Acts and Monuments Volume 1
Thys Peter Gaueston was a certain Gentleman's son of Wasconie: whom being young, king Edward the first (for the good service, his father had done him in his wars) received to his Court, and placed him with his son Edward now reigning. Who, in process of time growing up with him, incēsed and provoked him to much outrage and wantonnesse. By whose occasion first he began in his fathers days, to break the park of Walter bishop of Chester, then Chancellor of England, and after executor to the king. For y e which so doing, the king (as is partly touched before) imprisoned his son, and condemned this Peter to perpetual banishment. Notwithstanding the young king, after the death of his father (as ye have heard) sent for this Gaueston again. And with all, so persecuted this foresaid Bishop, that he clapt him in y e tower, and seised upon all his goods. Moreover, caused most strait inquisition to be made upon him for guiding his office, wherein if the least crime might have ben found, it would have cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaueston, and of his origin. Now to the matter.
The king thus separated from his old compere (that is from the company of Peter Gaueston, now exiled into Ireland) continued in great mourning and pensiuenesse, seeking by all means possible, howe to call him home again, and conferring with such as were about him upon the same. Who did insinuate to the king, that for so much as the Earl of Gloucester was a man well loved and favored in all the realm, if a marriage might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaueston: It might be a mean both for him to obtain more friendship, and for the king to have his desire. To make short, Peter Gaueston in all hast was sent for, & the marriage through the kings procuring, proceeded between the Earls sister, and the foresaid Peter, albeit sore against the Earls mind. Gaueston thus restored and dignified, was so surprised in pride and exaltation, more then ever before: that he disdained & derided all other, whose rule & power more & more increased. In so much, y t he having the guiding of all the kings jewels & treasure, cōueied out of y e kings jewel house at Westminster a table & a pair of tressels of gold, unto certain merchants beyond the sea, with other jewels • o to his behoove: to the great impoverishing both of the king & Queen, and of the land. And over all that, brought the king (by mean of his wanton conditions) to manifold vices, as aduoutrie, and such other like. Wherefore, the Lord's seeing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this unhappy man: took their counsel together at Lyncolne, and there concluded to void him again out of England, so y t shortly after he was exiled again, and went into Flaunders: for in France or his own country he durst not appear, for fear of Philip the French king, to whō the Queen of England his daughter had sent over great complaints, of the said Gaueston: who had so impoverished her & the whole Court, that she had not wherewith to maintain her state. Uppon which complaint, the French king through all his dominions laid strait watch to apprehend the said Gaueston: but he not vnwarned thereof, secretly coasted into Flaunders, from whence it was not long, but he was fet again by the king, as in further process followeth: so much was the kings heart infatuated by this wicked person.
About this year, or the next before came in first the crowched Friers. And also began first the knights of the order of S. John the Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes: for that they, by manly knighthood put out the Turks from the Isle of Rhodes.
In the history of king Edward this kings father before precedent, mention was made of Pope Clement the 5. who succeeded after Benedict: also of putting down of the templaries, which in this year happened by the means of the French king: who as he caused to be burned in the City of Paris this year, 54. Tēplaries, with the great master of the same order: so by his procurement the foresaid Pope Clement called a Council at Vienna, where the whole order and sect of Templaries being condemned, was shortly after by the consent of all Christian kings deposed all in one day. After whom, the French king thought to make his son king of Jerusalem, and to convert to him all the lands of the said Templaries: But Clement the Pope would thereto not agree transferring all their lands to the order of hospitulers, for the great sum of money given for the same. The cause why these impious Templaries were put down was so abhominable and filthy that for the reverence of chaste ears it were better not told if it be true that some write.
An other matter worthy to be noted of like abomination I thought here to inserte touching a certain Noonery in France called Prouines, within the which at the cleansing and casting of a fishpond were found many bones of young children and the bodies also of some infantes as yet whole vnconsumed: upon occasion whereof diverse of the Nuns of the said Nunnery to the mumber of 27. were had to Paris, and there imprisoned, what became of them afterward I find not in mine author. Arpontacus Burdegalensis.
In the the same Counsel also was decreed by the said Clement, y t all religious orders exempted, should be subject under the common laws as other were. But Cistercian Monks with money and great gifts, redeemed their privileges and exemption of the pope, and so had them granted Tho. Walls. These Cistercians sped better herein, then did y e Minorites of Franciscās in their suite. Of the which Franciscans, when certain of them had offered unto the said Pope Clement 40. thousand florences of gold, beside other silver, that the Pope would dispence with them to have lands and possessions against their rule: the Pope asked them where was that money? They answered, in the merchant men's hands. So the space of three days being given thē to bring forth these merchants: the P. absolved the marchaunts of their bond made to the Friars, and commanded all that money to be employed and reuerted to his use. Declaring to the Friars, that he would not infringe or violate the rule of S. Francis lately canonised: neither ought he to do it for any money. And thus the beggarly riche Friars lost both their money and their indulgence. Ex eodem autore.
Concerning this pope Clement the 5. Sabellicus writeth that he excommunicated the Uenecians, for aiding and preferring of Azoda, unto the estate of Ferrary: and wrote his letters throughout all Europe, condemning them as enemies of the Church, and giving their goods as a lawful pray unto all men, which caused them to sustain great harm. But Francis Dandulus a Noble man of Venice being Ambassador from the Uenecians to the said Clement, for the obtaining of their absolution and safeguard of their Citty and country, and for the pacifying of the popes fury toward them, was fain so to humble himself before this proud tyrannical Prelate, that he suffered a chain of iron to be tied about his neck, and so he lie down flat before his table, and so to catch the bones & fragments that fell from his table, as it had been a dog, till the Popes fury was toward them asswaged: So that after that, he in reproach (because he so humbled himself for the behalf and helping of his country) was of some called a dog. But the Citty of Venice shown themselves not unkind again to Dandulus for his gentle good will declared to his country. For as he had abased himself before the vile and ignominious condition of a dog for his Countries sake: so they extolled him with as much glory again being returned home, decking and adourning him after the best array, with the chief princely ornaments of the Citty, to make him amends for his former reproach received. Sabel Ennead. 9. li. 7
Concerning the Constitutions of this pope Clement, and of his decretals and Clementines: and how Henricus the Emperor in his days was poisoned in receiving of the Sacrament, ye have heard before. About this time Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury (whō this kings father had banished before) was released and returned home from Rome.
Those things thus declared, let us proceed (by the Lord's grace) to the next year, which is of the Lord. 1311. & the fifth year after this kings reign. In y e which year compting the year from Michelmasse, to the same feast again, as then the usage of the Realm was: Peter Gaueston, who had wandered the countries about, & could find no safe resting place (notwithstanding he was utterly banished, upon forfeiting life and goods out of the realm, yet trusting upon the kings favor, and the good will of the Earl of Gloucester, whose sister he had married) secretly returning into England with a certain company of strangers: presented himself to the kings sight. At the beholding of whom, the king for joy ran to him, and imbracinge him, did not only retain him: but also for his sake undid all such acts as had been in the Parliament before, enacted. The Queen and the whole Court seeing this doting of the king, made an heavy Christenmas. After this return of Gaueston was noised among the commons, y e Pieres and Nobles of the Realm were not a little stirred, casting with themselves, what way were best to take. If he were suffered still they saw not only themselves rejected, but also that the Queen could not enjoy the love of the King, neither could there be any quietness in the Realm. Again, to stir up war in the land, it were not the best: to vex or disquiet the king, also they were afraid. But for as much as they could not abide, all the nobility so to be thrust out and vilepended for the love of one stranger, & also the realm so to be spoiled and impoverished by the same: This way they took, that Thomas Earl of Lancaster, should be elected among them the chieftayn and chief doer in that business: to whom all other Earls and Barons, and prelates also did concordly condescend & consent, except only walter Bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the Archbishop therefore afterward did excommunicate. which Thomas of Lancaster by the public assent of the rest, sent to the King (lying then at York) humble petions, in the name as well of the whole Nobility, as of the commons: Desiring his grace to give the foresaid Gaueston unto them, or else according to the ordinance of the Realm, that the land might be avoided of him. But the tyrannious king, who set more by the amour of one stranger then by his whole realm beside: neither would hearken to their counsel, nor give place to their supplications: But in all hasty fury, removed from York to Newcastle, where he remained almost till midsommer.
In the mean season, the Barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able soldiers, coming toward Newcastell: not intending any molestation against the king, but only the execution of the laws upon wicked Gaueston. The king not having wherewith to resist their power: removeth in all speedy manner to Thinmouth, where the Queen lay. And hearing there that Newcastle was taken: taketh shipping and sayleth from thence (notwithstanding the Queen there being great with child, with weeping tears and all instance, desireth him to tarry with her as safely he might) but he nothing relenting to her, took Peter his compiere with him, and coasted over to the Castle of Scarbrough, where he leaving Peter Gaueston to y e safe keeping of his men, himself iournieth toward y e coast beside warwike. The Lord's hearing where Peter was, bendeth thither all their power: so that at length Gaueston seeing no remedy but he must needs come into their hands yieldeth and submitteth himself: requiring none other condition, but only that he might talk but a few words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaueston being apprehended, the king hearing thereof, sendeth unto the Lord's, requiring his life to be spared: and that he might be brought to his speech, and so promised, that in so doing he would satisfy their minds and requests, whatsoever. About this, advisement was taken: but then the Earl of Penbroke hearing the kings promise, persuaded the Barons to grant unto his petition: promising himself, upon loosing all his lands to take their charge upon him to be brought unto the kings speech, and so to be recommitted to thē again. Which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Gaueston with him, to bring him where the king lay. And so coming to Dedington, not far from Warwike, leaveth him in the keeping of his soldiers, while he that night went to his wife, being from thence not far of.
The same night it chanced, Guido the Earl of Warwike to come to the same place where Gaueston was left: who taking him out of the hands of his keepers, carrieth him to the Castle of Warwike, where incontinent they would have put him to death: but doubting and fearing the kings displeasure, a little they stayed. At what time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel as mine author writeth) standing up among them with his grave Oration declareth the nature of the man, the wickedness of his own condition, the realm by him so greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and rejected, the pride and ambition of the man intolerable, the ruin of things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expenses they had been at in so long pu ••• ing and getting of him. And now being gotten and in their hands, he exhorteth them so to use and take the occasion now present: that hereafter being out of their hands, they afterward might seek, and should not find it.
Briefly, in such sort he persuaded y e hearers, that forthwith he was brought out, and by common agreement beheaded in a place called Blakelow, which place in other stories I find to be called Gaueshed, but that name (as I think was derived upon this occasion, afterward. And thus he, that before had called the Earl of Warwick the black dog of Ardeine, was thus by the said dog worowed as ye have heard. &c. His carkas, the Dominic Friars of Oxford had in their Monastery interred the space of two years: but after that, the king caused the said carkas to be taken up and buried within his own Manor of Langley.
After this, great disturbance began to rise between the king and the Lord's: who having their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout messenge unto the king at London, to have their former acts confirmed. Gilbert Earl of Gloucester the kings nephew (who neither did hold against the king nor yet against the Nobles) with the Bishops and Prelates of the Realm: went between both parties with great dilligēce, to make unity. At which time also came 2. Cardinals from Rome, with letters sent unto them from the Pope. The Nobles answered to the message of the Cardinals, lying then at Saint Albans: that as touching themselves they should be at all times welcome to them: But as touching their letters (forasmuch as they were men vulettered, and only brought up in war and feats of arms) therefore they cared not for seeing the same. Then message was sent again, that they would grant at least but to speak with the popes legates, which purposely came for the intent to set quiet and unity in the Realm. They answered again, that they had bishops both godly and learned, by whose counsel they would be led only and not by any strangers, who knew not the true cause of there commotion. And therefore they said precisely, that they would no foreiners or alians to be doers in their business, and affairs pertaining the realm. Yet notwithkāding, through the mediation of the Archbishop, and of the Earl of Gloucester: the matter at length was so takē up, y t the Barons should restore to the king, or his attourny of S. Albans, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of the foresaid Gaueston taken at Newcastle, and so there requests should be granted. And so was the matter at time composed.
Shortly upon the same, Isabell the Queen was delivered of a fair child at Windsore, whō Louis the French kings son (the Queens brother, with other Frenchmē there present) would to be called by the name of the French king: but the English Lord's were contrary, willing him to be called by the name of Edward his father. At the birth of which Edward, great rejoicing was through all the land, and especially the king his father so much joyed thereat: that he begun daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gauestons death, and was after that more agreeable to the will of his Nobles.
Thus peace and concord between them began to be in a good toward ones: which more and more might have ben confirmed in wearing out of time, had not Satan the author and sower of discord, stirred up his instruments (certain Frenchmen, Titinyllars, and makebates about the king) which ceased not in carping and depraving the Nobles, to inflame the kings hatred & grudge against them. By the exciting of whom, the old quarrels being renewed a fresh, the king in his Parliament called upon the same: began to charge the foresaid Barons and Nobles with sedion and rebellion, & for slaying Peter Gaueston. Neither were the nobles less stout again in defending their cause declaring that they in so doing had deserved rather thank and favor with the king then any displeasure, in vanquishing such a public enemy of the Realm, who not only had spoiled and wasted the kings substance, but also raised much disturbance in the realm. And for as much as they had begun with the matter to their so great labors & expenses: they would proceed further, they said, not ceasing til they saw an end thereof. To be short, great threats there were on both parts, and a fowl matter like to have followed. But again through the diligent mediation of the Queen, the Prelates, and the foresaid Earl of Gloucester: the matter was taken up and brought to reconcilemēt upon these conditions, that the Lord's and Barons openly in Westminster hall should humble themselves before the king, and ask pardon there of their doings, and every man there to receive a letter of the kings pardon, for their indemnity, and assurance. And so passed over that year, within the which year died Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury. In whose room, Thomas Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to succeed: but the Pope, cassating that election, placed Walter Reynald Bishop of Worcester.
In the mean time, the Scots hearing this civil discord in the Realm, began to be busy, and to rebel of new through the means of Robert Brius: who being chased out of Scotland, by king Edward the first, as is above premised, into Norway, was now returned again into Scotland: where he demeaned him in such sort to y t Lord's there: that in short process he was again made king of the Realm: And warred so strongly upon them that took the kings part: that he wan from them many Castels and strong holds, and invaded the borders of England. The K. hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water entereth the Realm of Scotland. Agaynst whō he encountered Robert de Bruys with his Scots at Estriuallin, where was fought a strong battle: in the end whereof, the Englishmē were discomfited, & so eagerly pursued by the Scots, that many of the Noble men were slay ne, as the Earl of Gloucester, Syr Robert Clifford, Syr Edmund Maule with other Lord's to the number of 4.2. & knights and Barons 227. besides men of name, which were taken prisoners: of common soldiers 10. thousand, or after the Scottish story 50. thousand slain. After which time, sir Robert Bruis reigned as king of Scotland.
About which time and in which year, died Pope Clement, who keeping in the realm of France, never came to the sea of Rome: after whose death the Papacie stood void two years.
The Scots after this exalted with pride and fierceness invaded the realm of England so • ore killing & destroying man, and woman, and child: that they came wyning & wasting the Northpartes as far as to York. Besides this, such dearth of victuals, and penury of all things so oppressed the whole land, such moraine of sheep and Oxen: as men were fain to eat horseflesh, dogs, cattes, myse, and what else they could get. Moreover, such a price of corn followed withal, y t the king hardly had bread, for y e sustentation of his own household. Moreover some there were y t stall children and did eat them, and many for lack of virtual died. And yet all this amended not the king of his evil living.
The cause and origene of this great dearth was, partly the wars and dissention between them and the Scots: whereby a great part of y e land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was, the intemperate season of the year, which contrary to the common course, was so moist w t abundance of rain: that the grain laid in the earth could have no ripyng by heat of the sun, nor grow to any nourishment. Whereby, they that had to eat, could not be satisfied with saturitie, but eftsoons were as hungry again. They that had nothing, weve driven to steal and rob: the riche were constrained to avoid and diminish their households: the poor for famine died. And not so much the want of vitayle which could not be gotten, as y e vnwholesomnes of y e same when it was taken, so consumed the people: that the quick were not suficient to bury the dead. For the corruption of the meats, by reasō of unseasonableness of the ground, was so infectious: that many died of the f • ixe, many of hot fevers, diverse of the pestilence. And not only the bodies of men thereby were infected, but also the bea • es by the putrifaction of the herbs and grass fell in as great a morain: so farforth, as the eating of flesh was suspect & thought cōtagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from the month of June to September grew from 30. s. unto 40. s. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat dogs and to eat them: some were said in secret corners to eat their own children. Some would steal other men's children to kill them and eat them privily. The prisoners and thieves that were in bands, such as newly were brought in unto them, for hunger fell upon them, and tearing them in pecces did eat them half alive Briefly, this extreme pemiry had extincted and consumed (as it was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land: ha d not the king by the statute of the Londoners givē forth commandment through all his land, that no corn should at that time be turned to the making of drink. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do where he is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wealth and abundance will not surcease daily to provoke his terrible majesty.
But let us return to the order again of our story. After the Scots had thus plagued miserably (as ye have heard) the Realm of England: they invaded also Ireland where they kept and continued war the space of 4. years. But in fine, the Irishmen (by aid sent to them from England) quitte themselves so well: that they banquished the Scots, and slew Edward Bruys, and many of the Nobles of Scotland with many other, and drove the residue out of the country.
The king about the 12. year of his reign, assembled a new host and went into Scotland, where he laid siege to Barwike. But in the mean time, the Scots by another way, invaded the marches of Yorkeshyre, robbing and harieng the country, that they slew much people. Wherefore, the Archbishop of of York, and other Abbottes, Pryors, Clerks, with husbandmen: assembled a great company, and gave them battle at a place called Mytton, where the Englishmen were discomfited and many of them slain: but the Archbishop, and the Abbot of Selby, and diverse other there escaped. But because there were so many spiritual men there slain, it was called therefore the white battle. By reason whereof, the king hearing of this, and partly because winter did approach, was constrained to break up his siege, and so returned not without great danger.
At this time the two Spensers (Syr Hugh Spenser the father, and Hugh Spenser the son) were of great power in England, and by the favor of the King practiced such cruelty, and bare themselves so haughtely and proud: that no Lord of this land might gainsay them in anything that they thought good, whereby they were in great hatred and indignation both with the nobles, and the commons, no less then Peter Gaueston was before.
Soone upon this, came two Legates from Rome, sent by pope John the 22. under the pretence to set agreement between England and Scotland: who for their charges and expenses, required of every spiritual person iv.d. in every mark. But all their labor nothing auailed: For the Legates as they were in the North parts (about Derlinghton) with their whole family and trayne: were robbed and despoiled of their horses, treasure apparel, and what elles they had, and with an evil favored handling, retired back again to Duresine, where they said a while waiting for an answer from the Scots. But when neither the popes Legacy nor his curse would take any place with the Scots: they returned again to London, where they first excommunicated and cursed as black a s soote, all those arrogant and presumptuous robbars of Northumberland. Secondly, for supplying of the losses received, they exacted of the Clergy to be given and paid unto them viii.d. in every mark. But the Clergye thereunto would not agree, seeing it was their own couetouines (as they say) that made them venture farther then they needed. Only they were contented to relieve them after iv.d. in a mark as they promised before, further they would not grant. whereof the king being aduertized, and taking part with his clergy, directeth his letters to the said Legates in form as followeth Rex Magistro Rigando. &c.
REX Magistro rigando de Asterio (canonico Aurelian. Salutem &c. In English thus.
The king to master Rigand of Asserio (Canon of Aurelia greeting. We have taken notice of the clamours and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our Realm, perceiving by the same that you practice many and sundry inconveniences very strange: never heretofore accustomed nor heard of in this our realm, as well against the Clergy and ecclesiastical persons as against the layrie even to the utter oppression and empouerishing of many our liege people which if should be winked at (as God forbid) may in process of time be occasion of greater perils to ensue whereat we are (not without cause) moved, and not a little grieved. We forbid you therefore that from henceforth you practice not, ne presume in any case to attempt any thing within this our Realm either against our Clergy or laytie, that may any manner of way tend to the prejudice of our Royal person or of our Crown and dignity Regal, witness the king at wyndsoure the vi. day of February in the xi. year of his reign. Per Concilium.
Likewise in the same year the said king writeth to the same effect to the Archbishop of Canterbury as followeth Rex venerabili in Christo Patri. W. eadem gra. Archiepiscopo Cant. In English thus.
The king to the reverend father in God. W. by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury 1. primate of England greeting. We are credibly informed by many our subjects that certain strange imposicions never heard of before within any our dominions vpō lands & tenemēts, goods and cattels concerning testaments and cases of matrimony are brought into our Realm to be executed upon our subjects by you or some others which if should proceed to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherisō of our Crown, impeachment of our Crown and dignity Regal and the intolerable damage of the subjects of our realm (and to the dew preservation of the which you are bound by solemn oath of allegiance) we therefore command and straitly charge you, that you proceed not in any case to the execution of any such letters either in your own person nor by any other, nor yet presume by color of the same to attempt any thing that may be prejudicial or hurtful to our Crown or dignity Regal. And if you or any other in your name have done or attempted any thing by color of the same, that ye call back and revoke the same forthwith without delaye. Witness the King at Shene the xvii. of February the xi. year of his reign.
Peripsum Regem.
The like letters in effect were directed to the Archbyshop of York, and to every other Bishop through England. By force of which letters the greedy Legates being restrained of their ravening purpose taking what they could get, and setting a peace (such as it was) between the king and the Earl of Lancaster were fain to pack. Besides the restraynt above mentioned for strange imposicions there followeth moreover the same year the kings prohibitiō for the gathering of Peter Pence directed to the foresaid Legate the Tenor whereof followeth.
A prohibition of Peter Pence.
Rex magistro Rigando &c. In English thus. The king to master Rigand of Asserio Canon of Aurelia greeting. We are given to understand that you do demand and purpose to leuye the Peter Penny within our Realm otherwise then the said Peter Penny hath been heretofore accustomed to be leuyed in the time of any our progenitors exercising herein grievous censures ecclesiastical to the great annoyaunce and damnifying of the subjects of our Realm for present remedy whereof our loving subjects have made their humble supplication unto us. And for as much as the said Peter Penny hath been hitherto accustomed to be gathered and leuyed upon lands and Tenementes within our Realm after a dew manner and form We not willing that any such unaccustomed Imposicions shall in any wise be made upon the lands and Tenemēts of any our subjects within our dominions: Prohibite you upon grievous pain strai ghtly charging that in no wise you presume to exacte gather or leuy the said Peter Penny in any other form or manner then hath been heretofore accustomed to be gathered and levied in the time of our progenitors or since the beginning of our reign: until further order be taken in our high Courte of Parliament by the advise of the Nobles and Pieres of our realm, such as may well be taken without prejudice of our Crown and damage of subjects. Witness the king at Westminster the first day of march.
Per ipsum Regem & Consilium.
To the same effect letters were directed to the Archbishops, Deans, Archdeacons and the rest of the clergy. Touching the first original of which Peter pence though mention be made before in the life of king Offa and others: yet to make a brief recapitulation of the same according to the Rolls as they come, to our hands thus it followeth. De Denarijs beati petri sic scriptum. &c. That is to say: It is thus found recorded in ancient Chronicles touching the Peter pence of S, Peter, an. 187. Offa king of Mercia traveled up to Rome in the time of the Pope Adrian the first to obtain the Canonizing of S. Albone. And having performed his vow, visiting the College of English Students which then flourished in Rome, did give to the maintenance of the scholars of England Studentes in Rome, one penny out of every Tenemēt within this Realm that had land belonging to the same, amounting to the yearly value of 30 pence. And for this his munificence he obtained of Pope Adrian that no person within his dominions public repenting him for not performing enjoined penance should therefore be banished.
Anno Domini. 857. Adewulfus Rex Westsaxonium tempore Leonis Papae quarti Rome, singulis annis 300. Mancusas portari precepit, taliter diuidendas ibidem Viz. 100. Mancusas in honor scilicet petri specialiter ad emendum oleum, quo impletetur omnia Luminaria ecclesiae Apostolicae in vespera paschae & in galli cantu: & 100. mancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli eisdem de causis. 100. preterea mancusas precepit exhiberi Vniuersali Pape ad suas Eleemosinas ampliandas. Et sciendum quod secundum antiquorum Anglorum interpretationem differunt mancusa, & mancaiquia mancusa idem erat apud eos quod marca argentes: Manca vero erat moneta aria quadra, & valebat communiter 30. denarios argenteos.
Of which Peter Pence is found a transcript of the original Rescript Apostolical, the Tenor whereof is this.
Summa. 30. marce & dimidi.
Concerning which Peter Pence it is touched in y • laws of king Edward the Saint chap. 10. when where of whō under what pain this Peter Pence must be gathered being but the kings mere alms as is aforesaid. And thus much touching Peter Pēce. Now for other letters writ̄ by the k. to y e Pope, the same year for other matters as craning the popes help in compounding the variance betwixt the 2. Archibishaps of Cant. and York for bearing the cross from the one province to the other, thus it followeth that the king grievously complaineth quod tantae dissentiones. 1. that such hurly burly and uproar arose thereof that they could not meet together in one place through the great multitude of armed men assistants on both partes in the very bearing of the cross to the great disturbance of the people.
Now after this longe digression to tourne to our English matters again mention was made before of the variance between the king and the Earl of Lancaster and of a peace concluded between them. But this peace did not long endure: which the king by his own default did break sending to the Scots a privy messenger) which was taken in the way) to have the foresaid Earl of Lancaster by their means, made away, &c.
In the mean time, the Lord's and nobles of England detesting the outrageous pride of y e Spēsers, whereby they wrought daily both great dishonor to the king and hindraūce to the common weal: in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made are quest to the king, that he should remove the Spensers frō his person. For the which, there was a Parliament called at London, & the Barons came together with a great company. At which Parliament both the Spensers were banished the land for term of their lives: and they took shipping at Dover and so voided the land. But it was not long after, but the king (contrary to that ordinance made in the Parliament) sent for the Spensers again, and set them in high authority, & ruled all things after their sensual appetites, nothing regarding justice nor the cominō wealth. Wherefore, y e Barons entēding again to reform this mischief, assembled their powers: but the king (making so hasty speed, and gathering his people so soon) was stronger then they, & pursued thē so in diverse places: that the Barons not fully joined together (some flying, & some departing to the king, some slain by the way) in the end were chased so eagerly: that in short space, the foresaid Thomas Earl of Lancaster was taken & put to death in the rest of the nobility, to the number of 22. of the greatest men, and chicfest Captains of this realm. Of whom only, Thomas Earl of Lancaster for the nobility of his blood, was beheaded: All the other Lord's and Barons, were hanged drawn & quartered. &c. which bloody unmercifulness of y e king toward his natural subjects, not only to him procured great dishonor within the realm, but also turned afterward to his much more greater harm & hindrance, in his foreign wars against the Scots: And finally wrought his utter confusion and overthrow of his seat royal, as in the sequel of his end appeared, and worthily.
After the ruin of these noble personages: the king as though he had got̄ a great conquest (who then in deed began first to be ouercomen and conquer himself, when he so oppressed and cut of the strength and sinews of his chiualrye) began to triumph not a little with his Spensers: And to count himself sure as though he were in heaven, to exercise more sharp severity upon his subjects, trusting and committing all to the counsel only of the foresaid Spensers: in so much, that both the Queen and the residue of y • other nobles could little be regarded. Who as they grew ever in more contempt with the king: so they increased in more hatred against the Spensers: but strength & hability lacked, to work there will.
The next year, the king being at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spencer Earl, and Syr John Baldocke a man of evil same to be Chancellor of England: he thē areared a mighty host against the Scots. But for lack of skillful guiding, expert Captains, and for want specially of due provision of vitayles necessary for such an army: the great multitude, to the number reckoned of an hundredth thousand (wandering through Scotland, from whence the Scots, had conveyed all their goods and cattle into moutaynes, and marches) were so pynched and sterued with famyne, that a great part of the army, there presently perished: and they that returned home, as soon as they tasted of in eats, escaped not. The king neither having resistance of his enemies, and seeing such a destruction of his subjects: was forced without any act done to retire. But in his retiring, Sir James Duglas and the Scots having knowledge thereof, pursued him in such wise: that they clue many English men, and had well near taken the king himself. After which distress, the king thus beaten and wearied with the Scots, would fain have joined in • ruce with the Scots: but because they stood excommunicate by the pope he standing in fear thereof desireth license to entreat with them of peace, the said excommunication notwithstanding which license being obtained, a treaty was appointed by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle at the feast of Saint Nicholas next ensuing and so truce was taken for 12. years whereupon this is to be noted by the way (gentle reader) not unworthy of observation that whereas in former times and especially of the late king Edward the first, so long as the Scots were under the popes blessing, and we in displeasure with his holiness for dealing with them, so long we prevailed mightily against them, even to y e utter subversion in manour of their whole estate. But now so soon as the Pope took our part, & the Scots were under his curse and excommunication. Then gat they greater victories against us then any time either before or sithence, in so much as being before not able to defend them selves against us, they now pursued us into the bowels of our own country.
The king purposing to erect a house of Friars Augustine's within the town of Boston in Lincolneshyre first prayed the popes license in that behalf.
Polidorius Virgilius among other histories of our English nation which he intermeddleth withal, prosecuting also the acts and life of this present King, and coming to write of the Queens going over into France: inferreth much variety and diversity of authors and story writers, concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, be giveth himself no true certainty of that matter, neither yet toucheth he y • which was the cause in deed. By reason partly, that he being an Italian and a foreiner, could not understand our English tongue. And partly again being but one mā neither could he alone come to the sight of all our Latin authors. One I am sure came not to his perusing, an old ancient Latin history fair written in patchment (but without name) belonging to the library of William Cary Citizen of London. In which story, the truth of this matter • out all ambiguity is there fully and with all circumstances expressed, as here briefly is excerpted.
The king of England had been diverse & sundry times cited up to the Courte of France, to do homage to the French king, for the Dukedom of Aquitane & other lands which the king then held of France. Which homage because the king of England refused to tender: the French K. began to enter at such possessions as the king then did hold in France, Whereupon, great contention and confirtes there were on both sides. At length in this year now present, a Parliament was called at London. Where (after much altercation) at last it was determined: that certain should be sent over, to wit the Bishops of Winchester, and Norwich, and the Earl of Richmond, to make agreement betwixt the two kings. For the better help and fortification of which agreement, it was thought good afterward: that Queen Isabell, sister to Charles then y e French king should be sent over. Where is to be noted first that the Queens lands, possessions and castles a little before upon the breach between the French king and the Kyng of England, were seised into the kings hands, and the Queen put to her pension. &c. Thus the Queen being sent over with a few, to attend upon her, only Syr John Cromwell Baron, and 4. knights, took their passage into France: by whose mediation, it was there concluded that the king of England (if he would not himself come to do his homage) he should give to his son Edward, the Dukedom of Aquitanie, and the Earldom of Pontine and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to podesle the same. This being in France concluded, was sent over by message to the king of England, with y e kings letters patentes adjoined for the sat conduct of him or of his son. Upon this, deliberation was taken in the counsalle of England. But the two Spensers fearing to take the Seas either with the king, or else without the king to remain behind for scare of the nobles: so appointed, that Prince Edward the kings son was sent, which happened after to their utter desolation, as it followed. For all things being quieted & ordered according to y e agreement in France, K. Edward of England soon after Michaelmas, sendeth for his wife and his son again out of France. But the sending home most part of her family, reinseth herself • to return. For what cause it is not fully certain, whether for indignation that her possessions and lands were seised to the King, as is afore premised: or whether for fear and hatred of the Spensers, as is likely: or else for love and familiarity of Syr Roger Mortimer. For here is to be noted, that the said Syr Roger Mortimer, with diverse other of the Barons part, which had broken prison in England, were fled before into France, and now resorted unto the Queen. The king seeing this, giveth forth in proclamation, and limitteth a certain day to y • Queen and his son to return: or else to be proclaimed traitors to the King and to the Realm. Notwithstanding, the Queen persisting in her purpose, denieth to return, unless the other Nobles which were fled, might be permitted safely also to return with her. Whereupon, the king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed traitors; and all them that took their partes.
Here then began great hatred between king & king, between the king & the Queen, much preparation of war great spoiling on the sea, much sending between the pope & thē, but that would not serve. Then the K. (by the counsel of the Spensers) sendeth privily to procure the death of the Queen and of his son: which should be wrought by the execution of the Earl of Richmond, y e Queens familiar. But as the Lord would, that imaginatiō was prevented and utterly frustrate. Albeit, the Queen yet notwithstanding, whether misdoubting and fearing what corruptiō of • ony might do in the court of France: or whether the French king being threatened by the king of England, and by the Pope, durst not detain her: she removed from thence, & was received with Edward her son ioyously and honourably, in the Court or country of the Earl of Denawde, Where by means of such as were about her a marriage was concluded between the said Edward her son being of the age of 14. year, and Phillip the foresaid Earls daughter. When this was noised in Eng. diverse men of honor & name came over to the Queen. And soon after the Earl of Daynawde prepared a crew of 5. hundred men of arms to set over the young Prince in his mother into England. Of this, the same sprang shortly through the realm. Wherefore, the K. in all defensable ways made proiusiō to have the hauens and ports of his land surely kept, for to resist the landing of his enemies. On the contrary side, the Queen with no less preparation provideth all things to her expedition necessary. Who when she saw her time, speeding herself to the Sea coast with Prince Edward her son, Lord Edmund Earl of Kent the Kings brother, Syr Roger Mortimer, the Lord Hygmore and other exiles of England, accompanied also with the foresaid Hainawders, of whō Syr John Henawd the Earls brother was Captayne of Englishmen & strangers having with her, the nuūber of 2757. soldiers she took shipping in those partes, & had the wind so favorable, that they landed in England at a porte called Orwel beside Harwich in Suffolk, in the Dominion of the Earl Marshal the month of September. To whom after her landing resorted Earl Marshall, the Earl of Leicester, with other Barons Knightes, and Bishops also: namely of Lincoln, Hereforde, Duresine, and Eli: The Archbishop of Canterbury though he came not himself, yet sent his aid and money. Thus the Queen well furnished with plenty both of men and vitaile, setteth forward toward London: so that the further she came the more her number daily increased, and the kings power contrary, decreased, insomuch that as mine author affirmeth, not one almost in all the Realm could be hyzed with any wages to fight on the kings behalf against the Queen. Neither did the Queens army hurt any man or child, either in goods or any other thing, by the way.
At the arriving of the Queen, the King was then in London, which first would not believe it to be true. Afterward (seeing and perceiving how it was) he asketh help of the Londoners. Who after mature abuisement; rendered this answer to the king again: that as touching the King, the Queen, and their son (the lawful heir of the kingdom) they were ready withal duty and service to honor and obey. As for strangers and traitors to the realm, they would receive none such within their City gates. Furthermore to go out of the City to fight, that they said they would not, unless it were so, that according to y • liberties of their city, they might return home again before son set. The king hearing this answer (which liked him not well) fortifieth the Tower of London with men & vitaile: commieting the custody thereof to John Ealtham his younger son, and to the wife of Hugh Spenser his niece. And leaving Walter Stapleton Bysh. of Excter behind him to have the rule of the city of London: he himself hearing daily the great recourse of the people that drew to y e Queen: For more safeguard to himself, fled w t a small company Westward toward Wales. But before his departing frō London, he caused a proclamation to be made: wherein, all & singular persons were charged upon forteite of life & goods: every man w t all his power to rile & muade the rebels & destroy them all, only the life of the Queen his son, and his brother reserned. Also that no man, vpō pain pretaxate, should help, rescue, or relieve the said rebels, with goods, vitailes, or any otherwise. Item, it was also proclaimed, that whosoever would bring to the King the head and body either dead or alive of Sir Roger Mortimer: should have out of the kings cofers, W. pound.
In contrariwise, the Queen setteth forth another proclamation, wherein it was forbidden, to take spoil violently the value of any man's goods against the will of the owner, under pain of loosing his finger, if it were 3. d. Of his hand, if it were 6. d. Of his head, if it were 12. d. Moreover who soever would bring to the Queen the head of Hugh Spencer the younger chopped off from his body: should receive for so doing of the Queen 2. thounsand pounds. This done, the Queen sendeth her letters to the Citty of London for aid and succont to subdue the oppressor of the Realm, to the which letters first no answer was made. Again, she wrote the second letter, which was then tacked upon the cross in Cheape, which was then called the new cross. The copy and tenor of which letter was this.
The copy of a letter that the Queen sent unto the Mayor and Citizens of London.
For as much as we have before this time sent to you by our letters, and howe we come into this lande in good array and good manner, for the profit of holy Church and of our right dear Lord and king, and all the Realm with all our might and strength, to keep and maintain the Realm as all good people ought for to do. Upon that we pray you and desire you that ye would be helping to us for the health and profit of the Realm, and we have had none answer of you, nor know not your will in that parte. Wherefore we send to you again and pray you, & charge you, that ye beat you so against us, that ye have nor make no cause us to grieve, but that ye be to us helping in all the ways that you may. And were ye well in certain that we and also those that cometh with us into this realm, nothing for to done, but that shall be pleasing to God, and common profit to all the Realm. Not else, but for to destroy the Spensers, enemies to the Realm as ye well know. Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the faith that ye owe to our Lord the king to the Crown and to us, and upon all that ye may forfeite, that if Hugh Spenser both the father and the son our enemies come within your power, that ye do thē hastily to be take, & fastly kept, til we have ordained for them our will. And as ye desire profit and honor of us, and of the Realm. Understanding well if it be so that ye do our desire and prayer, we shall the more be beholden to you. And also we shall do you profit and worship if that ye send us hastily word again of our will.
Geuen at Baldocke the sixth day of October.
These foresaid letters being published and perused, the Bishop of Exceter, to whom (as ye heard) was committed the rule of the City: sent to the Major for their keys of the gates, using so sharp words in the kings name: y • variance began to kindle between him and the Citizens, so far forth that the commons in their rage took the foresaid Bishop and beheaded him and two of his household at y t Stādard in Cheape. Then the king went to Bristow, and ordained sir Hugh Spēser the father there to keep the Castle and the town: and the king with Hugh Spencer the son, and Syr Robert Baldocke Chancellor, & the Earl of Arundell went into Wales. And the Queen so pursued them, that first they took the town yielded up to her: Then they took syr Hugh Spenser the father, whom being drawn, and torn, they at last hanged up at Bristow in chains of iron. As the king was thus flying, y • queen caused to be proclaimed through her army, that the Kyng should come and appear, and so to receive his kingdom again if he would be conformable to his liege subjects. Who when he did not appear, Prince Edward his son was proclaimed high keeper of the Realm.
In the mean time Henry Earl of Lancaster, & brother to the good Earl Thomas which before was beheaded, also Lord William Souch, and M. Upphowell were sent by the Queen into Wales to pursue the king: & there took him, and sent him to the Castell of Kenelworth: And took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock Chancellor, and sir John Earl of Arundell, & brought them all to the town of Hereford, And anon after, Hugh Spenser the son was drawn and hanged on a gallows fiftye foot high, and after beheaded, and quartered, whose quarters were sent into 4. quarters of the Realm. Syr John of Arundel was beheaded, sir Robert Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where shortly after he pyned away and died among the thieves. This done, a Parliament was assembled at London, from whence message was sent to the Kyng, that if he would resign up his Crown, his son should have it after him: If not, another should take it to whom the lot would give it. Wherevpon, the king being constrained to yield up his Crown to his son was kept in prison and after had to Barkley: where he is said to take great repentance. After this message being sent, and the king half condescending thereunto (the Parliament notwithstanding prosecuting and going forward) there was a bill exhibited and put up containing certain articles against the said Kyng, then in prison in the Castle of Barkley, touching his misbehavior and imprudent governing of the realm: which bill, openly before all the Lord's and commons by the speaker of the Parliament house was read. After long consultation thereof amongst themselves touching those articles, and also for the better and more circumspect government of the Realm from that time forth: it was consulted and agreed upon by the Lord's spiritual and temporal, and commons there assembled: that they said Edward was a man not meet to be their Kyng, nor from that time forth any more to bear the Crown royal or title of a Kyng. But that Edward his eldest son, who there in the same court of high Parliament was present, as he was rightful heir and inheritor thereunto: so should he be crowned king thereof in his fathers stead, with these conditions thereunto annexed: That he should take wise, sage, and true Counsellers unto him. That the Realm might be better and more circumspectly governed: then before in the time of Edward his father it was: That the old King his Father should be honourably provided for and kept, so long as he lived, according as unto his estate it appertained. &c. These and other things thus finished and ended, the Parliament breaketh up, and all things necessary to the coronation of a Prince appertaining were in speedy wise prepared, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be specified.
In the mean time as touching the king which was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers: that the next year following by the means of syr Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slain, with a spit (as is said) being thrust up into his body, and was buried at Gloucester, after he had reigned xix. years.
In the time and reign of this King, the College of Cambridge called Michael house was founded and built by Syr Henry Stantō Knight, to the use and increase of learning: a thing in a common wealth very profitable And necessary to be had, the want and need whereof, many sundry times, is sooner felt in this realm of ours, and other Realms abroad, then is the discommoditie thereof, of most men commonly understood.
About the same time also, was Nicholaus de Lyra, which wrote the ordinary gloss of the Bible. Also Gulielmus Oceham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judgment, as the times then would either give or suffer.
In the tractation of this kings history, before was declared what grudge did kindle in the harts of the Barons against the king, for revoking such acts and customs, as had been before in the Parliament established, both for Peter Gauestō, & for y t two Spensers. Also what severe punishment the king did execute upon them for the same, in such cruel and rigorous sort, that as he spared none of them, whom he could there find: so he never ceased all his life after to inquire out and to be revenged of all such, as had been in any part or consenting to that matter. For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was in such hatred of all the people: that as he said, he could not find one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Bishop of Hereford: who being unpeached of treason with other moe, was at length arrested in the Parliament, to appear and answer to that should be to him objected. Many things there were laid against him, for taking part with them that rose against the Kyng with matters moe and heinous rebukes &c. Whereunto, the Bishop a great while answered nothing.
At length, the Bishop claiming the liberties and privileges of the Church, answered to the king in this form. The due reverence of your Princely majesty ever saved,
This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey, after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Canterbury. an. 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham.
After pope Clement the 5. by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant (as ye heard) two years and 3. months next was elected Pope John 22. a Cistercian monk, who fare in that papacy 18. years. He was stout and inflexible, given so much to the heaping of riches: that he proclaimed them heretics, which taught that Christ and his Apostles had no possessions of their own in this world.
At this time was Emperor Ludonicus Bauarus, a worthy man: who with this Pope and other that followed him, had no less contention, then had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the third. Insomuch that this contention and variance continued the space of 24. years. The cause and first origene of this tragical conflicte, rose upon the constitution of Clement the 5. predecessor to this pope, by whom it was ordained as is afore mentioned, that Emperors by the Germayne Princes elected, might be called kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title or right of the Empire to be nominated Emperor, without their confirmation given by the Pope. Wherefore, this foresaid Emperor because he used the emperiall dignity in Italy, before he was authorised by the pope: the said Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperor. And notwithstanding, the Emperor oftentimes did profer himself to make entreaty of peace and concord, yet the Pope inflexible would not bend. The writings of both partes yet be extant, wherein the said Bishop doth make his auaunt: that he had full power to treat and depose kings and Emperors at his pleasure. In the same time were diverse learned men, which seeing the matter: did greatly disallow the Bishop of Rome's doings, among whom was Guillerne Ocham, whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope, for writing against the temporal jurisdiction of their see. And another named Marselius Patauius, which wrote the book entitled Defensor pacis, given up to the hands of the said Emperor, wherein the controversy of the Popes unlawful iuiurisdiction in things temporal is largely disputed & the usurped authority of that see set forth to the uttermost. It is found in some writers, that a great cause of this variance first began, for that one of the Emperors secretaries, unknowing to the Emperor: in certain of his letters, had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalypse. At length, when the Emperor after much suit made to the pope at Avigno, could not obtain his coronation: coming to Rome, was there received w t great honor, where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lord's and Cardinals there, and moreover, another pope there set up, called Nicholas the fifth. After which things done, the Pope not long after departed at Avigno in France, after whom succeeded then Benedictus 12. a monk of Benedicts order, and rained 7. years. Who by the counsel of Phillip the French king confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursinges that John his predecessor had published against Louis the Emperor: Moreover deprived him of his Imperial Crown, and also of his Dukedom of Bavaria. The Emperor upon this cometh to Germany, and assembling the Princes electors, Dukes, Bishops, Nobles, and the learned in a council at Frankford: there declared before them out of the ancient laws and customs of the Empire, how it standeth only in the Princes Electors, and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Romaines (for in both these names was no difference) so that the same Electors in choosing the king of the Romans, did also elect and choose the Emperor, which Emperor so by them constitute had lawful right, without any information of the Apostolical see, to exercise the administration of the Empire. And if he were lawfully elect, ought to be annointed of the Roman Bishop: which if he do refuse, then might he be annointed and declared Emperor and Augustus by any other Catholic Bishoppe thereunto appointed (as by the old manner and custom hath been) especially seeing these injunctions, are but certain solēnities added and invented by the bishops, only for a token of unity between the church & Empire, to govern and defend the faith together. Wherefore in that the Emperor sweareth to the bish. of Rome: in that is to be understand no homage or fealty made to the Bishop, but only is a Sacrament & a promise givē to defend the faith. The which oth or sacrament so given, giveth no maioritie to the Pope in any temporal rule, but only byndeth y e Emperor to be priest and ready to defend the faith & church of Christ, when need shall require obedience. Wherefore, where as the Pope leaneth only to the electors authority to make the k. of Romans, and taketh upon himself alone to make the Emperor that as it is newly brought in & devised a late by pope Clement the 5. so is it contrary both to all ancient order, and also derogatory to the liberty & majesty of the sacrate Empire. Agayne, neither is that also less absurd and contrary to all right and reason: y t the pope in time of the imperial seat being vacant, taketh upon him to have the whole & full doings of the Empire, as lawful Emperor for the time. Which prerogative and function, by ancient orders of our forcelders, should properly & only appertain to the Palatine of Rhene, the Constitution Clementine of the foresaid Pope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then in the end for his own excuse, he in the presence of them all reciteth the public confession of his faith, to answer & purge himself of those objections laid to him by the pope. This did the meek Emperor Ludouicke in that Council: yet all this not withstanding, the said Emperor remained still excommunicate, till time variance fell between this pope Benedict and Philip the French king. Wherefore to make his party good, at least to have some friends to flee to: he began to pretend favor & absolution, rather for necessity, then for any good will to the Emperor. But not long after, this Pope died: of who this Epitaph was made.
After whom followed Pope Clement the sixth, a man most furious and cruel. Who renning again the former excommunications of his former predecessors, caused his letters to be set up on Church doors, wherein he threatened & denounced most terrible thunderboltes against the said Louis the Emperor, unless within three day • s he should satisfy to God and the Church, and renounce the Imperial possession of the crown. The Emperor upon this, cometh to Frankford, and there ready to stand in all things to the ordinance of the pope: sendeth his Orators to the court of Rome, to ent • eat the pope of his favor and good will towards him. To the which messengers the Pope answered again, that he would never pardon the Emperor, before he gave over and confessed his errors & here • ies and resigning up his Empire to his hands, woinde submit himself, his children, and all his goods to the will and pleasure of the bishop, promising that he should not receive again any part of the same, but upon his good grace; as his will should be to restore them.
The heresy here mentioned, which was to this Emperor objected by the pope was this: because (as is above touched) he used and executed the Imperial dignity after his election, before he was of the pope confirmed. Ouer & besides the Pope sendeth to the Emperor by the said Orators, a certain form of a bill contained in writing w t certain conditions, which he commanded to be given to the hands of the Emperor. Here if the Emperor Lewis had had as much mind to set upon the Pope with dint of sword, as he lacked neither occasion nor power so to do: what blood might here have been spilled? But the good Emperor sparing the effusion of blood, receiveth gently the bill: and not only with his seal doth confirm it, but also sweareth to observe all y e conditions thereof. Which the pope hearing of, doth greatly marvel. But yet all this would nothing help to mollitie the modest heart of this Pharaoh.
The Princes and electors seeing the bill of the articles and conditions, whereof some sounded to malicious defacing and destructiō of the Empire, abhorring the wickedness thereof: desired the Emperor to stand to the defense of the Imperial Dominion, as he had begoni promising that their assistance & aid, to the uttermost thereunto should not lack. Upon that other Orators were sent to P. Clement from the Princes, desiring him to abstain from such manner of articles conceived against the state and majesty of the Empire. The pope surmising all this to spring from Louis the Emperor, to the utter subversion of him and all his posterity: on Maundy thursday blustereth out most black curses against him, also reneweth all the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both an heretic & a schismatic, commanding moreover the Princes electors to proceed in choosing a new Emperor. The Archbishop of Mainz seeing the innocence of the emperor, would not consent to the violating of his majesty, wherefore was deprived by the Pope of all his dignities. Wherefore was deprived by the Pope of all his dignity, The other bishops electors, as the Archb. of Cholē, which took 8. thousand marks, with the Duke of Saronye which took 2. thousand marks, being corrupted with money by John king of Boheme: elected Charles the son of the said John, whom Pope Clement eftsoons in his consistory did approve. Who seeth not here what matter was ministered by the P, of war and bloodshed between these 2. Emperors, if the patience of Ludouicke had not been more prudent to quench the fire, then the pope was to kindle it▪ Charles then the new Emperor elect, sped him to Aquisgraue, according to the custom, there to be crowned. But by the Citizens there, and the Empresse (Ludouicus wise keeping there about) was repelled. All this happened in the time and reign of Edward the 3. King of England, with whō the said Charles, with the French k. and king of Boheme, set on by the P. encountered in war where the king of England, had against them a noble victory, and • ue a great number of the Frenchmen and Almaynes, and put Charles the new Emperor to flight. In the mean time, among the Princes and Cities of Germany what sorrow and what complaints were against pope Clement and those electors, it cannot be expressed. For as they were altogether at Spires congregated in a general assembly, so there was none among them all: y • allowed the election of Charles, or that cared for the popes process, promising all to adhere & continue faithful subjects to Ludouicke their lawful Emperor. But Ludouicke remembering his oth made before to the popes bill, voluntary and willingly gave over his Imperial dignity, and went to Burgrauia, where shortly after, through the procured practice of pope Clement (as Hieronimus Marius doth write) poison was given him to drink. After the which being drunk, when he would have vomitted out, and could not: took his horse & went to hun • the bear, whereby through the chasing & heat of his body to expel y e venom. And there the good & gentle Emperor wickedly persecuted & murdered of the P. fell down dead, whom I may well recount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ. For if y e cause being righteous doth make a Martyr, what Papist can justly disprove his cause or faith? if persecution joined thereunto causeth martyrdom, what martyre could be more persecuted thē he? Who having 3. popes, like 3. baddogs vpō him, at length was denoured by the same. The princes then hearing of his death, assembled thenselves to a new election: who refusing Charles aforesaid, elected another for Emperor, named Gunterus de Monte Nigro. Who shortly after falling sick at Franckford through his physicians servant was likewise poisoned, whom the foresaid Charles had hired with money to work that seat. Gunterus tasting of the poysō, although he did partly cast it up again, yet so much remained within him, as made him unable afterward to serve that place. Wherefore for cōcords sake being counseled thereto by the Germaynes, gave over his Empire to Charles. For else, great bloodshed was like to ensue. This Charles thus ambiciously aspiring to the Imperial seat contrary to the minds of the states, and pieres of the Empire, as he did wickedly & unlawfully come by it: so was he by his ambitious guiding, the first and principal mean of the utter ruin of that monarchy. For that he to have his son set up Emperor after him, convented and granted to the Princes electours of Germany, all the public taxes & tributes of the Empire. Which covenant being once made between the Emperor & them, they afterward held so fast, that they caused the Emperor to swear never to revoke or cal back again the same. By reason whereof, the tribute of the countries of Germany, which then belonged only to the Emperor, for the sustentation of his wars: ever since to this day is dispersed diversely into the hands of the Princes, and free cities within the said monarchy. So that both the Empire being disfornished and left desolate, & the Emperors weakened thereby: having neither been able sufficiently since to defend themselves, nor yet to resist the Turk, or other foreign enemies. Whereof a great part, as ye have heard, may be imputed unto the popes. &c. Hieronimus Marius.
This Pope Clement first reduced the year of Iubeley to every 50. year, which before was kept but on y e hundredth year. And so he being absent at Avigno (which he then purchased withhys money to the sea of Rome) caused it to be celebrated at Rome, an. 1350. In the which year were numbered of peregrines going in, and coming out every day at Rome, to the estimation of five thousand. Praemonstrat. The bull of pope Clement given out for this present year of Iubiley, proceedeth in these words as followeth. What person or persons soever for deuotiō sake: shall take their perigrination unto the holy Citty, the same day when he setteth forth out of his house, he may choose unto him what cōfessor or cōfessors either in y e way, or where else he listeth: unto y e which cōfessors, we grant, by our authority plenary power to absolve all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Item, we grant that whosoever being truly confessed, shall chance by the way to die, he shall be quite and absolved of all his sins. Moreover, we command the Angels of Paradise, to take his soul out of his body being absolved, and to carry it into the glory of Paradise. &c. And in another Bull, we will (saith he) that no pain of hell shall touche him, granting moreover to all and singular person & persons signed with the holy cross, power and authority to deliver and release iii. or iv. souls, whom they list themselves, out of the pains of purgatory. &c.
This Clement (as mine author affirmeth) took upon him so prodigally in his Popedom, that he gave to his Cardinals of Rome, Byshoprickes and benefices, which then were vacant in England: and begā to give them new titles for the same livings he gave them in England. Wherewith the king (as good cause he had) was offended, and undid all the provisions of y e pope within his realm: Commanding under pain of prisonment and life, no man to be so hardy, as to induce & bring in any such provisions of the pope, anymore within his land. And under the same punishment charged the two Cardinals to void y t realm. An. 1343. In the same year all the tenths as well of the templaries as of other spiritual men, were given & paid to the king through the whole realm. An. 1343. And thus much concerning good Ludouicke Emperor and martyr, & Pope Clement y • 6. his enemy. Wherein, because we have a little exceeded the course of years, whereat we left, let us return some what back again, and take such things in order as belong to the church of the England and Scotland, setting forth the reign of king Edward the 3. and the doings of the Church, which in his time have happened, as the grace of Christ our Lord▪ will assiste and able us thereunto.
This foresaid king Edward the second, in his time built 2. houses in Oxford for good letters: to wit, Oriall college and S. Mary Halle.
Here I omit also by the way the furious outrage and conflict which happened in the time of this king, a little before his death, an. 1326. between the townesmen and the Abbey of Bury, wherein the townesmen gathering themselves together in a great multitude (for what cause or old grudge between them, the Register doth not declare) invaded and sacked the monastery. And after they had imprisoned y e monks, they risted the goods and treasure of the whole house, spoiling and carrying away their plate, money, copes, vestimentes, sen • ers, crosses, chalises, basens, jewels, cups, masers, books, w t other ornaments and implementes of the house, to the value inestimable. In the which conflict certain also on both sides were slain. Such was the madness then of that people, that when they had gathered unto them a great concourse of servants & light persons of that country to the number of 20. thousand, to whom they promised liberty & freedom: by virtue of such writs which they had out of that house, first they got into their hands all their evidences, copies & instruments, that they could find: then they took of the lead, that done, setting fire to the Abbey gates they brent up near the whole house. After that they proceeded further to the farms and granges belonging to the said Abbey, whereof they wasted spoiled and brent to the mumber of 22. manour places in one week: transporting away the corn, horses, cartell, and other moveables belonging to the same, the price whereof is registered to come to 922. li. 5, s. 11. d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasure within the Abbey, which cannot be esteemed.
The Abbot all this space was at London in the parliament, by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down, that 24. of the chief of the town (submitting thenselves) were committed to ward: 30. cartes full of the townesmē were carried to Norwich, of whom 19. were there hanged, diverse were put to convict prison. The whole tounship was condemned in seven score thousand pound, to be paid for damages of the house. John Berton Aldermē, W. Herlng w • i 32. priests, 13. women & 138. other of y e said town were outlawd. Of whō diverse, after grudging at y e Abbot for breaking promise with thē at London, did confederate themselves together, & privily in the night coming to the mannour of Cheninton, where y e Abbot did lie: brast open the gates, who then entering in, first bound all his family: & after they had robbed all his plate, jewels and money, they took the Abbot and shaved him, & secretly w t them conveyed him away to London: where they removing him from street to street unknown, from thence had him over Thames into Kent, at length over y • sea they serried over to Dist in Brabante: where they a sufficient time kept him in much penury, misery and thralldom, till at length the matter being searched, they were all excommunicate, first by the archb. of Cant. then by the pope. And at last being known where he was by his friends, was delivered and rescued out of the thieves hands, and finally brought home with procession, and restored to his house again. And thus was that abbey with the Abbot of y e same (for what demerits I know not) thus vexed and afflicted about this time, as more largely I have seen in their latin register. But thus much briefly, touching the rest I omit here, about the latter end of this Edward the 2. ceaseth the history of Nic. Triuet, and of Flor. Hist passing over to the reign of the next king.
King Edward the 3.
C Oncerning the acts & story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing, & cruel death, wrought by the false and counterfeit letter of sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the kings name to y • keepers (for y e which he was after charged, drawn, & quartered.) I have written sufficiently before, and more peradventure thē the profession of this Ecclesiastical history will well admit. Notwithstanding for certain respects & causes, I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more, whereby both kings & such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same, the one to have y e love of his subjects, the other to learn to flee ambition, & not to bear themselves to brag of their fortune and state, how hye so ever it be. Considering with thenselves nothing to be in this worldo so firm and sure, that may promise it self any certain continuance, & is not in perpetual danger of mutatiō unless it be fastened by God his protection.
After the suppression of this king, as is above expressed Edward his soon was crowned king of England, being about the year of 15. & raygned the space of 50. years, who was a prince of much and great temperance. In fears of arms very expert, and no less fortunate and lucky in all his wars, as his father was infortunate before him. In liberallitie also and clemēcy worthily commended, briefly in all princely virtues, famous and excellent. Concerning the memorable acts of which prince, dove both in wars and peace, as how he subdued y • Scots, had great victoryes by the sea, how he conquered France. an. 1332. wan Calais, an. 1348. and tras • ated the staple thither, took the French king prisoner, & how the French arms first by him was brought in, & conjoined with the English arms, also how the order o • the Garter first by the said k. was invented and ordayued, an. 1356. also an. 1357. How the king in his parliament at Nottingham, decreed, that all such in Flaunders or other where, that had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabit the land and be welcome. For 3. years before y • , it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over the sea. Which was to bridle the pride of y t Fleminges who then loved better the sacks of wool, then the nation of Englishmē. All these with other noble acts of this worthy Prince, although in other chronicles be fully entreated of: yet according to that order I have begun (saying somewhat of ech kings reign, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history) I have here inserted the same, making hast to other matters, shortly & compendiously abridging them out of diverse & sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.
The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all y e pomp thereof was no sooner ended: but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland, understanding the state and government of y e realm to be (as it was in deed) in y e queen, the young king, the Earl of Kent, and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lord's and Barons, as he was informed, did scarcely well agree amongst themselves (although he grew now in age, and was troubled with the falling disease) Yet thought he this a meet time for his purpose, to make invasion. Hooping for as good success & like victory now, as but lately before he had at y • castle of Eustriuelin. Wherupō about the feast of Easter, he sent his Ambassadors with Heralds and letters of defiance to the young king Edward the 3. the Queen, & counsel: declaring that his purpose was w t fire and sword to enter and invade the Realm of England. &c. The K. Queen, and counsel hearing this bold defiance, commanded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realm: appointing to every band captains convenient, & at the city of York by a day assigned them, commanding every man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and thoroughly provided They directed their letters also with all speed to sir John of Heynault, requiring him with such soldiers and men at arms as he might conveniently provide in Flaunders, Heynalt, and Grabant, to meet the king and Queen upon the Ascension day next ensuing at their Citty of York.
The king & Queen made speedy preparation for this expeditiō: The noble men provided thenselves of all things necessary thereunto: the English captaynes and soldiers (their bands thoroughly furnished) were ready at their appointed time and place: Sir John of Heynalt, Lord Bedmount mustering his men as fast, was ready to take shipping: where at Wysant (in English Bothoms there lying for him ready) he went aboard, and w t a merry wind landed at Dover, travailing frō thence by small journeys daily, till he came w t in 3. days after the feast of Pentecost to the City of York: where the king and Queen w t a great power of 6000. men (within and about the City of York) expected his coming: Before whom, in courteous wise he presented himself, and mustered his troupe, wherein he had to the number of 500. good men at arms well appointed & moūted. His coming and furniture was well liked both of y e king & Queen, & was by the Harbinger, appointed to be lodged with his household retinue in the Abbey of white monks. To be brief, such grudge and variance fell between some of the kings soldiers and his, within the suburbs of the town being together lodged: That from the little to y e more, whiles the king & Queen with diverse other of the nobles, (strangers & others) were at dinner: the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole army as many as wer in the town then lodged, stood to their defense: so that there was slain of the english archers in short space by the strangers to the mumber of 300. men. Wherupō grew (after y e fray was w t much difficulty both of the king & Queen ended) such hartburning between the parties: as that the number of 6000. conspired together against thē: thinking to have burnt them in their lodginges, had they not been by the great grace of God & discrete handling, otherwise prevented & let. Wherupō the Heynolders were fain to take & keep the field, using as diligent watch and ward, as though they had been among their hostile enemies. After this, the king set forward his army toward Durham, & encamped himself near about the same: who also sent the Lord Ufford & the Lord Mounbry to Carlell with a sufficient company to keep that entrance: and also the Lord marshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle with a sufficient company to defend the same, and the country adjoining. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries, the Scots must pass into England, standing both of them upon the river of Tyne, 24. miles distant.
But the Scots privily with their army passed the river betwixt the two towns into England, few understanding thereof, till that the great fyers which the Scots had kindled and made in England bewrayed them: who came burning and destroing the country all about as far as Stānop park. This thing being declared to the king, he commandeth his host with all speed to march towards thē, which so long travailed y t they came in sight ech of other. The K. also commanded the passages of y • river to be so straitly & narrowly guarded, that by no means y • Scots could retire and have escaped back again into Scotland, without battle given them of the K. But the Scots understanding the great power of the king was of, kept always the advantage of the hills retiring in the nights frō one to another: that w t out great odds & advantage in the one side & hazard to the other, the king could not set upon them.
Thus in the day time the Scots keeping the advantage of the hills, and in the night times retiring to the advantage of such other like came near against that river where they first passed over, where they made a show to offer battle to the K. upon the morrow. Wherupon the king being busied in putting his mē and battles in a readiness to fight the next morning, being almost forweried in pursuing the Scots frō place to place: the Scots in the mean season gat over the river and escaped the danger of the K. Which thing as it could not be done: without great treasō of some near about the king: so sir Roger Mortimer was grievously suspected thereof, and after was laid unto his charge. But to be short, by this means the Scots escaped the river, after whom it should have prevailed the King very little to have made pursuit as the wily Scots knew full well. For the joy whereof, y e L. William Douglas one of the Scots Generals, w t 200. horses gave a larum in the kings camp: & came so near, y t he cut certain of the lines of the kings tent in sunder w t his sword, and retired to his company without great loss of any of his mē. Then on the morrow the king perceiving the Scots to be gone, came to the place where over night they lodged, where was found 500. great Oxen and Kyne ready killed: five hundred Caudrens made of beasts skins full of flesh, over the fire seething: a thousands speetes full of flesh ready to be roasted, and more then 10000. shoes of raw leather (the hear still upon the same) which the Scots had left behind them: and five poor English prisoners tied to trees & their legs broken. All which seeing the king, returned w t his army (and left any further pursuing the Scots) to Durham: where he dismissed his army, and came again to London sending with Syr John of Heynalt two hundred men at arms for their better safeguard against the english archers (with whom at York as you heard they frayed) till they had taken shipping, and so returned home.
The king then being at London, confirmed the liberties of the Citizens, and ordained that the Major should sit in all places as chief Justice within the liberties of the same. And that what Alderman soever had been Mayor before, should be a Justice of peace within his own ward.
Then the king, the Queen, and the counsel sent over to the Earl of Heynault certain Ambassadors, touching the solemnisation of the marriage between the king and the Lady Philip his daughter: who in such sort sped their message, y t she was soon after conveyed over to England very honourably, and at Dover ariued. And from thence came to London (some Chronicles affirm to York) where upon the day of the conversion of S. Paul, the year above specified, the marriage and coronation of the Queen was w t much triumph during the space of 3. weeks solemnised.
After which coronation and marriage, the king let sommon his Parliament to be kept at Northampton: whereat by the means of sir Roger Mortimer and the old queen, a peace was purchased for the Scots (who had for that purpose sent their Ambassadors) for four years to endure. Also the king (then being within age) granted to release the Scots of all their homage and fealty which unto the realm of England by their charter ensealed they were bound: as also their indenture which was called the Ragman Role, wherein was specified the foresaid homage and fealty to the king and crown of England, by the said king of Scots, nobles and prelates to be made: having all their seals annexed to the same. Also there was then delivered unto them, the black cross of Scotland, which king Edward before for a rich Jewel and relique had conquered & brought from Scone Abbey: with all such rites and titles as any the Barons else, had enjoyed in the said Realm of Scotland: with many other things more: to the great prejudice both of the Realm & discontentation of all the nobles and Barons for y • most part more then the old queen, syr Roger Mortimer, and the Bysh. of Eli. Who in such force ruled the roast, y t all the rest of the nobles & barons, cast with thenselves how best they might redress & remedy the great inconveniences, y t unto the realm by means of thē grew and happened. Wherupon the king & Queen and sir Roger Mortimer, caused another Parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said syr Roger Mortimer was made Earl of March against all the barons wills, to prevent & disapoynt the foresaid purpose of them, but the Earl Henry of Lancaster with others, would not be at the same: wherefore it was said unto their charges, that they went about to conspire the kings death.
And further, for that the king was as well under the government of the Earl of Kent his uncle, as the Queen his mother, and the Earl of March: & for that, they could not do in all things as they lifted for the said Earl the k • nges uncle, who loved the king and the Realm: Envy began to rise between the Earl Mortim • r and him, and by Isabell the Queens practice, he found, the means to persuade the king: that the Earl of Kent (to enjoy the Crown as next heir unto the king) went about to poison him. Wherupon the king giving light credit, caused his said uncle to be apprehended: & w t out answer making to his accusation & accusers, to be beheaded at Winchester, the third of October and 3. year of his reign. But y e just judgment of God not permitting such odious crimes in him to be unpunished nor vndetected, so in five fell forth: that Isabell the old Queen the kings mother, was found and understood to be with child by the said Mortimer. Complaynt hereof was made to the K. as also the killing of king Edward his father, and of the conspiracy of him against the Earl of Kent the kings uncle before put to death: Whereupon diverse other articles laid against him and manifestly read in the court, he was araigned and indighted, and by verdit found gilty: having his judgment as in cases of high treason, and suffered death accordingly at London, where upon London bridge next unto Spensers, his head obtained a place. The Queen his mother also (by good advise of his counsel) was restrained of her liberty, and within a certain castle not permitted once to come abroad: Unto whō the king her son, once or twice a year would resort and visit.
This year, Prince Edward was borne at Woodstock who in process of time and years grew, to be a most valiant prince, and was before he died, accounted throughout the world the follower of chiualry.
After this, the king prepared another army into Scotland in the year prefixed. But first he sūmoned king David of Scotland, who had (in the last truce 4. years to continue as you heard, his father then living) married the Lady Jane, sister to the king: termed Jane make peace, to do his homage to the king but that he refused. Wherupon, not forgetting there withal the scoffing times, which daily from that time of truce the Scots had in their mouths: he did so much that with an army well furnished, he entered Scotland by the river of Twede, for the Scots had then the possession of y t town of Barwick: the Scottish Gigges & runes were these. Long beards hartles, Paynted hoodes witles, Gay coats graceless, Makes England thristles, To be short, the king wasted the land, burnt, destroyed, & took towns and castels with small resistance or none: and the space of 6. months together did in that land what him listed without any battle offered to him. For the king of Scots was but a child & not above they age of 15. years and wanted good captains that should have defended the realm: in so much y t they were all fain saving those that kept in holds for their defense to take the forest of Godworth, & there kept to themselves so long as the king remained in Scotland: Who at length when he had sufficiently wasted, and spoiled, & brent the same, returned toward Barwicke, about the which he bent his siege, vowing not to remove the same, till he had gotten the town.
The Scots that kept the same, after a certain time and many assaults made, were contented upon certain conditions to have delivered up the town: But that the king refused, unless that all conditions set apart, they would w t bag and bagage depart. Whereupon they condescended to the king, that if by a certain time they were not by the king of Scots rescued, they would render up the town and with bag and bagage depart: & and so the time expired frustrate of all hope & rescue, at the day appointed they did. The king then entered the town and tarried there the space of 12. days: who after he had appointed sir Edward Baillew Captayn over the town and leaving also behind him other knights, Squires, and Souldiors as well to keep the same as other holds the king had conquered in Scotland and fronters thereof: He returned with his people towards London, permitting every man to depart and go what way them liked.
Then sir Robert de Artoys, a Noble man of France, and which descended of the blood royal, being in England with the king: ceased not oftentimes to advertise the king and put him in memory of his good & right title to the inheritance of the crown of France. This sir Robert, for a certain displeasure that Phillip the French king took against him for a certain plea which by him was moved before the king: was fain for the safeguard of his life to flee the Realm of France, and so came to the kings Court. King Edward was not unwilling at all to hear thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that matter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to the crown of France. But yet notw t standing, he thought it not good to make any attempt thereunto without advised and circūspect counsel, for that it contained matter of no small, but most difficult importance: neither yet he took it to deserve the fame either of wisdom or prowes to let so good a title die, or so fit opportunity to pass. Wherefore he calling together certain of his counsel, used their deliberate aduises touching the seriousnes of this matter. In fine, it was by them thought good, y • the king should send certain Ambassadors over to the Earl of Reynault, whose daughter he had married, as well to hear his advise and counsel herein: as also of what friends and aid, by him & his means in this so great an expeditiō to be begun in the Empire, to him might be procured. The king hereunto cōdescendeth, & appointeth for this Embassage y • bishop of Lincoln with 2. other Barenets, and 2. Doctors: who in such speedy wise made their voyage, that in short space they returned again to the king with this answer That not only the Earl his counsel & advise, should be herein pressed to the king of England their master, but also the whole country of Heynault. And further for that to such an expedition as appertained he said, the province of Reynault was but a small matter to make account of: he would procure for the king greater aid & friendship in the Empire, as the Duke of Brabant his cousin German, and a puissant Prince, the Duke of Guerles, the Archbishop of Colayne, the Marques of Iuliers. &c. which are all good men of war, and able to make 10. thousand fighting men saith he. Which answer well liked the king, and made him joyous thereof. But this counsel of the king as secret as it was, came to Phillip the French kings cares: whereupon, he stayed the voyage of the Crosie which then he had in hand, sending forth countermaundes to stay the same, til he knew farther the purpose of the king of England.
The king hereupon himself taketh shipping accompanied as to a king appertained, and when he had consulted with all the foresaid Lord's of the Empire in this matter and understood their fidelity: he made his repair to the Emperor at whose hands he was well entertained & honorable received, whō the Emp. appointed to be his Lie • etenant general, having thereby more authority both to will & command such as for this his expedition he trusted unto, and had made conuention with. This hearing Phillip, prepared his army and rigged his nauy, that so soon as the K should enter into the dominiō of France, they also might enter into England, requiting like for like.
The king of England, after the feast of S. John the Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things ready to such an expeditiō, cōducting his army & gathering a greater strength in the Empire, as before to him was promised using the Emperors authority therein, as his lieftenant general, howbeit at the charge altogether of the K. of England. The French king as soon as king Edward, had landed his army at Mackline in Flaunders, and hearing of the defiance, which the king and other Noble men of the Empire had sent unto him: Sent certain ships lying ready thereunto, and waiting for such opportunity upon the cost of England, did so much that upon a Sunday, whilst the towns men were at the Church little looking for any such matter, entered the haven of Southampton, took the town and spoiled the same, deflowered maidens, enforced wives, brent, killed, took captives, and carried away riche Ipoyles and great booties to their ships, and so again departed into France. Further, as the king of England had allied himself with the noble men of the Empire, and had the friendly favor of the Emperor also thereunto: so the French king made the like league and alliance with David the king of Scots, whom the king had so hardly dealt with all in Scotland (as partly before you had) and kept the most part of Scotland under his subjection: Binding the said David is well by writing, as oth & pledge, that without his consent he should make no peace nor conclude any truce with the king of England, who again assured him of aid, and rescue, and help, and to recover his kingdom & dominiō to his use! and forth with sent certain garrisons & bands into Scotland to keep play with the Englishmen and there to fortify diverse places till further opportunity served. He also fortified with men, money, vitayle, and munitiō, the town of Cambrey: which he suspected would be besieged, lying so near vpō y t Empire as in deed it came to pass. For, King Edward departing from Macheline, set forward his host towards Heynault, and by the way assembled such power, as in the Empirie he looked for, marching forward still till that they came to Cambrey & it besieged with 40000. men: while that with another company, the Fleminges, Brabanters, and Holenders, went to S. Quentin. But in effect, neither there, nor at Cambrey nor else where: anything notorious was achieued, but the summer being well spent and little prevailing in the siege of Cambrey, being of situation strong & well defensed therwall w t men & munition: brake up the siege, & marched further into the heart of France towards Mutterell. Which thing the French king having understanding of, prepared himself to give battle to the king of England, who with another great army came to Uirōfosse, where days were appointed to meet in battle: but in the end, nothing was done nor attempted between the princes. And the king of England (without any battle either giving or taking) returned with his army from thence to Gaunt. Concerning the cause of the sudden removing of the K. out of France, seemeth most specially to rise of the pope: which at the same time sent down his Legates, for the order of a peace to be taken between the kings. At Gaunt was gathered by the kings appointment all the nobles as well of England, as of the Empire in counsel together what was best to be done. Where plain answer was made to the king of England, that unless he would take upon him the claim and title of France, as his lawful inheritance and as King thereof prosecute his wars: It might not be lawful for them any further, to aid the king of England, or to fight with him against the French king: for that the Pope had bound them in two millions of Florences of gold, and under pain of excommunication, y t they should not fight against the lawful king of France. Whereupon, the king thought good therefore presently to make open challenge to the Realm and Crown of France: and further, to quarter & intermingle the arms of France, with the arms of England in one Scootchen. Wherupon eftsoons K. Edward made answer unto the Pope again, directing unto him his letters wherein he declareth at large his right & title unto the Crown of France, purging thereby himself and his cause unto the Bishop. The copy and tenor of which letter, because it is to long to express, it is to be found in the story of Thom. Walsingham remaining in the Library of I. Stephenson Citizen of Londō, who so hath lift or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope he directed another to the Pieres and Prelates of France, (he remaining yet at Gaunt) in tenure as followeth.
* The letter of king Edward to the Nobles and commons of France.
The high Lord and king above, to whom although his will be in his own power, yet would that power should be subject unto law: commanding everything to be givē unto him which is his, declaring thereby that justice and judgment ought to be the preparation of the kings seat. Wherefore seeing the kingdom of France through the providence of God by the death of Charles last king of France of famous memory, brother German to our Lady mother, is fallen unto us by plain and manifest law: And for so much that Lord Phillip de Valoys, being the son of the Uncle of the foresaid king, and so being far from the crown by a farther degree of consanguinity: through force and usurpation hath intruded himself in the foresaid kingdom (whilst we were yet in our Minoritie) & so contrary both to God and to justice doth detayne and occupy the same: And least we should seem to neglect our own right and the gift given us of God, or not to submit our will to God's divine ordinance: We have thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the almighty king have taken upon us the defense and regiment of the said kingdom: Firmely purposing with our selves (as every good man ought to do) graciously to minister justice to everyone, according to the rites and laudable custom of the foresaid kingdom. Also to renew the good laws and customs which have been in the time of Ludouicke our progenitour, adding to moreover, that which shall seem expedient according to the condition and qualiitie of the time. As by any change of coin or any other inordinate exactions, we intend not to seek our profits by your detrimentes: when as (the almighty be praised therefore) we abound and have enough. And as concerning the affairs of the Realm, our purpose is not to proceed rashly or by our own will, but by the discreet advise and Counsel of the Pieres, Prelates, Nobles, and other our faithful subjects of the kingdom so far forth as shall make for the honor of God, the defense and advancement of the Church (which in all fullness of devotion we do reverence) and to the profit both public and private of all the subjects thereof, with full execution of justice by the grace of God to be executed upon all and singular persons, being earnestly careful for the honor, profit, and tranquility of you all. For as the Lord knoweth, nothing shall be more grateful to us, then that by our careful solicitude peace may be engendered, specially betwixt us and universally among all Christian men : so that by our concord the force and strength of all Christian Princes may be joined together for the recovery of the holy land: which our Savior and redeemer hath dedicated with his own proper blood, whereunto we will endeavor our selves through the grace of the holy ghost. And for as much as we have offered to the foresaid Lord Phillip diverse friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, whereunto he would neither condescend, neither agree to any conformation: yea rather moveth against us unjust war, to the utter subversion of our state: we are enforced of necessity to the uttermost of our power (for the defense both of us, and recovery of our right) to defend our selves by force of battle: not seeking any slaughter of good and humble subjects, but desiring their safeguard and profit. For the which cause, all and singular such subjects of the kingdom of France, which shall submit themselves to us as the true king of France, within the feast of Easter next ensuing: professing unto us their fealty, and doing to us as to the Kyng of France, by duty appertaineth, so as our beloved subjects of Flaunders have done already, or be ready to offer themselves so to do: all such we willingly admit and receive to our peace & grace under our protection to be defended, them to maintain as is convenient, from all molestation and disquietness whatsoever, in person or goods hereafter to be enforced either by us or by our officers, upon whatsoever occasion of rebellion afore passed. And for as much as the premisses, cannot easily be intimated to all and singular persons: we have provided the same to be fixed upon Church doors and other public places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to the comfort of you that be to us devout, and to the true information of them, which through sinister surmises of our enemies otherwise informed of us.
Dated at Gaunt the 8. day of February the year of our kingdom of France the first, of England the 14.
This done, for that the winter then drew on, neither was there any hope as the time served, of farther doing good: the king thought best for a season to return again to England with his company, giving over the wars until the next spring and so did, taking shipping and so ariued at Dover. When he came to London, it was declared unto him, of the great spoil the Frenchmen had made at Southampton: who answered again that within one year, he doubted not the same to be well paid for & recompensed. And according to the same purpose of his, he lingered no time but calling a Parliament at Westminster: with much grudge & evil will of his subjects, was for the maintenance of his wars granted to him a great subsidy, which was the 5. every man's goods, and also the customs of his woolles 2. years before hand, and the 9. these of every man's corn. At the spring the K. again prepared his army, & rigged his nauy purposing to land in Flaūders. But the Archb. of Canterb. then Lord Chancellor having understanding of the French power upon y e Sea lying for the k. gave him advertisement there of willing him more stronglier to go or else not to venture. But the king not crediting the Archbish. and being angry with him therefore, said that he would go forward: whereupon the bishop resigned the Chauncellorship, & removed himself from his Counsayle: then the k. consulting hereupon farther with the Lord Morley, his Admiral, and others (hearing also the same of them) furnished himself with stronger power, and committed him to his ship: and did so much, that a few days before midsommer, he was vpō the Sea with a great fleet. Before the town of Sluse, y e french king to stop his passage, had laid ready a great nauy well near to y t number of 20. score sail: and had made the Christopher of England (which before the French men took at Southamptō) their Admiral: betwixt which two nauies was a long and terrible fight. But in the end, the victory by God's grace fell to the king of England, in which fight he himself was personally. So that of the number of thirtye thousand Frenchmē, few or none were left & escaped alive, and two hundredth sail of ships taken: in one of the which, were found 400. dead bodies.
After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen (of whom many for fear of the sword lept into the sea) when no man durst bring tidings thereof to the French king: They which were next about the king, did subborne his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by subtlety of covert words, which was thus. As the foresaid fool being in the kings presence, and was talking of many things: among other talk, he suddenly brast out (being prompt by others) into a vehement railing of the Englishmen, calling them cowards & dastards, with many such approbrious words: tending to that effect. The king not knowing whereunto the words of the fool did appertain: asked the fool, why he called the Englishmen such weaklings and cowards, &c. why, saith the fool? Because the fearful and cowardly Englishmen had not the hearts to leap into the sea so lustely, as our Normands, & Gentlemen of France had. Whereby the French king began to understand the victory of his part to be lost, and the Englishmē to be victorers.
This victory achieved, y e fame thereof spreading abroad in England, first was not believed till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his son, being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops & prelates of the realm, the effect of which letters here followeth under written.
THe bountiful benignity of God's great clemency poured upon us of late, for your true certification, and rejoicing, we thought good to intimate unto you. It is not unknown (we suppose) to you, and to other our faithful subjects, which also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of boisterous wars of late we have been tossed and shaken, as in the great Ocean. But although the rising surgies of the sea be marvelous, yet more marvelous is the Lord above: who turning the tempest into calm, in so great dangers, so mercifully hath respected us. For where as we of late did ordain our passage upon urgent causes, into Flaunders the Lord Phillip de Valoys our bitter enemy understanding thereof, laid against us a mighty nauy of ships, intending thereby either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage. Which voyage if it had been stayed, it had been the cutting of, of all the great enterprises by us intended and taken in hand, & moreover we our selves brought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies seeing us so distressed in such perils and dangers hath graciously and beyond man's expectation sent to us great succor & strength of fighting soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own desires. By the means and help whereof, we set out of the haven into the seas, where we estsoones perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared with a main multitude to set upon us, upon midsommer day last past. Agaynst whom notwithstansting, Christ our Lord and Savior hath rendered to us the victory, through a strong and vehement conflict. In the which conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well near all their whole Navy was taken: with some loss also of our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs. By reason whereof, we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shall be more quiet and safe for our subjects, and also many other commodities shall ensue thereof, as we have good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we devoutly considering the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon us, do render most humble thanks & praise to Christ our Lord and savior. Beseeching him, thar as he hath ben and always is ready to prevent our necessities in time of opportunity, so he will continue his helping hand ever towards us, & so to direct us here temporally, that we may reign and joy with him in heaven eternally And in like sort we require your charity that you also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, who hath begun so favorably to work with us to our goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us unto the Lord, traueiling here in these foreigne countries and studying to recover not only our right here in France: but also to advance the whole Catholic Church of Christ and to rule our people in justice. And that also ye call upon the Clergy and people, everyone through his diocese to do the same, inuocating the name of our Savior, that of his mercy he will give to us his humble servant a docible heart, so to judge and rule hereupon rightly doing that which he hath commanded: that at length we may attain to that which he hath promised. &c. Which letter was written to the Bishops and prelates. an. 1340.
After this foresaid victory upon the sea, & news thereof with due thanks to our Savior sent into England: the Kyng striking into Flaunders, came to Gaunt in Brabaute where he had left the Queen, who joyfully received him, being a little before purified or churched as we term it of her fourth son, whose name was John and commonly called John of Gaunt, and was Earl of Richmonde, and Duke of Lancaster. At Uillenorth the king assembled his council, whereat the noble men of France Brabant and Hennalt conioyning together in most firm league the one to help and defend the other, with the king of England, against the French king, purposing and determining from thence to march toward Turncy & it to besiege. But the French king understanding their counsel, fortified and victualed the same before their coming thither. Furthermore the said French king the same time to stop the sige of king Edward, sent w t king David of Scotland a great power, to that intent to make inuasiō in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remove his siege. In the mean time while king Edward wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous, making unto him certain requests, as in the same his letters here following is to be seen: who for y e he wrote not unto him as K. of France but by y e name of Philip de Ualous, refused to answer him touching the same as by their letters here placed may be seen.
* The letter of the king of England, to Phillip de Valous the French king, going to the siege of Turney.
of long time we have gently requested you by our Ambassadors (by all the reasonable means we might) to that intent you should have rendered unto us our lawful right and inheritance to the crown of France which from us a long time you have by great wrong and force detained. And for that we well perceive you mean to persevere in the same your purpose and iniurous detinue, without making any reasonable answer to our demand. We let you understand, that we are entered into the country of Flaunders, as the sovereign Lord of the same and so pass through the country: and further signify unto you, how that by the help of our Savior Jesus Christ and our righteous cause therein, and with the power of the said country, our people, and allyes: we purpose to recover the right which we have to that inheritance you detain from us by your injurious force and therefore approach we towards you to make a short end of this our rightful challenge if you also will do the like. And for that so great an host assembled which we bring with us on our part (supposing you also on the other part to do the like) cannot long remain together without great destruction both to our people and country, which thing every good Christian ought to eschew: especially Princes and others which have the government of the same, avoiding by as short an end as may be, the mortality of christen men, according as the quarrel is apparaunt between you and me. For the which causes here touched, let the challenge (if you think meet) between our own persons and bodies discussed, that the great Nobillitie and prowess of each other, may of everyone be seen. And if you refuse this way, then let there (to finish this challenge) be an hundredth of the best soldiers you can choose out of your part, matched with so many of our liege subjects to try the same. And if of these two ways you refuse both the one & the other, then that you will assign unto us a certain day before the town of Turnay, to fight with us power against power, which may be within ten days next ensuing after the date of these our letters, offering the said conditions unto you above specified (as we would all the world to know and understand) not upon any orgoile, presumption or pride we take therein, but for the causes before alleged, and to the end that (the will of our savior Jesus Christ betwixt us two herein declared and shown) rest and peace might grow amongst Christian men. The power and force of gods enemies abated: and in fine, the limites of Christianity enlarged and enfranchised. And therefore hereupon consider with yourself what way you will take concerning our foresaid offers, and by the bearers of these our letters send unto us herein quick and speedy answer.
Geuen under our great seal at Chyn in the plain of Leece the xxvii, day of this present month of July.
* The answer of the Lord Phillip de Valois unto the letter aforesaid.
We have seen the letters which you have sent unto our Court to Phillip de Valois, wherein are contained certain requests which you make to the said Phillip de Valois. But for that the said letters come not as directed unto us, neither yet the said requests seem to be made unto us (which thing clearly by the tenor of the said letters appeareth) we therefore write unto you no answer touching the same. Notwithstanding, this sufficeth that we understand by the said letters of yours, as also otherways, that you are entered into our Realm of France, to the great damage both unto us, our realm and people (more proceeding of will, then reason) & not regarding that which a liege man ought to do unto his Lord. For you are entered into our homage by you lieged unto us, acknowleging yourself as reasō is a liege mā unto the king of France: and have promised unto us such obeisance as men are wont to do unto their liege Lord's (as more plainly by your letters patēts appeareth, ensealed with your great seal, the which we have with us) for the which thing we will you to understand: that our purpose is (when it shall seme good unto us) to drive you out of our realm, to the honor both of us and our kingdom, and to the profit and commodity of our people. And this thing to do we have firm and assured hope in Jesus Christ, from whom we have all our power and strength. For, by your unreasonable demand more willful then reasonable, hath been hindered and staide the holy voyage to those partes of beyond the seas, where a great number of Christian men have been slain: the divine service diminished, and the service of the church less reverenced. And as touching that where you say, ye intend to have the obeisance of the Flemmings, we think and believe that the good people and commons of that country will behave themselves in such sort toward our Cosin the Countes of Flaunders their Lady, as it be not their reproach, and to us their sovereign Lord, they will respect their honor and loialty. And that thing wherein they have done otherwise then well hitherto, hath been by the evil counsel of such people, as neither regard the weal public, nor honor of their country, but their own only gain and commodity.
Geuen in the field near adjoining to the Priorie of S. Andrew under our privy Seal, in absence of our great Seal, the 30. day of July. An. 1340.
Mention was made a little before of David King of Scots whom the French king had supported and stirred up against the king and realm of England: which David (with the aide of the Scots and Frenchmen) did so much prevail, y t they recovered almost again all Scotland which before he had lost, and was constrained to live in the forest of Gedworth many years before. Then invaded they Enland, & came with their army, wasting and burning the country before them, till they came as far as Durham. & then returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again, saving the town of Barwike. Edinburgh they took by a stratagem or subtle devise practiced by Douglas & certain other: who apparaising themselves in poor men's habits, as vitailers with corn and prouender & other things, demanded the porter early in the morning what need they had thereof, who nothing mistrusting opened the outward gate, where they should tarry til y e Captain rose: and perceiving the Porter to have the kaies of the inward gate, threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, & slew the Porter, taking from him the kaies of the town. Then they blew their horn as a warning to the bands, which privily they had laid not far off: who in hasty wise coming, & finding the gates ready opened entered upon the sudden and killed as many as them resisted, and so obtained again the city of Edinburgh.
The Scots thus being busy in England, the French king in the mean season gathered together a puissaunt power purposing to remove the siege frō Turnay: and among other, sent for the king of Scots, who came to him w t great force, besides diverse other noble men of France: in so much that the French king had a great army, & thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thither bent his host. But the French K. for all this his foresaid huge power & force, durst not yet so near approach the king, as either to give him battle, or else remove his siege: but kept himself w t his army aloof, in a sure place for his better defense. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burnt spoiled, and destroyed the country 20. miles in manner compass about Turnay, and took diverse and sundry strong towns and holds at Ortois, Urles, Greney, Archis, Odint, S. Amand, and the town of Lis • e, where he slew above 300. men of arms, and about S. Omers, he slue and killed of noble men, the Lord of Duskune, of Mauris • elou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, of Mounfaucon, and other Barons to the number of 14. and also slue and killed above 130. Knightes, being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small cities and towns to the number of 300. Yet for all this, Phillip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieve his own men: but of his great army he lost (which is to be marveled at, being in the midst of his own country) by famine & other inconveniences, & for want of water more then 20000. men without any battle by him given. Whereupon at the treaty of the said Phillip by his ambassadors to the king sent, and by the mediation of the Lady Jane, sister to the said Philip, & mother to the Earl of Henault, whose daughter king Edward as you heard had married: A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one year was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and loath thereunto. Yet notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the foresaid Lady, but specially for y t the king was greatly disappointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, which sent him not over such money as he needed, for the continuance of his wars and payment of his soldiors wages (y c articles being somewhat reasonable) he agreeth to the truce thereof, the conditions of which truce there concluded, here follow under written.
- 1. First, that during the said truce, no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breach of the same.
- 2. Item, that during the said respite or truce, either of the Princes, their helpers, coadiutors, and allies whatsoever: shall remain and be in the quiet possession of all such possessions, holds, territories and lands, as at this pre • ent day, they keep and enjoy within the realm and dominion of France, in what manner so ever they have achieved the same, during the said truce.
- 3. Item, that the said princes their aiders, coadiutors, and allies whatsoever: shall pass safely from one country to another, and all merchants with their merchandise, as well by sea as by land as accustomably they have ben wont: except such banished men as have ben banished out of y t said realms, or any of them for other causes, then the wars between the said princes.
- 4. Item, that the said two princes shall not procure either by themselves or any other, any practice or other molestation to be made the one to the other, by y c bishop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoever: either for the wars begun, or any other cause, nor for the service of any of their allies, coadiutors, and aiders, or any of them. And that our holy father the Pope nor any other, shall disturb or molest either of the said two kings during the said time.
- 5. Item, that immediately after the truce be proclaimed in both the hosts, that they may stand bound of either side, to keep and observe all and every such article as shall be therein contained.
- 6. Item, that within 20, days next and immediately ensuing, eache of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoyne and Guyen, and other their lands these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better observed, kept, and known.
- 7. Item, if by any the said princes, their allies, people or coadiutours, any siege be laid in Gascoyne, or the Duchy of Guyen, or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Gersey, or any other: that the same sieges be raised, so soon as they shall hear of this truce.
- 8. Item, that such as are thieves and fugitiues out of the Country of Flaunders, shall not return during the truce: and if they do, that then such as apprehend them, shall see justice done upon them, and forfeit all the goods they have in Flaunders.
- 9. Item, it is accorded, that the debts due to Arras, Tresponois, or other titles of France, shall neither be demanded, nor executed during the said truce.
- 10. Item, that all such prysoners as have been taken during these wars, shall be released out of prison & sent home upon their faith and oath to return, if they be not raunsomed during the said truce. And if any shall refuse so to do, that then the Lord under whom he is, shall contstrain him to return again to prison.
- 11. Item, that all the bands whatsoever they be, which be made before this said truce in the time of war (whether they be of goods spiritual or temporal) be released w t out restitucion, during the said truce.
- 12. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect between the Englishmen & Scots, their Lord's, aiders and allies: and the same to endure until the Natiuitie of S. John the Baptist. And that certain persons be appointed by a certain day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirm the same truce, under such conditions as have been accustomed in those partes. And if the said Scots refuse so to do, that then they to have no aide out of France, during the said truce.
- 13. Item, that this said truce be proclaimed in England, and in Scotland, within the 26. days after the date thereof.
- 14. Item, it is accorded that within this truce be contained Espamels, Chatellon, Geneuos, the Bishop and the town of Cambrey, and castels of the same, &c.
In witness whereof, we John by the grace of God king of Bohemia, and Earl of Luxemburgh, Adulphe Bishop of Liege, Raoule Duke of Loreine, Ayemes Earl of Savoy, & John Earl of Darminacke on the one party: And B. Duke of Brabante, C. Duke of Gelre, D. Marques of Iuliers, sir John of Henault, and sir Beawmount on the other party, betwixt the high & puissant princes of France and England: Have scaled this instrument of truce and peace, and delivered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline, on monday the 25. day of September, the yere of grace. 1340.
This truce thus finished, king Edward brake up his campe, removing his siege from Tourney, & came again to Gaunt. Frō whence (very early in the morning) he w t a small company took shipping, and by long seas came to the tower of London, very few or none having understanding thereof. And being greatly displeased with diverse of his counsel and high officers (for that through their default he was constrained against his will, not having money to maintain his wars, to condescende unto the foresaid truce) he commanded to be apprehended and brought unto him to the tower, the Lord John Stonhore chief justice of England, and syr John Poulteney with diverse others. and the next morning, he sent for the Lord K. Bishop of Chichester and the Lord Wake, the Lord Treasurer & diverse other such that were in authority and office, and commanded them all to be kept as prisoners in the said tower, only the said bishop excepted: whom for fear of the constitution of Pope Clement, which commanded that no Bishop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at liberty & suffered him to go his way, & in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight, Lord Chancelor of England.
The history entreating of this matter, reporteth thus that the king had this time under him evil substitutes, and covetous officers: who attēding more to their own gain, then to the public honor and commodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money. Wyth which crime, also John Stratford Archbishop then of Canterbury, was vehemently noted and suspected, whether of his true deserning, or by the setting on of other hereafter shall more appear. In so much that the king ardently incensed against him, charged him with great falsehood used against his person, as by these his letters written and directed to the Dean and Chapter of Paul's against the said Archbishop manifestly appeareth, the tenor of which letter here followeth under written.
IT is manifest by ancient histories, but more plainly appeareth by those which daily are practiced amongst us: that many men abusing (through pride) the favor of Princes, and honor bestowed upon them, have maliciously gone about to deprave the laudable endeavor of kings. And now that the words which we speak may be more manifest unto our subjects: we suppose that neither you nor they have forgotten, that we being established in our kingly throne in younger years, and coveting even then to guide this our regal charge taken upon us with wholesome coūsails, have called unto us John the Bishop of Winchester, now Archb. of Cant. whom we supposed for his fidelity and discretion to exceed others: whose counsel in matters appertaining unto the health of our soul, as in matters also respecting the augmenting and conservation of our kingdom both spiritually & temporally, we used: he was received of us into all familiarity. We found in him also such humanity, that he was saluted by the name of father, and of all next unto the king had in honor. Now afterwards, when by right of succession the kingdom of France should have descended unto us, and was by violent injury by the Lord Philip of Valois holden from us: the said Archb. by his importune instancie, persuaded us to enter league of amity with the princes of Almanie, against the said Phillip, and to commit our self and ours unto the hazard of wars, promising and affirming that he would bring to pass, that the revenues of our lands and other helps by him devised, should suffice abundantly for the maintenance of our said wars. Adding moreover, that our only care should be for the furniture of strong and able soldiers, such as were fit for the purpose, and expert in warfare: for the rest, he himself would effectually procure, for money convenient to suffice our necessity, and the charges thereof. Whereuppon (intending great exployts) we conveyed our army beyond the seas, and with marvelous great charges (as behooved) we set forward: we became also bound in great sums of money, making sure accompt of the aide aforesaid promised unto us. But alas, unhappy is that man that reposeth confidence in man's deceitful staff of brittle reed: whereunto (as saith the Prophet) if a man lean, it breaketh and pierceth the hand. Thus being defrauded of our long looked for subsidy, for very necessities sake, we were constrained to take upon us importable charges of debts by grievous usury. And so, our expedition being stayed, we were compelled to retire into England, desisting from our enterprises so valiantly begun. Now, when we were returned into England, we laid before our Archbishop our manifold calamities and misfortunes before rehearsed, and thereupon called a Parliament: wherein the Prelates, noble men and other the faithful subjects of our dominions, granted unto us a new subsidy of corn, lamb, wool. &c. besides the tenth granted by the Clergy: which subsidy (if it had been faithfully collected and obtained in due time) had greatly auailed for the expedition of our said wars, the payment of our debts, and confusion of our enemies. Our said Archbishop promised diligently to do his endeavor, as well in collecting the same, as also in procuring other necessaries to serve to our purpose. Wherupon, trusting unto these fair promises, having all things in a readynesse both men and furnished ships, we made sails towards Flaunders, and by the way upon the dangerous seas buckeled with our enemies (sworn to the destruction of our English nation) of whom we triumphed and were victors, not by our merits (their multitude far exceeding ours) but by the merciful clemency of him that ruleth both wind and sea. Which being done, we passed frō thence with a mighty power for the recovery of our right, & pitched our rentes near unto the puissant city of Tornaye: whe • e being detained for a time in the siege thereof, wearied with continual toil, our charges still increasing, awaiting with silence our promised aid: day by day, we hooped from our Archbyshoppe to receive succoure in these our so great necessities. At length being frustrate of all conceived hope, we signified unto our said Archbyshop, and other his adherents, by diverse messengers and sundry letters, our great necessity and perils which we were in for lack of the said subsidy, granted unto us. We added also the utility and honor, which we saw might be achieved if we had received money in time. All this notwithstanding, we received from them no succor at all, for that, preferring their private business and proper commodities, they cloaked their sloth, or rather (as I may call it) their fraud and malice with vain excuses: and painted glossing words, like unto the deceitful, which (as saith Isaiah) use to deride with these words: Manda remāda. &c.
By means whereof (alas for sorrow) it came to pass, that whiles good hope of subduing our enemies graciously smiled upon us, we were constrained (penury prevailing against us) to take truce to our shame, the hindrance of our expedition, and no small rejoicing of our evil willers: and so we returned into Flaunders all void of money, oppressed with infinite debts, neither had we in our treasuries wherewith to discharge our necessities, nor yet to pay our soldiers wages: in so much, that we were compelled to enter into the devouring gulf of usury, and to sustain on our shoulders great burdens of debts, heap upon heap. This being done, our faithful friends, companions in wars, and partakers of our tribulations came unto us, with whom we consulted diligently by what means we might best deliver our selves from this dangerous storm of evil fortune. They all agreed, affirming certainly, that the protracting of our wars, and cause of our manifold necessity happened unto us through the fault and negligence (or rather the malice) of the said Archb. (upon whose discretion the disposition of the whole kingdom seemed to depend) and other officers whom we had adjoined in counsel with him touching the affairs of our kingdom: vehemently swearing and murmuring amongst themselves (for that we had left so long uncorrected the insolency of the bishops and other officers) that if remedy in these cases were not had with speed: they would withdraw themselves from our allegiance, and the covenant which they had sworn unto: to the utter subversion of our kingdom, our perpetual ignominy, and the everlasting shame of our English nation (which God our most merciful father forbid, should come to pass in our days, in whom is fixed immoueably the anchor of our hope.) Whereuppon intending the due correction of our officers, we removed from offices (as seemed good to our wisdom) diverse persons, whom we suspected in causes evident of evil administration of justice, of subversion, and oppressiō of our subjects, of corruption, of bribes, and other heinous offenses. Others also of inferior degree offending in the premisses, we caused to be detained in safe custody, least by their liberty, justice might be trodden under foot, and the inquisition of the truth concerning the premisses not to come to light. Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the truth in these cases might of none more certainly be known, then from the secrete breast of our said Archbishop, for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him, unto whom of so long a time had been committed the administration of our whole common weal, and sum of our business: We sent unto him our faithful subject Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandment from us (all delays set a part) that he should forthwith make his personal appearance before us at our City of London. But he (as one always timorous as well in prosperity as in adversity, and fearing where no fear was) untruly allegeth that some of our assistents had threatened him, and laid wait for his life, if at any time he departed frō the Church of Cant. which (God we take to witness and a pure conscience) we never meant nor any of our assistents.
We suppose he touched thereby our Cousin, although to all other as well of the clergy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious.
Wherefore, intending the safeguard of our subjects by letters or otherwise called before us, we appointed our trusty and well-beloved Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger, to offer unto him safeconducte: and moreover to present unto him our letters patentes under our seal, willing and commanding him thereby again personally to come before us, that we might be informed what of so long a time he had done touching the affairs of the kingdom. Wherunto, contemning our commanndement & gentle request, he answereth, that neither he would in person appear, neither yet in any matter confer with us, except it were in a full Parliament which for diverse reasonable causes could not then be called. Thus may you see this archb. (whom our royal benignity had amplified with large honors, admitted into all familiarity, received into the bond of vnnimitie and friendship, upon whom as on a father our whole hope did consist: who, so long as we accomplished his will in all things, pretended towards, us a face of counterfeit love cloaked with dissembling benevolence, even as though he had been a loving father) howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken us, requiting benefits with ingratitude, oppressing his benefactor with the arrogancy of fear: and finally (according to the vulgare proverb) rewarded us as a horse in a satchell, a Snake in a man's bosom, and fire cherished next the skin rewardeth their receivers. When we were first exalted unto the throne of our kingdom, descended unto us by right of inheritance (God's divine providence so working) we thought and always think it a detestable thing to abuse so high authority, but rather desire to govern with clemency, levity, and moderation of justice, that peace of all men desired might firmly take place.
Nevertheless, our said Archbyshop hath gone about to defame our innocence, and the fidelity and diligence our faithful counsailers prosecutours of true justice: openly declaring in his letters patent, and publishing abroad in diverse places, that he was oppressed by the kings power contrary, to justice, the Clergy and comminaltie confounded, and the church over charged with diverse grievous taxes & exactions. He subtly usurped the name of a good pastour, when in deed he was nothing less, but rather (as it should seem by his own confession, and the common opinion had of him) a very hireling. He cloaked his crafty subtleness with the zeal of defending the Church, although he himself in very deed was the only cause, by his evil counsel and crafty devises, of the tribulations of the same. He also feigned that not long ago, certain writings were brought unto him to be sealed, containing in effect the defense and excusation of all such in general that were violaters of the liberties of the Church: hoping thereby to defame the opinion had of us and our faithful counsailours, to stir up sedition amongst the people, and finally to withdraw from us the hearts of our nobility. He gave commandment by his letters, that these things should be proclaimed in all places of great resort by diverse special articles contrary to his former order in his provincial Council. Wherefore, respecting the integrity of our fame, intending to prevent the malice of the said Archbishop, and also to decline from us the snares prepared for us and ours: we have thought good at this present (over & besides those which before are rehearsed) amongst so many which we omit, to declare unto you some of his perverse and wicked acts. When in our minority we were constituted over our dominions, he caused us through his unadvised counsel and rash persuasion (thereby to win excesiue favor) to give away so many wasteful gifts, and so many unlawful alienations that now by means thereof our treasury is clean consumed, the revenues of our Exchequer without all order dimished, and he corrupted with bribes innumerable. Oftentimes also without cause why, when neither necessity nor utility so required, only through his persuasion we forgave diverse men great sums of money due unto us, yea and the rents and revenues which ought to have been conserved for our necessity and profit we applied to the use of his friends largely bestowing upon such as evil deserved it. Moreover (accepting as well persons as money) contrary to our mind, and his oath of fidelity made unto us: he admitted unto public offices throughout our dominions, persons unworthy, neglecting those that had well deserved. Many other things he rashly took in hand, to the detrimēt of our state, the hurt of our dignity royal, and no small damage of our subjects, by abusing his authority & office committed unto him. But if he persist in his proud obstinacy and stout rebellion, we shall hereafter in convenient time and place, cause it to be more openly known: willing and commanding you to publish and cause to be published, all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall think it expedient, and to set forth (as shall seem best to your godly wisdoms) our good intent for the suppressing of incommodities, and furthering of the commodities of our subjects, that we may worthily commend your circumspect care herein.
Teste meipso apud Westm. 10: die Februa. Anno regni nostri Angliae. 15. Regni vero Franciae secundo.
By these foresaid objections & accusations of the king premised, and laid against the Archbishop of Canterbury: what is to be thought of the doings of the said Archbishop, I leave it to thy iudgeuient gentle reader (as I said before) to be coniected: For so much as our histories somewhat bearing with the said Archbishop, seem either to be uncertain of the truth of the matter, or else covertly to dissemble some part of that they knew. And especially of Pol • dor Virgil. I marvel, who having so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so slightly pass it over without any word of mention. In which matter if probable conjecture (beside history) might here be heard, it is not unlike • but that some old practice of prelates hath herein been put in ure, through some crafty conspiracy between the Pope and the Archbishop. And the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy unto the king in this his challenge to the crown of France: So the Archbishop against his Prince (as for the most part always they have been) was a trend, as no man need to doubt thereof, unto the Pope. Which thing also more probable may be supposed, because of the coming down of the it. Cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of farther truce: whereof (Christ willing) more hereafter shall follow. Albeit, the Archbishop (this yet notwithstanding) subtely and featly excuseth himself to the king of the foresaid objections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth.
The letter of the Archbyshop of Canterbury to the king.
may it please your majesty to understand: that the most chiefest and special thing that: keepeth kings and Princes in the favor of God, and best preserveth them in their estate: is sage, wise, and deliberate counsel. And therefore saith the wise man, concerning counsel in this wise: Good men have thereby their safety. And it is written in the book of kings, howe Solomon which was the wisest Prince that ever was, took unto him the most ancient and sage men of his Realm to be his counsailours: By whose advisement and discretion, he always. Kept the lande of Israel in quiet and in peace, and besides that had: all other kings and princes that bordered upon him at his will and commandment. After whose death reigned Roboh • m his, son, who neglecting the good counsel of his father, and good advise of his sage & discrete counsailours: harkened to such counsel as lighter and younger men persuaded him unto, that sought rather howe to please and flatter him, then the quiet state of his Realm: whereby he lost all the whole lande of Israel, the 12. part only excepted. In like manner have many kings of Israel and other kingdoms beside, by rash and evil counsel come to great ruin and mischief. And Sir (saving your princely patience) you may call to remembrance your own time: for by the wicked and sinister counsel to our la • e sovereign Lord your father given (whom God forgive) which he took and followed: both against the law of his lande, and grand Charter of the peers and other his people of the lande: some he put to shameful death, from other some he took their goods, and such as fled, he put unto their ransom, and what enemies he purchased thereby, your grace well understandeth. And after this Sir, you know (enen in your own time) howe by following and believing over light counsel: you yourself lost the hearts of many of your subjects, from the which God deliver you, if it be his will. And after that time again until now, by the good advisement of your Prelates, Peers, and sage counsailours of your land, your graces business and affairs have been so demained and ordered: that you have had the hearts again of all your subjects, as well spiritual as temporal, as much or rather more, then any of your graces predecessors, kings of England have had. So that, by means of the said good counsel, the good will and aide of your people, and special grace of God; you have had the victory of all your enemies, as well in Scotland as in France, and all other places besides: That unto this day (God's name be blessed therefore) your grace hath been esteemed as one of the most noblest Princes in all Christendom. And now your grace (by the evil and perverse counsel of some such within the Realm, which are not so wise as they might be, and such also as consider and respect rather their own private commodity, then your graces honor and safety of your Realm) beginneth to apprehend diverse Clerks, Pieres, and other people of the land, and to direct process against them, not beseeming: but contrary to the Law of the land, which to keep and maintain you are bound by the oath you took at youre coronation: and contrary to the graunde charter, whereof all the realm are witnesses, & all the prelates of the same: and contrary to the sentence confirmed by the Bul of our holy father to the pope▪ which we have to show. All which things, as they are to the great pearill and danger of your soul: so are they also to the utter debasing of your regal state and honor. And Sir, although such as be your graces governors and counsailers (being a calling above their agree) do give your grace to understand that their enterprises and yours do please and content your subjects and commons: yet your grace shall know for certain, and prove it your own self to be far otherwise, then that they bear you in hand. And that unless God do remedy the same if you prosecute your purpose begun in this order: you will leese the hearts of all your subjects, as also your good and rightful enterprise, and shall see such discord about the same: that you shall not be able to perform that you have begun, but rather enforce your enemies to seek your destruction, to loose your noble and renowned fame, and in the ende your kingdom it self, which God forbid. Wherefore sovereign Lord and King, I beseech you: that for the safeguard of your honor and Realm, and enterprise begun, that you will take unto you the most discrete and wisest men, within your Realm, and work by their advise and counsel, as before this time you have been accustomed without the aide and counsel of whom you can neither maintain your enterprise, nor govern your realm. And for that, some such as are about your grace falsely devise against us, treason and such like troubles (and therefore are of us excommunicate, and as persons excommunicate do so esteem of them) as your spiritual pastour, we also desire you so to esteem and think of them, which also, make like report of other that have been with your grace beyond the seas, that they have naughtely & falsely served you, whereby you have lost the town of Tourney, & much honor else, which you might have won & gotten there. May it please your grace to call before you, the Prelates and Pieres of your Realm in some convenient place, where we and other moe, may safely come and resort, and there also to make search and inquiry, in whose hands after the beginning of your wars, the money and what thing else so ever, which was granted unto you in aide of the same your wars, until this present day, doeth remain and is not laid out again, as also by whose default you were so enforced to leave the said siege of Tourney: and those which shall be found in any point faulty and guilty therein against you as a good Justicer, your grace will cause to be punished according to the law: and in so much as appertaineth unto us therein, we ask judgment of our Peers (the state always of holy Church, of us, & of our order reserved inuiolate) according as we have written unto you herein. And for God's sake Syr, believe not either of us or any other your true subjects else, more then that you shall understand the verity of: for if men should be punished without making answer to that, which is objected against them, there should be then no difference in judgment betwixt the good doer and the bad.
And Syr, may it please you well to consider, of the great enterprise you have in hand, the great good will which you have need of for this cause, and of your great enemies the Scots, and the great ieoperdie of your realm besides. For, if your Prelates, your nobles, & all the wisemen of your realm, were of one mind and will (without any discord or division amongst them) to dispose and set in order those things, which are needful in so great affairs and business: they should have all enough to beat their heads about, for the maintenance of your great enterprise begun, the honor of you, and safeguard of your Realm. And Syr, may it please your grace, not to be displeased that so rudely and grossly we declare unto you the verity: for why, the great love & affection which we bear unto you, & always have done the same: the preservation of your honor and sauegard of your realm, as also for that we are (although unworthy) the primat of the whole realm of England: which thing appertaining unto us by our office, & being your spiritual father, doth incite us the rather both to say and command that, which may turn to the benefit of your soul, and profit of your realm and kingly estate. Thus the holy spirit save you both body and soul, and give your grace both to hear and believe good counsel, and further give you victory over all your enemies.
Written at Cant. the 1. day of January.
By your graces chaplen the Archbishop of the same.
And thus node the case between the king & the Archbishop of Canterbury, who coming thus (as is said) in secret wise into England, from the siege of Tourney, his army in the mean while, by ships was conveyed to little Britain. Of whom a great number, through unseasonable and inconvenient meats and drinks, was there consumed. To whom also no less danger happened by the seas coming out of Britain into England, by tempest, thunder and lightening stirred up, as is thought by the Necromaucers of the French king.
About which season, approchyng to the year of our Lord 1341. were sent from the Pope two other Cardinals to entreat with Kyng Edward for three years truce to be concluded more with the French Kyng, beside the former truce taken before for one yere, and all by the popes means. For here is to be understanded, that as it was not for the Popes purpose to have the Kyng of England to reign over so many coūtreis, so his privy supportation lacked not by all means possible, both by Archbishops & Cardinals, and also by the Emperor to maintain the state of the French king, and to stablish him in his possession. Ex Tho. Walsing. ex chron. Albanens.
In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same year such plenty there was here in the realm of victuals, that a quarter of wheat was sold for ii.s. a fat ox for a noble, and as some say a sheep for iiii. d. And thus far endureth the history of Ranulphus Cestrensis called Polychronicon.
The next yere following, which was 1342, Ludouicus Bauarus the Emperor, who before had shown great courtesy to king Edward as in his first viage over, in so much that he made him his Uicar or Uicegerent general, and offered him also aide against the French king: Now ( • yther turned by inconstancy, or seduced by the pope) writeth to him contrary letters, wherein he reuoketh again the Uicegerentship granted to him, and seeketh all means in the favor of the French king, against king Edward: as by his letters here under written may better appear.
The letter of the Emperor unto the king of England.
Although great and urgent business of our own do oppress us, & about the same our weighty affairs are daily incombred, yet with the discord & variance between your kingly dignity and the renowned Phillip the king of France our cosine, for your sake we are not a little troubled. And the rather the great charges which may hereafter grow both to you and to your kingdom, thereby considered both of men and money unless the same be taken up: doth more earnestly provoke us to give our self to the careful study of your affairs. Wherefore we give you to understand that the foresaid Philip (at our request) hath given unto us by his letters, authority and power to entreat and conclude a peace between you, touching the variance begun: which peace (all the state diligently considered both of yourself, your kingdom and subjects) we take and believe to be right expedient for you: moving there withal your charity, and earnestly desiring you that to this also you will give your consent: whereby we may bring you both to concord and unity, and establish between you a firm peace to endure, whereunto with willing mind we would apply our self and bestow our painful labor in prosecuting of the same. And herein if you will condescend and agree unto our counsel, as we trust you will. It may please you by your letters to give unto us the like authority as is above said, to entreat peace or ordering of a truce for one year or two at least to continue. Neither let it move you that between us and the said Phillip of France a truce is taken. For seeing that you without our consent took truce with him: we by the advice of our Princes which know the bonds, deeds, and covenants betwixt us, who also thought no less but that saving your honor we might do the same, have also made a league with the said Phillip king of France, and for certain causes do revoke and call back the Liefetenantship which we assigned unto you by our letters: Nevertheless giving you for a certain to understand, that in our said treaties and peace concluded, we have so brotherly considered you, that if you will agree & condescend unto our counsel: your cause (by our mean and help) shall be brought to good pass and effect. About which things farther to confer with your brotherhode herein, we have sent a devout & religious man Eliarhardus, reader and brother of the Heremites of S. Augustine, and Chaplain of our Courte: whom about the premisses we desire with speedy expedition to be sent to us again.
Dated at Franckforde the 14 day of June in the 24. year of our reign, and 14. of our Empire.
The answer of the King of England, to the Emperor.
We have reverently receined your highness letters, amongst other things containing, that the noble Phillip de Valois (to the intent a peace and concord between us and him might be concluded) hath given unto you by his letters full power and authority thereunto at your highness request: And that if the same might content us to do in like sort, your highness would travail to bring the concord to pass: And that it would not move us any whit at all, that your highness and the said Phillip are in league together: For in so much as we without your astent and consent (you say) took truce with the said Phillip, you have also done the like with him (which thing you might well do saving your honor, by the counsel of all your Nobles and Princes) and for certain causes revoke again the Lieftenauntship which you committed unto us. Doubtless, the zeal and good will you have to make this concord and agreement, we much commend: letting you to understand, that we always have been desirous & still are, to have a reasonable peace with the said Phillip: which peace, as much as to us (our honor saved) appertained, we have in justice and by law prosecuted: and in very deed, it should be to us acceptable, and as we would wish, if by such a Mediator as your Celsitude is, it might be brought to pass. But forasmuch as we: understand the same our right and title to the kingdom of France, to be manifest and clear enough: we purpose not to commit the same by any of our letters to doutfull arbitrement. But while we well consider and reuolue with our selves, howe your highness upon circumspect consideration (manifestly beholding our just and rightful doing, and the straight dealing and obstinate purpose and injury of the said Philip) with us and in our behalf against the said Philip, your graces highness made a special league: adopting us of your great and bountiful love towards our person, to be one of your sons: Wherefore thus again to alter and break the same, we cannot sufficiently marvel. Seeing your invincible highness being instituted of God to the laude and commendation of good men, and revenge of evil and wicked doers, hath made a league against us with the said Philip de Valoys our notorious and injurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, without your assignment and consent we took a truce or days of respite with the said Phillip which we ought not to have done: If your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we have done but as we might therein. For when we laid our siege to Tourney, it was requisite we followed their advise whose aide and society therein we had. Besides, the sudden and imminent necessity which we there stood in, & the distance of the place betwixt your highness and us furthermore was such, as by that no means we might attain the same, nor use your assent therein. Yea & further, if your grace well remember yourself, your grant unto us was such: that whensoever opportunity thereunto should serve, we might entreat of any peace, and grant what time we thought mete thereunto, without your consent therein: So that to conclude any final peace with the said Philip de Valois, without either your consent or otherwise making your highness privy thereunto, it might not be lawful for us: Which thing without your said counsel, consent and advise, we never minded or purposed to do. But have in all our doings done that which us beseemed, so far as by any means our power would stretch: hoping likewise, that your brotherly benevolence for a time would have more lovingly supported us. It is thought also by some, that the revoking back again, or restraint of your foresaid Liefetenantship, was prematurate or done all out of time: when as according to your promise made to us herein by your letters imperial, you ought not so to have done before the Realm and kingdom of France (or at the least the greatest part thereof) were of us obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enjoyed. These premised therefore we desire you, according to our nobility duly to consider, and hereafter to do that which shall be thought both meet and convenient: because that (God willing) we mea • e to recompense and gratify both you & yours, according to the measure of your benevolence bestowed upon us. The almighty grant unto your Celfitude so much felicity as your heart desireth.
Dated at London the 18. day of July in the 2. year of the reign of our kingdom of France, and of England 15.
In this mean time died Pope Benedict the 12. mentioned a little before: after whom succeeded in that room Pope Clement the 6. Of whom it is reported in stories, that he was very liberal and bountiful to his Cardinals of Rome, in riching and heaping them with goods & possessions, not of his own, but with the Ecclesiastical dignities and preferments of the Churches of England. For so recordeth the author, that he bestowed upon his Cardinals the livings and promotions, such as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and went about to set up new titles for his Cardinals, here within this realm. But the king being offended therewith made void and frustrate all those foresaid provisions of the pope, charging moreover and commanding no person whatsoever, to busy himself with any such provisions, under pain of prisonment & l • sing his life. Which law was made the next yere following which was an. 1344.
It followed then, that the said Pope Clement, again began to make new pronisiōs for two of his Cardinals of benefices and Churches that should be next vacant, beside Bishoprics and Abbotshyps, to the extent of two thousand Marks. Wherupon, the procurators of the said Cardinals were sent down for the same. But the king and nobility of the realm not suffering that, under pain of imprisonment caused the said procurators forthwith to depart the realm : whereupon, the nobles and commons shortly after, writeth a fruitful Epistle to the Pope, for the liberties and the maintenance of y • English church: Whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the Cardinals were not able to answer. The argument and tenor of which letter out of French, we have caused to be translated into English, as ensueth.
The letter of the king of England and nobles of the same, to the Pope, against the reservations and provisions which he had in England.
His humble & devout children, the Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Citizens, Burgeses, and all the comminaltie of the Realm of England, assembled at the Parliament holden at Westminster the 15. day of May last past: Deuoute kissings of his holy feet, with all humble reverence and humility. Most holy father, the holy discretion, government & equity which appeareth to be in you and ought of duty so to be (being so high and holy a prelate, and head of the holy church) by whom the holy universal church and people of God ought to be, as by the sun beams enlightened: Geueth us good hope and likelihood, that the just petitions (to the honor of Jesus Christ & holy Church, and your holiness also) by us declared, shall be of you graciously heard and considered. And that all errors and other iniquities quite taken away and removed: in stead thereof, fruitful exployts and necessary remedies (by the grace of the holy spirit; which you in so high an estate have received) may be by you likewise graciously ordained and disposed. Wherefore most holy father all we (upon great deliberation and common assent) come unto your holiness: showing and declaring that the noble kings of England our progenitors, our auncitours, and we (according to the grace of the holy spirit to them and us given, everyone according to his devotion) have established, founded, and endowed with in the realm of England: Churches, Cathedrals, Colleges, Abbeis, Priories, and other diverse houses of religion in the same ordained: and to the Prelates and governors of the same places, have given lands, possessions, patrimonies, franchesies, aduowsons, and patronages of dignities, revenues, offices, churches, with many and diverse other benefices unto them given: whereby the service of God and faith of Christ might have been honored and had in reverence: that the hospitals & alms houses that are made, with all the churches & edifices, might be honestly kept & maintained: and that devout prayers might in those places be made for the founders, & the poor parishioners aided and comforted. And such only ought to have the cure thereof, as are able to hear confessions; and in their own natural tongue otherwise meet to inform & teach their parishioners. And for so much as (most holy father) that you cannot well come to the notice of diverse such errors & defaults, neither yet understand the condition of the places being so far of, unless your holiness be informed & advertised. We having the perfect intelligence and understanding of the said errors and defaultes, of the places abovesaid, within the said Realm, have thought meet to signify the same unto your holiness. That diverse reservations, provisions and collations by your predecessors Apostolic of Rome, and by you most holy father in your time have been granted (and that more largely then they have been accustomed to be) unto diverse persons, as well strangers and of sundry nations, as unto some such as are our enemies, having no understanding at all of the tongue and conditions of them, of whom they have the government & cure. Whereby, a great number of souls are in peril, a great many of their parishners in danger, the service of GOD destroyed, the alms and devotion of all men diminished, the hospitals perished, the churches with their appurtenaunces decayed, charity withdrawn, the good and honest persons of our realm vnaduaunced, the charge and government of souls not regarded, the devotion of the people restrained, many poor scholars vnpreferred and the treasure of the realm carried out against the minds and intents of the founders. All which errors, defaultes, and flaunders most holy father we neither can nor ought to suffer nor endure. We therefore most humbly require your holiness, that the slanders errors and defaultes, which we have declared unto you, may be through your great discretion considered and that it may, please you that such reservations, provisions, and collations may be utterly repelled, that from henceforth the same be no more amongst us used. But to take such order and remedy therein, that the said benefices, edifices, rightes, with their apertinentes, may be to the honor of God by our own countrymen cured, defended and governed. And that it may further please your holiness, by your letters to signify unto us without delay and other detract of time, what your pleasure is touching this our lawful request & demand, and that we may do our endeavor with diligence herein for the remedy, correction, and amendment of those enormities above specified. In witness whereof, unto these letters patentes we have set our seals.
Geuen in the full Parliament at Westminster the 8. day of May, an 1343.
After these things thus passed over, the King shortly after sent over his Procuratours, Earl of Lancaster and Darby, Hugh Spencer, L. Rafe Stafforde, with the Bishop of Ex • tor and diverse other, to the popes court to discuss and plead about the right of his title, before the pope. Unto whom the said Pope Clement the 6. not long after, sent down this message: how that Ludouike duke of Bauarie, the Emperor whom the pope had before deposed, had submitted himself to him in all things, and therefore deserved at his hands the benefit of absolution: And how the pope therefore had cōferred and restored unto him justly and graciously the Empire, which he before unjustly did hold. &c. Which message when the King did hear, being therewith moved to anger, answered again, saying: That if he did agree and compound also with the French king, he was ready to fight with them both, &c. Ex chro. Albanen.
Within the time of this yere, pence, halfepence, and farthings began to be coined in the tower. And the next yere following, which was an. 1344. the castle of winsor (where the king was borne) began to be repared: and in the same, the house called the round table was situate, the diameter whereof from the one side to the other, contained 200. feet, to the expēces of which house weekly was allowed an C. li. for the maintaining of the kings chiualrie: till at length by the occasion of the French wars, it came down to ix. If a week. By the example whereof, the French king being provoked, began also the like round table in France, for the maintaining of the knighthoode. At which tune the said French king moreover gave free liberty through his realm to fell down trees for making of ships & maintaining of his nauie, whereby the Realm of England was not a little damnified.
During the same yere, the Clergy of England granted to the king tenths for 3. years: for the which the king in recompense again granted to them his Charter containing these privileges: that no Archbishop nor Bishop should be arreigned before his Justices, sieve ad sectam suam, sieve partis, if the said clarke do submit & claim his clergy, professing himself to be a member of holy Church, who so doing shall not be bound to come to his answer before the Justices. And if it shall be laid unto them to have married two wives, or to have married a widow: the Justices shall have no power to proceed against them, to inquire for the matter: So that the cause shall be reserved to the spiritual court. &c.
About this present time at the setting up of the round table, the king made Prince Edward his eldest son the first prince of Wales. At this while yet continued the truce between the 2. kings. Albeit it is likely to be thought that y • French king gave many attempts to infringe the same. Wherupon Henry earl of Lancaster w t 600. men at arms, and as many archers as were sent over to Gascoin, y • yere after, an. 1345. who there so valiantly is said to behave him self, that he subdued 55. towneships unto the king, 23. noble men, he toke prisoners, encountering w t the French men at Attebroke. So courteously and liberally he dealt with his soldiers, y • it was a joy to them and a preferment to fight underneath him. His manner was in winning any town, little or nothing to reserve to himself, but to sparie y • whole spoil to his soldiers. One example in the author (whom I follow) is touched: howe the foresaid Earl at the winning of the town of Briars, where he had granted to every soldior for his bootie, the house w t all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtain: among other his soldiors to one named Reh, fell a certain house w t the implements thereof, wherein was contained the mint and money coined for that country, to the valure of a great substance: which when the soldior had found, in breaking up a house, where first the gross metal was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the Earl declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his pleasure therein. To whom the Earl answered that the house was his, & whatsoever he found therein. Afterwarde the souldior finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, signified the same to the earle, for so much as he thought such treasure to be to great for his portion, to whom the said Earl again answering, declared that he had once given him the whole house, and that he had once given, he would not call back again as childrē use to play. And therefore had him enjoy that which was granted to him: And if the money were thrice as much it should be his own: Ex chron. Albanens. Which story whither it was true or otherwise in those days, I have not to affirm. But certes, if in these our covetous wretched days now present, any author should report the like act to be practiced, I would hardly believe it to be true.
As the erl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony the Scots were as busy here in England, wasting & spoiling without mercy, which were thought (& not unlike) to be set on by y • French king. And therefore was judged both by that, & by other diverse ways to have broken the coutnants of truce between him and the king of England.
Wherefore y • next yere ensuing. An. 1346. king Edward first sending his letters to the court of Rome, & therein complaining to the pope of Philip de Ualois, how he had transgressed, and brokē the truce between them made, which by cuidēt probations he there made manifest: about the mōth of July made his voyage into Normandy in such secrete wise, that no man well knew whether he intended. Where first he entered the town of Bogs, from thence proceeded unto Cardone. Where, about the 27. of July by the river of Cardone he had a strong battle, w t the Normands & other French men, which to stop his passage, defended y • bridge. At the which battle were taken of the Lord's of France, the erle of Ewe, the erle of Tankeruile. And of knights with other men of arms, to the number of an 100. of foot men 600. and the town and suburbs beaten down to the hard walls. And all that could be borne away transported to the ships.
A little before mention was made how the French K. began first to infringe the truce taken, and howe the Earl of Lancaster, vpō the same was sent unto Gascony. Now for the more evidence of the matter concerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs & untrue dealing: It shall better in the kings letter appear, who hearing word y t the Lord Philip de Ualois (contrary to the form of truce taken at Uanes) had apprehended certain of his nobles of England, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned & put to death: beside other slaughters and spoilings made in Britain, Gascony, and other places moe. He therefore seeing the truce to be broken of the French kings part, & being thereto of necessity compelled: In the year above prefixed, the 14. of the month of June, did publish and send abroad his letter of defiance, containing this effect.
The kings letters of defiance against the French king.
We think it is not unknown unto you all, that after the decease of Charles late king of France of famous memory, brother to our redoubted Lady mother Queen Isabel, Queen of England. That the crown of France, by just inheritance hath fallen unto us, as to the next heir male now living after the said king. Now Phillip de Valoys, being son but only to the uncle of the foresaid king Charles, and therefore by degree of consanguinity being further of removed from the same (we being in the time of our minority) hath violently by force and power contrary to God and justice usurped, occupied, and yet doth occupy the same, invading further and spoiling our lands in the Dukedom of Aquitania, and joining himself with our rebellious enemies the Scots, seeking our subversion both by land and by sea, to the uttermost of his endeavor. And although we to prevent the damages which might rise by war, have offered to the said Phillip diverse friendly ways of peace: to the intent we might better intend our purposed voyage against Christ's enemies the Turks: Yet could nothing prevail with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation, driving us of by crafty dissimulatiō, through false pretensed words, but performing nothing with heart and deed. Whereuppon, we not neglecting the grace and the gift of God, to defend the right of our inheritance, and to repulse the injuries of our enemy, have not refused by force of arms, coming down to Britanie to encounter with him in open field. And so we being occupied in our wars, there repaired unto us the reverend father bishop of Preuest, and of Tusculane Cardinals, and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreat some reformation of peace between us. At whose request we consented, agreeing to such forms and conditions of peace as then were taken between us, sending moreover our Ambassadors to the court of Rome, specially to entreat of the same matter. And thus while some hope of truce seemed between us to appear: News suddenly came unto us, which not a little astonied our mind, of the death of certain of our nobles and adherents, whom the said Phillip unjustly, and cruelly at Paris commanded to be executed. Beside the wasting and spoiling our lands and subjects in Britany, Gascony and other places: with innumerable wrongs and injuries deceitfully intended against us both by sea and land. By reason whereof, the truce on his part being notoriously broken, it is most manifest to have been lawful for us, forthwith to have set upon him with open war. Yet notwithstanding to avoid those incommodities that come by war, we thought first to prove, if by any gentle means some reformation might be had touching the premisses. And therefore sundry times, have sent Ambassadors to the Popes presence for the Treatyse of peace, and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses: requiring also for the tractation thereof, certain terms of times to be appointed, always, reserving to our selves notwithstanding free liberty to resume war at our pleasure, according as the doings of the said Philip shall constrayne us thereunto. And now forasmuch as the foresaid terms be already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace appeareth, neither will the said Philip come to any conformity, being required and monished notwithstanding by the Popes letters thereunto, (as the Pope by his letters hath written unto us) but always hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations using extremeties against us, to omit here to speak of the excessive enormity of the Popes Legate, who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce, and whose part had been rather to have quenched and stayed the discord: hath stirred up our enemy more eagerly against us. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome (saving his reverence) as yet provided any remedy, albeit he hath been diverse times required of us so to do. Which things being so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if for the defect of other remedy to be had, we shall be constrained our selves to find remedy against such wrongs and injuries: the case of justice and necessity constrayning us to give out these our letters of defiance, against the violator of the truce, & the unjust inuader of our kingdom. Protesting that this we do, not upon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome, or to the Apostolic sea but only for the moderation of equity, standing upon the defense of our own right & lawful inheritance, intēding always rather to have peace, if by any reasonable way it might be had. And thus much for the stopping of slanderous fame and the mouths of backbiters, We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome, &c the foresaid Cardinals: that by them as persons indifferent, and mediators, the same may be insinuated to the contrary part, and also unto your whole university in general: recommending unto you all the innocence of my cause and the community of justice.
Dated at Westminster the 14. of June, the 19. year of our reign in England, and of France the 6.
And thus much for the kings letter. Now let us again return to his passage, from whence a little we have degressed. Concerning the which passage of the king, with the order of his acts achieved in the same, from the winning of Cadane or Cordoyne, unto the town of Pusiack, is sufficiently described by one of the Kings Chaplaynes and his confessor, who being a Dominick Friar and accompanying the King through all his journey, writeth thereof as followeth.
Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli &c. Great cause we have to praise and laud the God of heaven, and most worthily to confess his holy name, who hath wrought so his mercy to us. For after the conflict had at Cadame, in the which many were slain, and the City taken and sacked even to the bare walls, the Citty of Baia immediately yielded it self of his own accord, fearing least their coūselles had been bewrayed. After this the Lord our king directed his progress toward Roane Who being at the town of Lexon, there came certain Cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace. Which Cardinals being courteously entertained of the K. for the reverence of the Popes sea, it was thus answered to them again. That the king being much desirous of peace, had assayd by all ways and means reasonable how to maintain the same. And therefore hath offered conditions and manifold ways of peace to be had to the no small prejudice of his own cause. And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace, if by any means it may be fought &c. With this answer the Cardinals going to the french king the kings adversary, to persuade with him in like manner: returned to King Edward again, offering to him in the French Kynges name the Dukedom of Aquitania, in as full assurance as his father before him ever had it, besides further hope also of obtaining more, if intreatye of peace might be obtained. But for so much, that cōtēted not enough the kings mind, neither did the Cardinals find the freēch king so tractable and propense to the study of peace as they looked for, the Cardinals returned, leaving the matter as they found it. And so the king speeding forward, by the way as his journey did lie, he subdued the country and the great towns without any resistāce of the inhabitants, who did all fly and run away. Such fear God stroke into them, that it seemed they had lost their hearts. In the same voyage, as the king had gotten many towns and villages, so also he subdued Castles and Munitiōs, very strong, and that with little stress. His enemy being at the same time at Roane had reared a great army, who notwithstanding being well manned, yet ever kept on the other side of the river Seane, breaking down all the bridges that we should not come over to him. And although the country round about continually was spoiled, sacked, and with fire consumed by the circuit of 20. miles round about: yet the French king being distant scarce the space of one mile frō us, either would not or else durst not (when he might easily have passed over the river) make any resistance for the defense of his country and people. And so our king journeying forward came to Pusiacke or Poisy, where the French king had likewise broke down the bridge: and keeping on the other side of the river, would rest in no place.
After whose coming to Poisie, the foresaid chaplain and confessor to the king, named Michael Northburgh, describing the kings voyage and the acts of the Englishmen from the town of Poisie, to his coming to Calis, in his letters writeth in this wise.
A Letter of W. Northburghe the Kyngs confessor, describing the kings voyage into France.
SAlutations premised, we give you to understand, that our sovereign Lord the king came to the town of Poisye the day before the Assumption of our Lady, where was a certain bridge over the water of Seane broken down of the enemy, but the king tarried there so long till that the bridge was made again. And whiles the bridge was in repairing, there came a great number of men at arms and other soldiers were armed, to hinder the same. But the Earl of Northhampton issued out against them & flew of them more then one thousand: the rest fled away thanks be to God. And at another time our men passed the water although with much travel, and flew a great number of the common soldiers of France, about the Citty of Paris, and country adjoining, being part of the French kings army, and thoroughly well appointed: so that our people have now, made other good bridges upon our enemies, God be thanked, without any great loss and damage to us. And on the morrow after the Assumption of our Lady, the king passed the water of Sceane, and marched toward Po • ye, which is a town of great defense and strongly immured, and a marvelous strong Castle within the same, which our enemies kept. And when our vaundgard was passed the town, our reregarde gave an assault thereunto and took the same: where were slain more then 300. men at arms of our enemies part. And the next day following, the Earl of Suffolk and Sir Hugh Spenser marched forth upon the commons of the country assembled and well armed, and in fine discomfited them, and slew of them more then 200. and took 60. Gentlemen prisoners, besides others. And after that, the Kyng marched toward Graund Villers, and while he was there encamped, the kings vaundgard was discried by the men of arms of the king Bename: whereupon, our men issued out in great haste and joined battle with them, but were enforced to retire. Notwithstanding, thanks be unto God, the Earl of Northhampton issued out and reskued the horsemen with other soldiers: so that few or none of them were either taken or slain saving only Thomas Talbot, but had again the enemy in chase within 2. leagues of Amians: of whom we took 8. and slew 12. of their best men at arms, the rest being well horsed, took the town of Amians. After this, the king of England marched toward Pountife upon Bartholomew day, and came unto the water of Som, where the French king had laid 500. men at arms, and three thousand foot men: purposing to have kept and stopped our passage: but thanks be to God, the king of England and his host entered the same water of Som, where never man passed before, without the loss of any of our men: and after that encountered with the enemy and slew of them more then two thousand, the rest fled to Abeuyle, in which chase was taken many Knights, Squiers, and men at arms. The same day, Sir Hugh Spenser took the town of Croylay, where he and his soldiers flew four hundred men at arms, and kept the town, where they found great store of victuals. The same night, encamped the king of England in the Forest of Cressy upon the same water, for that the French kings host came on the other side of the town near unto our passage: But he would not take the water of us, and so marched toward Abeuile. And upon the Friday next following, the King being still encamped in the said Forest, our Scuriers discried the french king, which marched toward us in four great battelles: And having then understanding of our enemies (as God's will was) a little before the evening tide we drew unto the plain field, and set our battelles in array: and immediately the fight began, which was sore and cruel, and endured long, for our enemies behaved themselves right nobly. But thanks be given to God, the victory fell on our side, and the Kyng our adversary was discomfited with all his host, and put to flight: Where also was slain the Kyng of Bename, the Duke of Loren, the Earl of Dabeson, the Earl of Flaunders, the Earl of Blois, the Earl of Aarcot, with his two Sons, the Earl of Damerley, the Earl of Nauers, and his Brother, the Lord of Tronard, the Archbyshoppe of Myemes, the Archbishop of Saundes, the high Prior of France, the Earl of Savoy, the Lord of Morles, the Lord de Guis, Segniour de S. Nouant, Seigniour de Rosingburgh, with six Earls of Almayn, and diverse other Earls, Barons, Knightes, and Squyres, whose names are unknown. And Philippe de Valoys himself, with another Marques which was called Lord Electour among the Romans, escaped from the battle. The number of the men at arms which were found dead in the field, beside the common Soldiers and footmen, were 1542. And all that night the king of England with his host abode armed in the field where the battle was fought. On the next morrow before the Sun rose, there marched towards us another great host, mighty and strong, of the Frenchmen. But the Earl of Northhampton, and the Earl of Norfolk issued out against them in 3 battles, and after long and terrible fight, them in likewise they discomfited by God's great help and grace (for otherwise it could never have been) where they took of Knights and Squires a great number, and flew above 2000. pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The same night also the king encamped himself again in the forest of Cressy, and on the morrow marched toward Boleyne, and by the way he took the town of Staples: and from thence he marched toward Calis where he intendeth to plant his siege and lay his battery to the same. And therefore our sovereign Lord the king willeth and commaūdeath you in all that ever you may, to send to the said siege victuals convenient. For after the time of our departing frō Chaam, we have traveled through the country with great peril and danger of our people, but yet always had of victual plenty thanks be to God therefore. But now as the case standeth, we partly need your help to be refreshed with victuals.
Written at the siege before the town of Calis the 14 day of September.
After the siege and winning of Poisie, the third day of September an. 1346. the king through the midst of France directed his passage unto Calis, as by the tenor of this letter you hear, & besieged y e same: which siege he continued from the third of September aforesaid, til the third day of August the year next ensuing, upon the which day it was rendered up unto the said king Edward the third, and subdued unto the crown of England, as after the Lord willing shall more appear.
In the mean time during the siege of Calis, David the Scottish king at the request of y e French king with a great army brast into the North parts of England, and first besieging the town of Lidell, within six days obtained the greatest part of the town, & there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Salby a valiant knight which was the keeper of the hold, caused him vncurteously to be put to the sword, and so from thence proceeded further into England, till at length being met with all by William Surthe Archbish. of York, and the L. Percy, and the L. Neuell, w t other nobles of those parties (calling & gathering their men together) in the plain nere to Durham, the 17. day of October in the yere abovesaid through the gracious hand of Christ, there were subdued & conquered. In the which conflict, the Earls of Murrise, and Stratheron, with the flower of all the chiualry and principal warriors of Scotland were slain. Also the foresaid king David, with the Earls of Mentiffe & Fiffes, and other Lord's, and Williā Douglas Mas klime, fleming, and William Douglas, & other many moe men of arms were taken prisoners, & so the mischief which they intended to other, fell upon their own heads.
During moreover the said siege of Calis, the foresaid Pope Clement the 6. writing to the king of England, went about under the pretence of peace, to stop his proceedings whose letters here follow nuder written.
The letter of the Pope to the king of England, in the behalf of the Frenchmen.
If you diligently consider dear son (as ought a catholic Prince to do) the slaughter of such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious blood of Christ our redeemer: the loss of their substance & souls, and the lamentable perils, which the dissensions and wars stirred up between you and our well-beloved son Philippe, the noble king of France have brought vpō us, and yet daily do without intermissiō: And also the bewailing of so many poor people, crying out of Orphans and pupils, lamentation of widows, and other miserable people, which be robbed and spoiled, and almost famished: what exclamation they make with tears running down their cheeks, yelling and crying unto God for help, as also the destruction of churches, monasteries, & holy places, holy vessels and other ornaments unto gods service dedicated: the sacrilegious robberies, takings, & imprisonings: the spoiling of holy churches & religious persons, with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefs, offending the eyes of the divine majesty: All which, if your princely heart would consider and well remember with this also that Catholic saith (especially in the East partes) and the Christians there abiding by means of the same dissensions and wars, destitute of the helps of such catholic men as are in the West parties, are so afflicted of the Infidels seeing the other partes of Christendom so troubled, with cruel persecutions, yea and more crueller then ever it hath been (although in these times to amplify this our saith in the said East parts is cruel persecution shown more then hath been of many years past) doubtless we believe it would pity your heart. And to the end that such and so great evils should no further proceed, nor yet that so great good as might be done by delating of our foresaid faith in these times should be let & hindered, we desire you that ye would apply your mind to make some agreement and peace with the foresaid king. For if (my well-beloved son) God hath given unto you-prosperous success and fortune, ye ought rather to humble thē to extol yourself: and so much the more readier to incline to his peace, and to endeavor yourself to please God which loveth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men, and to eschew the foresaid evils which without doubt do grievously offend him. Furthermore, we marvel greatly that unto our reverend brother Anibaldus Bishop of Tusculane, and our beloved son Stephen of the title of S, John, and Paul, priest and Cardinal of the apostolical sea, being sent as Legates by us and the same see Apostolical to entreat a peace, who diligently and faithfully laboring for the same as lovers of verity, justice and equity, and therwithall regarders of your honor: could not be suffered touching the intreatye of the same peace, to come unto your Graces presence.
Wherefore we desire your kingly highness more earnestly, & for the mercy of God with more vehemence require the same: that you taking up the foresaid horrible evils and preventing the sweetness of piety and compassion, may escape the vengeance of God's indignation, which were to be feared, if you should persevere in your former evils as God forbid. And as touching the entreaty for peace, for which our foresaid Cardinals were sent unto you (howbeit secretly least it should be any derogation to your honor) we desire you to condescend thereunto, & with all your affection you will incline your mind to the same, so pleasant unto God, so desired of the world, as also to you the foresaid king, & unto the catholic saith profitable. And that the same peace by God's help & grace established & made perfect, you might assay your puissant strength about gods business in the foresaid east partes (so good occasion serving as before is said in these our times) being so apt aduasicements of your honor, & happy increasing of your princely name: for servētly we have heard of you reported to behave yourself, in all your attempts. Thus we doubt not but that you will write unto us again touching the premisses, and the purpose of your intention touching the same.
Dated at Avigno the 18 of February, and 5 year of our Papacy.
The answer of the king of England, to the foresayst letter of the Pope.
we understand by the letters of the reverend fathers in God the Bishop of Tusculan, and Stephen of the title of S. John Priest, Cardinals & Legates of the Court of Rome, as also by the letters of your holiness sent unto us, that ye marvel greatly for that your said Legates were of purpose sent unto us, and commanded to entreat of a peace between our adversary of France and us, that we would not suffer them secretly to talk with us, for the safeguard of our honor: The intention of your heart to make the foresaid peace, complaing and bewailing therein the death of Christian men, the loss of their goods, the peril of their souls, the lamentable waylings of the poor, of orphans, the widows, and destruction of other pittyfull persons, the pillage and robberies of Churches, and other mischiefs innumerable, and namely the diminishing of Christian saith in the East partes, which by the war between our adversary of France and us is sore decayed, as the said letters plainly do import: And that forasmuch as God hath given you triumphant fortune, that so much the more we ought to abase and humble our heart and to be the readier to make and incline to a peace. As touching these things holy Father, we give your holiness to understand that as well unto your foresaid Legates as other messengers sent from you unto us, we have offered unto every of them reasonable ways of peace, and every day declare the same, and that not secretly but openly: For we doubt not to let our purpose be understood, for he that is the high Judge both of him and us, in whose disposition all thing lieth, hath given unto us the crown of France to our right and proper heritage. The which right, our foresaid adversary hath by force, of long time detained from us we seeking to obtain the same in peaceable wise and yet do, if we might obtain the same in any good manner, rather for the benefit of christen men, and that the foresaid evils might cease, which by his wrongful means only have increased & grown. Yet notwithstanding as before this time you know we assented to a truce with certain Articles contained in the same writing, all this he hath infringed: Neither doth the wrong suffice him which he offereth us in our foresaid heritage, but endevoreth himself during the said truce to invade our realm of England and other our lands; and further maynteineth the Scots, & aideth them to the utter destructiō of us; our people, & lands aforesaid: whereby, we were enforced for the safeguard of our people and lands, by such lawful means we may, to defend our selves and put him from his wicked purpose. And furthermore, for the same our quarrel being in the hands of God, have we common against him to conquer our inheritance of France over whom God hath given us diverse victories as we have trusted he would by his rightwise judgment and power, which thing he hath shown upon us, (all chance of fortune set a part) in respect of our rightful title therein, and without our deserts: Wherefore with all humility of heart we give him thanks always therefore, most devoutly night and day praising his holy name, for we acknowledge the same cometh not by our strength and force. Wherefore most holy Father we desire your holiness, and so much, as in us lieth require the same, that you that supplye the place of the son of God in earth, and hath the government of the souls of all Christian men and ought to be upright and equal, towards all men without exception of persons: that ye will receive good information and true, of the objections above said, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our said adversary of France may acknowledge his wrong which he hath done to us herein, and may be by your aid redressed, and that he in this his wrong have no mainteynance and aid at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeal unto the judge of judges which suffereth for a time wrongs to be donne for the sinful default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, leaving no good deed unrewarded, nor evil unpunished most humbly requiring him to be to us a true and upright judge of all our controuersyes, for his mercies sake, as in the mean time we repose our full trust and confidence in him. The holy spirit of God &c.
Moreover during yet the siege of Calis, the French king had sent certain offers to the men of Flaunders that if they would relinquish the king of England and adhere to him.
- First he would remit all their former transgressions.
- Secondly, he would vnburdē them of their interdict.
- Thirdly, he would send unto them such plenty of corn, that what was sold for 12.5. with them, should be sold for 4.5. and that for 6. years.
- Fourthly, he would store them with plenty of French wool, to make cloth for a small price, & that they might sell the said clothes both in Flaunders and in France: & that the French men should use the same cloth, for so much as all other manner of cloth should be forbid in France, so long as any of that (made of French wool) might be found.
- Fifthly, he would restore them to these three Cities Insulam, Rowocum, and Betony.
- Sixthly, he would defend them from all their adversaries. And in pledge of the same, would send them money before hand.
- Seventhly, such as were able and forward men among them, he would retain and promote them. &c.
But these offers seeming to proceed more of fair words to serve the present turn, then or any hearty truth, were not received. Thē the L. John, Prince & heir to the French king, during the foresaid siege of Calis above mentioned, coming with a mighty army of French men, set upon y • men of Flaūders and English men in the town of Cassels. In the which conflict during from morning to noon, the Frenchmē were vanquished and the young Dolphin driven back from whence he came. Of whose number diverse were slain, and taken prisoners. Where on the other side (through the Lord's defense) not one is reported to be grievously wounded.
As this passed on, not long after about y • 7. day of June an. 1347, king Edward continuing still his siege against Calis, Philip the French king came down with a mighty army purposing to remove the siege: where not far of from the English host, he encamped himself. Which done 2. Cardinals, Ambaldus, & Stephanus (procured for the same purpose) going between the two kings, gave to the king of England thus to understand: that if he would condescend to any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such honest prosers unto him, as to reason & to his contentation should seme agreeable. But in conclusion when it came to talk, the nobles could not agree upon y • conditions. Wherefore the french king seeing no other remedy, did it to be signified to king Edward: that between that present Teusday, & the next friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should have battle givē him. Thus the place being vewed of four Captains of either host, for the battle to be fought: it so fell, that the French K. on Wednesday at night before the battle should join, secretly by night setting his pauilions on fire, returned back with his army, out of the sight of English men.
Upon the Friday following, they which were besieged in the town of Calis, seeing the king to be retired (upon whose help they trusted, being also in great penury & famine for lack of victuals, & otherwise in much misery vehemently distressed) surrendered the town to the kings hands: who like a merciful Prince only deteining certain of the chief, the rest with the whole commons he let go with bag & baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, showing therein more Princely favor to them, then they did of late in Queen Mary's days unto our men, in recovering the said town of Calis again.
After the winning thus of Calis as hath been premised, king Edward remaining in the said town a certain space, was in consultatiō concerning his voyage & proceeding farther into France. But by means of the foresaid Cardinals, truce for a certain time was takē, and instruments made (so provided) that certain noble mē as well for the french K. as for the king of England, should como to the Pope there to debate upon the Articles. Unto the which king Edward, for peacesake was not greatly disagreing. Which was. an. 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh.
The next year following which was an. 1348. fell a sore plague, which they call the first general pestilence in y • realm of England, This plague (as they say) first springing frō the East, & so spreading westward, did so mightily prevail here in this land, beginning first at Dorcester & the countries thereabout, that every day lightly 20. some days 40. some 60. & moe dead corses were brought & laid together in one pit. This beginning the first day of Angust: by the first of November it came to Londō. Whereas the vehement rage thereof was so hot, and did increase so much: that from the first day of February, til about the beginning of May in a Churchyard then newlye made by smithfield, above 200. dead corses every day were buried, besides them which in other Churchyardes of the City were laid also. At length by the grace of Christ ceasing there it proceeded from thence to the Northparts. Where also the next year after. an. 1349. it swaged.
After this in the next year ensuing. an. 1350. the town of Calis was by treason of the keeper of the Castle, almost betrayed and won from the English men. Within the compass of which yere, died Philip the French king. After whom king John his son succeeded in the crown. Who the next year after under false precence of friendship, caused the Constable of France Earl of Ewe to be beheaded: who being taken prisoner before in war by English men, and long detained in prison in England, was licēsed by king Edward to visit his country of France. In the same yere the town of Gwines was takē by Englishmē, while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleep.
The year next following, the Marshall of France with a great army was put to flight, by Syr Roger Bentele Knight and Captayne in Britain, having but only 600. Soldiers with him. In this battle were taken 9. Knightes, Esquires, and Gentlemen. 140. The French men & Britain's, by this victory were exceedingly discouraged, and there pride cut down.
In the yere after, was Henry first made Duke of Lancaster, which before was Earl of Derby and Lancaster. Also diverse good ordinances were appointed in y e Parliament at Westminster. Which afterby avarice, and parciall favor of the head men, were again undone.
Concord and agreement about the year. 1354. began to come well forward, & instruments were drawn upon the same, between the 2. kings. But that the matter being brought up to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quareling of the French men, partly by the winking of y c Pope which ever held with the French side, the conditions were repealed, which were these: That the king of England, all the Dukedom of Aquitanie with other lands there, should be to him restored, without homage to the French king. And that king Edward again should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in France: whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult, which followed after between the two Realms.
It followed after this, the year of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, & that king John his son, had granted the Dukedom of Aquitine to Charles his eldest son & Dolphin of Vienna: sent over Prince Edward with the Earl of Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a sufficient number of able soldiers, into Aquitania. Where he being willingly received of diverse, y • rest be subdued: partly by force of sword, partly received, submitting themselves to his protection.
Not long after this in y • same yere, word being brought to king Edward that John the French king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to give him battle, gathered his power & set over to Calis with his 2. sons, Leo nell Earl of Wilton: and John of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond: & with Henry Duke of Lancaster, &c. who being come to S. Omers, the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his coming, the nearer he approached to them the further they retired back: wasting & destroying behind them, to the intent that the english army in pursuing thē should find no victuals. By reasō whereof, king Edward following him by y • space of 9. or 10 days unto Hadē (whē neither he could • inde his enemy to fight, nor victuals or forage for his army) he returned unto Calis: where war again being offered in the name of the king upon unstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, frō Calis crossed the seas into England: where he recovered again the town of Barwicke, which the Scots before by subtle train had gotten. At which time was granted unto the king in Parliament 50. s. for every sack or pack of wool that should be carried over, for the space of 6. years together. By the which grant, the king might despend every day by estimation above 100. marks sterling. And for as much as every yere 100000. sacks of wool were thought to be exported out of the Realm: the sum thereof for 6. years space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. pound sterling.
The same year, when king Edward had recovered Barwick, and subdued Scotland: Prince Edward being in Gascony, made toward the French king. Who notwithstanding by the way all bridges were cast down, & great resistance made: yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, & many prisoners taken: at length joining with the French king at Poytiers, scarce with 2000. gave the overthrow to the French king with 7000. men of arms and mor. In which conflict the French king himself, and Philip his son with L. James of Bourbon, the Archb. of Senon, II, Earls. 22. Lord's were taken. Of other warriors and men of arms 2000. Some affirm in this conflict were slain 2. Dukes, of Lord's and noble men 24. of men of arms 2002. of other soldiers above 8000. The commō report is, that mo Frenchmē were there taken prisoners, then was the number of them which took them. This noble victory gotten by the grace of God brought no little admiration to all men.
It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose of this history to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the circumstances of his victoryes, of the bringing in of the french king into England, of his abode there, of the ransom levied on him and of David the Scottish king, of which, the one was rated at 3. millions of Scutes, y t other at 100000. marks to be paid in 10 years how the staple was after translated to Calis, with such like, I refer them that would see more, to the Chronicle of Tho. Walsing. of S. Albans, of John Froysard, Adā Merimouth, who discourse all this at large.
Thus having discoursed at large all such marshal affairs and warlicke exploytes incident in the reign of this king betwixt him and the realms of France and Scotland: Now to return again to our matters ecclesiastical, followeth in order to recapitulate and notifye the troubles & contentions growing between the same king & the Pope and other ecclesiastical persons in matters touching the church in order of years remayuing in the Tower taken out of the records as followeth. As where first in the 4. year of his reign the king wrote to the Archbi. of Canterbury to this effect. That whereas King Edward the 1. his grand father did give to a Clerke of his own, being his Chaplain the dignity of Treasurer of York, the Archbishopric of York being then vacant and in the kings hands, in the quiet possession whereof the said Clerke continued until the Pope misliking therewith would have displaced him, and promoted to the same dignity a Cardinal of Rome to the manifest prejudice of the crown of England. The King therefore straightly chargeth the Archbishop of York not to suffer any matter to pass that may be prejudice to the donation of his graundfather, but that his own Clerke should enjoy the said dignity accordingly, upon pain of his highness displeasure.
The like precepts were also directed to these Bishops following vide to the Bishop of Lincoln, Bishop of Worcester, Bishop of Sax, Monser Marinion, Archdeacon of Richmond, Archdeacō of Lincoln, the Prior of Lewē, the Prior of Lenton, to master Rich of Bintworth, to •• Iherico de Concoreto the Popes Nuncio, to M. 〈◊〉 of Calma. And with all wrote his letters to the Pope touching the same matter consisting in three partes. First is the declaration and defense of his right and title to the donatiō and gift of all manner of temporalties, of offices, prebendes, benefices and dignities ecclesiastical holdeir of his in capite as in the right of his crown of England. Secondly in expostulating with the Pope for intending himself into the ancient right of the crown of England intermeddling with such collations contrary to right & reason and the example of all his predecessors which were Popes before. Thirdly entreating him that he would henceforth abstain and desist from molesting the Realm with such novelties and strange usurpations, and so much the more for that in the public Parliament late holden at Westminster it was generally agreed upon by the universal assent of all the estates of the Realm that the Kyng should stand to the defense of all such rightes and jurisdictions as to his crown appertained.
After this in the 9. year of the Reign of this Kyng Pope Benedict the 12. sendeth down letters touching his new creation with certain other matters and requests to the King whereunto the King answering again declareth how glad he is of that his preferment adding more over y t his purpose was to have sent unto him certain Ambassadors for congratulatiō of the sau • e: But being otherwise occupied by reason of wars could not attend his holiness requests: notwithstanding he minded to call a Parliament about the feast of Ascension next, whereupon the assembly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same and so direct his Ambassadors to his holiness accordingly.
The next year after which was the 10. year of his reign the King writeth another letter to the Pope that forasmuch as his clergy had granted him one years tenth for the supportation of his wars, and for that the Pope also had the same time to take up the payment of 6. years tenth granted him by the Clergy a little before, therefore the Pope would vouchsafe at his request to forbear the exaction of that money for one year, till that his tenth for the necessities of his wars were dispatched.
The same yere he wrote also to the Pope to this effect. That whereas the Prior and Chapter of Norwich did nominate a Clerke to be Bishop of Norwich and sent him to Rome for his inuestiture without the Kings knowledge, therefore the Pope would withdraw his consent & not intermeddle in the matter appertaining to the Kings peculiar jurisdiction and prerogative.
After this in the 16. year of this King it happened that the Pope sent over certain Legates to hear and determine matters appertaining to the right of patronages of Benefices: which the King perceiving to tend to the no small derogation of his right and the liberties of his subjects writeth unto the said Legates admonishing and requiring them not to proceed therein nor attempt anything vnaduisedlye otherwise then might stand with the lawful ordinances & customs of the laws of his realm and liberty of his subjects.
Writing moreover the same year to other Legates being sent over by the Pope to treat of peace between the King and the French King with request that they would first make their repair to the french King who had so oftentimes broken with him, and prove what conformitye the french king would offer: which if he found reasonable, they should soon accord with him: otherwise exhorted thē not to enter into the land nor to proceed any further in that behalf.
The year following which was the 17. of his reign ensueth another letter to the Pope against his provisions and reservations of benefices, worthy here to be placed & specified, but that the sum thereof is before set down to be found in the page. 386.
The year following another letter likewise was sent by the King to the Pope upon occasion takē of the church of Norwich: requiring him to surcease his reservations and provisions of the Bishopric within the Realm, and to leave the elections thereof free to the Chapters of such Cathedral Churches according to the ancient grauntes and ordinances of his noble progenitors.
Proceeding now to the 19. year of this kings reign there came to the presence of the king certain Legates frō Rome complaing of certain statutes past in his parliament tending to the prejudice of the Church of Rome & the Popes primary viz. that if Abbots, Priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefices should not present to the said benefices within a certain time, the lapse of the same should come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did not present, then to the Archbishop: if the Archbishop likewise did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not to the Lord Pope but to the Kyng and his heirs. An other complaint was this that if Archbishops should be slack in giving such benefices as properly pertained to their own patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise should appertain to the foresaid King and his heirs. An other complaint was that if the Pope should make void any elections in the Church of England for any defect found therein, and so had placed some honest and discreet persons in the same, that then the King and his heirs was not bound to render the Temporaltyes unto the parties placed by the Popes provision. Whereupon the Pope being not a little agrieued, the Kyng writeth unto him certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that Parlyament. And further as touching all other things he would confer with his Prelates and Nobles and thereof would return answer by his Legates.
In the 20. year of his reign another letter was written to the Pope by the King, the effect whereof in few words to express, was this, to certify him that in respect of his great charges sustained in his wars, he hath by y e counsel of his Nobles taken into his own hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices here in England.
To proceed in the order of years that in the 26. year of this king one Nicholas Heath Clerke a busy headed body and a troubler of the Realm had procured diverse Bishops and others of the Kings counsel to be cited up to the Court of Rome there to answer such complaints as he had made against them: whereupon commandment was given to the King to all the ports of the realm for the restraynt of all passingers out, and for searching and aresting all persons bringing in any Bulls or other process from Rome tending to the derogation of the dignity of the crown or molestation of the subjects concerning which Nicholas Heath the King also writeth to the Pope his letters complaing of the said Heath and desiring him to give no ear to his lewd complaynts.
The same year the King writeth also to the Popes Legate resident in England requiring him to surcease from exacting diverse sums of money of the Clergy in the name of first fruits of benefices.
The 31. year of this Kings reign the King by his letters complaineth to the Pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas Stanneway remaining in Rome, which by his slanderous complaints procured diverse citations to be sent into the Realm, to the great disturbance of diverse and sundry honest men: whereupon he prayeth and adviseth the Pope to stay himself and not to send over such hasty Citatiōs upon every light occasiō.
To pass further to the 38. year of the same King thus we find in the Rolls. That the King y • same year took order by two of his Clergy, to wit John a Stock and John of Norton to take into their hands all the temporaltyes of all Deaneryes, Prebendes, Dignityes, and Benefices being then vacant in England and to answer the profits of the same to the Kings use.
The same year an ordinance was made by the King and his Counsel and to the same proclaimed in all porte towns within the Realm, that good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoever coming frō the Court of Rome. &c. do bring into the Realm with him any Bull, instrument, letters patentes, or other process that may be prejudicial to the King or any of his subjects: nor that any person passing out of this Realm toward the Court of Rome do carry with him any instrument or process that may redound to the prejudice of the King or his subjects: and that all persons passing to the said Court of Rome. &c. with the Kings special license do notwithstanding promise and find surety to the Lord Chancellor, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the prejudice of the King or his subjects under pain to be put out of the Kings protection and to forfeyt his body, goods, and Cattelles according to the statute thereof made Anno. 27.
And thus much concerning the letters and writings of the King with such other domestical matters, perturbations, and troubles passing between him and the Pope taken out of the public Recordes of the Realm, whereby I thought to give the Reader to understand the horrible abuses, the intolerable pride, and the insatiable avarice of that Bishop more like a proud Lucifer then a pastor of the Church of Christ, in abusing the king and oppressing his subjects with exactions immeasurable: not only exercising his tyranny in this Realm, but raging also against other Princes both far and near, emongst whom neither spared he the Emperor himself. In the story and arts of which Emperor Ludouicus mentioned a title before, pag. 273. whom the Pope did most arrogantly excommunicate upon maundy thursday, and the self same day placing another Emperor in his room. Relation was made of certain learned men which took the Emperor's part against the Pope. In number of whom was Marsilius Patauinus, Gullermus Ockam, Johannes Gandauensis, Luitpoldus, Andreas Landensis, Vlricus Hangenor treasurer to the Emperor, Dantes, Aligerius, &c. Of whom Marsilius Patauinus compiled and exhibited unto the Emperor Ludourke, a worthy work entitled Defensor pacis : writē in the Emperors behalf against the Pope. Wherein (both godly & learnedly disputing against the Pope) he proveth, all Bishops and Priests to be equal: And that the Pope hath no superiority above other Bishops, much less above the Emperor. That the word of God ought to be only the chief judge in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical: That not only spiritual persons, but say men also being godly and learned ought to be admitted into general councils: That the Clergy and the Pope ought to be subject unto Magistrates: That the Church is the university of the faithful, and that the foundation and head of the Church is Christ, and that he never appointed any vicar or Pope over his universal church: That Bishops ought to be chosen everyone by their own Church and Clergy: That the marriage of Priests may lawfully be permitted: That S. Peter was never at Rome: That the Clergy and Sinagoge of the Pope is a deune of thieves: That the doctrine of the Pope is not to be followed, because it leadeth to destruction: And that the corrupt matters of the Christians do spring and flow out of the wickedness of the spiritualty. &c. He disputeth moreover in another work of free justification by grace: And extenuated merits, saying that they are no causes efficient of our salvation, but only sine qua non, that is to say, that works be no cause of our justification, but yet our iustificatiō goeth not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and Catholic, he was condemned by the Pope. an. 1324. by the Popes decree extravagant, cap. Licet intra doctrinam. Concerning the which man and his doctrine: I thought good thus much to commit to history, to the intent men may see, that they which charge this doctrine now taught in the Church with the note of noueltye or newness, how iguoraunt and unskillful they be in the histories and order of times fore past.
In the same part of condemnation at the same time, also was Johannes de Gunduno. an. 1330. and contained also in the foresaid Extrauagāt, with Marsilius Patauinus. Which Johannes wrote much upon Aristotle and Auerrois, and are yet remaining. And no doubt but he wrote also of divinity, but not unlike that these works have been abolished.
In the same number and cataloge, cometh also Guillermus Ockam, who was in the year of our Lord 1326. as is afore mentioned pag. 375. and wrote likewise in defense of Ludouicus the Emperor against the Pope: and also in defense of Michael General of Grayfriers, whom the Pope had excommunicated & cursed for an heretic. Divers treatises were by the said Ockam set forth, whereof some are extant and in print, as his questions & distinctions: some are extinct and suppressed (as Ascentius reporteth) quood essent aliquando asperiora. Some again be published under no name of the author, being of his doing: as the dialogue between the soldier and the clarke: wherein it is to be coniected, what books and works this Ockam had collected against the Pope. Of this Ockā John Sledane in his history inferreth mention, to his great commendation, whose words be these: William Ockam in time of Ludouicus, 4. Emperor did flourish, about the yere of our Lord 1326. Who among other things wrote of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. In the which book he handleth these 8. questions very copiously: whether both the administrations of the Bishops office, and of the Emperors may be in one man. 2. Whether the Emperor taketh his power and authority only of God, or else of the Pope. 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome have power by Christ, to set and place kings and Emperors, and to commit to them their jurisdiction to be exercised. 4. Whether the Emperor being elected, hath full authority upon the said his election, to administer his Empire. 5. Whether other kings besides the Emperor and King of Romaines, in that they are consecrated of priests, receive of thē any part of their power. 6. Whether the said kings in any case be subject to their cōsecrators. 7. Whether if the said kings should admit any new sacrifice, or should take to themselves the Diadeine without any further consecration, they should thereby lose their kingly right and title. 8. Whether the seven princes electors give as much to the election of the Emperor, as succession rightful giveth to other kings. Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and sundry reasons on both sides at length decideth the matter on the parte of the civil magistrate: and by occasion thereof, entereth into the mention of the Popes decrees Extrauagant, declaring how little force or regard is to be given thereunto.
Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis a learned & a famous and right godly man: who not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about the year of our Lord 1350. Disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will, as we do now, and dissented therein from the Papists and Sophisters, counting them worse then Pelagians.
Of the like judgment, and in the same time was also Andreas de Castro, as appeareth super lit. 1. Sentent. dist. 45. and Burdianus upon the Ethiques of Aristotle: which both maintained the grace of y t gospel, as is now in the church received, above 200. years since.
And what should I speak of the Duke of Burgundy named Eudo, who at the same time, An. 1350. dissuaded the French king not to receive in his land the new found constitutions, decretal & Extrauagant, within his realm: whose sage counsel then given, yet remaineth among the French kings records, as witnesseth Charol. Molinaeus.
Dantes an Italian writer a Florentine, lived in the time of Ludouicus themperour, about the yere of our lord 1300. and took his parte with Marsilius Patauinus against three sortes of men, which he said were enemies to the truth: That is, the pope: Secondly, the order of religious men, which count thenselves the children of the church, whē they are y t children of the devil their father: Thirdly, the Doctors of decrees and decretals. Certain of his writings be extant abroad, wherein he proveth the Pope not to be above the Emperor, nor to baue any right or jurisdiction in the Empire. He cōfuteth the Donation of Constantine to be a forged and a feigned thing, as which neither did stand with any law or right. For the which, he was taken of many for an heretic. He complaineth moreover very much, the preaching of God's word to be omitted: and in stead thereof, the vain fables of monks and friers to be preached and believed of the people: and so the flock of Christ to be fed not with the food of the Gospel, but with wind. The Pope saith he, of a pastor is made a wolf, to wast the church of Christ, and to procure with his Clergy not the word of God to be preached, but his own Decrees. In his canticle of purgatory, he declareth the Pope to be the whore of Babylon. And to her ministers, to some he applieth 2. horns, to some 4. As to the Patriarchs, whō he noteth to be the tower of the said whore Babilonicall. Ex libris Dantes Italice.
Hereunto may be added the saying out of the book of Iornandus unprinted, with the foresaid Dantes: that forsomuch as Antichrist cometh not before the destruction of the Empire, therefore such as go about to have the Empire extinct, are forrunners and messengers in so doing of Antichrist. Therefore let the Romaines (saith he) and their Bishops beware, least their sins and wickedness so deserving by the just judgment of God, the priesthood be taken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelates and princes of Germany take hede. &c.
And because our adversaries which object to us the newness of our doctrine, shall see the course and form of this religion now received, not to have ben, either such a new thing now, or a thing so strange in times past: I will add to these above recited, master Taulerus a preacher of Argentine in Germany. An. 1350. Who contrary to the Popes proceedings, taught openly against all men's merits, and against invocation of Saints, and preached sincerely of our free iustificatiō by grace, referring all man's trust only to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.
With whom also may be adjoined Frāciscus Petrarcha, a writer of the same age, who in his works and his Italian meeter speaking of Rome: calleth it the whore of Babylon, the school and mother of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of traichery growing and increasing by y t oppressing of others: and saith farther that she, (meaning the Popes Court) extolleth her self against her founders that is, the Emperors, who first set her up and did so enriche her: And seemeth plainly to affirm that the pope was Antichrist, declaring that no greater evil could happen to any man then to be made Pope. Thys Franciscus was about the year of our Lord. 1350.
And if time would serve us to seek out old histories, we should find plenty of faithful witnesses of old and ancient time, to give witness with us against the Pope beside the other above rehearsed: as Johannes de Rupe scissian. 1340. Who for rebuking the spiritualty for their great enormities and neglecting their office and duty, was cast in prison.
Illyricus a writer in our days, testifieth that he found & red man old Pamphlet, that the said Johannes should call the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon: and the Pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the Cardinals to be the false prophets. Being in prison he wrote a book of Prophesies, bearing the title: Vade mecum in tribulationem : in which book (which also I have seen) he prophesied & admonished affliction and tribulation to hang over the spiritualty. And pronounceth plainly that God will purge his Clergy, and will have priests that shall be poor, godly, and that shall faithfully seed the Lord's flock: moreover, that the goods of the church shall return again to the lay men. He prophesied also the same time, that the French king and his army should have an overthrow. Which came likewise to pass during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Johannes de Rupe, writeth Froysard in his time, and also Wicklisse, of whose prophecies, more may be said at more leisure (Christ willing) hereafter.
About the same year of our Lord 1340. in the City Herbipoli, was one named master Cōradus Hager, who (as appeareth by the old bulls and registers of Otho bishop of the said city) is there recorded, to have maintained and taught the space of 24. years together, the Mass to be no manner of sacrifice: neither that it profiteth any man ether quick or dead, and that the money given of the dead for Masses, be very robberies & sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly do intercept and take away from the poor. And said moreover, that if he had a stooue full of gold and silver, he would not give one farthing for any Mass. For the same his doctrine, this good preacher was condemned and enclosed in prison: what afterward became upon him, we do not find.
There is among other old and ancient records of antiquity belonging to this present time, a certain monument in verses Poetically compiled, but not without a certain moral, entitled, Poenitentiarius Asini, the Asses confessor: bearing the date and year of our Lord in this number, Completus An. 1343. In this treatise be brought forth the Wolf, the Fox, and the Ass coming to Christ and doing penance. First the Wolf confesseth him to the Fox, who easily doeth absolve him from all his faults, and also excuseth him in the same. In like manner the Wolf hearing the Foxes shrifte, showeth to him the like favor again. After this cometh the Ass to confession, whose fault was this: that he being hungry, took a straw out from the cheafe of one that went in peregrination unto Rome. The Ass although repenting of his fact, yet because he thought it not so heinous as y e faults of the other, the more he hoped for his absolution, But what followed? After the seely Ass had uttered his crime in auricular confession, immediately the discipline of the law was executed upon him with severity: neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended upon the same, slain and devoured. Whosoever was the author of this fabulous tale, had a mystical understanding in the same, for by the Wolf no doubt was meant the Pope. But the Fox was resembled to the Prelates, Curtisans, Priests, and rest of the spiritualty. Of the spiritualty, the Lord Pope is soon absoyled, as contrary, the Pope soon doeth absoyle them in like manner. By the Ass is meant the poor laity, upon whose back the strait censure of the law is sharply executed: especially when the Germane Emperors come under the Popes Inquisition, to be examined by his discipline, there is no absolution nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in these stories may partly appear before. And though the matter be not the weight of a straw, yet what saith the holy father the Wolf, if it please him to make any matter of it.
And thus they aggerating and exaggerating the fault to the uttermost, fly upon the poor asse & devour him. By the which Apology, the tyrannical and fraudulent practices of these spiritual Romanists are lively described.
Not long after those above rehearsed, about the year of our lord 1350. Gerhardus Ridder, wrote also against the Monks and Friers a book entitled, Lacrima Ecclesiae : wherein he disputeth against the foresaid religious orders namely against the begging Friers: proving that kind of life to be far frō Christian perfection, for that it is against charity to live upon other, when a man may live by his own labors. And affirmeth them to be hypocrites, filthy livers, and such as for man's favor, and for lucre sake, do mixed with true divinity: fables Apocriphas, and dreams of vanity. Also, that they under pretence of long prayer, devour widows houses: and with their confessions, sermons, and burials do trouble the Church of Christ manifold ways. And therefore persuaded the prelates to bridle and keep short y e inordinate license and abuses of these Monastical persons. &c.
Yet I have made no mensiō of Michael Cesenas, provincial of the gray friers, n • r Petrus de Corbaria, of whō writeth Antoninus, in quarta parte summae & saith they were condemned in the extravagant of Pope John, with one Ioānes de Poliaco. Their opinions saith Antoninus were these: That Peter the Apostle was no more the head of the Church, then the other Apostles: And that Christ left no Vicar behind him or head in his Church: And that the Pope hath no such authority to correct and punish, to institute or depose the Emperor. Item, that all Priests of what degree so ever, are of equal authority, power, and jurisdiction by the institution of Christ: but by the institution of the Emperor, the Pope to be superior, which by the same Emperor also may be revoked again. Item that neither the pope nor yet the Church may punish any man, punitione coactiua. That is, by externe coaction: unless they receive license of the Emperor. This foresaid Michael, general of the gray Friers, wrote against the tyranny, pride, and primacy of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist: and the Church of Rome, to be the whore of Babylon drunk with the blood of Saints. He said there were two Churches, one of the wicked flourishing, wherein reigned the pope: the other of the godly afflicted. Itē, that the verity was almost utterly extinct: And for this cause he was deprived of his dignity & condemned of the Pope. Notwithstāding, he stood constant in his assertions. This Michael was about the year of our Lord 1322. And left behind him many fautours & followers of his doctrine, of whom a great part were slain by the Pope: Some were condemned, as William Ockam, some were burned as Johannes de Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara. In extrauag. John 23.
With him also was condemned in the said Extrauagāt Johannes de Poliaco, above touched, whose assertions, were these: That the pope could not give license to hear confessions to whom he would, but that every pastour in his own Church ought to suffice. Item, that pastors and bishops had their authority, immediately from Christ & his Apostles, and not from the pope, Itē, that the constitution of pope Benedict. II. wherein he granteth larger priuelegies to the Friers above other pastors, was no declaration of the law, but a subversion. And for this he was by y e said Friers oppressed, about the year of our Lord. 1322.
After Simon Mepham Archbishop of Canterbury before mentioned, who lived not long: succeeded John. Stretford. After whom came John Offord, who lived but x. months. In whose room succeeded Thomas, & remained but one year. an. 1350. And after him Simon Iselyp was made archbishop of Canterbury, by Pope Clement the vi. who sat xvii. years, and built Canterbury College in Oxford. Which Simon Islyp succeeded the Bishop of Eli named Simon Langham, who within two years was made Cardinal. In whose stead Pope Urbane the 5. ordained William Wittlesey bishop of Worcester to be archbishop of Canterbury. an. 1366. In which year, William Bishop of Winchester elected and founded the new college in Oxford.
Agayne in the order of the popes, next unto Pope Clement the 6. before mentioned, about the same time. an. 1353, succeeded pope Innocent the 6. In the first year of which Pope two Friers Minors of Franciscans were burned at Avigno. Pro opinionibus (as mine author saith) erroneis, prout. D. Papae & eius Cardinalibus videbatur. i. For certain opinions, as seemed to the pope and his Cardinals, erroneous. Ex Chron. Walls. Of the which two Friers, I find in the Chronicles De actis Rom. pontificum, and in the history of Praemonstratensis, that the one was Johannes Rochetaylada. Or rather as I find in Catal. testium cited out of the Chronicle of Henricus de Herfordia, his name to be Hayabalus. Who being (as he recordeth) a Fry or Minorite, began first in the time of Pope Clement the 6. an. 1345. to preach and affirm openly that he was by God's reuelatiō charged and commanded to preach: that though Church of Rome was the whore of Babylon, and the Pope with his Cardinals to be very Antichrist. And that pope Benedict & the other before him his predecessors were damned, with other such like words, tending much against the Popes tirannical majesty. And that the foresaid Hayabalus being brought before the Popes face, constauntly did stand in the same, saying: that he was commanded by God's reuelatiō so to say, and also y t he would preach the same, if he might. To whom it was then objected that he had some heretical books, and so was committed to prison in Auiniō. In the time of his accusation it happened, that a certain priest coming before the Pope, cast the Popes Bull down before his feet, saying, Lo here, take your Bull unto you, for it doth me no good at all. I have labored now these 3. years withal, and yet notwithstanding for all this your Bull I cannot be restored to my right. The Pope hearing this, commanded the poor Priest to be scourged, and after to be laid in prison with the foresaid Friar. What became of them afterward, the foresaid writer Henricus de Herfordia maketh no mention. But I may probably conjecture this Priest, and this Friar Rochetayladus, or rather Hayabalus were the two, whom mine author Thom. Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Avigno, about the first beginning of this Pope Innocentius the 6. Of this Roichtaylada, I thought good here to infer the testimony and mention of John Froysayd, written of him in his first volum, chap. 211 in these words.
There was (saith Froysard) a Frier Minor full of great Clergy in the Citty of Avigno, called Frier John of Rochetaylada, the which Frier pope Innocent 6. held in prison in the Castell of Baignour for showing of many meruails after to come, pricipally he shown many things to fall unto the Prelates of the Church for the great superfluity and pride, that was then used among them. And also he speak many things to fall of the realm of France and of the great Lord's of Christendom, for the oppressions y t they did to the poor common people. This Friar said he would prove all his sayings by the authority of the Apocalypse, & by other books of holy Saints and prophets the which were opened to him by y t grace of the holy ghost: he shown many things hard to believe, & many things fell after as he said. He said thē not as a prophet but he shown them by authority of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the holy Ghost, who gave him understanding to declare the ancient prophets, & to show to all Christian people the years and times whē such things should fall, he made diverse books founded on great sciences and Clergy, whereof one was made the year of our Lord. 1346. wherein was written such meruailes that it were hard to believe them howbeit many things, according there to fell after. And when he was demanded of the wars of France he said that all that had been seen, was not like that should be seen after. For he said that the wars in France should not be ended till the Realm were utterly wasted & exiled in every part. The which saying was well seen after, for y e noble realm of France was sore wasted and exiled: & specially in the term that the said Friar had set. The which was in the years of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. & 59. He said in those years the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realm should not for fear show themselves against the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or captain, and they should do as they list in the Realm of France, the which fell after as ye have heard, how the companions assembled them together, and by reason of their robbery and pillage waxed rich & became great captains.
About the same time happened in France a certain contention between the French Prelates, and y e Friars of Paris, testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis, the brief effect of which story is this. The Prelates of France conventing and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselves: caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes, masters & Bachelers of every faculty, with the chief heads also of all the Religious houses and Friers in the university of Paris, who being all there congregated together in the bishop of paris his house, where there were present 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops: first stood up the Bishop of Biturecense, who there making his Sermon, took for his theme the place of S. Paul to the Ephesians, Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo,