together. Last of all, one Johannes Polomarius, master of the requests of the palace, answered unto the fourth article likewise by the space of three days, so that the long time which they used in disputations, seemed tedious unto y ^e Bohemians. Notwithstanding this answer, the Bohemians still defended their articles, & specially the first, insomuch as I. Rochezanus did strongly impugn Ragusinus answer by the space of vi. days. But forsomuch as one disputation bred another, and it was not perceived how that by this means any concord could be made: the prince William Duke of Bavaria, Protector of the Council, attempted another remedy, that all disputations being set apart, the matter should be friendly debated.

There were certain appointed on either part to entreat vpō the concord: who coming together the eleventh day of March, those which were appointed for the Council, were demanded to say their minds. It seemeth good, said they, if these men would be united unto us, & be made one body with us, that this body might then accord, declare and determine all manner of diversities of opinions and sects, what is to be believed or done in them.

The Bohemians, when they had a while paused, said: this way seemed not apt enough, except first of all, the four articles were exactly discussed, so that either we should agree with them, or they with us, for otherwise it would be but a frivolous matter, if they now being united again, disagree in the deciding of the articles. Here answer was made to the Bohemians, that if they were rightly united, and the aid of the holy Ghost called for, they should not err in the deciding of the matter, for so much as every Christian ought to believe that determination: which if they would do, it would breed a most firm & strong concord and amity on either part. But this answer satisfied them not, in so much the other three rose up, and disputed against the answers which were given. At that time Cardinal Julian President of the Council, made this oration unto the Bohemian Ambassadors.

This sacred Synod, saith he, hath now by the space of ten days, patiently heard y ^e propositions of your four articles, and afterward he annexed: you have propounded saith he, four articles, but we understand that beside these four, you have many other strange doctrines, wherein ye dissent from us. Wherefore it is necessary, if that a perfect unity and fraternity shall follow between us, that all these things be declared in the council, to the end that by the grace of the holy Ghost, which is the author of peace and truth, due provision may be made therein. For we have not gathered these things of light conjectures, but have heard them of credible persons, and partly here are some present, which have seen them with their own eyes in Boheme, and partly we do gather it by our own report: for master Nicholas, which was the second that did propound, amongst other things alleged, that John Wycliffe was an Evangelical Doctor. If ye believe him to be a true Doctor, it followeth that you must repute his works as authentic: If ye do not so think, it is reason that it should be opened unto us.

Wherefore we desire you, that you will certify us upon these and certain other pointes, what you do believe, or what credit you do give unto them. But we do not require that you should now declare your reasons, but it shall satisfy us, if you will answer unto every article by this word. Credimus aut non credimus : that is, we believe or believe not. Which if you will do (as we trust you will) then we shall manifestly perceive that you desire that we should conceive a good estimation of you. If there be anything, whereof you would be certified by us, ask it boldly, and we will give you an answer out of hand: For we are ready according to the doctrine of S. Peter, to render accompt unto every man which shall require it, touching the faith which we hold. Hereunto the Bohemian Ambassadors answered in few words, that they came only to propound those four articles, not in their own name, but in the name of the whole kingdom of Boheme, and speak no more. Wherupon, William the noble protector of the council, calling unto him four men on either part, entreated touching the pacifieng of the matter, by whose advice, the Council decreed to send a famous Ambassade, with y ^e Bohemian Ambassadors unto Prague, whereas the people should assemble vpō Sunday. But they would not receive these conditions of peace, which were offered, but made hast to depart. Whereupon, the fourteen day of April, there was ten chosen out of the council, to go with the Bohemian Ambassadors unto Prague.

It were to long here to declare what honor was done unto these Ambassadors, all the way in their journey, and specially when they came unto Boheme by the Citizens of Prague, when as a great number of Bohemians were assembled at Prague at the day appointed, both of the Clergy, Nobility and common people.

After the coming of those Ambassadors, much contention begā to rise between the parties. First begā John. Rochezanus: who speaking in the public person of the commutaltie, labored to commend and prefer the iv. verities of the Bohemians before propounded: charging also the Prelates and Priests for their slandrous obtrectatious, and undeserved contumelies, wherewith they did infame y ^e noble kingdom of Boheme, complaining also that they would not receive those Christian verities, left & allowed by their king Wenceslaus, now departed. Wherefore he required thē in the behalf of y ^e whole nation, that they would leave off hereafter to oppress thē in such sort, that they would restore to thē again their Joseph's vesture, that is, the ornament of their good fame and name, whereof their brethren, their enemies had spoiled them, &c.

To this Polomar maketh answer again, with a long and curious oration, exhorting them to peace and unity of the Church, which if they would embrace, all other obstacles and impediments (said he) should be soon removed, promising also that this their vesture of honor and fame, should be amply restored again: and afterward, if there were any doubtful matters, they might & should be the better discussed.

But all this pleased not the Bohemians, unless they might first have a declaration of their four articles, which if they might obtain, they promised then to embrace peace and concord, Which peace (said they) began first to be broken by themselves, in that the Council of Constance by their unjust condemnation, burned John Hus, and Jerome of Prague, and also by their cruel Bulls and censures, raised up first excommunication, then war against the whole kingdom of Boheme.

Hereunto Polomar reclaiming again, began to advance and magnify the honor and dignity of general councils. To conclude, as much as the said Polomar did extol y ^e authority of the Councils, so much did the answer of the Bohemians extenuate the same: saying that the latter Councils which are not expressed in the law of God, have erred, & might err, not only in faith, but also in manners. For that which hath chanced to the green wood, may also chance unto the dry. But of other, the most strong pillars of the militant Church, the Apostles I mean: seem all to have erred, and the Catholic faith to have remained three days sound & incorrupt only in the virgin Mary. No Christian man therefore ought to be compelled to stand to the determination of the Pope or the Council, except it be in that, which is plainly expressed in the law of God. For it is evident, that all the general Councils which have been of long time, have reformed very few things as touching the faith, peace, and manners of the Church: but have always both in their life and decrees, notoriously swerved, and have not established themselves upon the foundatiō, which is Christ. Wherefore the said Bohemians protested that they would not simply & plainly (God being their good Lord) yield themselves to their doctrine, nor to such rash and hasty decrees: least thorough that their hasty and vncircumspect submission, they should bind their faith and life, contrary to the wholesome and sound doctrine of our Lord Christ Jesus. In sum, in no case they would enter into any agreement of peace, except their four Articles, which they counted for Evangelical verities, were first accepted and approved. Which being obtained (said they) if they would condescend with them in the verity of the Gospel, so would they join together, & be made one with them in the Lord. &c. Ex Cochleo Hist. Lib. 7.

Whē the Ambassadors saw the matter would not otherwise be brought to pass, they required to have those Articles delivered unto them in a certain form, which they sent unto the Council by three Bohemian Ambassadors.

Afterward the Council sent a declaration into Boheme, to be published unto the people, in the commō assemblies of the kingdom, by the Ambassadors, which were commanded to report unto the Bohemians, in the name of the Council, that if they would receive the declaration of those three Articles, and the unity of the Church, there should be a mean found whereby the matter touching the fourth Article, of the Communiō under both kinds, should be passed with peace and quietness.

They propounded in Prague, in an open assembly of the Nobles and commons, the declarations of the three Articles in form following.

For so much as touching the doctrine of the verity, we ought so to proceed soberly & warely, that the truth may be declared, with words being so orderly conceived & uttered, that there be no offense givē to any mā, whereby he should fall or take occasion of error, & (to use the words of Isidore) that nothing by obscurity be left doubtful: whereas you have propounded touching the inhibition & correction of sins, in these words: all mortal sins, & specially open offenses, ought to be rooted out, punished, & inhibited, by them whose duty it is so to do, reasonably & according to the law of God: here is to be marked and understand, that this word (whose duty it is) is too general, and may be an offense: & according to the meaning of the Scripture, we ought not to lay any stombling stock before the blind, and the diches are to be closed up, that our neighbors Ox do not fall therein: all occasion of offense is to be takē away. Therefore we say that according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and the doctrine of the holy Doctors, it is thus universally to be holden: that all mortal sins, specially public offenses, are to be rooted out, corrected and inhibited, as reasonably as may be, according to the law of God, & the institutions of the fathers. The power to punish these offenders, doth not pertain unto any private person, but only unto them which have jurisdiction of the law over them, the distinction of law & justice, being orderly observed.

As touching the preaching of the word of God, which Article you have alleged in this form, that the word of God should be freely and faithfully preached by the fit and apt ministers of the Lord: least by this word (freely) occasion may be taken of disordred liberty, which (as you have often said ye do not mean) the circumstance thereof is to be understand and we say, that (according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and doctrine of the holy Fathers) it is thus universally to be believed: that the word of God ought freely, but not everywhere, but faithfully & orderly, to be preached by the Priests and Levites of the Lord, being allowed and sent by their superiors, unto whom that office appertaineth, the authority of the Bishop always reserved, who is the prouider of all things according to the institution of the holy fathers.

As concerning the last Article expressed under these words: it is not lawful for the Christian Clergy, in the time of y ^e law of grace, to have dominion over temporal goods: we remember that in the solemn disputation holden in y ^e sacred Council, he which was appointed by y ^t Council to dispute, propounded two conclusions in this sort.

First, that such of the Clergy as were not religious, and had not bound thenselves thereunto by a vow, might lawfully have and possess any temporal goods, as the inheritance of his father or any other, if it be left unto him, or any other goods justly gotten by means of any gift or other lawful contract, or else some lawful art.

The second conclusion: The church may lawfully have and possess temporal goods, movable and unmovable, houses, lands, towns, and villages, castles and Cities, and in thē have a private and civil dominion. Your Ambassador which disputed against him, granted those conclusions, saying that they did not impugn the sense of his Article, being well understand, for so much as he understandeth his Article, of civil dominion formally meant. Whereby, and also by other things, it may be understand, that those words, to have secular dominion expressed in the foresaid Article, seemeth to be referred to some special manner or kind of dominiō. But for so much as the doctrine of the Church is not to be entreated upon by any ambiguous or doubtful words, but fully and plainly: therefore we have thought good more plainly to express that, which according to the law of God, and the doctrine of the holy Doctors, is universally to be believed: that is to say, the two aforesaid conclusions to be true. And also, that the Clergy ought faithfully to distribute the goods of the Church, whose administratours they are, according to the decrees of the holy fathers: and that the usurpation of the administration of the Church goods, done by any other then by them, unto whom the administration is Canonically committed, cannot be without gilt of sacrilege.

Thus the sacred Council (said they) hath diligently gone about according to the verity of the Gospel, all ambiguity set apart, to expound the true sense of the three foresaid Articles. Wherefore, if there do yet remain any doubt: according to the information which we have received in the sacred Council, we are ready by God's help (who is the principal verity) to declare the truth unto you: If ye do receive and embrace the declaration of the said three Articles, which is grounded upon the verity of the holy Scripture, as you are bound, and will effectually have a pure, simple, and perfect unity, touching the liberty of the communion under both kinds, which you desire and require, which also you cannot lawfully have, without the license of holy Church: we have authority from the general Council, by certain means, to entreat and conclude with you, trusting that you will show yourselves as you will continue.

These things thus declared, after the Bohemians had taken deliberation, they said that they would give no answer unto the premisses, before they understood what should be offered them as touching the Communion. Wherefore, it shall be necessary to declare the matter, as it was written in form following.

In the name of God and our savior Jesus Christ, upon the Sacrament of whose most blessed last supper we shall entreat, that he which hath instituted this most blessed Sacrament of unity & peace, will vouchsafe to work this effect in us, to make us that we may be one in the said Lord Jesus our head, and that he will subvert all the subtleties of the devil, which through his envious craftiness, hath made the Sacrament of peace and unity, an occasion of war and discord, that whilst Christians do contend touching the manner of communicating, they be not deprived of the fruit of the communion. Whereupon S. Augustine in his Sermon upon infants, in the decrees De cons. distinct. 2. Quia passus, saith thus: So the Lord Jesus Christ certified us and willed, that we should appertain unto him, and consecrated the mistery of our peace and unity upon the table. He that receiveth the mistery of unity, and doth not keep the bond of peace, doth not receive a mistery for himself, but a testimony against himself. This we thought good above all things to be premised, that the general custom of the Church, which your fathers and you also in times past have observed, hath a long time had and still useth, that they which do not consecrate, communicate only under the kind of bread. Which custom being lawfully brought in by the Church and holy fathers, and now a long time observed, it is not lawful to reject, or to change at your will and pleasure, without the authority of the Church. Therefore to change the custom of the Church, and to take in hand to communicate unto the people under both kinds, without the authority of holy Church, is altogether unlawful. For holy Church upon reasonable occasions, may grant liberty to communicate unto the people under both kinds. And every communion which, being attempted without the authority and license of the Church, should be unlawful when it is done with the authority of holy Church, shall be lawful, if other things let it not: because (as the Apostle saith) he that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh his own damnation.

Whereupon Saint Isidore in the second distinct. upon the consecration, writeth thus: They which live wickedly and cease not daily to communicate in the Church, thinking thereby to be cleansed, let them learn that it doth nothing at all profit them to the cleansing of their sins. And S. Augustine in the same distinctiō saith, holy things may hurt the evil, for unto the good they are salvation, but unto the evil damnation. There are besides this, many other authorities. The Apostle Judas was amongst thē which did first communicate, but for so much as he received unworthily, having that sin of treason in his heart, it did profit him nothing, but the devil by and by exercised more the power and authority over him. This is declared by a great reason: which of you is it, that if you should receive your Lord into your house, would not with all diligence and care, study to make clean and adorn his house, that he may receive the Lord honestly? much more he that shall receive his Lord and Savior into the house of his soul, ought diligently to make clean and decke his soul, to cleanse it by the Sacrament of penance, with sorrow and contrition of heart, humbly, purely, and truly confessing his sins, and receiving due satisfaction and penance, to adorn and decke the same with the purple or rich array of devotion, that the heart being so purged and adorned with fervent desire, he may come to that most holy Sacrament, whereby God reconcileth all the world unto him.

Wherefore, the most sacred Synod admonisheth, exhorteth, and commandeth, that all Priests should diligently exhort & admonish the people, and that they should use all their care & indeuor, that no man come to that most blessed sacrament, except he be duly prepared with great reverence & devotion, least that which is received for the salvation of the soul, redounde to the condemnation, through the unworthy receiving thereof.

Moreover, Doctors do say, that the custom of communicating unto the people, only under y ^e kind of bread, was reasonably introduced by y ^e Church & holy fathers, for reasonable causes, specially for y ^e avoiding of ii. perils: of error and vnreuerēce. Of error, as to think y ^t the one part of Christ's body were in y ^e bread, & the other parte in the cup, which were a great error. Of vnreuerence, for so much as many things may happen, as well on the part of y ^e minister, as on the part of the receiver: As it is said that it happened whē as a certain Priest, carieng the Sacrament of the cup unto a sick man, whē he should have ministered, he found nothing in the cup, being all spilled by the way, with many other such like chaunces. We have heard moreover that it hath often happened, that the Sacrament consecrate in the cup, hath not been sufficient for the number of communicants, whereby a new consecration must be made, which is not agreeable to the doctrine of the holy fathers, and also y ^t oftentimes they do minister wine vncōsecrate for consecrate wine, which is a great peril. By this means then it shall be brought to pass, that if you will effectually receive the unity & peace of the Church, in all other things besides the use of the Communion under both kinds, cōforming yourselves to the faith & order of the universal Church, you y ^t have that use and custom, shall communicate still by the authority of the Church under both kinds, and this Article shall be discussed fully in the sacred Council, where you shall see what, as touching this Article, is to be holden as an universal verity, and is to be done for the profit and salvation of the Christian people, & all things being thus thoroughly handled, then if you persevere in your desire, & that your Ambassadors do require it, the sacred Council will grant license in the Lord, unto your ministers, to communicate unto y ^e people under both kinds: that is to say, to such as be of lawful years & discretiō, and shall reverently & devoutly require the same, this always observed, that the ministers shall say unto those which shall communicate, that they ought firmly to believe not the flesh only to be contained under the form of bread, and the blood only under the wine, but under each kind to be whole and perfect Christ.

Thus hitherto we have declared the decree of y ^e Council. As touching the other doubts & questions which were afterward moved by the masters & Prelates of Boheme, the Ambassadors of the Council answered thus.

First they said, that it was not the meaning of the sacred Council, to suffer y ^e Communion under both kinds by toleration, or as the libel of diuorsemēt was permitted to the Jews: for so much as the Council intending even to open the bowels of motherly charity and pity, unto the Bohemians and Morauians, doth not mean to suffer it with such kind of sufferance, which should not exclude sin, but so to grant it, that by the authority of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of his true spouse the Church, it may be lawful, profitable & healthful unto those which worthily receive the same. Also, as touching that which was spoken by the said Bohemians of the punishing of offenses, that it is in Scriptures, how that God oftentimes stirreth up the harts of private persons, to the correction & punishing of sins, and so it should seem lawful unto the inferiors to correct and punish their superiors: they answered, alleging the text of S. Augustine in the xxiij. decree: He that striketh wicked men in that they are wicked, & hath cause of death against them, is the minister of God: but he which without any public administratiō or office murdereth or maimeth any wicked thief, sacrilegious, adulterous or perjured person, or any other offender, shall be judged as an homicide, and so much y ^e more sharply, in that he feared not to abuse & usurp the power not granted him of God: and truly, this City would take it much more grievously, if any private man should attempt to punish an offēder, & set up a gallows in y ^e streate, and there hang him, then if one man should kill another in brawl or quarrel. They alleged also other texts of S. Ambrose & S. Jerome agreeable to y ^• same. They said that no mā doubteth y ^t the law of God is duly & holily appointed, and therein is simply writ̄, thou shalt not steal. And notw ^t standing by the commandment of God the childrē of Israel carried away the goods of the Egyptians, which they had borrowed of thē. Also in y ^e same law it is plainly writ̄, thou shalt do no murder. Wherupon S. Agustine in his first book De Ciuitate Dei, proveth that it is not lawful for any mā to kill himself: and whē as he maketh example of Sampson, he answereth with these words: when as God commandeth & doth affirm himself to command without any doubt, who is he that will call obedience sin? or who will accuse the obedience to God?

Here in this proposition, you have the words of S. Agustine for an answer. But let every man well foresee, if God do command, or that he do intimate the commandment without any circumstances, and let him prove the spirits whether they be of God. But in such cases there are no laws to be given, neither are they much to be talked of, for thereby there should easily occasiō rise to make seditiō, & for y ^e inferiors to rise against the superiors. For whē any man had stolen anything, or killed any mā: he would say that he was moved thereunto by the spirit of God: but without manifest proof thereof, he should be punished.

Again they said that there were certain cases wherein the Laity had power over the Clergy. It was answered, that there were certain cases in the law, wherein the Laity hath power over the Clergy, and oftentimes over Cardinals. For if the Pope being dead, the Cardinals would not enter y ^t Cōclave to elect a new Pope, the king, prince, or other Lord or secular power may compel them: but in these cases he is now no private person, but useth his jurisdiction by the authority of the law. The like is to be understand of all other cases expressed in the law.

They said further, that no common law hath any right or justice, except God's law do allow the same.

It was answered that no common law hath right or justice, if it be against the law of God, for because y ^e law of God is the rule of all other laws. But there is great cunning and knowledge in applieng the rule to that which is made by the rule, for oftentimes, it seemeth that there is diversity in the thing made by the rule, when there is none in deed: but the default is in the applieng, because the rule is not duly applied to the thing made by it.

As touching the Article of preaching the word of God, it was moved that oftentimes some Prelates, thorough their own envy and malice, without any reasonable cause, do inhibit a good and meet Preacher that preacheth Catholickely and well.

Answer was made, how that they understood well enough that the abuse of certain Prelates, which did inordinately behave themselves, gave a great occasion of those troubles. Also that they never heard of any such complaints in those parties, but that y ^e Prelates do favor good preachers, and stir them up to preach, by entreaty, favor, & promotiō. In all such cases, there are remedies already provided by the law: for when any mā is so prohibited to use his right, he hath remedy to appeal: and if he do trust his appeal to be just, he may use his right, all violence both of the spiritual and secular power set apart, for the end of the matter shall declare if he had just cause to appeal. Then shall be declared that the superior hath done evil in prohibiting, & the pleantiue justly in doing, and the superior for his unjust prohibition shall be punished. But if he be justly prohibited, and that through his temerity, he do contemn the just commandment of his superior, he is worthy to be punished with condign punishment.

Where it was moved concerning the third Article, whether it were lawful for the Ecclesiastical Prelates to exercise in their proper person, the acts of secular dominiō, hereunto it was answered, that if by this word acts of secular dominion are understand acts which a secular Lord may do or exercise, then is it to be said, that a Prelate may lawfully exercise some such acts in his proper person, as to sell, to paune or pledge, to infeofe by manner and form ordained by law: but there are some acts, which it is not lawful for them to exercise in their proper person, but ought to have afterward, a Uicegerent or Proctor, to do the same: whereupon there is prohition made in the law in the Rubrike, Ne clerus vel Monachus secularibus negotijs se immisceat, & in alijs rebus.

It was also moved, whether that coactiue power, which ought to be exercised by a Steward. &c. be in the hands of an Ecclesiastical Prelate.

Whereunto John Polomair answered, that this question presupposeth another: whereof there are diverse opinions amongst the Doctors, in whose power the dominion of the Church should be: and furthermore, whether the actions be in the person of the tutor or proctor, or if they be not in their person, notwithstanding by the constitutiō of any actor or proctor (whose exercising of those actions do give authority unto the actor or proctor) they be: with other difficulties, whereof it is not needful to speak at this present. But for so much as he was urged to say his opinion: he said, that to such as had either leisure or pleasure in disputation, & would argue against him, he would be cōtēted to give the choice to take which part he would, but his opinion was rather that the dominion of Church matters should be in the power of Christ: and the Prelates, with the other Clergy, are but Canonical administratours in manner of tutors: but they have more power & administration then tutors, and by constitutyng a Steward or Uicegerent. &c. Their constitution being duly made, the Steward or Uicegerent hath the same coactiue power and exercise of jurisdiction.

Also as touching the fourth Article, for the declaration of the first conclusion, it is agreed that these words, Iuste requisita. i. justly gotten, alleged, therein, determine all things contained in the same.

Also as touching the second conclusion, where as the sacred Canons and holy Doctors speak thus: the goods of the Church, the substance of the Church, and the possessions of the Church, and diverse other opinions there be amongst the Doctors, in whose power the rule thereof should be, as it is noted in the Glose. Cap. expedit xii. quaest. i. they do not intend to contstrain any man to any of those opinions, neither to exclude any of them, but that every man should have liberty, probably to maintain which of them he thinketh best.

Moreover, the Bohemians said, that they did believe that the Clergy are but administrators of the tēporalties of the Church, and not Lord's thereof, according to the manner of speaking of the Scriptures, holy Doctors, and Canons. Also the Bohemians said, that in all occasions which shall hereafter rise, they would wholly stand to the determination of the judge, agreed upon in Egra, with one consent. In this manner did the Ambassadors make answer unto the Bohemians. At the last, after much communication had to and fro, a concord and unity was concluded and confirmed by setting to their hands. The Bohemians promised to receive the peace and unity of the Church, and the declaratiō of the three Articles. This was done in the year of our Lord. 1438. About the feast of S. Martin, it was afterward agreed both by the Ambassadors of that Council, and of Boheme, that whatsoever remained, should be determined & agreed vpō: first at Ratisbona: afterward at Bruna in the Dioces of Olymutes: then at Alba in Hungary, before the Emperor Sigismūd, but the matter could not be ended in no place.

At the last the concord was confirmed by writing with their seals at Inglania, a City of Morauia, the fifth day of July in the presence of the Emperor.

There were certain answers provided by the Council, to these petitions of y ^e Bohemians, which were not delivered unto thē, but kept back, for what purpose or intent we know not. Wherefore, because we thought them not greatly necessary for this place, & also to avoid prolixity, we have judged it meet at this present to omit them. Thus have ye heard compendiously the chief & principal matters entreated & done in this famous Council of Basel. And here (to conclude withal) we have thought good to declare unto you, for y ^e aid & help of the ignorant people (which judge many things to be of longer time & continuance, then in deed they be, & thereupon have established a great parte of their opinions) how that, toward the latter end of this Council, that is to say, in the xxxvi. Session of y ^e same, hold̄ the xvij. day of September, in y ^e year of our Lord 1439. the feast of y ^e Conception of our Lady, was ordained to be holden and celebrate yearly. In like case also in the xliiij. Session of the same Council, holden the first day of July, an. 1441. was ordained the feast of the Uisitation of our Lady, to be celebrate and holden yearly in the month of July. We have also thought it good, before we do end this story, to annex hereunto certain decrees, profitably and wholesomely ordained in y ^e said Council, against y ^e inordinate giving of the Ecclesiastical benefices and livings by the Pope, with certain other constitutions also, fruitful for the behalf and edification of the Church.

During the time that the general Council at Basel, was so diligent and careful about the reformation of the Church, this one thing seemed good unto them to be prosecuted & followed with an earnest care and diligence, that through every Church, apt and meet ministers might be appointed, which might shine in virtue & knowledge, to the glory of Christ, and the healthful edifieng of y ^e Christian people: whereunto the multitude of expectatiue graces hath been a great impediment and let, in that they have been found to have brought grievous troubles, diverse disorders, and many dangers upon the ecclesiastical state. For hereby oftentimes, scarcely apt or meet ministers have been appointed for the churches, which are neither known nor examined: and this expectation of void benefices (as y ^e old laws do witness) doth give occasion to desire another man's death, which is greatly prejudicial unto salvation: besides that, innumerable quarrels & contentions are moved amongst the servants of God: rancor and malice nourished: the ambition and greedy desire of pluralities, of benefices maintained: and y ^e riches and substance of kingdoms and provinces marvelously consumed. Poor men suffer innumerable vexations, by running unto the court of Rome. They are oftentimes spoiled and robbed by the way: troubled & afflicted with diverse plages, and having spent their patrimony and substance left them by their parents, they are constrained to live in extreme poverty. Many do challenge benefices, which without any just title (yea such in deed as ought not to have thē) obtain and get the same: such I say as have most craft and subtlety to deceive their neighbor, or have greatest substance to contend in y ^e law. It happeneth oftentimes that under the intrication of these perogatives, antelations, and such other as do associate these expectatiue graces, much craft and disceit is found. Also, oftentimes the ministry is taken away from young men, by their ordinary givers, whiles that by the trouble of those contentions, & diverse discourses, running to & fro by means of those graces, they are vexed & troubled, the Ecclesiastical order is confounded, whiles that every man's authority and jurisdiction is not preserved: & the Bishops of Rome also, by challenging and taking vpō them too much the office of the inferiors, are wythdrawen from more weighty and fruteful matters, neither do they diligently attend to the guiding and correction of the inferiors, as the public utility doth require. Al which things do bring a great confusion unto the clergy, and Ecclesiastical state, to the great prejudice and hinderance of God's true worship, and public salvation.

In the same Council also diverse other constitutions were made, not unprofitable for reformation, & for removing of certain abuses & disorders brought in, especially by the B. of Rome, as touching causes not to be brought up and translated to the court of Rome: Wherein it was decreed, that no actions nor controversies should be brought from other countries, to be pleaded at Rome, which were beyond 4. days journey distant from the said Courte of Rome, a few principal matters only excepted. Also, that no frivolous appeals should be made to the pope hereafter. It was moreover in the same council decreed, for the number, age, and condition of the Cardinals, y ^e they should not exceed the number of 24. besides them that were already, and that they should be freely taken out of all countries: and that they should not be of kin to the bishop of Rome, or to the Cardinals, nor yet be blemished with any spot or crime. Also for Annates or first fruits, or half fruits, it was there provided, that no such Annates or confirmation of elections, or collation of benefices, should be paid or reserved anymore to the pope, for the first years voidance. All which things there agreed and concluded by them, were afterward confirmed and ratified by the French king, Charles 7. with the full consent of all his Prelates, in his high court of Parliament in Bitures, & there called Pragmatica Sanctio. An. 1438. whereupon great utility ensued afterward to the kingdom of France. All beit in process of time, diverse Friers there were, which wrote against the same. Ex lib. Pragin. Sanctionis.

Amongst many decrees of the said Council of Basil, in the 19. Session there was also a decree made touching the converting of Jews and young nouesses in Religion, unto the Christian faith.

Also that all Ordinaries should yearly at appointed times, provide certain men well learned in the holy scriptures, in such places where Jews and other infidels did dwell, to declare to them the truth of the Catholic faith, that they acknowledging their error, might forsake the same: unto the which preaching, the said ministers should compel them to resort, and to hear, under pain of excluding them from occupying anymore in y ^t place: provided that the said Diocesans and preachers should behave thenselves towards thē, mercifully & with all charity, whereby they might win them to Christ, not only by the declaring of the verity, but also in exhibiting their offices of humanity.

And to the intent their preaching might be y ^t more fruitful, & that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues, it was also in the same Council provided & commanded, that the constitutiō made before in the council of Vienna for learning the Hebrew, Chaldey, Araby, & Greek tongue, should by all means be observed & kept, and ordinary stipendes provided for thē that should teache the same tongues.

An other decree morouer in the 20. Session was enacted, y ^t whosoever was know̄ or publicly noted to be a keeper of Concubines, should be sequestered from all fruits of his benefices, for the space of 3. months, which fruits should be converted by the ordinary, to the reparations, or some other utility of the Church, & if he did not so amend, it was by the Sinode decreed that he should be clearly deposed from all his benefices.

Furthermore, y ^e said Sinode did greatly inuey against them, which having the jurisdiction of the Church, did not shame to suffer such whore masters for bribes and money, still to continue in their filthiness, &c.

By these decrees of the Council above specified, it is to be seen, what corruptiō had been thē frequented in the Church of God, through the Bishop and court of Rome. For the more express declaration whereof, we thought it not much impertinent here to infer the words of one Martin Meyre, writing to Aeneas Sylvius, touching and noting the said corruptions: the tenor of whose epistle here ensueth.

Concerning the authority of this general council of Basel, what is to be esteemed by the Acts & fruits thereof may be understand of all good men. Neither was it of any man doubted in the first beginning, so long as the Pope agreed and consented unto it, But after the Pope began to draw back, many other followed, especially of the richer sort of Prelates, which had anything to lose: whereof sufficiently hath been said by Arelatensis the Cardinal before. In the number of those unconstant Prelates, besides many other, was first Cardinal Julian, the first collector of this council, and Uicegerent of the Pope, as by his fervent and vehement letter written to pope Eugenius in defense of this council, may well appear: Wherein he most earnestly doth expostulate with the foresaid Pope Eugenius, for seeking to dissolve the Council, and declareth in the same many causes, why he should rather rejoice, and give God thanks, for the godly proceedings, and joyful agrement between the council and the Bohemians, and so exhorteth him w ^t manifold persuasions, to resort to the council him self, & not to seek the dissolution of the same. The copy & tenor of whose Epistle to the Pope, if any be disposed to peruse the same, we thought here good to set down to be seen.

Thus endeth the Epistle of Cardinal Julian written unto Pope Eugenius. Wherein for so much as mention is made, howe that the Bohemians had promised to send their Ambassadors unto the Council, and as before is partly touched in the Bohemian story, their coming into Basel, and propounding of certain articles, wherein they dissented frō the Pope, we do not think it anything differing from our purpose, to annex a brief Epitome, declaring the whole circumstance of their Ambassade, their articles, disputations and answers, which they had at the said council of Basil, with their petitions and answers unto the same. Faithfully translated out of Latin by F.W.

In like manner Aeneas Sylvius also with his own hand and writing, not only gave testimony to the authority of this council, but also bestowed his labor and travail in setting forth the whole story thereof. Notwythstanding, the same Sylvius afterward being made Pope, with his new honor, did alter and change his old sentence, the Epistle of which Aeneas, touching the commendation of the said Council, because it is but short, and will occupy but little room, I thought here under, for the more satisfying of the readers mind, to inserte.

Furthermore, as touching the authority and approbation of the foresaid Council, this is to be noted, that during the life of Sigismund the Emperor, no man resisted this Council. Also continuing the time of Charles the 7. the French king, the said Council of Basil was fully & wholly received through all France. But after the death of Sigismund, when Eugenius was deposed, and Felix Duke of Savoy, was elected Pope, great discordes arose, and much practice was wrought. But especially on Eugenius part, who being now excommunicate by the Council of Basel, to make his part more strong, made 18. new Cardinals. Thē he sent his Orators unto y ^e Germains, laboring by all persuasions to dissolve the council of Basel, the Germans at that time were so divided, that some of them did hold with Felix, and the Council of Basil: other some, with Eugenius and the Council of Ferraria: and some were neuters. After this the French king being dead, which was Charles the 7. about the year of our Lord 1444. the Pope beginneth a new practice, after the old guise of Rome, to excite (as is supposed) the Dolphine of France, by force of arms, to dissipate that Council collected against him. Who leading an army of xb. M. men in to Alsatia, did cruelty waste and spoil the country: after that, laid siege unto Basil to expel & drive out the prelates of the Council. But the Heluetians most stoutly meeting their enemies w ^t a small power, did vanquish the Frenchmen, and put them to sword and flight: like as the Lacedemonians only with C C C. did suppress, and scattered all the mighty army of Xerxes, at Thermopylyae.

Although Basil thus by the valiantness of the Heluetians was defended, yet notwithstanding the Council thorough these tumults, could not continue by reason of the princes Ambassadors, which shrunk away, and would not tarry: So that at length Eugenius brought to pass, partly through the help of Frederick (being not yet Emperor, but laboring for the Empire, partly by his Orators) in the number of whom was Eneas Sylvius, above mentioned (amongst the Germans) y ^t they were content to give over both the council of Basil and their neutrality.

This Fridericke of Austrich being not yet Emperor, but towards the Empire, brought also to pass, that Felix, which was chosen of the Council of Basel, to be Pope, was contented to renounce and resign his Papacie to Nicolaus, the fifth, successor to Eugenius, of the which Nicolaus, the said Frederick was confirmed at Rome to be Emperor, and there crowned. An. 1451.

As these things were doing at Basil, in the mean season, pope Eugenius brought to pass in his convocation at Florence, that the Emperor, and the Patriarke of Constantinople, with the rest of the Grecians there present, were persuaded to receive the sentence of the Church of Rome, concerning the proceeding of the holy Ghost: also to receive the communion in unleavened bread, to admit Purgatory, and to yield them selves to the authority of the Romish Bishop. Whereunto notwithstanding, the other Churches of Grecia would in no wise assent, at their coming home: In so much, that with a public execreation they did condemn afterward all those Legates, which had consented to these Articles, that none of them should be buried in Christian burial: which was Anno. 1439. Ex • Casp. Peucer.

And thus endeth the story, both of the Council of Basil, and of the council of Florence, also of the Emperor Sigismund, and of the schism between pope Eugenius, and Pope Felix, and also of y ^e Bohemians. The which Bohemians notwithstanding all these troubles and tumults, above said, did rightwel, and were strong enough against all their enemies, till at length, through discord, partly between the 2. preachers of the old and new city of Prague, partly also through y ^• discord of the messengers & captains, taking sides one against the other, they made their eunemies strong and enfebled themselves. Albeit afterward, in process of time, they so defended the cause of their religion, not by sword, but by argument and disputation, that the Bishop of Rome could never yet to this day, remove the Thaborites, and City of Prague, from the communion of both the kinds, nor could ever cause them to keep the conditions, which in the beginning of the Council, was enjoined their priests to observe, as testifieth Cochleus. lib. 8. hist. Huss. With whom also recordeth Antoninus, who in 3 part. hist. saith, that the doctrine of the Bohemians, which he termeth by the name of Zizania, did take so deep root with them, and grew so fast, that afterward, neither by fire nor sword, it could be extinct. An. 3. part. hist. tit. 22. cap. 10

Concerning the which Bohemians, briefly & in a general sum, to recapitulate their whole acts & doings, here is to be noted, that they in their own defense, & in the quarrel of John Hus, and Jerome of Prague, provoked by their catholic adversaries to war, fighting under Zizka their Captain, had eleven battles with the Popes side, and ever went away victors. Ex paral. Abb. Vrsp. in Epitaphio, John. Zisc. Moreover, in the history of Peucer it is testified that pope Martin 5. sending for the B. of Wint. then Cardinal, had levied 3. main armies, intending to overrun all the Bohemians: one army of the Saxons, under the prince Elector, the seconde of the Francones, under the Marques of Brandeburge, the third of Renates, Bauarians and Suechers, under Octo archb. of Treuers. With these, Sigismund also the Emperor, and Cardinal Julian the popes Legate (who at last was slain in war, and being spoiled of all his attire, was left naked in the field) joined all their force. Who joining together 5. times (saith the story) which 5. sundry battles, assailed and invaded the Bohemians: at every which battle, 5. times the said adversaries stricken and daunted with a sudden fear, ran away out of the field, leaving their tents w ^e all their implements and furniture behind them, before any stroke was given. Ex Casp. Peuc. lib. 5. Whereby it may appear, the holy angels of God to fight for them which embraced the sincere doctrine of Christ's gospel.

Thus the Bohemians through the mighty protection of almighty God, continued a long time invincible, during all y ^t life of Zizka, & also of Procopius, til at length through discord growing between them & their captains Procopius & Mainardus, they were subdued unto their enemies.

And here by the way is not to be omitted the wicked and cruel fact of Mainardus, who after the death of Procopius, thinking to purge the realm of Boheme of those chief and principal soldiers, which had been long expert and trained up in wars, found means by a proclamation made, as though he would war against other countries of their eunemies bordering about them, craftily to train all them which were disposed to take wages, into certain barns or houels, prepared for the same purpose, and so shutting the doors upon them, the wicked dissembler set fire upon them, & brent of them diverse thousands, and so brought the rest by that means, under subjection to the Emperor during his life time, which after that continued not long. Ex Aene. Syl. The which soldiers, if they had fought so much for the catholic liberties of the Pope and his church, as they had fought against him, it is martyrs. But they that kill with the sword (saith Christ) shall perish with the sword. Notwithstanding, the cruel deceit of Mainardus, is worthy of all men to be detested.

During this business among the bishops beyond the sea in the mean time our bishops here also in England, were not unoccupied. Whether it be y ^e nature of the country that so giveth: or whether y ^e great livings and wealthy promotions of the clergy, do draw w ^e them a more insensible unto wardnesse in God's religion, hard it is to say: this is manifest to all them which will read and mark our stories from time to time, that in England is more burning and slaying for Religion and for all other matters: more bloodshed among us then in any other lande or nation in Christendom besides. After the burning of Rich. Houeden, of Nicho. Canon, and of Thom. Bagley priest, above recorded, pag. 666. Whom the bishops condemned to death An. 1431. not long after, about the yere of our Lord 1439. which was the 18. of the reign of king Henr 6. they had another poor man by the back, named Riche Wicke Priest, mentioned both in Rob. Fabian and also in another old english chronicle borrowed of one Perminger. What his opinions were, they do not express, This they record, that this Rich, wich first was degraded then burned at the tower hill for heresy. Some do a arm that he before his death revolted, but that seemeth by his burning, not to be !!!.

It is also testified of him, that before his death, he spake (as prophesying) that the postern of the tower should sink,

which also afterward came as he said to pass, wherefor of many of the people he was counted for an holy man: In so much that (as it is affirmed) they came to y ^e place where he was burnt, and there made their oblations and prayers, and areired a great heap of stones, and set up a cross there by night: so that by this means a great clamor ran upon the Churchmen, and especially upon such as put him to death. Then to cease the rumor, the king gave commandment to punish such, as went thither on pilgrimage. The copy whereof is here to be seen as followeth.

Rex vicecomitibus London. & Midd. salutem. Albeit Richard Wyche late clearke, who heretofore long sithence heretically did hold, teach, & publicly preach certain heresies and erroneous opinions in many places within our realm of England. And for the same many years now past being judicially convicted, did before a judge in that behalf sufficient abjure all heresy generally, and afterward as a dog returning to his vomit, did presume to maintain, teach, & publicly preach his former errors and heresies, so that he was worthily adjudged a Relapse. And again being impeached for the same before the reverend father in God Robert B of London his lawful Ordinary was called forth to judgment, and being before him, did judicially confess his errors and heresies. For the which cause the said reverend father, upon mature deliberation by him the said Reuerende father first had with the advise of the learned in the law, his assistantes lawfully proceeding against the said Richard did by his sentence defintiue pronounce and adjudge him to be a Relapse, and did disgrade him from the order and dignity of Priesthoode, & took from him all priestly ornaments, and deprived him of all priestly function and Priuiledge (according to justice) and last of all turned him over to the secular power as the manner is: And afterwards you, by our Princely commandment and warrant did according to the law of our realm for his last punishment consume the body of the said Richard to ashes, being a Relapse convict, and disgraded as a notorious traitor, not only against God, but also against us and our crown and dignity. All which notwithstanding certain our subjects (as we have ben sundry times informed) being pricked foreward with a Diabolical spirit, practicing of all likelihode not only sedition, but also Idolatry within our Realm are not afraid publicly to affirm that the said Richard was altogether innocent of heretical pravity Nay rather they do moste shainefully with their vain devises, and wickedly conceived imaginations blase abroad that he was, & died a good, just and an holy man, and that he doeth many miracles (whereas in deed no such miracles be done by him.) Which disordinate persons we may well and upon probable causes repute & deme culpable, not only of heretical pravity, but also of high treason, and as rebels to our person, Majesty, and violatours of the peace and dignity of our Realm, as with all breakers and trespassours against the sacred Canons of the Church, who dare so presumptuously adventure to worship the said Richard as a Saint, whereas it is not lawful to worship any manner of person be he never so holy before he be canonised by the authority of the B. of Rome. We therefore being very careful for the good preseruatiō of our peace, and desirous to abolish from out all the coasts of the same all manner Idolatry, do charge & command you that in certain places within your liberties where you shall think most convenient, you cause forthwith proclamations to be made on our behalf, straightly charging, that no person from henceforth presume to resort to the place where the said Richard was executed under color of Pilgrim, or for any other cause of devotion what so ever, nor send any offering thither, nor worship him hereafter openly or secretly, nor adjudge, esteem, repute, name or talk of him as otherwise justified or innocent, then such as the said reverend father by his former definitive sentence hath pronounced him to be upon pain and penaltye to be taken and reputed for an heretic or a favorer of heretics, and to receive condign punishment provided for heretics. And that you arrest all & every person whom you shall find to do anything contrary to this our Proclamation, and the same so arrested, commit to our prison, there to remain until we shall think good to send countermaund for their deliverance. Witnes the king at his Manor of Estampstede, the 15. day of July in the 18. yere of his reign.

Per ipsum Regem.

Like writtes, and to the same effect were directed to all the shrines through all the realm bearing all one and the same Date. By the virtue of which letter, the Major and sheriffes did such diligence, that shortly after, that cōcourse and seeking of the people was left of.

After the burning of this man, which was about the month of June, in the same yere about November, a connocation was called by Henry Archbish. of Cant. wherein was propounded among the clergy, to consult with them selves, what way were best to be taken, for the removing a way the law of Premuniri facias, for so were the harts then of the temporalty set against the ecclesiastical sort, y ^t where any vantage might be given them by the law, they did nothing spare, by reason whereof, the churchmen at that time were greatly molested by the said law of Premuniri, and by the kings writtes, and other indictments, to their no small anoyance, By long consultation and good advisement, at last this way was taken, y ^t a petition or supplicatiō should be drawn and presented to the king, for the abolishing of the foresaid law of Premuniri facias, and also for the restraining of other briefes, wryts, and indictments, which seemed then to lie heavy upon the Clergy. This bill or supplication being contrived and exhibited by the Archbish. of Canter, and of York, unto the king standing in need the same time, of a subsidy to be collected of the clergy: this answer was given to their supplication on the kings behalf: that for so much as the time of Christenmaste then drew near, whereby he had as yet no sufficient leisure to advise upon the matter, he would take therein a farther pause. In the mean time, as one tendering their quiet, he would send to all his officers and ministers w ^t in his realm, that no such brief of Premuniri, should pass against them or any of them, from the said time of Christenmas, till the next Parliament. An. 1439. Ex Regist. Cant.

In my former edition of Acts & monuments, so hastily rashed up at that present, in such shortness of time, as in the said book thou mayst see (gentle reader) declared and signified: among many other matters therein contained, there is a short note made of one Eleanor Cobham Duchesse of Gloucester, & of Syr Roger Onley knight (priest it should have ben printed,) which two persons, about the year of our Lord. 1440. or the next year following, were condemned, the one to death, the other to perpetual prison. Of this little short matter, master Cope the Popes Scout, lying in privy wait to spy faults in all mens works, wherso ever any may appear, taketh pepper in the nose, & falleth again unto his old barking against me, for placing these foresaid persons in my book of Martyrs, but especially he thinketh to have great vantage against me, for that in the same story, I do join withal, one Margaret Iourdeman, the witch of Eye, condemned also with them the same time, and burned for practicing the kings death by an image of wax, &c. To answer hereunto, first I say (as I before said) that I profess no such title to write of Martyrs: but in general to write of rites and Monuments passed in the church and realm of England. Wherein, why should I be restrained from the free walk of a story writer, more then other that have gone before me?

Secondly, touching my commendation of Sir Roger Onley, and the Lady Eleanor, if master Alane be therewith offended, I answer that I commended them for sauoring and fauoring of the truth of Christ's doctrine: For the fact, if any such were in them, I do not commend them. And although I did commend them, yet neither did I it w ^e any long tarrying upon it, nor yet all together upon mine own head, without some sufficient warrant of authority. For why may not I as well believe John Bale, as M. Alane believe M. Fabian? especially seeing I do know, and was privy, that the said John in recognising his Centuries, followed altogether the history of Leland. De Catalogo virorum illustrium, which book being borrowed of master Cheke, I myself did see in the hands of the foresaid John Bale, what time we were both together, dwelling in the house of the noble Lady Duches of Richmond. Wherefore if he think me so lewd to speak without mine authors, he is deceived. And if he think mine authors not to be believed, then let this Nomothetes, or jolly Dictator, come forth and prescribe us a law, what authors he would have us to take, and what to refuse. For else why is it not as free for me to credit John Bale, and Leland, as for him to credit Robert Fabian, and Edw. Hall, especially seeing they had seen his books and works left behind him, whereupon they might better judge, and so did never these?

Thirdly, for the name of Roger Onley, if Cope deny that there was any such name in stories mentioned, but that there was one called Roger Bolingbroke. &c. hereby it may appear that either his prompter out of England deceived him, or else that he going no further but to Fabian and Hall, lacketh no good will in him, but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant. And admit the said name of Onley could not be found in those writers, yet it were not impossible for a man to have two names, especially if he were a religious man, to bear the name of the town where he was born, beside his own proper surname. But now what if I (M. Cope) can avouch and bring forth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient record, which you seem not to have yet read? Have ye not then done well and properly (think you) so bitterly to flee in my face, and to bark so eagerly all this while at moneshine in the water, having no more cause almost against me, thē against the man in the Moon? And now least you should think me so much unprovided of just authority for my defense, as I see you unprovided of modesty and patience, write you to your prompter or suborner (where so ever he lurketh here in England) to send you over unto Leuven the book of John Harding a Chronicler, more ancient then either Fabian or Hall, printed in the house of Richard Grafton, Anno 1543. where turn to the fol. 223. fac. b. lin. 19. and there shall you find and read these words.

By the which words ye must necessarily confess Roger Onley to be the name of the man, either else must ye needs deny the author. For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the only helper to the Duchesse in that fact, by no wise it can stand with the story of these authors which say, that 4. other besides him were condemned for the same erune. &c. And moreover thought the said Sir R. Onley was no knight (as I have said in my former edition) yet this ye cannot deny, by the testimony of them that have seen his works, but that he was a Priest, which you will grant to be a knights fellow. And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley.

Fourthly, as concerning Margaret Iourdeman, whō ye call the witch of Eye, ye offer me herein great wrong, to say that I make her a martyr, which was a wytche: when as I here profess, confess, and ascertain both you, and all English men, both present & all posterity hereafter to come, that this Margaret Iourdeman I never spake of, never thought of, never dreamed of, nor did ever hear of, before you named her in your book yourself. So far is it of, that I either with my will, or against my will, made any martyr of her.

Furthermore, I profess and denounce in like manner, y ^e neither have you any just or congrue occasion in my boke so to judge, much less to rail of me. For where, in express words I do speak of the mōthere of the Lady Yong, what occasion have you thereby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman? which Margarete whether she was a witche or not, I leave her to the Lord. As for me, neither did I know of her then, nor did I mean of her now. But because I couple her in the same story, you say. To this I say, because she was the mother of a Lady, I thought to join her w ^e another Lady in the same story, as in one pue together, although in one cause I will not say. And yet notw ^t standing I do so couple the said mother w ^e the Duchesse, in such distinet difference of years, that you M. Cope might casily have understand, or beside you, no man else would have thought the contrary, but that Margaret Iouedeman was neither here in my book, nor yet many memento. For the wooordes of my story are plain, whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor, & of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the year of our Lord 1441. I do also in the same story (through the occasion of that Lady) inforte mention of the mother of the Lady Yong declaring in express words, that she followed certain years after, & in the end of that chapter, do name also the year of her burning to be. 1490. which was 50. years after the death of Only, and Margaret Iourdeman: by the computatiō of which years it is plain, that no other woman could be noted in that place, but only the Lady Younges mother.

But M, Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood objecteth again, for that in my Callendar, the said Lady Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley, which day pertaineth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield, & not to the Ladies mother, &c.

What order was taken in placing the names & days, what is that to me? If he which had the disposing of the Catalogue, did place them so in months, as he saw them joined in chapiters, not perusing peradventure nor abuising the chapters, that doth nothing prejudice the truth of my story, which sufficiently doth clare it self in distincting thē rightly in names & also in years, as is afore declared.

Fifthly and lastly, having thus sufficiently answered to your circumstanunces of persons, names, and times (M. Cope) I will now enter to encounter with you concerning the fact: and crime objected to the Lady Duches, and to the rest: with this protestation before premised unto the reader, that if the fact be true and so done is reported in y ^e histories of Fabian, Halle and harding, I desire the reader then so to take me, as though I do not here deal withal, nor speak of the matter, but utterly to have pretermitted, and dispuncted the same. But for so much as the deed and offense laid and given forth against these parties, may be a matter made, & of evil will compacted, rather then true in deed: therefore I do but only move a question by way of history, not as defending, nor commending nor commemorating the thing, if it be true, but only moving the question, whether it is to be judged true, or suspected rather to be false and forged, and so having briefly, propounded certain coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter, to pass it over, neither meddling on the one side nor on the other.

The first conjecture, why it may be possible that this act of treason laid to the charge of the Duches, & Roger Oneley, against the king, may be untrue is this: that the said Oneley (otherwise named Bolingbroke) took it upon his death, that they never intended any such thing as they were condemned for.

The second conjecture: for that the Lady Eleanor, and Only seemed then to favor and favor of that religion set forth by wicklesse, and therefore like enough, that they were ha • d of the clergy. Furthermore what hatred & practice of Papists can do, it is not unknown.

The third conjecture: for that the said master Roger Only falsely noted and accused of Nicromancie, wrote a book in purgation of himself, entitled: de Innocentia sua. Also another book entitled. Contra vulgi superstitiones, recorded in Centu 8. Bale. cap. 4. Whereupon it is not credible, that he which wrote professedly against the superstitions of the people, was overtaken with that filth of Nicromancie himself.

The fourth conjecture: because this accusation against the Duches of Gloucester, Duke Humfries wife began not before, but after the grudge kindled between the Cardinal of Wint. and Duke Humfrey, her Husband.

An other conjecture may be hereof, for that, if the Duches had intended any such heinous treason against the kings life, as by burning of a wax candle to consume him it is not like (neither was there any such need) that she would have made so many privy to such a pernicious coucell, as the Witch of Eye, M. Rog. Bolingbroke, M. Tho. Southwest and John Hume.

Sixthly, it is not to be supposed, if any such hie treason had been wrought or pretended against the kings person by these that either the Duches should so escape with bearing a taper and banishment, or that John Hume should be pardoned his life, the fact being so heinous, that neither any durst ask his pardon, nor if it had been asked, it had not been like to be granted.

To these we may also add another supposal, rising upon the words and form of their accusation, as it standeth in Harding: Polychronicon, and other moe, wherein they were accused for working sorcery, and inchantmentes against the church and the king. Now what sorcery can be wrought against the church, that is, the whole multitude of Christians, let the reader judge, and by the truth of this consider also the truth of the other, which was against the king. Furthermore, if by this Church is meant the Cardinal of Wint, as like it is: then it may be conjectural, that all this matter rose of that Cardinal, who was then a mortal enemy to the house of Gloucester. &c.

Eighthly: And that all this was done and wrought by the said Cardinal of Wint. the witch concerning Eye maketh the matter the more suspicious, seeing that town of Eye as Fabian witnesseth, was near beside Wintchester, and sea of that Bishop.

Moreover, for so much as Polydore Virgil, among other story authors, being a mā as may be supposed, rather favoring the Cardinals parte then the Dukes, made no mention at all touching this treason, his license thereof may minister matter not also to muse, but only to conjecture, that he had found something which made him to miststrust the matter. Otherwise it is unlike that he would have so mewed up the matter, and passed it over without some mention.

Finally and briefly: The frequent practices and examples of other times, may make this also more doubtful, considering howe many subtle pretences, after like forte have been sought, and wrongful accusations brought against many innocent persons For (not to repeat the like forgeries against the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acron. &c.) why may not this accusation of the Duches and Onley, be as false as that in the time of king Edward the 5. which was laid to the charge of the Queen, and Shores wife by the Protectours, for inchaunting & bewitching of his withered arm? which to be false, all the world doth know, and but a quarrel made, only to oppress the life of the L. Hastings & y ^e L. standley. &c. And thus mayest thou see, gentle reader, according to y ^e wise man's saying: Nihil nouú es • e sub sole • Nihil que dictum, quod non sit dictum prius. xc.

Althoughe these w ^t many mo conjectures, may be alleged in some part of Defense of this Duches, and of her Chaplains and Priests: yet because it may be not impossible again, the matter laid against them, to be true, I leave it therefore at large as I find it: saying as I said before, that if it be true which the stories say in this matter, think I beseech thee gentle Reader, that I have said nothing hereof. Only, because the matter may bedisputable, and not impossible to be false, I have but moved thereof a questiō, and brought my conjectures, leaving the determi, natiō, and judgment hereof, to thy indifferent and free arbitrement. And if M. Cope, be so highly offended with me, because in my first edition of Acts and Monumentes I durst name y ^e Lady Eleanor Cobham, and Roger Only: let him take this for a short aūswer, because my leisure serveth not to make long braules w ^t him: y ^t if I had thought no imperfections to have passed in my former editiō before, I would never have taken in hand the recognition thereof now y ^t second time, whereby to sponge away such motes, as I thought would seem great stombling blocks in such men's walks, which walk with no charity to edefie: but with malice to carpe and reprehend, neither admonishing what they see amiss in others, neither tarrying while other men reform themselves, & finally finding quarrels where no great cause is justly given. And here an end with M. Cope for this time.

Forsomuch as in the process before, mentiō was touched concerning the grudge between y ^e Cardinal, cal • ed the rich Cardinal of Wintchester, and the good duke Humfrey duke of Gloucester, the kings uncle, and protector of y ^t realm: order of story now requireth to open some parte of y ^t matter more at large. Wherein this first is to be understand, that long before, great flames of grudge and discord did burst out between these two. For as the noble heart of the Duke could not abide the proud doings of the Cardinal: so much again the Cardinal in like manner sore envied & disdained at the rule of the Duke of Gloucester. Notwithstanding by the means of the Duke of Bedford, the brasting out between them was before appealed & cured: yet not so, but that under imperfect amity, privy hatred, as sparcles under the imbers, did still remain: So that the Cardinal, joining with the Archbishop of York, attempted many things of their own presumption, contrary to the consent, not only of the king (being then under age) but also of the protector & governor of the realm. Wherwith the Duke (like a true hearted prince) being not without just cause offended, declared in writing to the king certain complaints contained in 21. Articles, wherein the Cardinal and Archbishop had transgressed, both against the king & his laws. The tenor whereof, more at large is in other stories expressed, y ^e brief abstract thereof followeth in a short summary here to be seen.

When the king heard these accusations, he committed y ^t hearing thereof to his counsel: whereof y ^t most part were spiritual persons. So, what for fear, and what for favor the matter was winked at, & delied out, and nothing said thereunto, and a fair countenance was made to y ^t Duke as though no displeasure had been taken, nor malice borne in these spiritual stomaches. But shortly after, the smoke hereof, not able to keep in any longer within the spiritual breasts of these charitable churchmen, brast out in flames of mischief. For upon the neck of this matter, as witnesseth Fabian Polychronicon, and Hall which followeth Polych, first ensued the condemnation of L. Elianour the Duches and her Chapleynes, as ye have heard before. Whereby it may appear the said Duches more of malice, then any just cause, this to have been troubled. Also within vi. years after, followed the lamentable destruction of the Duke himself, as hereafter more is to be declared.

About which time, or not long after, an. 1443. the steeple of Paul's was set on fire by lightening, and at last by diligent labor of helpers, the fire was quenched.

And after the condemnation of lady Elianour the Duches, aforesaid, within few years. an. 1445. followed the death of Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Cant. by whom she was condemned in S. Stephens chapel at Westin. for penance to bear a taper through cheapside three sundry times, and afterward outlawed to the I will of Manne, under the custody of syr John Standly knight. This Henry Chichesley built in his time, 2. Colleges in the university of Oxford, the one called Alsolne College, the other named Barnard College.

Proceeding now to the year, wherein suffered Humfrey y ^t good Duke of Gloucester, which was the year of y ^t Lord. 1447. first we will begin in few words to entreat of his life & conversation: then of the manner and cause of his death. As touching the offspring and dissent of this Duke, first he was the son of Henry the fourth, brother to king Henry the fifth, and uncle to king Henry the sixth, assigned to be the governor and protector of his person. Of manners he seemed meek and gentle, loving the common wealth, a supporter of the poor commons, of wit & wisdom discreet and studious, well affected to religion, and a friend to verity, & no les enemy to pride & ambitiō, especially in haughty prelates, which was his undoing in this present evil world: And, which is seldom & rare in such princes of y ^t calling, he was both learned himself: & no less given to study, as also a singular favorer & patron to them which were studious & learned. And that my commendation of him may have the more credit, I will produce the testimony of learned writers, who living in his time, not only do commend his famous knowledge, and ripeness of learning in him: but also commit & submit their works to his judgment to be examined. Of which writers one is Petrus de Monte, writing De virtutū & vitiorum differentia : who in his Epistle dedicatory beginning with the singular commendation of this Duke, and afterward speaking De optimarum artium, liberaliumque scientiarum peritia, saith thus: Cui tu quidem omni conatu, omni ingenio, atque studio incumbis: adeo vt nihil tibi sine librorum lection, iocundum gratum, aut certe delectabile videatur. &c. And in further process of his work, thus he further declareth, saying: Delectaris autem non vna tantum art, aut scientia, quanquam & id quidem esset satis: verum fere omnibus, earum{que} codices magna quadam auiditate legisti. &c. Besides this Petrus de Mōte, let us hear also the judgment of another writer of the same age, named Lapiscastellius, who likewise dedicating to the said Duke Humphrey, his book entitled Comparatio studiorum & rei militaris, amongst diverse other words comēdatory, hath these as follow: Ad te potissimum mitto, quod horum te optimum, & sapientissimum iudicem fore existimo, qui vt ex integerrimo pat. domino, Zenone Baiocensi episcopo, homine tuae laudis cupidissimo, accepi: ita in his humanitatis studiis inuigilares, vt nullus toto terrarū orbe princeps, nec doctrina, nec eloquentia, nec humanitate tecum comparandus sit. &c. Many other arguments and places may be brought, to declare what is to be esteemed of the learning and studious wit of this noble Prince.

Furthermore, as the learning of this Prince was rare and memorable, so was the discreet wisdom and singular prudence in him no less to be considered: as for y ^e more manifest proof thereof, I thought here good amongst many other his godly doings, to recite one example, reported as well by the pen of syr Thomas More, as also by M. William Tyndale, the true Apostle of these our latter days, to the intent to see and note, not only the crafty working of false miracles in the clergy, but also that the prudent discretion of this high and mighty prince, the fore said Duke Humfrey, may give us better to understand what man he was. The story lieth thus.

In the young days of this king Henry the sixth, being yet under the governance of this Duke Humfrey his protector, there came to S. Albones a certain beggar with his wife, and there was walking about y ^• town, begging five or six days before the kings coming thither, saying y ^t he was borne blind and never saw in his life, & was warned in his dream, that he should come out of Barwik, where he said he had ever dwelled, to seek S. Albon, and that he had been at his shrine, and had not been helped̄, and therefore he would go and seek him at some other place: for he had heard some say, since he came, that S. Albones body should be at Colon, and in deed such a contention hath there been. But of truth as I am surely informed, he lieth here at S. Albones, saving some Relics of him, which they there show shryned. But to tell you forth, when the king was come, and the town full, suddenly this blind man at S. Albones shrine had his sight again, and a miracle solemnly ronge, and Te Deum song, so that nothing was talked of in all the town, but this miracle. So happened it thē, that Duke Humfrey of Gloucester, a man no les wife, then also well learned, having great joy to see such a miracle, called the poor man unto him, and first showing himself joyous of God's glory, so shown in the getting of his sight, and exhorting him to meekness, and to no ascribing of any part of y ^t worship to himself, nor to be proud of the people's praise, which would call him a good & godly man thereby, at last he looked well upon his eyne, and asked whether he could see nothing at all, in all his life before. And when as well his wife as himself affirmed fastly no, then he looked advisedly upon his eyen again, and said: I believe you very well, for me thinketh ye cannot see well yet. Yes syr, quod he, I thank God and his holy martyr, I can see now as well as any mā. (Yea can (quod y ^e duke) what color is my gown? Then anon the beggar told him. What color (quoth he) is this man's gown? He told him also, and so forth without any sticking, he told him the names of all y ^t colors that could be shown him. And when the Duke saw that, he had him walk traitor, and made him to be set openly in the stocks: For though he could have seen suddenly by miracle the difference between diverse colors, yet could he not by the sight so sodeinly tell the names of all these colors, except he had known them before, no more then the names of all the men, that he should sodaynly see.

By this may it be seen howe Duke Humfrey had not only an head to disserue and disseruer truth from forged and feigned hypocrisy, but study also and diligence likewise was in him, to reform that which was amiss.

And thus much hitherto for the noble prowess & virtues, joined with y ^e like ornaments of knowledge, & literature shining in this Princely duke. For the which, as he was both loved of the poor commons, and well spoken of all men, & no les deserving the same, being called the good Duke of Gloucester, so neither yet wanted he his enemies and privy enuiers, whether it was through the fatal and unfortunate luck of the name of that house which is but a vain & frivolous observation of Polydore, & Halle which followeth him, bringing in the examples of Hugh Speser of Thomas of Woodstock, son of • . Edward the third of this Duke Humphrey, and after o • king Richard the third Duke likewise of Gloucester: or whether it was that y ^• nature of true virtue commonly is such, that as the flame ever beareth his smoke, and the body his shadow: fo • the brightness of virtue never blaseth, but hath some disdain or envy waiting upon it: or else whether it was rather for some divorcement from his wife, or for some other vice or trespass done (as seemeth most like truth) which God as well in dukes houses correcteth, as in other inferior parsons, especially where he loveth: But howsoever the cause is to us unknown, this good Duke of Gloucester, albeit being both y ^t kings sole uncle, & having so many well willers thorough y ^• whole realm, yet lacked not his Satan: lacked not his secret maligners. Of whom specially was Henry Beuford Cardinal, Bish. of Wintchester and Chaunceller of England: who of long time disdaining and envying the rule and authority of this Duke: first had disposed and appointed himself, to remove the kings person from Eltham unto Winsor out of the Dukes hands, and there to put in such governors, as him listed. After that, entēding the Dukes death, he set men of arms and Archers at the end of London bridge, and for barring the hye way with a draw chain, set men in chambers, sellers and windows with bows and arrows and other weapons, to the purposed destructiō both of the duke & his retinue, if God had not so disposed, to turn his journey another way. Beside other manifold injuries and molestations, the Ambitious Cardinal, seeking by all means to be Pope, procured such trouble against him, that great division was thereby in the whole Realm: in so much that all the shops within y ^• city of London, were shut in, for fear of the favorers of these two great personages, for each part had assembled no small number of people. For the pacifying whereof y ^t archbishop of Canterbury, and the Duke of Dumber, called the prince of Portingall, rode 7. times in one day between those two adversaries. Such were then the troubles of this tumultuous division within the realm, and all by the excitation of this unquiet Cardinal.

Ouer and beside, this Cardinal afore mentioned, another Capitall enemy to the said Duke, was William de la Pole, first Earl, then Marques, at last Duke of Suffolk a man very ill reported of in stories, to be not only y ^t orgā & instrument of this good man's death, but also to be the noyance of the common wealth, & ruin of the realm. For by him and his only devise, was first concluded the unprofitable and vnhonourable marriage between the king & Lady Margaret daughter of y ^e Duke of Angeow: where as the king had concluded & contracted a marriage before w ^t the daughter of the Earl of Armi •• k, upon conditions so much more profitable and honorable, as more convenient it is for a Prince to mary a wise with riches & friends then to take a maid w ^t nothing, & disherite himself, & his realm of old rightes, & ancient inheritance, which so came to pass. And all this the good Duke did well foresee, & declared no less: but his counsel would not be taken. Wherupon followed first the giving away the Duchy of Angeow: & the City of Mayne, with the who • e Country of Mayne, to Reyner Duke of Angeow & father of the Damo • ell, called then K. of Sicily & of Hierusalē, having thereof no penny profit, but only a vain name to play withal.

An other sore enemy and mortal plague to this Duke was the Queen her self, lately before married to the king. Who being of haute stomach, and all set upon glory of wit and wilynes lacking nothing, and perceiving her husband to be simple of wit, and easy to be ruled, took upon her to rule and govern both the king & kingdom. And because the advise & counsel of Humfrey duke of Gloucester, was somewhat a stay that her authority and regiment could not so fully proceed, and partly because the said Duke before did disagree from that marriage, this manly women and courageous Queen ceased not by all imaginations and practices possible, to set forward his destruction, having also for her helper herein the Duke of Buckingham. &c.

These being his principal enemies and mortal foes, fearing least some commotion might arise, if such a Prince so ueare the kings blood, and so bear to the people, & of all men so beloved, should be openly executed & put to death, devised how to trap him, and circumuēt him unknowing and unprovided. For the more speedy furtherance whereof, a Parliament was sūmoned to be kept at Bery, an. 1447. sacre • rom the citizens of London, as William Lindall in his book of practice, writeth. Where resorted all the peres of the realm, and amongst them the Duke of Gloucester, thinking no harm to any man, & less to himself. Who on the second day of the Ses • on, was by the Lord Beamonde high Constable then of England, accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham and other, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and upon the same all his servants discharged and put from him, of whom 32. of the principal being also under arrest, were dispersed into diverse prisons to the great murmuring and greuance of the people. After this arrest thus done, and the Duke put in to Warde, the night after (saith Halle) 6. nights after (saith Fabian and Polychron, he was found dead in his bed the 24. of Febru ary and his body shown to the Lord's and Commons, as though he had been taken naturally with some sudden disease. And although no wound in his body could be seen: yet to all indifferent persons it might well be judged, that he died of no natural pang, but of some violent hand. Some suspected him to be strangled, some that a whole spytt was privily forced into his body, some affirm y ^t he, was styfeled between to fether beds. After the death of this Duke, and his body being enterred at S. Albons, after he had politikely by the space of 25. years governed this realm, 5. of his household to wit, one knight, 3. Esquiers, and a Yeoman, were arreigned, & convict to be hanged, drawn & quartered. Who being hanged and cut down half alive, y ^e Marques of Suffolk, there present shown the charter of the kings pardon, and so they were delivered. Notwithstanding, all this could not appease the grudge of the people, saying that the saving of the servants, was no amends for the murdering of the master.

In this cruel fact of these persons, which did so conspire and consent to the death of this noble man, & which thought thereby to work their own safety, the marvelous work of gods judgment, appeareth herein to be noted: who as in all other like cruel pollices of mā, so in this also turned all their pollices clean contrary. So that where y ^• Queen thought most to preserve her husband in honor, and her self in state, thereby both she lost her husband, her husband lost his realm, the realm lost Angeow, Normādy the Duchy of Aquitane, with all her partes beyond y ^t sea, Calais only except, as in sequel of the matter, who so will read the stories, shall right well understand.

The next year following, it followed also, that y ^t Cardinal, who was the principal artificer and ringleader of all this mischief, was suffered of God no longer to live. Of whose wicked conditions being more largely set forth in Edward Halle, I omit here to speak. What he himself spake in his deathbed for example to other, I thought not best to pretermit. Who hearing that he should dy, & that there was no remedy, murmured & grudged, wherefor he should die, having so much riches, saying: that if the whole realm would save his life, he was able either by policy to get it, or by riches to buy it: adding & saying moreover, fit (quod he) will not death be hired? nor will money do nothing? whē my nephew of Bedford died, I thought myself half up the wheel, but whē I saw mine other nephew of Gloucester deceassed, then I thought myself able to be equal w ^t kings, and so ought to increase my treasure, in hope to have worn the triple crown. &t. Ex Edou Hallo. And thus is the rich bishop of Winchester, with all his pomp and riches gone, with the which riches, he was able not only to build schools, colleges and Universities, but also was able to sustain the kings armies in war (as is specified in stories) without any taxing of the commons.

In whose seat next succeeded William Wanflet, preferred to the byshopricke of Winchester who though he had less substance, yet having a mind more godly disposed, did found and erecte the College of Mary Magdalene in Oxford. For the which foundation, as there have ben, and be yet many students bound to yield grateful thanks unto God, so I must needs confess myself to be one, except I will be unkind.

Among y ^t other mischievous adversaries which sought and wrought the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, next to the Cardinal of Winchester (who, as is said, died y ^t next yere following) was William de la Pole, Marques of Suffolk, who also lived not long after, nor long escaped unpunished. For although he was highly exalted, by the means of y ^e Queen (whose marriage he only procured) unto y ^e favor of y ^e king, & was made Duke of Suffolk, & magnified of the people, and bare the whole sway in the realm, whose acts and facts his vain glorious head caused also by the assent of the commons, to be recorded, & substantially to be registered in the rolles of the Parliament, for a perpetual renown to him, and all his posterity forever: yet notw ^t standing the hand of God's judgment still hanging over him, he enjoyed not long this his triūphant victory. For within 3. years after the death and ruin of y ^e Cardinal, the voices of the whole commons of England were utterly turned against him, accusing him in the Parliament at the black Friars, for delivery of the Duchye of Angeow, and Barledome of Maine: also for the death of y ^• noble Prince Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. They unputed moreover to him the loss of all Normandye, saying unto him that he was a swallower up and consumer of y ^• kings treasure, the exp • iler of all good and virtuous counsaylers from the king, and aduancer of vicious persons, apparent adversaries to the public wealth: so that he was called in every mouth a traitor, a murderer, and a robber of the kings treasure.

The Queen, albeit she tenderly loved the Duke, yet to appease the exclamation of the commons, was forced to committee him to the tower, where he, with as much pleasure and liberty as could be, remained for a month which being expired, he was delivered and restored again into his old place, & former favor with the king: where at the people more grudged then before. It happened by the occasion of a commotion then beginning amongst the rude people, by one whom they called Blewbeard, that the parliament, was for that time, adiourned to Leycester, thinking to the Queen, by force and rigor of law to rep • esse there the malice and evil will conceived against the duke. But at that place few of y ^• nobility would appear, Wherefore it was again rejourned unto Londō, & kept at Westminster, where was a whole company, & a full appearance with the king and Queen, & with them the duke of Suffolk, as chief counsailour. The commons not forgetting their old grudge, renewed again their former articles and accusations against the said duke, against the bishop of Salisb. & syr James Fynics, Lord Say, and other. When the king perceived y ^• no glossing nor dissimulation would serve to appease the continual clamour of the importunate commons, to make some quiet pacificatiō, first he sequestered from him the Lord say, treasurer of England, & other the Dukes adherents from their offices. Then he put in exile the Duke of Suffolk, for the term of 5. years, supposing by that space the furious rage of y ^• people would asswage.

But the hand of God would not suffer y ^t giltles blood of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, to be unrevenged, or that flagitious person further to continue. For whē he shipped in Suffolk, intending to be transported into France: he was encountered with a ship of war belonging to the tower: whereby he was taken, and brought into Dover rode, and there on the side of a ship boat, one strake of his head: which was about the year of our Lord. 1450.

And thus have ye heard the full story, and discourse of Duke Humfrey, and of all his adversaries, also of God's condign punishment upon them for their bloody cruelty. But before I remove from the said story of the foresaid Duke, and of the proud Cardinal his enemy, I will hers by the way, annex a certain instrument by the king and advise of his counsel, made against the said Cardinal, taking upon him to enter into this realm, as Legate frō the Pope, contrary to the old laws and customs of this realm, as by the words of the said instrument here in Latin may well appear.

And thus much as an Apendix, annexed to the story of Duke Humfrey, and the Cardinal of Wint. extracte out of an old written volume, remaining in the hands of master William Bowyer.

Notwithstanding, what man soever was the instrument, without all doubt God himself was the ordayner and disposer thereof, no otherwise, then be was of the gift of congues, and that for a singular purpose. And well may this gift o • printing be resembled to the gift of tongues: for like as God then spake with many tongues, and yet all y ^t would not turn the Jews, so now, when the holy ghost speaketh to y ^e adversaries in innumerable sorts of books, yet they will not be converted: nor turn to the Gospel.

Now to consider to what ende and purpose the Lord hath given this gift of Printing to the earth, and to what great utility and necessity it serveth, it is not hard to judge who so wisely perpendeth both the time of the sending, & the sequel which thereof ensueth.

And first, touching the time of this faculty given to the use of man, this is to be marked: that when as the Bishop of Rome, with all the whole & full consent of the Cardinals, Patriarchs, Archbishops, bishops, Abbots, Priours, Lawyers, Doctors, Prouostes, Deans, Archdeacons, assembled together in the council of Constance, had condemned poor John Hus, & Jerome of Prague to death for heresy, notwithstanding they were no heretics, and after they had subdued the Bohemians, and all the whole world under the supreme authority of the Romish sea: and had made all Christ̄ people abedienciaries & vassals unto the same, having (as one would say) all the world at their will, so that the matter now was past not only the power of all men, but the hope also of any man to be recovered. In this very time so dangerous and desperate, where man's power could do no more, there the blessed wisdom & omnipotent power of the Lord began to work for his church not with sword and tergate to subdue his exalted adversary, but with Printing, writing, and reading to convince darkness by light, error by truth, ignorance by learning So that by this means of printing, the secret operatiō of God hath heaped upon that proud kingdom a double confusion. For where as the bishop of Rome, had burned I. Hus before, and Jerome of Prague, who neither denied his transubstantiation, nor his supremacy, nor yet his Popish Mass, but said Mass, and heard mass themselves, neither spake against his purgatory, nor any other great matter of his popish doctrine, but only exclaymed against his excessive and pompous pride, his unchristian or rather Antichristian abomination of life: thus while he could not abide his wickedness only of life to be touched, but made it heresy, or at least matter of death, whatsoever was spoken against his detestable conversation, and manners, God of his secret judgment, seeing time to help his Church, hath found a way by this faculty of Printing, not only to confound his life, and conversation, which before he could not abide to be touched, but also to cast down the foundatiō of his standing, that is, to examine, confute, and detect his doctrine, laws, and institutions most detestable in such sort, that though his life were never so pure: yet his doctrine standing, as it doth, no man is so blind, but may see, that either the pope is Antichrist, or else that Antichrist is near cosine to the pope: And all this doth, and will hereafter more and more appear by Printing.

The reason whereof is this: for y ^t hereby tongues are known, knowledge groweth, judgment increaseth, books are dispersed, the Scripture is seen, the Doctors be read stories be opened, times compared, truth decerned, falsehood detected, and with finger pointed, and all (as I said) thorough the benefit of printing. Wherefore I suppose that either the pope must abolish printing, or he must seek a new world to reign over: for else, as this world standeth, printing doubtless will abolish him. But the pope, and all his College of Cardinals, must this understand, that through the light of printing, the world beginneth now to have eyes to see, and heads to judge. He cannot walk so invisible in a net, but he will be spied. And although thorough might he stopped the mouth of John Hus before, and of Jerome, that they might not preach, thinking to make his kingdom sure: yet in stead of John Hus & other God hath opened the press to preach, whose voice the Pope is never able to stop with all y ^e puissance of his triple crown. By this printing, as by the gift of tongues, and as by the singular organe of the holy Ghost, the doctrine of the Gospel soundeth to all nations and countries under heaven: and what God revealeth to one man, is dispersed to many and what is known in one nation, is opened to all.

The first and best were for the bishop of Rome, by the benefit of printing, to learn and know the truth. If he will not, let him well understand that printing is not set up for naught. To strive against the stream, it availeth not. What the pope hath lost, since printing and the press began to preach, let him cast his counters. First when Erasmus wrote, and Frobenius Printed, what a blow there by was given to all Friars and monks in the world? And who seeth not, that the pen of Luther following after Erasmus and set forward by writing, hath set the triple crown so awry on the popes head, that it is like never to be set straight again.

Brieflye, if there were no demonstration to lead, yet by this one argument of printing, the bishop of Rome might understand the counsel and purpose of the Lord to work against him, having provided such a way in earth, that almost how many printing presses there be in y ^e world so many blockhouses there be against the high castle of S. Angel. So that either the pope must abolish knowledge and Printing, or printing at length will root him out. For if a man wisely consider the hold and standing of the pope, thus he may repute with himself, that as nothing made the pope strong in time past, but lack of knowledge and ignorance of simple Christians: so contrariwise now nothing doth debilitate and shake the high spire of his Papacie so much as reading, preaching, knowledge & judgment, that is to say, the fruit of printing: Whereof some experience we see already, and more is like (the Lord before) to follow. For although, through outward force and violent cruelty, tongues dare not spake, yet the hearts of men daily (no doubt) be instructed through this benefit of printing. And though the pope both now by cruelty, and in times past by ignorance, had all under his possession: yet neither must he think, that violence will always continue, neither must he hope for that now, which he had then: for so much as in those former days, books then were scarce & also of such excessive price, that few could attain to the buying, fewer to y ^e reading & studying thereof: which books now by y ^e means of this art, are made easy unto all men. Ye heard before, pag. 665, how Nicholas Belward, bought a new testament in those days for four marks and 40. pence, where as now the same price will serve well 40. persons with so many books.

Moreover in the pag. 411. col. 1. it was noted and declared by the testimony of Armachanus, how for defect of books and good authors, both universities were decayed and good wits kept in ignorance, while begging Friars scaping all the wealth from other priests, heaped up all books that could be gotten, into their own Libraryes: where either they did not diligently apply them, or else did not rightly use them, or at least kept them from such as more fruitfully would have perused them.

In this then so great rarity, and also dearth of good books, when neither they which could have books, would well use them, nor they y ^• would, could have them to use, what marvel if the greediness of a few prelates did abuse the blindness of those days, to the advancement of themselves? Wherefore, almighty God of his merciful providence, seeing both what lacked in the church, and how also to remedy the same, for y ^t advancement of his glory, gave the understanding of this excellent art or science of printing, whereby three singular commodities at one time came to the world. First, the price of all books diminished. Secondly toe speedy help of reading, more furthered. And thirdly the plenty of all good authors enlarged: according as Aprutinus, doth truly report.

By reason whereof, as printing of books ministered matter of reading: so reading brought learning: learning shewedlight, by y ^• brightness whereof blind ignorance was suppressed error detected, & finally God's glory, w ^t truth of his word, advanced. This faculty of Printing was after the invention of Gunnes, the space of 130. years: which invention was also found in Germany, an. 1380. And thus much for y ^e worthy commendation of printing.