Acts and Monuments Volume 1

The trouble and persecution of the Lord Cobham.

BUt to let this by matter pass, again to return to the foresaid universal Synod assembled by Thomas Arundel at S. Paul's church in London, as is before remembered: the chief and principal cause of the assembling thereof (as recordeth the Chronicle of S. Albones) was to repress the growing and spreading of the Gospel, and especially to withstand the noble & worthy Lord Cobham: Who was then noted to be a principal favorer, receiver, and maintainer of them, whom the Bishop misnamed to be Lollards, especially in the diocesses of London, Rochester, and Hereforde: setting them up to preach whom the bishops had not licensed, and sending thē about to preach, which was against the constitution provincial, before remembered, pag. 5 24. holding also and teaching opinions of the sacraments, of images, of pilgrimage, of the keys and church of Rome, contrary and repugnant, to the received determination of the Romish church. &c.

In y ^e mean time, as these were in talk amongst them, concerning the good Lord Cobham: resorted unto them the 12. Inquisitors of heresies (whom they had appointed at Oxford the year afore, to search out heretics, with all Wickleffes books) who brought 200. and 46. conclusions, which they had collected as heresies out of the said books. The names of the said Inquisitors were these.

• 1. John Witnam, a master in the now College.
• 2. John Langedon, Monk of Christ church in Cant.
• 3. William Vfford, regent of the Carmelites.
• 4. Thomas Claxton, regent of the Dominickes.
• 5. Robert Gilbert.
• 6. Richard Earthisdale.
• 7. John Lucke
• 8. Richard Snedisham.
• 9. Richard Flemming.
• 10. Thomas Rotborne.
• 11. Robert Ronbery.
• 12. Richard Grafdale.

These things thus done, & the Articles being brought in: further they proceeded in their communication, concluding among themselves, that it was not possible for them to make whole Christ's coat w ^t out seam (meaning thereby their patched Popish synagoge) unless certain great men were brought out of the way which seemed to be the chief maintainers of the said Disciples of Wycliffe. Among whō this noble knight sir John Didcastle the Lord Cobham, was complained of by the general proctors to be the chief principal. Him they accused first for a mighty maintainer of suspected preachers in the diocese of London, Rochester, and Hereford, contrary to the minds of their ordinaries. Not only they affirmed him to have sent thither the said preachers, but also to have assisted them there by force of arms, notwithstanding their Synodal constitution made afore to the contrary. Last of all, they accused him, that he was far otherwise in belief of the sacrament of the altar of penance, of pilgrimage, of image worshipping, and of the Ecclesiastical power, then the holy Church of Rome had taught many years before.

In the ende it was concluded among them, that w ^t out any further delay, process should be awarded out against him, as against a most pernicious heretic.

Some of that fellowship which were of more crafty experience then the other: thought it not best to have y ^t matter so rashly handled, but by some preparation made thereunto before. Considering the said Lord Cobham was a man of great birth, and in favor at that time with the K. their counsel was to know first the kings mind, to save all things upright. This counsel was well accepted, and thereupon the Archbyshop thomas Arundell with his other bishops, and a great part of y ^e clergy, went straight ways unto the king, then remaining at Keningston. And there laid forth most grievous complaints against the said Lord Cobham, to his great infamy and blemish, being a man right godly. The king gently heard those blood thirsty Prelates, and far otherwise then became his princely dignity: notwithstanding requiring, and instantly desiring them, that in respect of his noble stock and knighthode, they should yet favorably deal with him. And that they would if it were possible, without all rigor or extreme handling, reduce him again to the Churches unity. He promised them also, that in case they were contented to take some deliberation, his self would seriously common the matter with him.

Anone after, the king sent for the said Lord Cobham. And as he was come, he called him secretly, admonishing him betwixt him and him, to submit himself to his mother the holy church, and as an obedient child, to acknowledge himself culpable. Unto whom the Christian knight made this answer: You most worthy Prince, saith he, I am always prompt & willing to obey, for so much as I know you a christen king, & the appointed minister of God, bearing the sword to the punishment of evil doers, & for safeguard of them that be virtuous. Unto you (next my eternal God) owe I my whole obedience, & submit thereunto (as I have done ever) all that I have, either of fortune or nature, ready at all times to fulfil whatsoever ye shall in the Lord, command inc. But as touching the Pope and his spiritually, I owe them neither sure nor service, forsomuch as I know him by the Scriptures to be the great Antichrist, the son of perdition, the open adversary of God, & the abomination standing in the holy place. When y ^e king had heard this, w ^t such like sentences more, he would talk no longer with him, but left him so utterly.

And as the Archbyshop resorted again unto him for an answer, he gave him his full authority to cite him, examine him, & punish him according to their devilish decrees, which they called the laws of holy church. Then the said Archb. by the counsel of his other Bishops and Clergy, appointed to cal before him Sir John Didcastle the Lord Cobham, and to cause him personally to appear, to answer to such suspect Articles as they should lay against him. So he sent forth his chief Sommoner, with a very sharp citation unto the castle of Cowling, where as he at that time dwelt for his solace. And as the said Sommoner was come thither, he durst in no case enter the gates of so noble a man without his license, and therefore he returned home again, his message not done.

Then called the Archbish. one John Butler unto him, which was then the door keeper of the kings privy chamber: and with him he couenaunted through promises and rewards, to have this matter craftly brought to pass, under the kings name. Whereuppon, the said John Butler took the Archbishops Somner with him, and went unto the said Lord Cobham: showing him, y ^t it was the kings pleasure that he should obey that citation, and so cited him fraudulently. Then said he to them in few words, that he in no case would consent to those most devilish practices of the Priests. As they had informed the Archbyshop of that answer, and that it was for no man privately to cite him after that, without pearil of life: he decreed by & by to have him cited by public process or open commandment. And in all the hast possible, upon the Wednesday before the Nativity of our Lady in September: he commanded letters citatorir, to be set upon the great gates of the Cathedral church of Rochester (which was but 3. English miles frō thence) charging him to appear personally before him at Ledis the 11. day of the same month and year, all excuses to the contrary set apart. Those letters were taken down anon after, by such as bare favor unto the Lord Cobham and so conveyed aside. After that caused the Archbish. new letters to be set up on the nativity day of our Lady, which also were rent down and utterly consumed.

Then for so much as he did not appear at the day appointed at Ledys (where her sat in Consitory, as cruel as ever was Caiaphas, with his court of hypocrites about him) he judged him, denounced him, and condemned him, of most depe contumacy. After that, whē he had been falsely informed by his hired spies, and other glossing glauerers: that the said Lord Cobh. had laughed him to scorn, disdained all his doings, maintained his old opinions, contemned the churches power, the dignity of a Bishop, & the order of priesthood (for all these was he than accused of) in his mody madness w ^t out just proof, did he openly excommunicate him. Yet was not withal this, his fierce tyranny satisfied: but commanded him to be cited a fresh, to appear afore him the Saturday before the feast of S. Matthew the Apostle, w ^t these cruel threatenings added thereunto: that if he did not obey at the day, he would more extremely handle him. And to make himself more strong towards the performance thereof, he compelled the lay power by most terrible manasings of curses and interdictions: to assist him against that seditious apostata, schismatic, and heretic, the troubler of the public peace, that enemy of the realm and great adversary of all holy Church, for all these hateful names did he give him.

Thys most constant servant of the Lord and worthy Knight sir John Didcastle, the Lord Cobham, beholding the unpeaceable fury of Antichrist, thus kindled against him: perceiving himself also compassed on every side with deadly dangers: He took paper and pen in hand, and so wrote a Christian confession or rekening of his faith (which followeth hereafter) both signing and sealing it with his own hand. Wherein he also answered to the 4. chiefest articles that the Archbyshop laid against him. That done, he took the copy with him, and went therewith to the king, trusting to find mercy & favor at his hand. None other was y ^t confession of his, then the common believe or sum of the Churches faith, called the Apostles Creed, of all Christian men than used, with a brief declaration upon the same, as here under ensueth.

The Christian belief of the Lord Cobham.

I Beleue in God the father almighty, maker of heaven and earth. And in Jesus Christ his only son our Lord, which was conceived by the holy ghost, borne of the virgin Mary, suffered under Ponce Pilate, crucified dead and buried, went down to hell, the third day rose again from death, ascended up to heaven, sitteth on the right hand of God the father almighty, and from thence shall come again to judge the quick & the dead. I believe in the holy ghost, the universal holy Church, the communion of Saints, the forgiveness of sins, the uprising of the flesh, and everlasting life. Amen.

And for a more large declaration (saith he) of this my saith in the Catholic Church: I steadfastly believe, that there is but one God almighty, in and of whose Godhead are these three persons, the father, the son, and the holy Ghost, and that those three persons are the self same God almighty. I believe also, that the second person of this most blessed Trinity, in most convenient tune appointed thereunto afore, took flesh and blood of the most blessed virgin Mary, for the safeguard and redemption of the universal kind of man, which was afore lost in Adams offense.

Moreover I believe, that the same Jesus Christ our Lord thus being both God and man, is the only head of the whole Christian Church, and that all those that hath been or shall be saved, be members of this most holy church. And this holy Church I think to be divided into three sortes or companyes.

Wherof the first sort be now in heaven, and they are the saints from hence departed. These as they were here cōuersant, conformed always their lives to the most holy laws and pure examples of Christ, renouncing Satan, the world, and the flesh, with all their concupiscences and evils.

The second sort are in Purgatory (if any such place be in the scriptures) abiding the mercy of God and a full deliverance of pain.

The third sort are here upon the earth, and be called the Church millitant. For day and night they contend against crafty assaults of the devil, the flattering prosperities of this world, and the rebellious filthiness of the flesh.

This latter congregation by the just ordinance of God is also severed into three diverse estates, that is to say, into priesthood, knighthood, and the commons. Among whom the will of God is, that the one should aid the other, but not destroy the other. The priests first of all secluded from all worldliness, should conform their lives utterly to the examples of Christ and his Apostles. Euermore should they be occupied in preaching and teaching the scriptures purely, and in giving wholesome examples of good living to the other two degrees of men. More modest also, more loving, gentle, and lowly in spirit, should they be, then ano other sortes of people.

In knighthood are all they, which bear sword by law of office. These should defend God's laws, and see that the Gospel were purely taught, conforming their lives to y ^t same, and secluding all false preachers: yea these ought rather to hazard their lives, thē to suffer such wicked decrees as either blemisheth the eternal Testament of God, or yet letteth the free passage thereof, whereby heresies & schisms might spring in the Church. For of none other arise they as I suppose, then of erroneous constitutions, craftily first creeping in under hipocriticall lies, for advantage. They ought also to preserve God's people from oppressors, tyrants, and thieves, & to see the clergy supported so long as they teach purely, pray rightly, and minister the Sacraments freely. And if they see them do otherwise, they are bound by the law of office to compel them to chaung their doings: & to see all things performed according to gods prescript ordinance.

The latter fellowship of this Church, are the common people: whose duery is, to bear their good minds & true obedience, to the aforesaid ministers of God, their kings civil governors and Priests. The right office of these, is justly to occupy every man his faculty, be it marchaundise, handicraft: or the tilthe of the ground. And so one of them to be as an helper to another, following always in their sortes the just commandments of the Lord God.

Ouer and besides all this, I most faithfully believe y ^e the Sacraments of Christ's Church are necessary to all Christian believers: this always seen to: that they be truly ministered according to Christ's first institution and ordinance. And forasmuch as I am maliciously & most falsely accused of a misbelief in the sacrament of the altar, to the hurtful slander of many: I signify here unto all men, y ^t this is my faith concerning that. I believe in that Sacrament to be contained very Christ's body and blood under the similitudes of bread and wyne, yea the same body y ^t was conceived of the holy ghost, borne of y ^t virgins Mary done on the cross: died, that was buried, arose the third day from the death: and is now glorified in heaven. I also believe, the universal law of God to be most true and perfect, and they which do not so follow it in their faith and works (at one time or another) can never be saned: Whereas he that seeketh it in faith, accepteth it, learneth it, delighteth therein, and performeth it in love, shall cast for it the felicity of everlasting Innocence.

Finally, this is my faith also, that God will ask no more of a Christian beleuer in this life, but only to obey y ^t precepts of that most blessed law. If any Prelates of the Church require more, or else any other kind of obedience, then this to be used: he contemneth Christ, exalting himself above God, and so becometh an open Antichrist. Al the premisses I believe particularly, and generally all that God hath left in his holy scripture: that I should believe. Instantly desiring you my siege Lord and most worthy king, that this confession of mine, may be justly examined by the most godly wise and learned men of your Realm. And if it be found in all pointes agreeing to the verity, thē let it be so allowed: and I thereupon holden for none other then a true Christian. If it be proved otherwise: then let it be utterly condemned: provided always, that I be taught a better belief by the word of God: and I shall most reverently at all times obey thereunto.

This brief confession of this faith, the Lord Cobham wrote (as is mentioned afore) and so took it with him to the court, offering it withal meekness unto the king to read it over. The king would in no case receive it, but commanded it to be delivered unto thē that should be his judges. Then desired he in the kings presence, that an hundred knights and Esquiers might be suffered to come in upon his purgation, which he knew, would clear him of all heresies. Moreover he offered himsel • e after the law of arms, to fight for life or death in any man living, Christian or heathen, in the quarrel of his faith, the king and the Lord's of his Council excepted. Finally with all gentleness he protested before all y ^t were present, that he would refuse no manner of correction that should after the laws of God he ministered unto him, but that he would at all times with all meekness obey it. Notwithstanding all this, the king suffered him to be summoned personally in his own privy chamber. Then said the Lord Cobham to the king that he had appeled from the Archbishop to the Pope of Rome, & therefore he ought he said, in no cause to be his judge. And having his appeal there at hand ready writ̄, he shown it with all reverence to the king. Wherewith the king was then much more displeased then afore, and said angerly unto him, that he should not pursue his appeal: but rather he should tarry in hold, till such time as it were of the Pope allowed. And thē, would he, or nild he, y ^t archbishop should be his judge. Thus was there nothing allowed that the good Lord Cobham had lawfully afore required. But for so much as he would not be sworn in all things to submit himself to the Church, and so take what penance the archbishop would enjoin him: He was arrested again at the kings commandment, and so led forth to the Tower of London, to keep his day (so was it then spoken) that the archbishop had appointed him afore in the kings chamber.

Then caused he the foresaid confession of his faith to be copyed again and the answer also (which he had made to the four articles proponed against him) to be written in manner of an Indenture in two sheets of paper: That when he should come to his answer, he might give the one copy unto the archbishop, and reserve the other to him self. As the day of examination was come, which was the 23. day of September the Saturday before the feast of saint Matthew: Thomas Arundell the Archbishop, sitting in Caiaphas room in the Chapter house of Paul's, with Richard Clifford Bishop of London, and Henry Bolnig broke Bishop of Winchester: sir Robert Morley knight and Liefetenant of the Tower, brought personally before him the said Lord Cobham, and there left him for the time unto whom the archbishop said these words.

* The first examination of the Lord Cobham.

SIr John▪ in the last general convocation of the clergy of this our Province, ye were detected of certain heresies, and by sufficient witnesses found culpable. Whereupon ye were by form of spiritual law cited, and would in no case appear. In conclusion, upon your rebellious cōtumacie, ye were both privately and openly excommunicated. Notwithstanding we neither yet shown our selves unready to have given your absolution (nor yet do not to this hour) would ye have meekly asked it. Unto this the Lord Cobham shown, as though he had given no ear; having his mind otherwise occupied, and so desired no absolution. But said, he would gladly before him and his brethren make rehearsal of that faith which he held and en tended always to stand to, if it would please them to license him thereunto. And then he took out of his vosome a certain writing endented, concerning the articles whereof he was accused, and so openlie read it before them, giving it unto the Archbishop, as he had made thereof an ende. Whereof this is the copy.

I John Didcastle Knight Lord of Cobham, will that all Christian men weet and understand: that I clepe almighty God into witness, that it hath been, now is, and ever with the help of God, shall be mine intent and my will, to believe faithfully and fully all the sacraments that ever God ordained to be do in holy Church: and moreover to declare me in these four points, I believe that the most worshipful Sacrament of the altar is Christ's body in form of bread, the same body that was borne of the blessed virgin our Lady sayne Mary, done on the cross, dead and buried, the third day rose from death to life, the which body is now glorified in heaven.

Also as for the sacrament of penance I believe, that it is needful to every man that shall be saved to forsake sin and do due penance for sin before done, with true confession, very contrition, and due satisfaction as God's law limitteth and teacheth, and else may he not be saved: which penance I desire all men to do.

And as of Images I understand, that they be not of believe, but that they were ordained since the believe was zewe of Christ, by sufferance of the Church to be Calenders to lewd men, to represent and bring to mind the passion of our Lord John Christ, and martyrdom and good living of other saints: And that who so it be, that doth the worship to dead Images that is due to God, or putteth such hope or trust, in help of them, as he should do to God, or hath affection in one more then in another, he doth in that the greatest sin of maumerry.

Also I suppose this fully, that every man in this earth is a pilgrim toward bliss, or toward pain: and that he that knoweth not, ne will not know ne keep the holy comaundementes of God in his living here (albeit that he be go on Pilgrimages to all the world, and he die so) he shall be damned: and he that knoweth the holy commandments of God, and keepeth them to his ende, he shall be saved though he never in his life go on pilgrimage, as men now use to Canterbury or to Rome or to any other place.

This answer to his articles thus ended and read, he delivered it to the Bishops as is said afore. Than counceled the Archbishop with the other two Bishops, and with diverse of the Doctors, what was to be done in this matter: commanding him for the time to stand aside. In conclusion by their assent & information, he said thus unto him Come hither Syr John. In this your writing are many good things contained, and right Catholic also, we deny it not: but ye must consider y ^t this day was appointed you to answer to other pointes concerning those articles, whereof as yet no mention is made in this your Bil. And therefore ye must yet declare us your mind more plainly.

And thus: whether that ye hold, affirm, and believe, that in the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration rightly done by a priest, remaineth material bread, or not? Moreover, whether ye do hold, affirm and believe, that as concerning the sacrament of penance (where as a competent number of priests are) every Christian man is necessarely bound to be confessed of his sins to a priest ordained by the Church, or not.

After certain other communication, this was the answer of the good Lord Cobham. That none otherwise would he declare his mind, nor yet answer unto his articles, then was expressly in his writing there contained. Then said the Archbishop again unto him: Syr John, beware what ye do. For if ye answer not clearly to those things that are here objected against you (especially at the time appointed you only for that purpose) the law of holy Church is, that compelled once by a judge, we may openly proclaim ye an heretic. Unto whom he gave this answer: Do as ye shall think best, for I am at a point. Whatsoever he or the other Bishops did ask him after that, he had them resort to his Bill: for thereby would he stand to the very death. Other answer would he not give that day, wherewith the Bishops and Prelates were in a manner amazed and wonderfully disquieted.

At the last, the archbishop counseled again with his other Bishops and Doctors, and in the end thereof declared unto him, what the holy Church of Rome (following the saying of S. Augustine, S. Hicrome, S. Ambrose, and of other holy Doctors) had determined in these matters, no manner of mention once made of Christ. Which determination (saith he) ought all Christian men both to believe and to follow.

Then said the Lord Cobham unto him, that he would gladly both believe and observe whatsoever holy church of Christ's institution • ad determined, or yet whatsoever God had willed him either to believe or to do. But that the pope of Rome with his Cardinals, Archbishops, bishops and other prelates of that Church had lawful power to determine such matter as stood not with his word thoroughly: that would he not (he said) at the time affirm. With this y ^t archbish. had him to take good advisement til the monday next following (which was the 25. day of September) and then justly to answer, specially unto this point: whether there remained material bread in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, or not? He promised him also, to send unto him in writing those matters clearly determined, that he might then be the more perfect in his answer making. And all this was naught else, but to blind the multitude with somewhat. The next day following, according to his promise, y ^e Archbishop sent unto him into the Tower, this foolish and blasphemous writing made by him and by his unlearned Clergy.

* The determination of the Archbyshop and Clergy.

THe faith and determination of y ^e holy Church touching the blissful sacrament of the alter, is this: that after the Sacramental words be once spoken by a Priest in his Mass, the material bread, that was before bread, is turned into Christ's very body. And the material wine, that was before wine, is turned into Christ's very blood. And so there remaineth in the sacrament of the altar, from thenceforth, no material bread, nor material wine, which were there before the Sacramental words were spoken: Now believe ye this article? Holy church hath determined that every Christian man living here bodily upon the erth ought to be shriven to a priest ordained by the Church, if he may come to him. Now feel ye this article?

Christ ordained S. Peter the Apoistle to be his vicar here in earth, whose sea is the holy church of Rome: And he granted, that the same power which he gave unto Peter, should succeed to all Peters successors, which we call now Popes of Rome: By whose power in Churches particular, be ordained Prelates, as Archbishops, Bishops, Parsons, Curates, and other degrees more. Unto whom Christian men ought to obey after the laws of the church of Rome. This is the determination of holy Church. Howe feel ye this article?

Holy church hath determined, that it is meritorious to a christen man, to go on pilgrimage to holy places: And there specially to worship holy relics and Images of Saints, Apostles, and Martyrs, Confessors, & all other Saints besides, approved by the church of Rome. Howe feel ye this article?

And as the Lord Cobham had read over this most wretched writing, he marvelled greatly of their mad ignorance. But that he considered again, that God had given them over for their vnbeliefes sake, into most deep errors & blindness of soul. Agayne, he perceived hereby, that their uttermost malice was purposed against him, howsoever he should answer. And therefore he put his life into the hands of God, desiring his only spirit to assiste him in his next answer. When the said xxv. day of September was come (which was also the Monday before Michaelmas) in the said year of our Lord, 1413. Thomas Arundell the Archbishop of Canterbury commanded his indiciall seat to be removed from y ^t chapter house of Paul's to the Dominic Friers within Ludgate at Londō. And as he was there set with Richard Bishop of London: Hēnry the Bishop of Winchester: and Bennet the Bishop of Bangor: He called in unto him his counsel & his officers, with diverse other Doctors and Friars, of whom these are the names here following, master Henry ware, y ^e Officiall of Canterbury: Phillip Morgan, Doctor of both laws: Howell Kiffin, Doctor of the Canon law. John Kempe, Doctor of the Canon law. Williā Carleton, Doctor of the Canon law. John Witnā, of the new College in Oxford. John Wighthead, Doctor in Oxford also, Rob. Woēbewel, Vicare of S. Laurence in the Jewry, Thomas Palmer, the Warden of Minors, Robert Chamberlayne, Prior of the Dominickes, Richard Dodington, Prior of the Augustine's. Thomas Walden: Prior of the Carmelites, all Doctors of Divinity. John Stephens also, and James Cole, both Notaryes, appointed there purposely to write all that should be either said or done. All these with a great sort more of Priests, Monks, Canons, Friers, Parishe Clerks, belryngers, Pardoners, disdained him, with innumerable mocks & scorns, reconing him to be an horrible heretic, and a man accussed afore God.

Anone the Archbishop called for a mass book, & caused all those Prelates and Doctors to swear there upon, that every man should faithfully do his office and duty that day. And that neither for favor nor fear, love nor hate of the one party nor the other: anything should there be witnessed, spoken or done, but according to the truth, as they would answer before God & all the world at the day of dome. Then were the two foresaid Notaryes sworn also, to write and to witness the process that there should be uttered on both parties, and to say their minds (if they otherwise knew) before they should register it. And all this dissimulation was but to color their mischiefs, before the ignorant multitude.

Consider herein (gentle reader) what this wicked generation is, and how far wide from the just fear of God for as they were then, so are they yet to this day.

After that, came forth before them Syr Robert Morley Knight and lieftenant of the Tower, and he brought with him y ^• good Lord Cobhā, there leaving him among them as a Lamb among wolves, to his examination and answer.

* An other examination of the Lord Cobham.

THen said the archbishop unto him: Lord Cobham ye be advised (I am sure) of the words & process which we had unto you upon Saturday last past in the chapterhouse of Paul's: which process were now to long to be rehearsed again? I said unto you then, that ye were accursed for your contumacy & disobedience to holy Church thinking that ye should with meekness have desired your absolution.

Then spake the Lord Cobham with a cheerful countenance, and said. God said by his holy Prophet, Maledicam benedictionibus vestris, which is as much to say as I shall curse where you bless.

The archbishop made then as though he had continued forth his tale and not heard him, saying: Sir, at that time I gently proffered to have assoiled you if ye would have asked it. And yet I do the same if ye will humbly desire it in due form and manner, as holy church hath ordained.

Then said the Lord Cobham. May forsooth will I not for I never yet trespassed against you, and therefore I will not do it. And with that he kneeled down on the pavement, holding up his hands to wards heaven, and said, I shriue me here unto thee my eternal living God, that in my frail youth I offended thee (Lord) most grievously in pride, wrath, and gluttony: in covetousness, and in lechery. Many men have I hurt in mine anger, and done many other horrible sins, good Lord I ask thee mercy. And therewith weepingly he stood up again and said with a mighty voice. Loe, good people, loe. For the breaking of God's law and his great commandments, they never yet cursed me. But for their own laws and traditions, most cruelly do they handle both me and other mē. And therefore, both they and their laws, by the promise of God, shall utterly be destroyed.

At this the archbishop and his company were not a little blemished. Nothwithstanding, he took stomach unto him again after certain words, had in excuse of their tyranny, and examined the Lord Cobham of his Christian believe.

Whereunto the Lord Cobham made this godly answer. I believe (saith he) fully and faithfully the universal laws of God. I believe that all is true which is contained in the holy sacred scriptures of the Bible. Finally I believe, all that my Lord God would I should believe. Then demanded the Archbishop an answer of that Bill which he and the Clergy had sent him into the Tower the day afore, in manner of a determination of the Church concerning the four Articles whereof he was accused, specially for the Sacrament of the altar, howe he believed therein.

Whereunto the Lord Cobham said, that with that bill he had nothing to do. But this was his belief (he said) concerning the sacrament. That his Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, sitting at his last supper with his most dear disciples, the night before he should suffer, took bread in his hand. And giving thanks to his eternal father, blessed it, brake it, and so gave it unto them, saying: Take it unto you, and eat thereof all, this is my body which shall be betrayed for you: Do this hereafter in my remembrance. This do I thoroughly believe (saith he) for this saith am I taught of the Gospel in Matthew, in Mark, and in Luke, and also in the first Epistle of S. Paul to the Corinthians. chap. 11.

Then asked the Archbishop, if he believed that it were bread after the consecration or sacramental words spoken over it.

The Lord Cobham said. I believe that in the sacrament of the altar is Christ's very body in form of bread, the same that was borne of y ^t virgin Mary, done on the cross, dead, and buried: and that the third day arose from death to life, which now is glorified in heaven.

Then said one of the Doctors of the law. After the sacramental words be uttered: there remaineth no bread, but only the body of Christ.

The Lord Cobham said then to one Master John whitehead: You said once unto me in the castle of Couling, that the sacred host was not Christ's body. But I held then against you, and proved that therein was his body, though the seculars and Friers could not therein agree but held ech one against other in that opinion. These wer my words then, if ye remember it.

Then shouted a sort of them together and cried with great noise. We say all that it is God's body.

And diverse of them asked him in great anger, whether it were material bread after the consecration or not?

Then looked the L. Cobham, earnestly upon the archbishop, and said: I believe surely that it is Christ's body in form of bread. Syr believe not you thus?

And the archbishop said, yes mary do I?

Then asked him the Doctors, whether it were only Christ's body after the consecration of a Priest, and nobody or not?

And he said unto them, it is both Christ's body and bread I shall prove it as thus. For like as Christ dwelling here upon y ^t earth, had in him both Godhead & manhood, and had the invisible Godhead covered under that manhood, which was only visible and seen in him: So in the sacrament of the alter, is Christ's very body and bread also, as I believe the bread is the thing, that we see with our eyes, the body of Christ (which is his flesh & his blood) is there under hyd and not seen, but in faith.

And moreover, to prove that it is both Christ's body and also bread after the consecration, it is by plain words expressed by one of your own Doctors writing again Eutiches, which faith: Like as the self same Sacraments, do pass by the operation of the holy Ghost, into a Divine nature: and yet notwithstanding keep the property still of their former nature: so, that principal mistery declareth to remain, one true, and perfect Christ. &c.

Then smiled they eache one upon other, that the people should judge him taken in a great heresy. And with a great brag diverse of them said. It is a foul heresy.

Then asked the Archbishop what bread it was? And the Doctors also inquired of him whether it were material or not?

The Lord Cobham said unto thē. The scriptures maketh no mention of this word material, and therefore my faith hath nothing to do therewith. But this I say and believe, that it is Christ's body and bread. For Christ said in the vi. of John's Gospel. Ego sum panis viuus, qui de coelo descendi. I which came down from heaven, am the living and not the dead bread. Therefore I say now again as I said afore, as our Lord Jesus Christ is very God and very man: so in the most blessed sacrament of the altar, is Christ's very body and bread.

Then said they all with one voice. It is an heresy.

One of the Bishops stood▪ up by and by, and said. What? it is an heresy manifest, to say that it is bread after the Sacramental words be once spoken, but Christ's body only.

The Lord Cobham said: S. Paul the Apostle was (I am sure) as wise as you be now, and more gladly learned. And he called it bread, writing to the Corinthians. The bread that we break, saith he, is it not the partakyng of the body of Christ? Lo, he called it bread and not Christ's body, but a mean whereby we receive Christ's body.

Then said they again. Paul must be otherwise understand. For it is sure on heresy to say that it is bread after the consecration, but only Christ's body.

The Lord Cobham asked, how they could make good that sentence of theirs?

They answered him thus. For it is against the determination of holy Church.

Then said the archbishop unto him. Syr John, we sent you a writing concerning the faith of this blessed Sacrament, clearly determined by the church of Rome our mother, and by the holy Doctors.

Then he said again unto him. I know none holier then is Christ and his Apostles. And as for that determination I wore, it is none of theirs: for it standeth not with the scriptures, but manifestly against them. If it be the Churches, as ye say it is, it hath been hers only since she received the great poison of worldly possessions, and not afore.

Then asked they him, to stop his mouth therewith. If he believed not in the determination of the Church?

And he said unto them. No forsooth, for it is no God. In all our Creed, this word ( in ) is but thrice mentioned concerning believe. In God the father, in God the son, in in God the holy Ghost three persons and one God. The birth, the death, the burial, the resurrection and ascension of Christ, hath none ( in ) for believe, but in him. Neither yet hath the Church, the sacraments, the forgiveness of sin, the latter resurrection, nor yet the life everlasting nor any other ( in ) then in the holy ghost.

Then said one of the Lawyers. Such, that was but a word of office. But what is your belief concerning holy Church?

The Lord Cobham answered. My belief is: (as I said afore) that all the scriptures of the sacred Bible are true. All y ^• is grounded upon them I believe thoroughly. For I know, it is God's pleasure that I should so do. But in your Lordly laws and idle determinations, have I no belief. For ye be no part of Christ's holy church, as your open deeds doth show: But ye are very Antichrists, obstinately set against his holy law and will. The laws that ye have made, are nothing to his glory, but only for your vain glory and abhominable covetousness.

This they said, was an exceeding heresy (and that in a great fume) not to believe the determination of holy Church.

Then the Archbishop asked him, what he thought of holy Church.

He said unto him my belief is, that the holy Church is the number of them, which shall be saved, of whō Christ is the head. Of this church, one part is in heaven with Christ, another in purgatory (you say) and the third is here in earth. This latter part standeth in three degrees in knighthoode, priesthood, and the communaltie, as I said afore plainly in the confession of my belief.

Then said the Archbishop unto him. Can you tell me who is of this church?

The Lord Cobham answered: Yea truly can I.

Then said Doctor walden the Prior of the Carmelits It is no doubt unto you who is thereof. For Christ saith in Matthew Nolite iudicare, presume to judge no man. If ye be here forbidden the judgment of your neighboure or brother, much more the judgment of your superior.

The Lord Cobham made him this answer: Christ saith also in the self same chapter of Matthew, that like as the evil tree is known by his fruit, so is a false Prophet by his works, appear they never so glorious: But that ye left behind ye. And in John he hath this text: Operibus credit, belecue you the outward doings. And in another place of John: Iustum iudicium iudicate, when we know the thing to be true, we may so judge it, and not offend. For David said also: Recte iudicate filij hominum. Judge rightly always ye children of men. And as for your superiority were ye of Christ, ye should be meek ministers, and no proud superiors.

Then said Doctor walden unto him, ye make here no difference of judgments. Ye put no diversity between y ^• evil judgments, which Christ had forbidden, and the good judgments, which he hath commanded us to have. Rash judgment, and right judgment, all is one with you. So swift judges always are the learned scholars of Wicklisse.

Unto whom the Lord Cobham thus answered: It is well sophistred of you, forsooth. Preposterous are your judgments evermore. For as the Prophet Isaiah saith, ye judge evil, good, and good, evil. And therefore the same prophet concludeth, that your ways are not God's ways nor God's ways your ways. And as for that virtuous man wicklisse, whose judgments ye so highly disdain: I shall say here of my part, both before God and man, that before I knew that despised doctrine of his, I never abstained from sin. But since I learned therein to fear my Lord GOD, it hath otherwise I trust, been with me: so much grace could I never find in all your glorious instructions.

Then said Doctor Walden again, yet unto him: It were not well with me (so many virtuous men living, & so many learned men teaching the scripture, being also so open, and the examples of fathers so plenteous) If I thē had no grace to amend my life, till I heard the devil preach S. Jerome saith, that he which seeketh such suspected Maysters, shall not find the midday light, but the midday devil.

The Lord Cobham said: Your fathers the old Pharisees, ascribed Christ's miracles to Belzebub, and his doctrine to the devil. And you as their natural children, have still the self same judgment, concerning his faithful followers. They that rebuke your vicious living must needs be heretics, and that must your doctors prove, whē you have no scripture to do it. Then said he to them all: To judge you as you be, we need no further go, then to your own proper acts. Where do ye find in all God's law, that ye should thus sit in judgment of any Christian men, or yet give sentence upon any other man unto death as ye do here daily? No ground have ye in all the Scriptures so Lordly to take it upon you, but in Annas and Caiaphas, which sat thus upon Christ, and upon his Apostles after his ascension. Of them only have ye taken it to judge Christ's members as ye do, and neither of Peter nor John.

Then said some of the Lawyers: yes forsooth syr, for Christ judged Judas.

The Lord Cobham said: No, Christ judged him not, but he judged himself, and thereupon went forth, & so did hange himself: But in deed Christ said, woe unto him, for that couerous act of his, as he doth yet still unto many of you. For since the venune of him was shed into y ^e church ye never followed Christ: neither yet have ye stand in the perfection of God's law.

Then the Archbishop asked him, what he meant by that venune?

The Lord Cobham said: your possessions and Lordeships. For then cried an angel in the air (as your own Chronicles mentioneth) woe, woe, woe, this day is veuime shed into the church of God. Before that time, all the Bishops of Rome were martyrs in a manner. And since that time, we read of very few. But in deed since y ^t same time, one hath put down another, one hath poisoned another, one hath cursed another, and one hath slain another, and done much more mischief besides, as all the Chronicles telleth. And let all men consider well this, that Christ was meek, and merciful. The pope is proud, and a tyrant. Christ was poor and forgave. The pope is riche and a malicious manslear, as his daily acts do prove him. Rome is the very nest of Antichrist, and out of that nest cometh all the disciples of him. Of whom Prelates, Priests, and Monks, are the body, and these pud Friers are the tail which covereth his most filthy part.

Then said the Prior of the Friars Augustine's: Alacke sir, why do you say so? That is uncharitably spoken.

And the Lord Cobham said. Not only is it my saying but also the Prophet Isaiah’s, long afore my time. The prophet saith he, which preacheth lies, is the tail behind. For as you Friars and monks be (like Pharisees) divided in your outward apparel and usages, to make ye division among the people. And thus, you with such other, are y ^e very natural members of Antichrist.

Then said he unto them all: Christ saith in his Gosspell. Woe unto you Scribes and Pharisees, Hipocrites. For ye close up the kingdom of heaven before men. Neither enter ye in yourselves, nor yet suffer any other y ^t would enter into it. But ye stop up the ways therūto with your own traditions, and therefore are ye the household of Antichrist: ye will not permit God's verity to have passage, nor yet to be taught of his true ministers, fearing to have your wickedness reproved. But by such flatterers as uphold you in your mischiefs, ye suffer the common people most miserably to be seduced.

Then said the archbishop. By our Lady syr, there shall none such preach within my diocese (and God will) nor yet in my jurisdiction (if I may know it) as either maketh division or yet dissention among the poor commons.

The Lord Cobham said. Both Christ and his Apostles were accused of sedition making, yet were they moste peaceable men. Both Daniel and Christ prophesied that such a troublous time should come, as hath not been yet since the worlds beginning. And this prophecy is partly fulfilled in your days and doings. For many have ye slain already, and more will ye ssay hereafter, if God fulfil not his promise. Christ saith also, if those days of yours were not shortened, scarcely should any flesh be saved. Therefore look for it justly, for God will shorten youre days. Moreover, though Priests and deacons for preaching of God's word, and for ministering the sacraments, with provision for the poor: be grounded on God's law: yet have these other sects no manner of ground hereof, so far as I have read.

Then a Doctor of law, called master John Kempe, plucked out of his bosom a copy of the bill which they had afore sent him into the tower, by the Archbishops counsel, thinking thereby to make shorter work with him. For they were so amazed with his answers (not all unlike to them which disputed with Stephen) that they knew not well how to occupy the time, their wits and sophistry (as God would) so failed them that day.

My Lord Cobham (saith this Doctor) we must briefly know your mind concerning these four points here following. The rest of them is this. And then he read vpō the bill: The faith and determination of holy church touching the blessed sacrament of the altar is this. That after the sacramental words be once spoken of a Priest in his mass: the material bread that was before bread, is turned to Christ's very body. And the material wine is turned into Christ's blood. And so there remaineth in the sacrament of the altar from thenceforth no material bread nor material wine which were there before the sacramental words were spoken. Sir believe ye not this?

The Lord Cobham said: This is normy belief. But my faith is (as I said to you afore) that in the worshipful sacrament of the altar, is Christ's very body in form of bread.

Then said the archbishop: sir John ye must say otherwise.

The Lord Cobham said: Nay, that I shall not, if God be upon my side (as I trust he is) but that there is Christ's body in form of bread, as the common belief is.

Then read the doctor again.

The second point is this. Holy Church hath determined that every Christian mā living here bodily vpō earth ought to be shriven of a priest ordained by the church, if he may come to him: syr what say you to this?

The Lord Cobham answered and said: A diseased or sore wounded man, hath need to have a sure wise Chirurgian and a true, knowing both the ground and the danger of the same. Most necessary were it therefore to be first shriven unto God which only knoweth our diseases and can help us. I deny not in this the going to a priest, if he be a man of good life and learning. For the laws of God are to be required of the priest, which is godly learned. But if he be an idiote or a man of vicious living that is my curate, I ought rather to flee from him then to seek unto him: For sooner might I catch evil of him that is naught then any goodness towards my souls health.

Then read the doctor again.

The third point is this, Christ ordained S. Peter the Apostle to be his vicar here in earth whose sea is y ^e church of Rome. And he granted that the same power which he gave unto Peter, should succeed to all Peters successors which we call now popes of Rome. By whose special power in churches particular, be ordained Prelates & archbishops, parsons, Curates, and other degrees more. Unto whom Christian men ought to obey after the laws of the Church of Rome. This is the determination of holy Church. Sir believe ye not this?

To this he answered and said: He that followeth Peter most nighest in pure living, is next unto him in succession. But your Lordly order esteemeth not greatly y ^e lowly behavior of poor Peter, whatsoever ye prate of him. Neither care ye greatly for the humble manners of them that succeeded him, till the time of Sylvester, which for the more part were martyrs, as I told you afore. Ye can let all their good conditions go by you, and not hurt yourselves with them at all. All the world knoweth this well enough by you and yet ye can make boast of Peter.

With that one of the other doctors asked him: thē what do ye say of the Pope?

The Lord Cobham answered. As I said before. He & you together maketh whole the great Antichrist. Of whō he is y ^e great head you bishops, priests, prelates, & monks are the body: and the begging friers are the tail, for they cover y ^e filthiness of you both, with their subtle sophistry, Neither will I in conscience obey any of you all, till I see you with Peter follow Christ in conversation.

Then read the doctor again.

The 4. point is this. Holy Church hath determined that it is meritorious to a Christian man, and to go on pilgrimage to holy places. And there specially to worship the holy relics and images of saints, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors and all other saints besides, approved by y ^t Church of Rome. Sir what say ye to this?

Wherunto he 〈◊〉 . I owe them no service by any commandment of god: and therefore I mind not to seek them for your covetousness. It were best ye swepte them fair from copwebs and dust, and so laid them up for catching of scathe. Or else to bury them fair in y ^t ground as ye do other aged people which are God's Images.

It is a wonderful thing, that saints now being dead should become so covetous and needy, and thereupon so bitterly beg: which all the life time hated all covetousness, and begging. But this I say unto you, and I would all y ^t world should mark it. That with your shrines and Idols your feigned absolutions and pardons, ye draw unto you the substance, wealth and chief pleasures of all christen realms.

Why sir (said one of the clerks) will ye not worship good images?

What worship should I give unto them? said the Lord Cobham.

Then said Frier Palmer unto him. Sir will ye worship the cross of Christ, that he died upon?

Where is it, said the Lord Cobham?

The Frier said, I put you the case sir, that it were here even now before you?

The Lord Cobham answered. This is a great wise man, to put me an earnest question of a thing, and yet he himself knoweth not where the thing it self is. Yet once again I ask you what worship I should do unto it?

A clerk said unto him. Such worship as Paul speaketh of: and that is this. God forbid that I should joy, but only in the cross of Jesus Christ.

Then said the Lord Cobham, and spread his arms abroad. This is a very cross, yea, and so much better then your Cross of wood, in that it was created of God. Yet will not I seek to have it worshipped.

Then said the bishop of London. Sir, ye wote well that he died on a material cross?

The Lord Cobham said. and I wote also that our salvation came not in by that material cross, but alone by him which died thereupon. And well I wote that holy S. Paul rejoiced in none other cross, but in Christ's passion and death only, and in his own sufferings of like persecution with him, for the same self verity that he had suffered for afore:

An other clerk yet asked him. Will ye then do none honor to the holy cross?

He answered him. Yes, if he were mine own I would lay him up honestly, and see unto him that he should take no more scath abroad, nor be robbed of his goods as he is now a days.

Then said the Archbish. unto him. Sir John, ye have spoken here many wonderful words to the slanderous rebuke of the whole spiritualty, giving a great evil example unto the common fort here, to have us in the more disdain. Much time have we spent here about you, and all in vain so far as I can see. Well, we must now be at this short point with you, for the day passeth away: Ye must otherwise submit yourself to the ordinance of holy church or else throw yourself (no remedy) into most deep danger. See to it in time, for anon it will be else to late.

The Lord Cobham said: I know not to what purpose I should otherwise submit me. Muche more have you offended me, then ever I offended you, in thus troubling me before this multitude.

Then said the archbishop again unto him, we once again require to remember yourself well, & to have none other manner opinion in these matters, then the universal faith, and belief of the holy church of Rome is. And so like obedient child return again to the unity of your mother. See to it I say in time, for yet ye may have remedy, where as anon it will be to late.

The Lord Cobham said expressly before them all. I will none otherwise believe in these points, then that I have told ye here afore. Do with me what ye will.

Finally then the archbishop said, well, then I see none other but we must needs do the law: we must proceed forth to the sentence dissinitiue, and both judge you, & condemn you for an heretic.

And with that, the Archb. stood up, and read there a bill of his condemnation, all the clergy and laity vayling their boners. And this was the tenor thereof.

This abjuration never came to the hands of the Lord Cobham, neither was it compiled of them for that purpose, but only therewith to blear the eyes of the unlearned multitude for a time. After the which like fetch and subtle practice, was also devised the recantatiō of the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, to stop for a time the people's mouths. Which subtly in like manner was also practiced with the false recantatiō of Bishop • oper, and diverse other, as in their places hereafter (Christ granting) shall be shown.

And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of sir John Oldcastle Lord Cobham, with all the circumstances of the true time, place, occasion, causes, and order belonging to the same. Wherein I trust I have sufficiently satisfied all the parties, requisite to a faithful history, without corruption. For the confirmation whereof, to the intent the mind also of the wrangling caviller may be satisfied, & to stop the mouth of the adversary (which I see in all places to be ready to bark) I have therefore of purpose anexed with all my ground & foundation taken out of the Archines and Registers of the Archb. of Cant, Ex epist. Thom. Arund. ad Rich. Lond. Whereby may appear, the manifest error both of Polydorus and of Edward Hall, who being deceived in the right distinction of the times, assign this citation and examination of the Lord Cobham, to be after the council of Constance: when as Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Canterbury at the council of Constance was not alive. The copy and testimony of his own letter, shall declare the same, written and sent to the bishop of London in form as followeth.

Thus have you here the judicial process of the bishops against this most noble christen knight, described by their own letters and style. After all this, the sentence of death being given, the Lord Cobham was sent away, Syr Robert Morley carrying him again unto the Tower, where as after he had remained a certain space, in the night season, (it is not known by what means) he escaped out and fled into Wales, where as he continued by the space of 4. years.

To proceed after this deadly sentence, was thus awarded against him, the said Lord Cobhā was thē returneth again unto the tower, which he with patience and meekness did also obey: from the which tower if he afterward by the Lord's providence did escape, whether hath Alanus Copus, herein more to praise God for offering to him the benefit, or to blame the man for taking that which was offered. What Catholic in all Louen having his house over his head on fire, will not be glad to have if he might, y ^e door set open to flee the peril'? or else why did Alanus Copus fly his country having so little need, if this mā, bleding almost under the butchers are, might not enjoy so great an offer of so lucky deliverance?

Thus hitherto I trust, the cause of the Lord Cobham, standeth firm and strong against all danger of just reprehension. Who being (as ye have heard) so faithful and obedient to God: so submiss to his king: so sound in his doctrine: so constant in his cause: so afflicted for the truth: so ready & prepared to death: as we have sufficiently declared not out of uncertain & doubtful chronicles, but out of the true originals & instruments remaining in ancient records: What lacketh now, or what should let to the contrary, but that he declaring himself such a martyr, that is a witness to the verity (for the which also at last he suffered y ^• fire) may therefore worthily be exorned with y ^e title of a martir which is in Greek as much as a witness bearer.

But here now steppeth in Dame 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , with her cosē scold Alecto. &c. who neither learning to hold her coūg nor yet to speak well, must needs find here a knot in a rush and beginning now to quarrel inferreth thus: But after (saith he) that the Lord Cobham was escaped out of the tower, his fellows and confederates conuēted themselves together, seditously against y ^• king & against their country: A great crime no doubt M. Cope, if it be true, so if it be not true, the greter blame returneth unto yourself, so to enter this action of such slander, unless the ground wherupō ye stand, be sure. First what fellows of y ^e L. Cobhā were these you mean of? Sir Roger Acton ye say, master Brown & John Beuerley, with 36. other hanged and burned in the said field of S. Biles. A marvelous matter, y ^• such a great multitude of 20000. specified in story, should rise against y ^• king, & yet but 3. persons only known and named. Thē to proceed further, I would ask of master Cope what was the end of this conspiracy, to rebel against the king, to destroy their country, and to subvert the Christian faith, for so purporteth the story. As like true the one as the other. For even as it is like, that they being Turks went about to destroy the faith of Christ wherein they died, and to subvert their country wherein they were bred: even so like it is that they went about to destroy the king, whom God and their conscience taught to obey.

Yet further proceedeth this fumish promoter in his accusation, & saith moreover: that these foresaid fellows and adherents of the Lord Cobham, were in the field assembled and there encamped in a great number against the king & how is this proved? by Robert Fabian which appeareth to be as true, as that which in the said Robert Fabian followeth, in the same place where he affirmeth that Io. Cledon, and Richard Turmin, were burnt in the same yere, being 1413. When in deed by the true Registers, they were not burnt before the yere of our lord, 1415. But what will master Cope say, if the original copy of the inditemēt of these pretensed conspirators do testify, that they were not there assembled or present in the field as your accusation pretendeth? But they purposed (will you say) and intended to come. The purpose and intent of a man's mind is hard for you and me to judge, where as no fact appeareth. But give their intent was so to come: yet might they not come to those thickets near to the field of Saint Biles, having Beuerley their Preacher with them (as ye say, yourself) as well to pray & to preach in that woody place, as well as to fight? Is this such a strange thing in y ^e church of Christ, in time of persecution, for Christians to resort into desolate woods, and secrete thickets, from the sight of enemies, when they would assemble in praying and hearing the word of God? In Queen Mary's time was not the same color of treason objected against George Egle and other moe, for frequenting and using into backsides and fields, and suffered for that, whereof he was innocent & guiltless? Did not Adam Damlipe die in like case of treason, for having a French crown given him, at his departure out of Rome, by Cardinal Poole? What cannot cankered calumnia inuēt, when she is disposed to cavil? It was not the Cardinals crown that made him a traitor, but it was the hatred of his preaching, that stirred up the accuser.

In France what assemblies have there been in late years of good and innocent Christians, congregating together in backfieldes & couertes in great routes to hear the preaching of God's holy word, & to pray: yea and not without their weapon also, for their own safeguard, & yet never intended nor minded any rebelliō against their king. Wherefore, in cases of Religion it may & doth hap̄ many times that such congregations may meet without intent of any treason meant. But howsoever the intent and purpose was of these fore said cōfederats of the Lord Cobham, whether to come, or what to do (seeing this is plain by records, as is aforesaid, that they were not yet come unto y ^e place (how will M. Cope now justify his words, so confidently affirming, that they were there assembled seditiously together in the field of S. Biles against the king? And mark here I beseech thee (gentle Reader) how unlikely and vntidely the points of this tale are tide and hang together (I will not say without all substance or truth, but without all fashion of a cleanly lie) wherein these accusers in this matter seem to me, to lack some part of Siuons Art, in conueiing their narration so vnartificiallye. First (say they) the king was come first with his garrison, unto the field of S. Biles. And then after the king was there encamped, consequently the fellows of the Lord Cobham (the Captayne being away) came & were assembled in the said field where the king was, against the king: & yet not knowing of the king, to the number of xx. thousand: and yet never a stroke in that field given. And furthermore of all this xx. thousand aforesaid, never a man's name known, but only three, to wit, sir Roger Acton, sir John Brown, and John Beuerley, a preacher. How this gear is clamperd together let the reader judge, and believe as he seeth cause.

But give all this to be true, although by no demonstration it can be proved, yet by the Popes dispensation (which in this earth is almost omnipotent) be it granted: that after the king had take S. Biles field before, the companions of the Lord Cobham afterward coming and assembling in the thickets near to the said field, to fight seditiously against the king, against their country, & against the faith of Christ, to the mumber of xx. thousand, where no stroke being given, so many were takē, that all y ^e prisons of London were full, and yet never a man's name known of all this multitude, but only three: All this I say, being imagined to be true, the followeth to be demanded of M. Cope, whether the Lord Cobham was here present with this company in the field, or not? Not, in person (saith Cope) but with his mind and with his counsel he was present, and addeth this reason, saying: And therefore he being brought again, after his escape, was conuice both of treason and heresy, & therefore sustaining a double punishment was both hanged and burnt for the same. &c. And how is all this proved? By Robert Fabian, he saith, whereunto briefly I answer, that Rob. Fabian in that place maketh no such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either in mind or in counsel. His words be these: That certain adherents of Sir John Oldcastle assembled in the field near to S. Biles, in great number: of whom was sir Roger Acton, sir John Brown, and John Beuerley. The which with 36. mo in number were after convict of heresy and treason and for the same were hanged and burnt, w ^e in the said field of S. Byles. &c. Thus much in Fabian touching the commotion & condemnation of these mē: but that the Lord Cobham, was there present with thē inany parte, either of consent or counsel, as Alanus Copus Anglus pretendeth, that is not found in Fabian, but is added of his liberal cornu copiae, whereof he is so copious and plentiful, that he may keep an open shop of such vnwrittē vntruethes, which he may aforde very good cheap I think, being such a plentiful artificer.

But here will be objected against me the words of the statute made the seconde year of king Henry the fifth whereupon this adversary triumphing with no little glory 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , thinketh himself to have double vauntage against me: first in prouinge these foresaid complices & adherents of the Lord Cobham, to have made insurrection against the king, and so to be traitors. Secondly, in conuicting that to be untrue, where as in my former book of Acts and Monumentes I do report: how that after the death of sir Roger Acton of Brown, & Beuerley, a Parliament was holden at Leicester, where a statute was made to this effect: that all and singular, such as wer of Wycliffe's learning, if they would not give over (as in case of felony and other trespasses, loosing all their goods to the king) should suffer death in two manner of kinds, that is, they should first be hanged for treasō against the king, and then be burned for heresy against God. &c.

Wherupon, remaineth now in examining this obiectiō and answering to the same, that I purge both them of treason, and myself of untruth, so far as truth and fidelity in God's cause shall assist me herein. Albeit in beginning first my history of Ecclesiastical matters, wherein I having nothing to do with abatement of causes judicial, but only following the simple narration of things done and executed: never suspected that ever any would be so captious with me, or so nise nosed, as to press me with such narrow points of the law, in trying and discussing every cause and matter so exactly, & straining (as ye would say) the bowels of the statute law so rigorously against me. Yet for so much as I am thereunto constrained now by this adversary, I will first lay open all the whole statute made y ^e second year of this foresaid Henry the fifth, after the death of the foresaid sir Roger Acton and his fellows, at the Parliament holden at Leycester. an. 1415. That done, I will note upon the words thereof, so as by the circumstances of the same may appear what is to be concluded, either for the defense of their innocencye, or for the accusation of this adversary. The tenor and purport of the statute here under ensueth.

Notes touching the statute prefixed.

Thus having recited the words of the statute, now let us consider the reasons & objections of this adversary, who grounding peradventure upon y ^e preface or preamble of this foresaid statute: will prove thereby the L. Cobham, and Sir Roger Acton, with the rest of their abettors, to have been traitors to their king and their country. Wherunto I answer, first in general, that although the face or preface prefixed before the statute, may show and declare y ^e cause & occasion original why the statute was made: yet the making of the statute importeth no necessary probatiō of the preface always to be true that goeth before, which being but a color to induce the making thereof: giveth no force material thereunto, nor is any necessary part of y ^e body of the said statute. But only adhereth as a declaration of the circumstance thereof, and sometime is clean omitted and differeth much from the substance of the same. For as statutes in civil policy most commonly do tend to a public end & are general: so prefaces before statutes, which most commonly declare the cause or beginning thereof, are private: and do stand only but vpō particular facts, which either of ill will & displeasure may be suggested, or by color may be exaggerated, or forfeare may be believed, at least suspected, as many suspicious do ofttimes rise in princes heads, through false surmises, & malicious complaints of certain evil disposed about them, whereby many cruel laws rising upon a false ground, are promulgate to y ^e ruin of much innocent blood. Example whereof we have not only in this present statute, an. 2. Reg. Hen. 5 but also in the like statute, commonly called the statute Ex officio vel de comburendo, made by this kings father and predecessor, an. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 5. In the preface of which bloody statute, is contained another like complaint of the Prelates & clergy, not so heinous, as also most shamefully false & untrue against the poor Lollards, as by the words of the complaint may appear, beginning: Excellentissimo & Gratiosis. principi, &c. Wherein, most falsely they slander and misreport the true servants of Christ to be Lollards, heretics, subuerters of the common wealth, destroiers of the Christian faith, enemies to all good laws, and to the Church of Christ. The words of which statute proceeding much after y ^e like course as doth this present statute, may easily bewray the untruth and false surmise thereof, if thou please (gentle reader) to mark and confer the words according as they are there to be read and seen, as followeth: Conuenticulas & confederationes faciunt, scholas tenent & exercent, libros conficiunt atque scribunt, populum nequiter instruunt & informant, & ad seditionem seu insurrectionem excitant, quantum possunt, & magnas dissentiones in populo faciunt, & alia diuersa enormia auditui horrenda in dies perpetrant, in fidei cathol. & ecclesiae subuersionem, diuinique cultus diminutionem, ac etiam destructionem status, iurium, & libertatum dictae ecclesiae Anglic. And after a few words: Ad omnem iuris, & rationis ordinem atque regimen, penitus destruendum, &c. He that is or shall be acquainted with old hytories, and with the usual practices of Satan the oldenemie of Christ, from the first beginning of the primitive Church unto this present time, shall see this to be no news, but a common and (as ye would say) a quotidian fever among Christ's children, to be vexed with false accusations, and cruel slanders.

Nemesion the Egyptian and true Martyr of Christ, was he not first accused to be a felon? And when that could not be proved, he was condemned at the same judgment for a Christiā: and therefore being cast into bands, was scourged, by the commandment of the President double to the other felons: & at length was burned with y ^e thieves, although he never was found thief nor felon vide page. 62.

Against Cyprian in like sort it was slanderously objected by Galenus Maximus proconsull: Quod diu sacrilega mente vixerit, & nephariae sibi conspirationis homines adiunxerit. That he had long continued with a mind full of sacrilege, and that he had gathered unto him men of wicked conspiracy, page. 69.

So Justinus martyr, what false and criminous accusations suffered he by Crescens? Cornelius Bishop of Rome and Martyr, was accused of Decius, quod ad Cyprianum literas daret contra remp i. That he wrote letters unto Cyprian against the common wealth vide page. 65.

To consider the laws and statutes, made by tyrants and Emperors in the first persecutions of the primative Church, against the innocent servants of Christ, and to compare the same with the laws and statutes in this latter persecution under Antichrist: A man shall find, that as they agreed all in like cruelty, so was there no great difference in false forging of pretensed causes and crimes devised. For as then, the Christians were wrongfully accused of the Gentiles for insurrections & rebellions against the Emperors and Empire, for being enemies to all mankind, for murdering of infants, for worshipping the sin (because they prayed toward the East) for worshipping also the head of an Ass, & divide pag. 54. 36. upon the rumors whereof, diverse and sundry laws and statutes were enacted, some engraven in brass, some otherwise wrote, against them: So in this foresaid statute. an. 2. Henr. cap. 5 also, an. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 15. and in such other statutes or indictments made and conceived against the Lolards: the case is not so strange but it may ceedibly be supposed, that the making thereof did rise rather vpō malice & hatred against their religion conceived, then upon any just cause ministered of their partes, whom they did wrongfully charge & accuse. Like as in time of Domitianus, for fear of David's stock, all the nephews of Jude the Lord's brother in flesh, were accused to the Emperor, page 48. And also the like fear & hatred stirred up other Emperors, and the Senate of Rome, to proceed with persecuting laws against the Christian flock of Christ. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 21. Whereupon, rose up those malicious slanders, false surmises, infamous lies, and wrongful accusations against the Christians: so that what crimes soever either malice could invent, or rash suspicion could minister, that was imputed against them, vide page 48.

Not unlike also it may seem, that the Pope with his Prelates fearing and misdoubting least the proceeding of the Gospel preached by these persons should overthrow the state of their majesty: Did therefore by sinister accusatious, inflame the harts of Princes against them, and under some color covert, to shadow their cloaked hatred, devised these and other like crimes which were not true, but which might cleanely serve their purpose.

This hitherto have I said as in a general sum answering to the preamble of the foresaid statute, for the defense of Sir John Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton, and other, not as de • ining precisely what was or was not (for here I may say with Haule, that as I was not present at the deed doing, so with him I may also leave the same at large.) But as one by trasing the footsteps of the truth, as by all conjectures hunting out in this matter, what is most like, would but only say my mind sine strepitu (as Lawyers say) & sine figura iudicij.

Now consequently it followeth, that we descend to the special points and particulars of the foresaid preamble: to consider what thereof may be collected, or necessarily is to be judged, either for prose or disprose, of this foresaid Sir John Oldcastle and his fellows.

And first, where the proheme of this statute beginneth with rumors, congregations, and insurrections, &c. As it is not like, that if these men had intended any forcible entrees or rebelliō against y ^e king, they would have made any rumors thereof before the deed done: so is it more credibly to be supposed, all these florishes of words to be but words of course, or of office, and to saver rather of the rāknes of the inditers pen, who disposed either per amplificationem rhetoricam to show his copy, or else per malitiam Papisticam, to aggravate y ^e crime. And to make mountains of mollhilles, first of rumors maketh congregations, & from congregations riseth up to insurrections: where as in all these rumors, congregations, & insurrections, yet never a blow was given, never a stroke was stricken, no blood spilled, no furniture nor instruments of war, no sign of battle, yea no express signification either of any rebellious word, or malicious fact described, neither in records, nor yet in any Chronicle. Again, if these rumors were words spoken against the king, as calling him a tirant, an usurper of the crown, the Prince of Priests, &c. why then be none of these words expressed in their indictments, or left in records? Doth M. Cope think for a man to be called a traitor, to be enough, to make him a traitor, unless some evident prose be brought for him to be so in deed, as he is called? Rumours (saith he) congregations, and insurrections were made. Rumours are uncertain: Congregations have been and may be among Christian men in dangerous times for good purposes, and no treason against their princes meant. The term of insurrections may be added 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by practice, or surmise of the Prelates and pen men, who to bring them the more in hatred of the king, might add this rather of their own gentleness, then of the others deserving. Certain it is and undoubted, that the Prelates in those days being so mightily inflamed against these Lollards, were not altogether behind for their parts, nor utterly idle in this matter, but practiced against them what they could, first to bring them into hatred, and then to death.

Examples of which kind of practice among the Popish Clergy, have not lacked neither before, nor since. Moreover, if these men had made such a rebellious insurrection against the king, as is pretended in the preample before this statute, which were a matter of high treason: How chanceth then, that the whole body of the statute following after the said preface or preamble, runneth in all the parts and branches thereof both in manner of arrest, of inditement, information, request, allowance of officers, cognizance of ordinaries, of the forefact, &c. upon cases of heresy and not of treason, as by particular tractation shall be (Christ willing) declared.

And for so much as these men be so grievously accused of Alanus Copus, for congregating & rising against their K. & the whole Realm, if I had so much laysure to defend, as he hath pleasure to defame: Here might be demanded of him, to keep him some further pley (touching this mighty insurrection, where as they came in mumber of xx. thousand against the king) in what order of battle ray they marched, what Captains, under Captains, and petty Captains they had to guide the wyngs, and to lead the army▪ whether they were horsemen, or footmen. If they were horsemen (as is pretensed) what meant they then to resort to the Thicketes near to S. Giles field, which was no meet place for horses to stir? If they were footmen: how standeth that with the author, which reporteth them to be horsemē? Moreover, is to be demanded, what insignes or flagges, what shot, what powder, what armor, weapons, and other furniture of war: also what treasure of money to wage so many, to y ^e mumber of xx. thousand, what trumpets, drommes, & other noise necessary for y ^e purpose they had. All these preparations for such an enterprise is requisite & necessary to be had. And peradventure, if truth were well sought, it would be found at length, that instead of armies and weapon, they were coming only with their books, and with Beuerlay their preacher, into those thickets. But as I was not there present at the fact (as is before said) so have I neither certeinely to define upon their case, nor yet M. Cope to exclame against them, unless peradventure he taking an occasion of the time, will thus argue against them: That because it was the hot month of January, the 2. day after the Epiphany, therefore it is like, that Sir John Oldcastle with xx. thousand Lollards. camped together in the fields in all the heat of the wether, to destroy the king and all the nobles, and to make himself Regent of England. And why not as well the King, as regent of England, seeing all the nobles should have been destroyed, & he only left alone to reign by himself?

It followeth more in the preamble of y ^e foresaid statute to adnull, destroy, and subvert the Christian faith, and the law of God, & holy Church, &c. He y ^t was the forger & inuēter of this report (as it appeareth to proceed frō the Prelates) seemeth no cunning Daedalus, nor half his crafts master in lying for the whetstone. Better he might have learned of Sinō in Uirgill, more artificially to have framed and conveyed his narration. Which although in no case could sound like any truth, yet some color of probability should have been set upon it, to give it some countenance of a like tale. As if he had first declared the L. Cobham to have been before in secret cōfederacie with the great Turk, or if he had made him some termagāt or Mahound out of Babylonia, or some Herod of Judea, or some Antichrist out of Rome, or some grandpanch Epicure of this world: and had shown, that he had received letters from the great Souldan, to fight against the faith of Christ and law of God, then had it appeared somewhat more credible, that the said Sir John Oldcastle with his sect of heresy, went about to adnull, destroy, and subvert the Christian faith, and law of God within the Realm of England, &c.

But now, where will either he or M. Cope find men so mad to believe, or so ingenious y ^t can imagine this to be true: that the Lord Cobham (being a Christian) and so faithful a Christiā, would or did ever cogitate in his mind to destroy and adnull the faith of Christ in the Realm of England? What soever the report of this pursuant or preface saith, I report me unto the indifferent Reader, how standeth this with any face of truth? That he which before through the reading of Wycliffe's works, had been so earnestly converted to the law of God, who had also approved himself such a faithful servant of Christ, that for the faith of Christ he being examined and tried before the Prelates, page. 553. not only ventred his life: but stood constant unto the sentence of death, defined against him: being a condemned and a dead man by law, Et qui, quantum ad eius deuotionem pertinet & timorem, passus sit, quicquid pati potuit, who had as much as to devotion and fear apperteined, suffered already what he might or could suffer, as Cyprian said by Cornelius. That he (I say) which a little before in the month of September, stood so constant in defense of Christ's faith, would now in the month of January rise to destroy, adnull, & subvert Christ's faith, and the law of God, and holy Church within the Realm of England?

How can it be not like only but possible to be true that he which never denied the faith: which ever confessed the faith so constantly, which was for the same faith condemned: yea and at last also burned for the faith, would ever fight against the faith, and law of God, to adnull and to subvert it? Let us proceed yet further, and see when that he should have to destroyed and adnulled the Christian faith and law of God in England, what faith or law then could he or did he intend to bring into the realm of England? The Turks faith? or the Jews faith? or the Popes faith? or what faith else, I pray you? For he that will be an enemy to the faith of Christ, and will show himself friend to no other faith beside, I accompt him not out of his right faith, but out of his right wits.

And therefore even as it is true, that sir John Oldcastle with his cōfederates & abertours were up in arms to subvert, and extinguish the faith of Christ and law of God in y ^e realm of England: so by the like truth it may be esteemed, that y ^e same persons rose also to destroy their sovereign Lord the king and his brethren. First thanks be to God, that neither the king, nor any of his brethren had any hurt by him. But his intent, saith the preface, was to destroy his sovereign Lord the king. Whereunto I answer, with this interrogatorie, whether his intent was privily to have destroyed him, or by opē force of arms? If privily, what needeth then such a great army of xx. thousand men to atcheue y ^e secret seat? Rather I would think, that he needed more the help of such as were near about the king: as some of the kings privy chamber, or some of his secret counsel: whereof, neither Chronicle nor record doth insinuate any mention. If his intent was openly to invade the king: You must understand (M. Cope) that to withstand a king in his own Realm, many things are required, long time, great preparation, many friends, great assistance, and aid of kindred, money, horse, men, armor, and all other things appertaining for the same.

Earl Godwin of Westfaxe, who had married Canutus daughter being a man both ambitious, and as false a traitor, for all his six sons, and great alliance, yet durst not set upon king Edward to invade him within his Realm, although he sought many occasions so to do, yet never durst enterprise openly, that which his ambition so greedely presumed unto, page 163.

In the time of King Henry the third, Simon Montford Earl of Gloucester, Gilbert Clare Earl of Leicester, Humfrey Rone Earl of Ferrence, with a great number of Lord's and Barons, thought themselves to have great right on their sides, yet durst not for all their power openly assail the King in his Realm, before great debatemēt and talk first had between, page 330.

Likewise what murmuring and grudging was in the realm against king Edward the second, among the peres and nobles and also prelates (only Walter Bishop of Coventry except) first for Gaueston, then for the Spensers, at what time Thomas Earl of Lancaster, Guido Earl of Warwike, with the most part of all other Earls and Barons concordly consenting together to the displacing first of Gaueston, then of the Spensers, yet neither rashly, nor without great fear durst stir up war in the land, or disquiet or vex the king, but first by all means of moderate counsel, and humble petition, thought rather to persuade, then to invade the king, page 308.

In like manner, and with like grudging minds, in the reign of King Richard. 2. Thomas Wodstocke Duke of Gloucester the kings uncle, with the Earls of Arundell, of Warwike, and Darby, with the power almost of the whole commons, stood up in arms against the king: And yet notwithstanding all their power joined together, being so great, and their cause seeming to them so reasonable, yet were they not so hardy, straightways to flee upon the king, but by way of Parliament thought to accomplish that which their purpose had conceived, and so did, without any war striking against the king, page. 513.

After King Richard. 2. was deposed, and was in prison yet living, diverse noble men were greatly inflamed against K. Henry the fourth, as Sir John Holland Earl of Huntingdon, Thomas Spenser Earl of Gloucester, y ^e Earls likewise of Kent, and of Salisbury, with sir John Cheney & other mo, whereof diverse had been Dukes before, & now deposed by King Henry. 4. although they had conceived in their harts great grudge and malice against the said King Henry: yet had they neither heart nor power openly with man's force to assail the king, but secretly were compelled to achieve their conceived intent, which notwithstanding they could not accomplish, Ex hist. D. Alban.

Thus, you see Master Cope, or else master Harpsfield, or whatsoever ye be, to gainstand a king, and with open force to encounter with him in his own land, and in his own chamber of London, where he is so sure and strong, what a matter of how great cheuance it is, wherein so many and so great difficulties do lie, the attempt so dangerous, the chances so uncertain, the furniture of so many things required, that fierce in any kings days heretofore, any peers or nobles of the Realm, were they never so strongly assisted with power, wit, or counsel, yet either were able, or else well durst ever enterprise upon the case so dangerous, notwithstanding were they never of themselves so far from all fear of God, and true obedience. And shall we then think, or cā we imagine (master Cope ) that Syr John Oldcastle, a man so well instructed in the knowledge of God's word, being but a poor Knight by his degree, having none of all the peers and nobles in all the world to join with him, being prisoner in the Tower of London a little before in the month of December, could now in the month of January, so suddenly, in such an hot season of the year, start up an army of xx. thousand fighting men to invade the king, to kill two Dukes his brethren, to adnulle Christian faith, to destroy God's law, and to subvert holy Church 〈◊〉 why doth not he add moreover, to set also all London on fire, and to turn all England into a fish pool? Beliue these men which give out these • igmentes of Syr John Oldcastle, did think him to be one of Deucations stock, who casting of stones over his shoulder, could by and by make men at his pleasure, or else that he had Cadmus teeth to sow, to make so many harnest men to start up at once.

But let us consider yet further of these xx. M. soldiers so suddenly without wages, without vital, or other provision cōgregated together, what they were, frō whence out of what quarter, country, or coūtreys they came. In another kings days, whensoever any rebelliō is against the king, moved by the commons, as when Jack Straw and wat Tyler of Kent, & Essex rose in the time of king Richard 2. When William Mandeuill of Abingdon, Jack Cade of Kent, in the time of king Henry the 6. In the time of king Henry the 8. when the commotion was of rebels in Lyncolnshyre, then in Yorkeshyre. When in king Edward the 6. time Humfrey Arundell in Deuonshyre, Captain Kyte in Norfolk made styre against y ^e king, the country & partes from whence these rebels did spring, were both noted and also diffaimed. In this so traiterous commotion therefore let us now learn, what mē these were, and from what country or countries in all England they came. If they came out of any, let the Chroniclers declare what countries they were. If they came out of none (as none is named) then let them come out of Outopia, where belike this • igment was first forged, and invented. Wherefore seeing neither the countries from whence they came, nor yet the names of any of all these xx. M. do appear what they were either in Chronicle or in record, but remain altogether unknown, I leave it (gentle reader) to thy judgment, to think thereupō, as thy wisdom shall lead thee.

It followeth more in the foresaid preface: And to destroy all other manner of estates, of the same Realm of England, as well spiritual as temporal, &c. By y ^e course of this preamble it appeareth, that the said sir John Oldcastle, was a wonderful cruel tirant and murderer, who being not yet satisfied with the blood of the king, nor of the two Dukes his brethren, would also make hauoke and swepestake, of all manner of estates in the Realm of England. What, & leave no manner of estate alive? No, neither Lord spiritual nor temporal, but altogether should be destroyed. And what had all these estates done, thus so miserably to be destroyed? Although percase the mood of this mā might have been incensed & kindled against the king, and the Lord's spiritual, by whom he had been condemned, as is aforesaid: yet why should all other manner of other estates both spiritual and temporal be killed? If none of all the estates in England, neither Duke, Earl, Baron, Lord, Knight or other gentleman had been his friend, but all his enemies, how then is it like, that he having all the estates, peers, nobles, and gentlemen of the Realm against him, and none to stand with him, either could or durst attempt any commotiō against the whole power of the land, he being but one gentleman only with sir Roger Acton, and master Brown left alone? At least, good reasō yet would, that those hundredth Knightes should have been spared out of this bloody slaughter, whom he offered to produce unto the king before, for his purgation, page. 159. And finally, if this was his purpose that all these estates both spiritual & temporal should have been cut down, what needed then that he should have made himself a Regent, when he might as well have made himself a king, or what else he would, being left then Prince alone?

The preamble as it began with untruth, and continued in the same figure, heaping one untruth upon another: so now endeth with another misreport as untrue as the rest, showing & declaring, the intent of sir John Oldcastle was also to destroy all manner of policy, & finally the laws of y ^e land, &c. We read of William Cōquerer, otherwise named William Bastard: who being a puisant Duke in his country, whē that the crown of England was allotted to him, and he coming over with all his peres, nobles, & barons of his whole land, into this Realm, & had with great difficulty obtained victory against king Harold: yet to alter and destroy the policy and the laws of the land: it passed his power. Insomuch that it had not been permitted unto him to have proceeded so far as he did, unless he had first sworn to the nobles of this lande, to retain still the laws of King Edward, as he found them. And albeit he afterward forswear himself, breaking his oath in altering and changing many of the foresaid laws, yet wild he, nild he, could not so destroy them all (for the which much war and great commotiōs endured long after in the Realm) but that he was constrained and also contented to allow and admit a great part of the said laws of king Edward, page. 167. And if he being king and Conqueror with all his strength of Normands and Englishmen about him, was too weak and insufficient to destroy all manner of policy, and laws of this land, which he had conquered: how much less then is it to be supposed, that Sir John Oldcastle being put a private subject, and a poor Knight, and a condemned prisoner, destitute and forsaken of all Lord's, Earls, and Barons, who to save his own life, had more to do, then he could well compass, would either take in hand, or conceive in his head any such exployt, after the subversion of Christian faith, and law of God, after the slaughter of the king, and of all manner of estates, as well spiritual as temporal, in the Realm of England, after the desolation of holy Church, to destroy also all manner of policy, and finally the laws of the land? Which monstrous and incredible figment, how true it may seem to M. Cope, or to some other late Chroniclers of the like credulity, I cannot tell: Certain to me, and as I think to all indifferent readers it appeareth as true, as is the Verse of the Satire, wherewith it may well be compared.

Nil intra est oleam, nil extra est in nuce duri.

But here will be said again perhaps, that the matter of such preambles and prefaces being but pursuantes of statutes, and containing but words of course, to aggreuate, and to give a show of a thing, which they would to seem more odible to the people, is not so precisely to be scande or exquisitely to be stand upon, as for the ground of a necessary case of truth.

This is it (M. Cope) that I said before, and now do well grant & admit the same, that such preambles or forefaces lyned with a non sequitur, containyng in them matter but of surmise, and words of course (and rather monsters out of course) and many times rising upon false informatiō, are not always in themselves material, or necessary probations in all pointes to be followed: as appeareth both by this statute, & also by the statute of this kings father. an. 2. Heur. 4. chap. 15. beginning Excellentissimo. &c. And yet notwithstanding out of these same preambles, & forefrontes of statutes, & other inditementes, which commonly rising vpō matter of informatiō, run only vpō words of course of office, and not vpō simple truth, a great part of our Chroniclers do often̄ take their matter, which they insert into their stories, having no respect or examination of circumstances to be compared, but only following bare rumors, or else such words as they see in such fablyng prefaces, or inditementes expressed. Whereby it cometh so to pass, that the younger Chronicler following the elder, as the blind leading the blind, both together fall into the pit of error. And you also (master Cope ) following the steppes of the same, do seem likewise to err together with them, for good felowshyp. And thus concerning the face of this statute hitherto sufficiently.

Now let us consider and discuss in like manner, first the coherence, then the particular contents of the said statute. As touching the which coherence, if it be well examined, a mā shall find almost a Chimera of it. In which neither the head accordeth with the body, nor yet the branches of the statute well agree with themselves. Wherein he that was the drawer, or first informer thereof, seemeth to have forgot his Verse and art Poetical.

For where as the preface of the statute standeth only upon matter of treason, conceived by false suggestion and wrong information. The body of the said statute which should follow vpō the same, runneth only vpō matter of heresy, pertaining to the Ordinaries, as by every braūche thereof may appear.

For first where he saith, at the instance & request of the ordinaries or their cōmissaries. &c. Hereby it appeareth, this to be no cause of treasō, nor felony. For that every man of duty is bound, and by the laws of the Realm may arrest & apprehend a traitor, or a felō, if he cā: where otherwise by this statute an officer is not bound to arrest him which offēdeath in case of this statute, without request made by the ordinaries or their commissaries, and therefore this offense seemeth neither to be treason, nor felony.

Secondly, where it followeth that the same ordinaries and commissaries do pay for their costs, &c. This allowance of the officers charges in this sort, proveth this offense neither treason nor felony.

Thirdly, where the statute willeth the king to be answered of the year, day, & wast, &c. By this also is proved the offense not to be treason. Or else in cases of treason, the whole inheritance (I trow, master Cope, speaking as no great skillful lawyer) is forfait to the prince.

The fourth argument I take out of these words of the statute, where as such lands and tenements which be holden of the ordinaries, are willed wholly to remain to the king as forfait, &c. whereby it is manifest, that the Prelates (for their matter of Lollardie only) were the occasioners and procurers of this statute: and therefore were barred of the benefit of any forfetrising thereby, as good reason was, they should. And thus it is notorious, that the preface running specially and principally upon treason, and the statute running altogether upon points of heresy, do not well cohere nor join together.

Fifthly, In that such persons indicted, shall be delivered unto the Ordinaries of the places, &c. It cannot be denied, but that this offense concerneth no manner of treason. For so much as Ordinaries cannot be judges in cases of treason, or felony, by the laws of our Realm, Bracton, in fine. 1. Libri.

Sixthly, by the indictments provided not to be taken in evidence, but only for information, before the Judges spiritual, &c. it is likewise to be noted: to what end these indictments were taken, to wit, only to inform the ordinaries, which cannot be in cases of treason.

Lastly, where it followeth toward the end of y ^t statute, touching escape or breaking of prison, &c. by this it may lightly be smelt, whereto all y ^e purpose of this statute driveth, that is, to the special escape of the L. Cobham out of y ^t Tower, to this end to have his lands & possessions forfait unto the King. And yet the same escape of the Lord Cobham in this statute considered, is taken by Master Justice Stanford in Lib. primo of the plees of the crown cap 33. to be an escape of one arrested for heresy, where he speaketh of the case of the Lord Cobham.

Moreover as touching the partes of this foresaid statute, how will you join these two branches together, where as in the former part is said, that the lands of such persons connict, shall be forfait to the king, not before they be dead: And afterward it followeth, that their goods and possessions shall be forfait at the day of their arrest, to that king. But herein standeth no such great doubt nor matter to be weied. This is without all doubt, and notoriously, evidently, and most manifestly may appear, by all the arguments and whole purport of the statute: that as well the preamble and preface thereof, as the whole body of the said statute was made, framed, & procured only by and through the instigation, information, and excitation of the Prelates, & the Popish Clergy, not so much for any treason committed against the king: but only for fear and hatred of Lollardy, tending against their law, which they more dreded & abhorred, then ever any treasō against the Prince. And then to set the king & all the states against them, whereby the more readily to work their dispatch, they thought it best and none so compendious a policy, as pretely to join treason together with their Lollardry. Wherein the poor men being once entangled, could no ways escape destruction. Papae concilium callidum.

This M. Cope, have I said, and say again, not as one absolutely determining upon the matter. At the dooyng whereof as I was not present myself, so with your own Halle, I may and do leave it at large, but as one leading the reader by all conjectures and arguments of probability and of due circumstances, to consider with themselves, what is further to be thought in these old accustomed practices and proceedings of these prelates. Protesting moreover (M. Cope) in this matter to you, that those Chroniclers which you so much ground upon, I take them in this matter, neither as witnesses sufficient, nor as Judges competent. Who as they were not themselves present at the deed done, no more then I, but only following uncertain rumors, and words of course and office, bringing with them no certain trial of that which they do affirm, may therein both be deceived themselves, and also deceive you, and other which depend upon them.

And hitherto concerning this statute enough. Out of which statute you see (M. Cope) that neither your Chroniclers, nor you can take any great advantage, to prove any treason in the Lord Cobham or in his fellows, as hath been hitherto abundantly declared in the premisses.

It remaineth further, that for as much as you in your fixed Dialogue with your author Edward Halle, do allege the records Et publica iudicij Acta, to dissame these men for traitors (although what records they be, you bring forth never a word) I therefore in their defense do answer for them, which cannot now answer for themselves. And because you, to accuse them do mention a certain record, and yet do not show us what record it is, and peradventure cannot, if ye would: I have taken the pains therefore, for the love of them whom you so hate, to search out such Recordes, whereby any occasion can be raised against them. And first will declare the commission granted, then the inditement commensed against them.

The which commission, and inditement, albeit in countenance of words will seem to minister much suspicion against them, to the simple Reader, before he be better acquainted with these subtle dealings and practices of Prelates: yet trusting upon the goodness of the cause, which I see here so falsely and slightly to be handled, I nothing fear nor doubt, to produce the same out of the Records in Latin as they stand: to the intent that when the crafty handling of the adversaries shall be disclosed, the true simplicity of the innocent, to the true hearted Reader, shall the more better appear. The words first of the Commission, here follow under written: which when thou shalt hear, let thē not trouble thy mind, gentle reader, I beseech thee, before thou understand further, what packing and subtle conveyance lieth covered and hid under the same.

By these high and tragical words in this commission sent down against the Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton, and their fellows: It may peradventure seem to the ignorant and simple reader, some heinous crime of treason to rest in them, for conspiring against God, the Church, the king & their country. But what cannot the fetchyng practice o • the Romish Prelates bring about, where they have once conceived a malice? Wherefore marvel not (good trader) at this, nor judge thou according to the words which thou hearest. But suspēd thy judgment a while, till the matter be more opened unto thee. Exāples of like h • ̄dling be not so rare, but y ^u mayest soon judge by other times the like also of these. George Egle, of whom mention was made before, did but preach in time of Queen Mary, an • yet cōmissiō was directed against him, as in case of raising up a commotion against y ^e Queen. Adā Damlip in Cahce did but preach, & y ^e receiving of one poor crown 2. years before at Rome was enough to make him a traitor▪ In the time of K▪ Henry y ^e 8▪ on • Singleton chaplein to Queen Anne, the Queens majesties mother that now is, did but preach 〈◊〉 Gospel, moved by zeal (as I have credible witness of his own, scholar that heard him speak it being w ^t him)▪ & ye • , by virtue of commission it was objected to him: for raising up commotion against the king, yea and also for killing of Pakington, & suffered for the same as a traitor. So here, what matter or marvel is it, if the king •• censed, or rather circumvented by the wrong information of the Prelates (whom he believed) gave out his commission, against things never wrought nor thought.

Wherefore I exhort thee (Christian Reader) as I said before, judge not by and by the truth, by the words of the Commissiō: but judge the words rather of the Commission by the truth. Neither measure thou the line by the stone: But the stone rather by the line. At least yet differ thy sentence, till both the Commission and the Inditemēt being laid together, thou mayest afterward see and perceive more, what is to be judged in the case.

In the mean season mark well these words of the king in this Commission, (A) Cum nos plenius inform • ur &c. By the which words it is easy to be understand, that the king himself had no certain knowledge thereof, but only by information of others, (of Bishops no doubt & Prelates) & thereupon gave forth his Commission aforesaid. And then how will this stand with our Chroniclers & other Epitomes and Summaries whō Master Cope doth allege. For if it be certain that Robert Fabiā saith, that the king himself being in the field took certain of them, as Syr Roger Acton, Master Brown, and John Beuerlay, & your own Edw. Hall, also & your Epitome agreeth to the same, and saith moreover that they were brought before y ^• kings presence. Tho. Couper also whō you allege, addeth further and saith, that the king there by strength did take them.

I pray you (Master Cope ) what needed the king to write this by information, when as he both himself was present at the fact, was the taker of them, and a witness of the deed? The which and if it be true, that the king heard this but by way of information, how will you then defend your Chronicos and your Epitomas. But herein I will neither greatly stick with you, nor contend with them: Desiring thee Reader this only to bear in mind the date of this present Commission when it was given, which soundeth to be the x. day of January, & afterward to compare the same with the date of Inditemēt here under following, which I will (the Lord willing) also hereunto annex, leaving nothing out: Yea rather ministryng to the adversary all manner of helps, whatsoever they can seek or require for their most advantage in this matter, to be desired. So sure and confident I am in the innocent cause of these good men nor fearing whatsoever blind malice can cavil against them.

Notes or considerations upon the Inditement and Commission above prefixed.

Die Mercurij proximo post festū Epiphaniae. &c. First here is to be noted & considered (good reader) the day and date of giving out the Commission, & then of the Verdict presented by the Iurers, which was both in one day, that is, on the Wednesday next after the Epiphany, in the first year of the reign of king Henry 5. which was the x. day of the month of January (as the date of the Commission saith) an. 1413. after the use of England, or after the Romish use. an. 1414. So that after the use ever we count whether it be an. 1413. or else an. 1414. the Dominicall letter beginning at the first day of January to change, must needs be G. for the year: & so necessarily make Wednesday next after the Epyphanie, to be the x. day of the said month of January. Thus then this present Wednesday, which was the tenth day of the month, being well noted and borne in mind, on the which day both the Commission was directed, & also the Verdict presented, let us now proceed further in the foresaid Iuditement. It followeth.

Per Sacramētum xii. iuratorum extitit praesentatum. &c. If there had been true dealing in this, the Iurers should have been named. But it is not like, that there was ever any such Inditement found by any Iurers, and therefore they did best, not to name the Iurours, least they would have denied this Iuditement to be their Acte: it followeth more in process of the Inditement.

Et dictum John. Oldcastel Regentem Eiusdem regni constituere▪ &c. If there were no other argument, this were sufficient to disprove the manifest untruth of this surmised Inditement. When as the king was not yet gone to France, nor determined to go, how could they conspire then to make a Regent? For the king went in July following, vidz. the second year of his reign, leaving behind him the Queen his mother in law, for Regent, whereby it may be gathered, that this matter was untruly entered and stolen into the Records with an antedate, or else at the least, there appeareth manifest untruth, that they should conspire to make a Regent, when a Regent was not thought upon, unless it were all ready run into the heads of the Clergy, who shortly after fearing their temporalities (as Caxton saith) persuaded the King to make wars in France. This word Regent therefore proceedeth of the secret spirit of the Clergy, and maketh the whole matter very suspicious, to be grounded altogether upon the malice of the Clergy, and their untrue surmises. It followeth moreover.

Quasi gens sine capite in finalem destructionem. &c. Now doth this stand with that goeth before, that they conspired to make a Regent, except you will say that to make a Regent is to be a people without an head? It followeth.

Cum quam pluribus rebellibus dicti regis ignotis ad numerum viginti millium hominum. &c. A strange matter that they should know of the conspiracy of twenty thousand, and yet know of no moe names of the rebels, but the Lord Cobham only, or one or two mo. And all the rest were ignoti.

Priuatim insurgentes. &c. This smelleth of the Cleargies own penning, without any great advise of learned counsel: for otherwise such as had been herein skillful, would never have put in priuatim insurgentes.

Die Mercurij proximo post festum Epiphaniae D. anno R.R. praedicto, &c. This Wednesday next after the Epiphany, was the x. day of the month of January, and the same day when both the conspiracy was put in execution, and the same day when the commission was given out to inquire, also when the fact was by inquiry presented. Whereby it may seem a strange thing that so great a conspiracy known beforehand, was not suppressed nor inquired of by any commission, but ouely by a commission bearing date of the same day, upon which day by the purport of the Inditement, the conspiracy should have been put in execution, by open rebellion, as it is aforesaid.

Praedictum D. nostrum Regemfratres suos videl. Thomam Ducem Clarentiae, Ioannem de Lancastre, & Humfredum de Lancastre, &c. If the kings learned counsel had dealt in this Inditement, as in case of treason they should have done, if it had been a matter of truth, they would never have handled it so slenderly, and wrongly, as to name the Dukes of Bedford, and of Gloucester: John of Lancaster, and Dumfrey of Lancaster, who were made Dukes in the 13. year of the reign of King Henry the fourth their father, as appeareth by Caxtones Chronicle.

Et ibidem versus campum praedictum, modo guerrino arriati proditorie modo insurrectionis, contra ligeantias suas equitauerunt ad rebellandum dictum D. nostrum regem, &c. This is falsified by plain evidence of histories. And Cope himself confesseth no less. For he so saith and confesseth page line That Sir John Oldcastle was not there in person, but only, that his consent and good will was there.

Again, seeing this equitation or riding toward Saint Giles field was upon the Wednesday next after the feast of Epiphany (as in this Inditement and process of outlawry is above testified) which was the tenth day of January, and commission also the same day was charged, and the Jewry moreover impanelled the same day, & yet no Iewrer named: Item, the verdict the same day presented, how all these can concur together, and all in one day, let the reader after he have well considered the matter, use his judgment therein, not only whether it be like, but also whether it be possible.

Ouer and beside all this it is to be noted, that if this matter had been truly and duly handled, as touching the reason, then had it not been needful to have brought sir John Oldcastle into the Parliament house; before the Lord's to have had his judgment. For by the outlawrie (if it had been true) he was 〈◊〉 , and without ame more add should hau • had judgment in the Kings Bench as a Traitor. But the chief Justice knowing the handling of the matter, durst not belike enterprise so far. Wherefore i • was devised, that he should certify the record 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , which he did together, with the Bishops 〈◊〉 filed to the • ecord, which was very strange.

And thereupon the Lord's gave such a judgment, as was not due for a Traitor. For that they gave no judgment, that he should be drawn, hanged, and set down alive, and then 〈◊〉 we • led and quar • ered, which is the judgment of a Traitor. And albeit the Parliament might have attainte • him without anymore ado: And by the same Act of atteinder have ordained a special judgment, as they should think good: yet when he was before atteinted by the outlawrie, they could not lawfully vary from the common judgment of • reason. At least how could or should the judgment of Sir Roger Acton, Master Brown, and John Beuerley, who were judged in the Buildhall before and without the Parliament, vary from the said common judgment of Traitors, if they had truly committed, and been convicted of such high treason?

Add this moreover to the foresaid Notes: that if Sir John Oldcastle after his escape out of prison, had been culpable and so atteinted of that high treason, whereby his lands had been immediately forfait unto the King by the process of his outlawry: What needed the king then in the second year of his reign, in the Parliament after holden at Leycester, have made that proviso to have his lands forfeit to him by virtue of Parliament, upon his escape on the day of his arest: when as the lands and cattaile of his had been forfeite before, by the process of the outlawry, as is before specified?

Thus you see (Master Cope) how little advantage you can wrast out of this Commission and inditement against the Lord Cobham and his fellows to prove them traitors. And admit the said Lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the Acte, and that the King, the Lord's, and the Commons assented to the Act: yet it hindeth not in such sort (as if in deed he were no Traytour) that any man may not by search of the truth utter and set forth sincerely and justly the very true cause whereby his death hapt and followed.

Thus then having sufficiently cleared the Lord Cobham and his parteners, from all that you can object unto them out of records and statutes: let us now come to your English Chroniclers, wherewith you seem to press me, & to oppress them whom ye name to be Robert Fabian, Edward Halle, Polydor Virgilius, Thomas Cooper, Richard Grafton, with other brief Epitomes and Summaries, &c. Concerning which authors, as I have not to say, but to their commendation in this place: so if that you had auonched the same, to the commendation rather then to the reproof of other, I would better have commonded your nature, and believed your cause. But now like a spidercatcher sucking out of everyone, what is the worst, to make up your leystall, you heap up a donghill of dirty Dialogues containing nothing in them but malicious railing, virulent slanders, manifest untruths, opprobrious contumelies, & stinking blasphemies, able almost to corrupt & infect y ^e air. Such is the malady & cacoethes of your pen, y ^e it beginneth to bark, before it hath learned well to write. Which pen of yours notwithstanding I do not here reproach nor contemn, as neither do I greatly fear y ^e same. God of his mercy keep y ^e sword out of the Papists hand, it is not the pen of the papists I greatly pass vpō, though xx. Copes, and so many surplesses, were set against the book of Monuments, were I so disu • sed (Master Cope) to dally, or as the Breckes do say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and to repay again as I am provoked. But in despightful railing, and in this Satirical sort of barking I give you over, and suffer you therein to pass not only yourself, but also Cerberus himself if ye will, the great bandog of Pluto. Mildnes and humanity rather beseemeth and is the grace of the Latin phrase. If ye could hit upon the vain thereof, it would win you much more honesty, with all honest men. But the Lord hereafter may cal you, which I beseech him to do, and to forgive you that you have done.

In the meaue time seeing this your prattling pen must needs be walking, yet this you might have learned of these your own authors whom you aledge, more civilly to have rēpered your fume, in exclaiming against thē, whose cause is to you not perfectly known. And now briefly to answer to these your foresaid writers, as witnesses produced against these men: there be 2. things (as I take it) in these chronicle writers to be considered: First the grounds which they follow: secondly in what place they serve.

As touching the order and ground of writing among these Chronicles, ye must consider, and cannot be ignorant that as none of all these by you forenamed, was present at the deed, nor witness of the fact, so have they nothing of thenselves herein certainly to affirm, but either must follow public rumor and hearsay for their autor, or else one of them must borrow of another. Whereof neither seemeth to me sufficient. For as public rumor is never certain: so one author may soon deceive another.

By reason whereof it cometh oft to pass, that as these story writers hit many times the truth, so again all is not the gospel that they do write. Wherefore great respect is here to be had, either not to credit rashly everyone that writeth stories, or else to see what grounds they have whom we do follow.

Now to demand (M. Cope) of you, what authority or foundation hath your Robert Fabian, hath Polydore Uirgil, Edward Hal, and other of your authors to prove these men to be traitors? What authority do they avouch? what acts, what registers, what records, or out of what court do they show? or what demonstration do they make? And do you think it sufficient, because these men do only affirm it, without any further probation, with youre 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , therefore we are bound to believe it? Take me not so (M. Cope) that I do here diminish anything or derogate from the credit of those writers you allege, whose labors have deserved well, and serve to great utility: but coming now to trial of a matter lying in controversy between us, we are now forced to seek out the fountain and bottom of the truth, where it is not enough to say, so it is, but the cause is to be shown, why it is so affirmed. And what though Robert Fabian, Polydore Uirgile, and Edward Hall, should all together (as they do not) agree in the treason of sir John Oldcastle and of the rest, yet neither is this any sufficient surety to prove them traitors. Considering that writers of stories for most part following either blind report: or else one taking of another, use commonly all to sound together after one tune, tanquam Dodonaei lebetes, so that as one saith, all say, and if one err, all do err. Wherefore you see M. Cope, howe it is not sufficient nor sure to stick only to the names and authorities of Chronographers, unless the ground be found substantial whereupon they stand themselves. Which yet in none of these whom you have produced, doth appear.

Secondly, in alleging and writing of Chronicles is to be considered to what place and effect they serve. If ye would show out of them the order & course of times, what years were of dearth and of plenty, where kings kept their Christenmasse, what condites were made, what Mayors and shirifes were in London, what battails were fought, what triumphs and great feasts were hold̄, when kings began their reign, and when they ended. &c. In such vulgare and popular affairs, the narration of the Chronicler serveth to good purpose, & may have his credit, wherein the matter forceth not much, whether it be true or false, or whether any listeth to believe them. But where as a thing is denied, and in cases of judgment, and in controversies doubtful, which are to be decided and boulted out by evidence of just demonstration: I take them neither for Judges of y ^e bench, not for arbiters of the cause, nor as witnesses of themselves sufficient necessarily to be sticked unto. Albeit I deny not but histories are takē many times, and so termed for witnesses of times, and glasses of antiquity. &c. yet not such witnesses, as whose testimony beareth always a necessary truth and bindeth belief.

The two witnesses which came against Susanna, being seniours both of ancient years, bare a great countenance of a most evident testimony, whereby they almost both deceived the people, & oppressed the innocent: had not young Daniel by the holy spirit of God, have take thē aside, and severally examining them one from the other, found them to be falsliers both, leaving to us thereby a lesson of wholesome circumspection, not rashly to believe everyone that cometh: and also teaching us, how to try thē out. Wherefore (M. Cope) following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye infer against these men we will in like manner examine them, severally one frō another, and see how their testimony agreeth: first beginning with your Robert Fabian. Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age, nor at the deed doing, can of himself give no credit herein, without due proof, and evidence convenient.

Now thē doth Rob. Fabian prove this matter of treason true? what probation doeth he bring? what authority doth he allege? And doth Rob. Fabian think, if he were not disposed to conceive of the L. Cobham, and those men a better opinion but to be traitors, that men are bound to believe him only at his word, without any ground or cause declared, why they should so do, but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write? And if ye think (M. Cope) the word only of this witness sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham, and proving nothing which followed so many years after him: why may not I as well and much rather take the word and testimony of Richard Belward a Norfolk man, and of the town of Crisam, who living both in his time, & possible knowing the party, & punished also for the like truth, is not reported, but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich, to give this testimony among other his articles, for the foresaid L. Cobham, that is, y ^t sir John Oldcastle was a true Catholic man and falsely condemned, and put to death without a reasonable cause. &c. Ex Regist. Noruic.

Agaynst this man if you take exception & say, that one heretic will hold with another: why may not I with y ^e like exception reply to you again, & say as well, one Papist hold with another, and both cōiure together, to make and say the worst against a true Protestant.

Further, yet to examine this foresaid Fabian, witness against Sir John Oldcastle, as Daniel examined y ^t witnesses against Susanna. I will not here ask under what tree these adherents of sir I. Oldcastle conspired against the king, & subversion of y ^t land, but in what time, in what year and month this conspiracy was wrought? Fabian witnesseth that it was in the month of January. Cōtrary Edward Hall & other our Abridgementers following him, do affirm that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xii. of December, and that their executiō upon the same was in January following, so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the month of December, or else before, & so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum, vt cū Daniele dicam, or if it were in the month of January as Fabian saith, then is Hall and his followers deceived, testifying the fact to be done in the month of December.

And yet to object moreover against the said Fabiā, for so much as he is such a rash witness against these burned persons whom he calleth traitors: it would be demanded further of him, or in his absence of Master Cope, in what year this treason was conspired? If it were in the same year (as he confesseth himself) in which year John Cleidon the Skinner, & Richard Turmine Baker were burned, then was it neither in the month of January, nor in the first year of king Henry the fifth. For in the register of Canterbury it appeareth plain, that John Claydon was condemned neither in the time of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second year of king Henry the v. but was condemned in the second year of the translation of Henry Chichesly, Archbyshop of Canterbury, the. 17. day of August, which was the year of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracy was in the same year (after the witness of Fabiā) in which year I. Cleydon was burned, then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses, nor w ^t him self, nor yet with truth. And thus much concerning the witness of Rob. Fabian.

Let us next proceed to Polidore Uirgill, whose partial and untrue handling of our history in other places of of his books, doth offer unto us sufficient exception not to admit his credit in this. And yet because we will rather examine him, then exclude him, let us hear a little what he saith, & how he faileth, & in how many pointes, numbering the same upon my five fingers.

First ending with the life of king Henry 4. he saith, that he reigned 14. 14. years and 6. months and 2. days. Angl. hist. lib. 21. which is an untruth, worthy to be punished with a whole years banishment (to speak after the manner of Apulenis) when as truth is, he reigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones, of Fabian, of Hall, of our old English Chronicle, and of Scala mundi, but 13. & 6. months, lacking as some say 5. days, Hal saith he reigned but 12. years.

The second untruth of Polydore is this, where as he speaking of this sedition of sir John Oldcastle and his adherents, affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of John Hus, and of Jerome of Prague, which was saith he An. 1415. in which yere (saith he) Thomas Arundell died. Hys words be these: In eodem concilio damnata est John. Wicliffi haeresis, ac John. Hus, & Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt. Quod vbi reliquis consocijs, qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant, patefit, tanquam furijs agitati primùm coniurationes in omnes sacerdotes, deinde in regē. &c. In which words he not only erreth, falsely assigning the cause and occasion of this sedition to the death of John Hus, and of Jerome, but also misseth as much in the order and computation of the years. For neither was sir Roger Acton with his foresaid fellows alive at the time of the council, neither doth he agree therein with any of our English writers, except only with Hall, who also erreth therein as wide as he.

For the third and fourth untruth I note this, where he addeth and saith, that after this rebelliō raised against the king, the said sir John Oldcastel being there present himself, was taken and prisoned in the tower, and afterward escaped out of the said tower by night, wherein is contained a double untruth. For neither was Sir John Oldcastle there present himself, if we believe Fabian and Cope, Dial. 6. pag. 833 lin 11. nether yet did he ever escape out of the Tower after that conspiracy, if ever any such conspiracy was.

His v. but not the last untruth in Polydore is this, that he saith, Tho. Arundel to have died in the same year, noting the yere to be An. 1415. where as by the true registers he died. An. 1413.

To this untruth another also may be joined, where he erring in the computation of the years of the said Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury, reporteth him to sit 33. years. Who was there Archbishop but only 18. years, as is to be seen in the records of Canterbury. The words of Polydore be these: Thomas Arundellius Cantuariensis antistes annum iam tunc seed̄s tertium & trigesimum e vita excessit lib. 22. Ang. hist. All be it in this I do not greatly contend with Polydore, and peradventure the adversary will find some easy shift for this matter.

But let us pass now from Polydore, not (as they say) out of the hal into the kitchine, but out of the kitchine unto the hall, examining and perpending what saith Edward Hall another witness in this matter: upon whom master Cope bindeth so fast, that he supposeth his knot is never able to be loosed. And moreover so treadeth me down under his feet in the dirt (as a man would think him some dirtdaubers son) so that the spots thereof he saith, will never be gotten out while the world standeth, & a day longer. Notwythstanding I trust M. Cope that your dirty pen with your cockish brags hath not so bedaubed and bespotted me, nor yet convicted me to be such a deprauer of histories, but I hope to spunge it out. At least way, with a little asperges of the Popes holy water, I trust to come to a dealbabor, well enough.

But certes, M. Cope, your maistership must first understand, that if ye think so to depress me, and disprove me of untruth in my history, you must go more groūdly to work, and bring against me other authors then Edward Hal: You must consider (M. Cope) if you will be a cōtroller in story matters, it is not enough for you to bring a railing spirit, or a mind disposed to carpe and cavil where any matter may be picked, diligence is required, and great searching out of books and authors not only of our time, but of all ages. And especially where matters of religion are touched pertaining to the church: it is not sufficient to see what Fabian, or what Hall saith, but the records must be sought, the Registers must be turned over, letters also and ancient instruments ought to be perused, and authors with the same compared, finally the writers among them selves one to be conferred with another. And so with judgment to be waied, with diligence to be labored, and with simplicity pure from all addiction and partiality to be uttered.

Thus did Auentinus, thus did Sleidanus write. These helps also the eldest and best Historicians seemed to have, both Titus Liuius, Salustius, Quintus Curtius, and such like, as by their letters and records inserted may well appear. The same helps likewise both in your Fabian and in your Edward Hall were to be required, but especially in you (M. Cope) yourself, which take upon you so cockishly (rather then wisely) to be a controller and master moderatour of other men's matters. In which matters (to say the truth) you have no great skil, and less experience, neither have you either such plenty of authors meet for that purpose, nor yet ever travailed to search out the origens & grounds of that whereof ye write. But only contented with such as cometh next to hand, or peradventure receiving such almose as some of your poor friends bestow upon you, think it sufficient if you can allege Fabian and Hall for your purpose.

Now what purpose & affection herein doth lead you, rather doeth drive you to the carping and barking against the history of these good men, y ^t be hence gone and had their punishment, all men may see it to be no simple sincerity of a mind indifferent, but y ^• zeal only of your sect of Popery, or rather of fury, which setteth your railing spirit on fire. But now out of the fiery kitchen, to come to the hal again let us see what matter lieth in the testimony of Edward Hall, to prove these men to be traitors. And here for so much (Master Cope) as you seem neither sufficiently acquainted with this your own master and author Master Hall, nor yet well experienced in the searchyng out of histories, I will take a little pains for you, in this behalf, to certify you concerning the story of this author, whereof percase you yourself are yet ignorant.

The truth whereof is this, that as the said Edwar • Hall, your great master & testis, was about the compiling of his story, certain there were which resorted to him of whom some were drawers of his petigree & vineat, some were grauers, the names of whom were John Bets, and Tyrral, which be now both dead. And other there were of the same sodalitie, who ve yet alive, & were then in y ^e house of Richard Grafton, both the Printer of the said book, & also (as is thought) a great helper of the pēning of y ^e same. It so befell that as Hall was entering into the story of Syr John Oldcastle, of Syr Roger Acton, & their fellows, the book of John Bale touching the story of the L. Cobham, was y ^e same time newly come over. Which book was privily cōueied by one of his servants into the study of Hall, so that in turning over his books, it must needs come to his hands. At the sight whereof, when he saw the ground & reasons in that book contained, he turned to the authors in the foresaid book alleged, whereupon within two nights after, moved by what cause I know not, but so it was, that he taking his pen, rased and cancelled all that he had written before, against Syr John Oldcastle & his fellows, & was now ready to go to the Print, containyng near to the quantity of three pages. And least (M. Cope) you, or any other should think me to speak beside my book, be it therefore known both to you and to all other, by these presents, that the very self same first copy of Hall rased and crossed with his own pen, remaineth in my hands to be shown & seen, as need shall require. The matter which he cancelled out came to this effect. Wherein he following the narratiō of Polidore, began with like words, to declare how the Sacramētaries here in England, after the death of John Hus, and Jerome of Prague, being pricked as he saith, with a demoniacall sting, first conspired against the Priests, and after against the king, having to their Captains sir John Oldcastle the Lord Cobham, and Syr Roger Acton Knight, with many moe words to the like purpose and effect, as Polydore & other such like Chronicles do write against him. All which matter notwithstanding, the said Hall with his pen at the sight of John Bales book, did utterly extinct and abolish. Addyng in the place thereof the words of M. Bales book, touching the accusation and condemnation of the said Lord Cobham, before Thomas Arundell Archbyshop of Canterbury, taken out of the letter of the said Archbyshop, as is in his own story to be seen. In vita Henr. 5. pag. 2. lin. 30.

And thus Edward Hall your author, revoking & calling back all that he had devised before against the Lord Cobham (whereof I have his own hand to show, & witness substaūciall vpō the same) in his printed book recordeth of him no more, but only showeth y ^e process between the Archbyshop of Canterbury and him for matters of religion. And so ending with Sir John Oldcastle, proceedeth further to the assemble of sir Roger Actō (whom he falsely calleth Robert Actō) John Brown, and Beuerley, the narration whereof he handleth in such sort, that he neither agreeth with y ^e record of other writers, nor yet with truth it self. For where he excludeth the Lord Cobham out of that assemble, he discordeth therein from Polidore and other, And where he affirmeth the fact of that conspiracy to be wrought before, or at the xii. day of December: that is manifestly false, if the records before alleged be true. And where he reporteth this assemble to be after the burning of John Hus, and of Jerome of Prague, therein he accordeth with Polydore, but not with truth. Moreover, so doubtful he is and ambiguous in declaration of this story, that no great certainty can be gathered of him.

First, as touching the confession of them, he confesseth himself, that he saw it not, & therefore leaveth it at large▪ And as concerning the causes of their death, he leaveth the matter in doubt, not daring (as doth M. Cope) to define or pronounce anything thereof, but only reciteth the furmises and minds of diverse men diversely, some thinking it was for cōueying the Lord Cobhā out of the tower, some that it was for treason and heresy, and here cometh in the mentiō only of a record, but what record it is neither doth he utter it, nor doth he examine it: other some again a •• irming (as he saith) y ^t it was for feigned causes surmised by the spiritualty, more of displeasure then truth. And thus your autor Hall, having recited y ^• variety of men's opinions, determineth himself no certain thing thereof, but as one indifferent, neither bound to the conjectures of all men, nor to the writings of all men, referreth the whole judgment of the matter free unto the reader. And so concluding his narratiō forsomuch as he was neither a witness of the fact, nor present at the deed, he ouerpasseth the story thereof.

And what witness then will you, or can you (M. Cope) take of Edward Halle, which denieth himself to be a witness? Will you compel him to say that he saw not? and to witness that he cannot? Wherefore like as Susanna, in the story of Daniel was quite by right judgment in the case of adultery, because her accusers and testes being examined a sonder were found to vary and halt in their tale, and not to agree in the two trees: So why may not in like case of treason, sir Roger Acton, sir John Didcastle, Brown w ^t the rest, claim the same privilege? seeing among the testes and witness produced against them, such discord is found, and such halting among them, that neither do they agree in place, person, year, day, nor month.

For first where Fabian and his fellows say: that they were assembled together in a great company, in the field near to S. Giles, the forged inditement above alleged, saith, they were but riding toward the field.

2. Secondly, where the foresaid inditement and Polydore, give the Lord Cobham to be present personally in that assemble, Halle, and Alanus Copus Anglus, do exclude his personal presence from thence: and so doth Fabian also seme to agree, speaking only of the adherents of Syr John Oldcastle.

Thirdly, where Halle and Polydorus report this assemble to be after the burning of John Hus, and of Jerome at the council of Constance, which was An. 1415. that cannot be, but if there were any such conspiracy in the first year of Henry 5. it must needs be An. 1413. And here-by the way, why do certain of your Epitome writers speaking of the Lord Cobham committed first to the tower for heresy, refer the said his imprisonment to the yere 1412. where as, by their own count, reckoning the year from the Annunciation, it must needs be an. 1413. being done in harvest time.

Fourthly, where Halle with his followers affirm that syr Roger Acton, Brown and Beuerley were condemned the 12. day of December, the record is evident against it, which holdeth the fact to be in working the 10. day of Ian.

Fifthly, where as the foresaid record of the Inditement giveth the Wednesday next after the Epiphany, which was the 10. day of Ian. that present year, both the fact to be committed, the same day, the Commission also to be granted and delivered to the Commissioners the same day, The said Commissioners to sit in Commission the same day: The Shriffes of Midlesex to return a iurie out of the body of Midlesex the same day: and the Iurers to find the inditement the same day, and yet no iurer in the inditemēt named the same day.

Item, the L. Cobham, the same day, to be found conspiring to make him self Regent, when as the king, that day and year, was not yet passed into France: howe all these can concur and hang together and all in one day: I suppose it will cost you two days, before you, with all your learned counsel will study it out. And whē you in your unlawful assembles have conspired and conferred together, all ye can, yet will ye make it (as I think) iii. days, before you honestly dispatch your hands of the matter.

And where ye think, y ^t you have impressed in me such a foul note of lying, never to be clawed of while the world standeth, yet shall the posterity to come judge between you & me, whether shall appear more honest and true, my defense for that worthy lord, then your uncourteous and viperuns wrangling against him, moved w ^t no other cause, but only with the peuish spirit of Popery, which can abide nothing, but that sauereth of your own sect. For else how many loud lying legends, yea what legion of lies are daily used and received in the popish church? What doltish dreams? what feigned miracles? what blasphemous tales and frierly fables, and idle inventions, fighting against the sincere religion, doctrine and cross of Christ? And could you hold your pen from all these, and find nothing else to set your idleness on work, but only to write against the Lord Cobham, Syr Roger Acton, Brown, Onley, Cowbrige, with a few other whom with much a do, at length you have sought out, not so much for any true zeal to rebuke iniquity, as craftily seeking matter by these to deface and blemish the book of Acts and Monumentes. Which seemeth belike to make you scratche there, where it itcheth not. And if I should after the like dealing take in hand your Popish portues, and with like diligence excusse every Popish martyr and Saint there canonised: think you master Cope, I could not make you out half dosen as rank traitors and rebels to their kings and princes, as ever were any of these of your picking out? What pope almost hath there been these last 500. years, which hath not been a traitor to his Emperor and Prince, and to his country? either openly rebelling against them, or privily conspiring their destruction, or proudly setting their feet upon their necks, or spurning their crowns of from their heads, or making the son to fight against y ^e father? How many have they deposed, and set up other in their seats? how many Emperors and kings have they wrongfully cursed? What Consulles of Rome have they resisted, deposed, and put to death? What wars have they raised up against their own country of Rome? Yea the continual holding of the City of Rome, from his lawful Emperor, what is it but a continual point of treason?

What will you answer me (M. Cope) to the Pope, which conspired to let fall down a stone upon the Emperors head, kneeling at his prayers, pag. 177.

And though this treachery being as big as a millstone, seemed but a small mote in your eye, that it could not be espied: yet what will you say by the Monk of Swinstede, that poisoned king John, who was both absolved by his abbot before his treason committed, and after his treason had a perpetual Mass song for him, to help him out of Purgatory?

And what think ye in your conscience is to be said of Thomas Becket, who did enough, and more then became him, to set the French king, and the king of England together by the ears? Of Anselm likewise, and of Stephen Langhton, who departed both out of the Realm to complain of their princes & soueraines? The like may be said also of John Peckham. John Stradford Archbyshop of the same sea notoriously resisted the Kings commandment, being sent for by king Edward 3. to come to the parliament at York, through the default of whose coming, the present opportunity of getting Scotland was the same time lost,

Richard Scrope Archb. of York, was openlie in arms to rebel & fight against K. Henry 4. for the which he was condemned & put to death. And yet notw ^t standing Commission was sent down from the pope shortly after, to excommunicate them which put him to death, his treason notw ^t standing. Read y ^t story sincerely of pope Benedict 12. and of pope Clement 6. And see howe the traitorous rebellion of these two popes against Ludouicus their rightful Emperor can be defended: Which Emperor at last was also empoisoned, & that not without the practice of Pope Clement, as doth Hieronimus Marius credibly witness.

In the reign of K. Edward the 2. mention was made before of Thomas Earl of Lancaster. Who with a great number of other nobles and Barons of the realm, rose in armor against their prince, and therefore at length were put to death as traitors. And yet notwithstanding this treason committed (M. Cope) if you be so ignorant in our stories, that you know it not, set your setters on to search, and you shall find it true, that certain Noble men went up to Rome, for the canonising of the said Thomas of Lancaster to be made a Saint, and obtained the same. In so much that in a certain old Calendare, the name of the said S. Thomas of Lancaster is yet extant to be seen.

In the former book of these Acts and Monumentes above, about the pag. 353. or 354. mention was made of Edmund of Abbenden Archb. of Cant. whom although I do not disprove, but rather commend in my history, for his bold and sage counsel given unto K. Henry the 3. and also for offering the censure of excommunication against the king in so necessary a cause: yet notwithstanding the same Edmund, afterward about his latter end, went up with a rebelling mind to complain of his king unto the Pope, and in his journey died, before his return: who afterward for the same, was canonised by the Pope, and now shineth among the Saints in the popes Calender.

Let us come more near to these days and times, and consider the doings of Tho. Arundell Archb. of Canterb. Who being first deposed and exiled for his contemptuous deserts against the king, and afterward coming in, with Henry Bolynbroke Duke of Herford, in open arms and with main force rose against his natural and lawful king: think you (M. Cope) this is not as great a point of treason, as that which was done in Thi • kets fields? And though he be not placed among the portuous Saint • , yet I think nothing contrary, but in your heart you will not greatly stick to say, Sancte Thoma ora pro nobis.

All these things well considered, tell me (M. Cope) I pray you, is treason such a strange and vnketh thing in your pope catholic church, that your burning zeal of obedience to kings and princes, cannot read the story of the L. Cobham & sir Roger Acton, but your pen must needs be inflamed to write against them, and yet so many traitors in your own Calenders neither seen, nor once spoken of? And if the traitorous conspiracy and rebellion of so many your Calender Saints committed against Emperors, Kings, and Princes, cannot stir your zeal, nor move your pen: Nor if the treason of pope Gregory 9. raising war against his own city of Rome, and causing 30. thousand citizens in one battle to be slain, pag. 281. deserveth not to be espied, and accused as much as this treason of the Lord Cobham: yet what will you or can you answer to me (M. Cope) as touching the horrible treason of pope Gregory the 7. committed not against Emperor nor king, nor any mortal man, but against the Lord himself, even against your God of your own making, being therein as you say no substance of bread, but the very personal body, flesh, blood, and bone of Christ himself, which body notwithstanding the foresaid Pope Gregory the 7. took and cast with his own hands into the burning fire, because he would not answer him to a certain doubt or demand Benn. Card. pag. 172. Southly, if sir John Oldcastle had taken the body of king Henry the 5. and thrown him into the fire, the fact being so notoriously certain as this is, I would never have bestowed any word in his defense. And could this, and so many other heinous treasons pass through your fingers (M. Cope) and no other to stick in your pen but the Lord Cobham.

Finally and simply to conclude with you (M. Cope) and not to flatter you, what is y ^e whole working, the proceedings, actions, & practices of your religion, or hath been almost these 500. years, but a certain perpetual kind of treason, to thrust down your princes and magistrates, to derogate from their right and jurisdiction, and to advance your own majesties and dominations: as hath been sufficiently above proved and laid before your faces in a parliament holden in France by the Lord Peter de Cugnerijs. vide pag. 383. Wherefore if the assemble of these forenamed persons, either within or without S. Giles field be such a great mote of treason in your eyes, first loke vpō the great blocks and millstones of your own traitors at home, and whē you have well discussed the same, then after pour out your wallet of your trifling Dialogues or Trialogues if ye lift against us and spare us not. Not that I so think this to be a sufficient excuse to purge the treason of these men, if your popish Calenders and legeands be found full of traitors. Multitudo enim peccatorum non parit errori patrocinium : But this I think, that the same cause which made them to suffer as traitors, hath made you also to rail against them for traitors, that is, mere hatred only against their Relygion, rather then any true affection you have to your princes and governors. Who if they had been as fervent in your Popery, and had suffered so much for the holy father of Rome, or for y ^e liberties of the holy mother church of Rome, I doubt not, but they as holy children of Rome had been rong into your Romish Calendare with a festum duplex, or at least with a festum simplex of 9. lessons, also w ^t a vigil peradventure before them.

Now because they were on the contrary profession, & enemies to your Magna Diana Ephesiorum, you play with them as the Ephesian carvers did with Saint Paul and worse. Ye thrust them out as seditious rebels, not only out of life and body, but also cannot abide them to have any poor harbor in their own friends houses, among our Acts and Monuments to be remembered. In the which Acts and Monuments, and if gentle master Irenaeus, with his fellow Critobulus in your clerkely Dialogues, will not suffer them to be numbered for martyrs: yet speak a good word for them (M. Cope) they may stand for testes or witness bearers of the truth. And thus much for defense of them.

Now to the other part of his accusation, wherein this Alanus Copus Anglus in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or sixfolde Dialogues contēdeath and chaseth against my former edition, to prove me in my history to be a liar, forger, impudent, a misreporter of truth, a deprauer of stories, a seducer of the world, and what else not? Whose virulent words and contumelious terms, howe well they become his popish person, I know not. Certes for my part I never deserved this at his hands wittingly, that I do know. Master Cope is a man whom yet I never saw, and less offended, nor ever heard of him before. And if he had not in the front of his book entitled himself to be an English man, by his writing I would have judged him rather some wild Irishman, lately crept out of S. Patrikes Purgatory, so wildly he writeth, so fumishly he fareth.

But I cease here, and temper myself considering not what M. Cope deserveth to be said unto, nor howe far the pen here could run if it had his scope, but considering what the tractatiō rather of such a serious cause requireth. And therefore seriously to say unto you (M. Cope) in this matter, where you charge my history of Acts and Monuments so cruelly, to be full of untruths, false lies, impudent forgeries, deprauations, fraudulent corruptions, and feigned tables, briefly and in one word to answer you, not as the Lacones answered to the letters of their adversary, with si, but with osi. would God (M. Cope) that in all the whole book of Acts and Monumentes, from the beginning to the latter end of the same, were never a true story, but that all were false, all were lies, & all were fables. Would God the cruelty of your Catholics had suffered all them to live, of whose death ye say now that I do lie. Although I deny not but in that book of acts and monuments containing such diversity of matter, something might ouerscape me: yet have I bestowed my poor diligence. My intent was to profit all men, to hurt none.

If you (master Cope) or any other can better my rude doings, and find things out more finely or truly, with all my heart, I shall rejoice with you and the commō wealth, taking profit by you. In perfectiō of writing, of wit, cunning, dexterity, finenes or other induments required in a perfect writer, I contend neither with you, nor any other. I grant that in a labored story, such as you seem to require, containing such infinite variety of matter, as this doth, much more time would be required: but such time as I had, y ^t I did bestow, if not so laboriously as other could, yet as diligently as I might.

But here partly I hear what you will say: I should have taken more leisure and done it better. I grant and confess my fault, such is my vice, I cannot sit all the day (M. Cope) fining and minsing my letters, and coming my head, and smoothing myself all the day at the glass of Cicero. Yet notwithstanding doing what I can, and doing my good will, me thinks I should not be reprehended, at least not so much be railed on at master Copes hand. Who if he be so pregnant in finding fault with other men's labors (which is an easy thing to do) it were to be wished, that he had enterprised himself upon the matter, and so should have proved what faults might have been found in him. Not that I herein do utterly excuse myself, yea rather am ready to accuse myself, but yet notwithstanding think myself vngently dealt with all at Master Copes hand: Who being mine own countreyman, an English man as he saith, also of the same vniuersitye, yea college and school that I was of: knowing that the first edition of these Acts and monuments was begun in the far parts of Germany, where few friends, no conference, small information could be had. And the same edition afterward translated out of Latin into English by others, while I in the mean time was occupied about other Registers. And now the said Cope hearing moreover and knowing that I was about a new edition of the same Acts and Monuments, at this present time, to be set forth, for the amēding of diverse things therein to be reformed: if he had known any fault needful to be corrected, he might gentlely by letters admonished me thereof. Gentlenes so would have required it. Time would well have suffered it. Neither was he so far off, but might sooner have written a letter to me, then a boke against me. Neither was I so ungrateful and inhumane, but would have thanked him for his monition: neither yet so obstinate, but being admonished, would have corrected willingly where any fault had been committed.

But herein your nature (M. Cope) doth right well appear. First in the said book of Acts and Monuments, where many other good things be contained, not unfruitful nor unprofitable peradventure for y ^e instruction of your conscience, and wherein my labors perhaps might have deserved your thanks, all that you dissemble and pass over, only excerping those matters which make for cavillation. Thus the black spider out of pleasant flowers sucketh his poison. And what book is so pleasant or fruitful, though it were the popes own Portous, yea his own decretals, yea his own very Mass book, to the reading whereof if I brought the like mind so disposed to cavil, as you bring to the reading of my history, but I could find out twice as many mendacia, maculas, impudentias, dolos malos fabulas, fucos, as you have done in these Acts and Monumentes. And yet you have done pretely well.

Besides all this, yet better to mark the goodness of your gentle nature: Be it so I had been in some piece of my story deceived, as I do not justify myself in all points therein: yet you understanding that I was about the correction of my book again, might either have taken the best, and left the worst: or else gently take the pains to have advertised me of such notes as you had, without further exclamation, or at least might have deferred your dialogues for a time, till the coming out of my book, to see first what would in the latter edition be altered. But be like your gal was full, your hast could not tarry, your venom must • edes brust out.

Seeing therefore the order of your doings to be such, and disposition of your nature so far from all humanity, dealing with me so extremely, if I thus provoked with your extremity again, should now after this your currish nature shape you a name accordingly, and in stead of Cope godfather you to be a perpetual sycophāt, could you much blame me? and doth not your sycophanticall book well deserve it? or think you I could not repay you again with like extremity as you bring, and dress your drowsy or rather • ousie Dialogues in their right colors, if I were so disposed? But my purpose is with patience to spare you, and rather to pray for you, God make you a good man. Peradventure he may hereafter call you. And rather had I to win you, then to sting you. Leauing therefore the consideratian of your ingrateful doings, I will now consider only the points wherein you charge me in your book, answering briefly unto the same. Briefly I say, because the greatness of this volume, and abundance of other more fruitful matter, giveth me little laisure at this present to stand about brawling words.

First he seemeth highly to be grieved with me, for my Calendare prefixed before the boke of monuments. Wherein he hath no cause either to be offended w ^t me, or to chafe with himself. As touching which Calendare I have sufficiently and expressly declared before so much, as might quickly satisfy this scruple of M. Cope if he either would have taken the pains, or else had had y ^e laisure to read the words contained in the Latin preface before the Book prefixed, which are thus: Quanquam a me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, ad priuatum lectoris seruiret vsum &c. In which words preventing before the cavilling objection of the adversary, I forewarned the Reader afore hand, touching the Calendare, wherefor it was ordained and prefixed, for no other purpose, but to serve the use only of the reader, instead of a table, showing the yere and month of every Martyr, what time he suffered &c. What hurt I pray you is in this Calendar prefixed before the book of Monumentes, more then in the Table of M. Copes book, set after his Dialogues? But master Cope had no laisure to peruse this place: it made not for his humor.

But this grieveth him in the Calendare, and that very sore. For that I place in this Calendar, sir John Oldcastle sir Roger Acton, Brown, Beuerley and other for Martyrs, and displace for them, other holy ancient Martyrs and Saints, as Antholius, Sother, Dorothe, Clarus, Lucianus, Seuerinus. &c. Answer: If M. Cope cannot abide the Lord Cobham, sir Roger Acton, Brown, and Beuerley, which were hanged (as he saith for treason) to have the name of martyrs, then let them bear the name of witness bearers, or testes of the truth, because they were also burned for the testimony of their faith. Seeing there is no difference in the said names, all is one to me by which they are called.

And where he chargeth me for thrusting & shouldring out the old and ancient holy Saints aforenamed out of this Calendare, and placing other new come Saints in their rooms: this is not the first untruth that M. Cope hath made in his dialogues, nor yet the least, unto whom I might therefore fitly answer again with his own familiar phrase, or rather the phrase of Cicero, which he doth so much affectate: Quod nimirum hic ipse Alanus Copus Anglus, vnde me mendacij coarguit, inde sibi ipsi sempiternam ac ineluibilem turpissimi mendacij, ac singularis impudentiae notam inurat. For why have not Ias just cause to say this to him, as he to me? For so much as in the first beginning and preface of the said book of Acts and Monuments, I so diligently and expressly do warn all men before, first that I make here no Calendare purposely of any Saints, but a Table of good and godly men that suffered for the truth, to show the day and month of their suffering. My words be extant and evident, which are these: Neque vero ideo inter diuos a me referuntur isti, quod inseruntur in Calendarium. &c. And declaring afterward how the said Calendare doth stand but in stead of a table, my words do follow thus: Haud aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat zuum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, Lectori ad vsum atque ad manum seruiat. &c.

Again, neither did I receive these men into that Kalendare, that holy Anathollus, Sother, Dorothaea, with other ancient holy Saints should be removed out, as you do falsely & untruly affirm, but because the course of that story reaching but 500. years, did not comprehend those former times of such ancient Martyrs, but only of such as suffered in these latter days: therefore requisite it was that in the table such should be placed chiefly, of whom y ^• whole book did then principally and only entreat, to demōstrate thereby the time and day of their Martyrdom. Neither yet were the other excluded out of this new Kalendare, which were never inserted in the same before, but only because both together could not there have standing, necessity so required these in no case to be omitted, and yet no injury meant to the other to be excluded out of their own Kalēdars, whereto properly they did pertain. As for this Kalendare or this table, because they were not pertinent unto it, they could not therein, nether was it necessary, they should be included. And yet neither did I (M. Cope) w ^t out due & solemn protestation omit the same in my foresaid Catalogue, to prevent and stop all cavilling mouths: As by special words in the said proeme of my book unto the Reader doth appear, following in this wise: Interim nullius ego boni sanctique viri (modo qui vere sanctus sit) causam laedo, nec memoriam extinguo, nec gloriam minuo. Et si cui hoc displiceat Calendarium, meminerit, non in templis à me collocari, sed domesticae tantum lectioni praeparari. &c. And where is now (M. Cope) this your rejecting, expelling, removing, expulsing, exempting, deturbating and thrusting out of Anatholius, Sanct. Dorothae and other holy Saints out of Catalogues, fasts, and Calenders? Or what man is that, or where dwelleth he, Qui veros Christi Martyrs e Coelo ad Tar tara deturbat? That is. Which tumbleth down true Martyrs from heaven, into hell? Which if ye mean by me: In one word I answer, ye falsely belie me master Copus, I had almost called you master Capus, so like a Capon ye speak. Neither have you nor any other ever heard me so say. Neither have I ever heard of any so mad to play so the giants with their mountains to clime the heavens, to tumble down God's true & holy martyrs out of heaven, down into hell, unless it were yourself (as yet ye are, ye may be better) and such other of your gilde and popish fraternity, which make of God's true saints, stinking dunghills, (for so ye term them in your books) and not only thrust into heaven your Pseudosanctos, saints of your own making, whom God by his word doth not allow: but also depulse down from heaven, and make dunghills of God's well-beloved servants, his faithful people, and blessed martyrs, which have died for the word of god. And what marvel then, if in your blasphemous books, ye cast down from heaven to hell, the poor Saints of Christ, when in effect you deiecte also the blood and cross of the son of God Christ Jesus himself, setting up in his office and place, ttu per Thomae sanguinem, quem pro te impendit, fac nos Christ scandere, quo Thomas ascendit. Say, master Cope, your conscience indifferently, set all Popish parcialitie a part, where as the Scripture teacheth us simplely. Quod citra sanguinem nulla fit remissio .i. Wythout blood there is no remission: whether ye think, by this blood of the New Testament is meant the blood of Christ alone, or the blood of other moe besides? If the blood of one must stand alone, why do ye then with the giants build up your mountains, and make a ladder of Beckets popish blood, for men to scale the heavens? Or in so doing, howe can you, but either with the Protestauntes wipe out of your Kalendare, Thomae sanguinem, or else demolish from heaven Samguinem Christi with the papists?

And here by the way, I cannot but muse, why you are so devout in setting up the cross of Christ in your church, which are such enemies to the true cross of Christ to stand in heanen. Look upon this (master Cope) and tell me, vtra pars verius veros Christi Martyrs e coelo in tartara detrudat? And therefore as you falsely belie me in this, for detruding and tombling out of heaven Anatholius, Julianus, Clarus, Lucianus, Agatha, Dorothea and other, against whom I never yet spake any reproaching word, but rather in this my volume have set forth their commendatiō: so is it untrue like wise, where you affirm that in this my Kalendar I make an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or Canonisation of false Martyrs. I told you before, when ye were in England, I tell you again, being now in your transmigration, in words as plain as I could, Hane ego Apotheosin mihi nunquam sumpsi, quam sibi tam confidenter sumpsit Gregorius nonus. Were not these words of my Protestation manifest enough? were they not sufficient to satisfy a reasonable Momus? And to make the matter more plain, did I not add moreover as followeth: