A Memorial Offered to John Williams

27.23. That when Pilate inclined to hear the People, who would have Christ condemned, he acted contrary to Caesar 's Law, Vanas populi veces non audiendar Imperatores pronunciarunt. O those of the right Heroical Race were dead and gone, who would not have endured to be directed by the Off-scourings of their greatest Enemies: Nec bellua tetrior ulla est—Quam vulgi rabies in libera colla frement is, Claud. in Eutrop. The other catch of the Pincers was, their Lordships Legislative Vote, and their odds in number above the Bishops, if you counted men by Noses. Power should be a divine thing, this was only Strength; as Aristotle says 2 Rhet. c. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : which Tully hath put in good sense and good words, pro Quinc. Arbitrantur sine injuriâ potentiam levem, at{que} inopem esse. Some think it is not Power, unless they make us feel that it can do an Injury. Now methinks their Lordships should have marked, that their House was altered in its Visage very much, when the Bishops sat no longer with them. And Hippocrates says, That sick man will not recover, whose Face is so much changed, that it is drawn into another fashion. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And did the Lay-Peers look to last long, when the Aspect of their House was so metamorphos'd? It is a vulgar Error, If you pluck up a Mandrake, you will die at the Groan of it: Though it be but a Fable, let them remember it that are for Extirpation; and ware them whose turn is next. Take away one Leg from a Trevit, it may make a scurvy Stool to sit on, but it is no longer a Trevit. And take away the third Estate of Bishops, be it nominal or real, a Convention it may be, but I doubt whether it be a Parliament. And as a bungling Painter said of a Beast he had not drawn well, It would not make a good Lyon, but he could turn it into a good Calf. There was a time when the whole Academy of Philosophers was banished out of Athens, but they were soon missed, and he was well fined that was their Enemy. Sequenti anno revocati, & multa 5 talentorum Sophocli Archonti indita, Moeur. fort. Att. p. 65. But for them that thrust the Bishops out of their ancient Right, the Injury avenged itself upon them; for it was not long when the Commons served the Temporal Lord's in the same kind: Nec longum, laetabere, te quo{que} fata prospectant paria, AEn. lib. 10. They were not only thrust out, but an Engagement, like a Padlock, clapt upon the Door, to keep them out forever; and to their great dishonor, the other House made to resemble the Peers of the Land. Duxit Sacerdotes inglorios, & Optimates supplantat: Mark their Sympathy in the words of the vulgar Latin, Job 12.19. Which retribution, measure for measure, the Bishops did neither wish nor rejoice in, but committed their Innocency to be justified by the Holy God. Seek no other reason why they had so many Enemies, but because Christianity was mightily fallen among us, both as to the credenda and the agenda. A mighty part had a Religion (I mean equivocally called so) that was a Picture looking equally upon all Sects that passed by it; and as indifferent as Gusman • s Father, that being taken by the Pirates of Argiers, for quietness sake, and as one that had not the Spirit of Contradiction, renounced Christ, and turned Turk. But when the Cause of the Bishops, for other Immunities, and to keep their undoubted Right and Place in the Lord's House, was in the hottest dispute Sentence ready to be called for, and like the last bidding, for a thing at the Port-sale, York, at a Committee of the Lord's, stands up for his Brethren, Muri{que} urbis sunt pectore in uno, Sil. lib. 7, and delivers him in the long Harangue that follows.

159.

160.

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166.

So far our brave Speaker: and all this is exscribed faithfully out of his own Copy. Let another take his room; and let him that is wisest perform it better. The Success was, that he laid the Bill asleep for five months (for I confess that by over-sight I have not kept the just order of time; for it should have been referred to the middle of May, before the King went into Scotland ) and was in a trance by the charm of this Eloquence till November after: which shows how like he was to Athanasius (Nazian. in Orat. pro codem) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Athanasius was an Adamant, not to be broken with violent blows: and a Load-stone to draw them to him that were of a contrary Opinion. Now mark the Partiality upon which the Speaker much insisted, That the Lord's would grant Interest to noble Persons in Holy Orders to act in Secular Affairs; but to none beside. As Grotius fits it with a passage Annal. p. 5. Castellani quantumcunque usurpent ipsi libertatem, in aliis non serunt. The Castilians are great encroachers upon liberty for themselves; but will not tolerate it in any beside. To the main Cause I yield that that was easy to be defended on the Clergies part; as learned Saravia shows de Christian. Obed. p. 169. not only from Moses 's Law, but from the Custom general of the most orderly among the Heathen, Gaulish, Druids, Persian Magi, Egyptian Heirophants, and so forth by induction from all places, to make it amount even to a natural Law, that Priests were nowhere excluded from honorable Employments in Secular Affairs. I will appose two Quotations for it, and very remarkable. The first from the Judgment of the Scottish Presbytery. R. Spotswood Hist. p. 299. & 449. That they contended for that Privilege, that some Ministers should give Voice in Parliament in the behalf of the Church—And some to assist the King in Parliament, in Council, and out of Council. Doth the Wind blow so from the North? The other taken from Ludo. Molin. Paraen. c 4. And he no well-willer to our Hierarchy in that Book, least of all to their Consistories— Deus Pastori Evangelico non detrahit jus & potestatem Magistraturae: nec magistratum prohibit ministerio, si ad utrumque factus & comparatus est. But this Bill that went no further, when it was first set on foot in May, began to enlarge its strides, and mend its Pace in the end of Autumn. Either because this fiery Parliament saw that Confusion begun must be carried on with acting greater: or because the King was suspected that he tamper'd with the Scots, and they framed an Injury from his Neglect to leave them so long: or how it was that their thoughts were whi • 'd about with the Wheel of swift Perswasions, themselves knew best: but their Spleen began to show itself with stronger fits than ever against the Clergy, who were never safe so long as the Bill we have heard of was not cancel'd. For the Spanish Proverb tells us, That Apple is in great danger that sticks upon the prickles of an Hedge-hogg. But if the Sum of the Bill had been right cast, the now most noble Marquess of Dorchester, and more noble because most learned, told his Peers May 21. Which of your Lordships can say he shall continue a Member of this House, when at one blow six and twenty are cut off. This was sooth, nay Sooth-saying and Prophesying: but it was not attended.

167. When all ways had been tried to pass this Bill of Dishonor upon the Clergy, chiefly the Bishops, and it hung in the House of the Lord's: the event, methinks, is like that which we read I Kings 22. v. 21. There came forth a Spirit; and stood before the Lord, and said, I will persuade them. And the Lord said, Wherewith? And he said, I will go forth, and I will be a Spirit of clamour and tumult in the mouth of all the People. And the Lord said, Thou shalt persuade them, and prevail also. Go forth, and do so. There had been an unruly and obsteperous concourse of the People in the Earl of Strafford 's Case: But a Sedition broke forth about Christmas, that was ten times more mad: Ludum jocumque dices fuisse illum alterum, prout hujus rabies quae dabit, Terent. Eunuch. which took heat upon this occasion. The King came to the House of Commons, to demand five of their Members to Justice, upon impeachment of Treason. His Majesty, it seems, was too forward to threaten such persons with the Sword of Justice, when he wanted the Buckler of Safety: How far those five were guilty, I have nothing to say, because plain Force would not let them come to a Trial. But if they were innocent, why did they not suffer their Practices to see the Light? It had been more to their Honor to be cleared by the Law, than to be protected against the Law: And that Cause must needs be suspected, which could not put on a good outside. I am sure the King suffered extremely for their sakes: All Sectaries and desperate Varlets in City and Suburbs, flocked by thousands to the Parliament. Diogenes was asked, What was to be seen at the Olympic Sports, where he had been? Says he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Laert. in Vit. Much People, but few Men. But here were no Men, but all Beasts, who promised one another Impunity by their full body of Rebels; and where there is no fear of Revenge, there is little Conscience of Offence: Quicquid multis peccatur inultum est, Lucan. The Rakehells were chaffed to so high a degree of Acrimony, that they pressed through the Court-gates; and their Tongues were so lavish, that they talked Treason so loud, that the King and Queen did hear them. Let the five Members be as honest as they would make them. I am certain these were Traitors, that begirt the King's House, where his Person was, with Hostility by Land and Water: He that speaks of them without detestation, allows them, and makes way for the like. Sometimes they called out for Religion, sometimes for Justice: Ex isto ore religions verbum excidere aut clabi potest? as Tully of Clodius, pro Dom. Was the sacred term of Religion sit to come out of their Mouths? Did it become them to speak of Justice? Sarah cried out to Abraham, The Lord judge between me and thee, when herself was in the fault, Gen. 16.5. Every Tinker and Tapster called for Justice, and would let the King have none, who is the Fountain of it. What did the great Parliament in the mean while? Give Freedom to their Rage. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Their Friends in their ragged rows were too many to be childden; they were more afraid of them than of the Ruin of a Kingdom; as little Children are more afraid of a Vizard than of the Fire; therefore they stroke them with fair words when they meet them. O Indignity! An quae—Turpia cerdoni Volesos Brutum{que} decebunt? Juven. Sat. 8. That which was base in Cobblers, was it not worse in Lord's, and Knights, and Squires, and such as assumed to be the Princes of the Land? No Senators that intended to rule a People did ever endure the like. Let M. AEmilius the Consul speak for the State of Rome, Livy lib. 39. Majores nostri ne vos quidem, nisi cum aut vexillo in arce posito, comitiorum causâ, exercitus positus esset, aut plebi Concilium tribuni edixissent, aut aliqui ex magistratibus and concionem vocassent, temere coire voluerint, ubi legitimum rectorem multitudini censerent esse debere. They that bolster up such Insurrections as these, their own Guards, upon a new Quarrel, may knock them on the Head: Cum tot populis stipatus ease, in tot populis vix una fides, Sen Hercul furens. But these Wat Tylers and Round-Robins, being driven or persuaded out of White-hall, there was a buzz among them to take their way to Westminster-Abby; some said, Let us pluck down the Organs: Some cried, Let us deface the Monuments; that is, profane the Tombs and Burying-places of Kings and Queens. This was carried with all speed to the Archbishop; the Dean, who made fast the Doors, whi • they found shut against them, and when they would have forced them, they were beaten off with Stones from the top of the Leads; the Archbishop all this while maintaining the Abby in his own person, with a few more, for fear they should seize upon the Regalia, which were in that place under his Custody. The Spight of the Mutineers was most against him, yet his Followers could not entreat him to go aside, as the Disciples restrained Paul from rushing into an Uproar, Act. 19.30. but he stood to it, as Cesius Quintius in Livy, lib. 3. Unus impetus tribunitios popularesque procellas sustinebat. After an hours dispute, when the Multitude had been well pelted from aloft, a few of the Archbishops Train opened a Door and rush'd out with Swords drawn, and drove them before them, like fearful Hares. They were already past their Duty, but short of their Malice, and every day made Battery on all the Bishops, as they came to Parliament, forcing their Coaches back, tearing their Garments, menacing if they came anymore. What Times could be worse? None, says Tully upon M. Antony 's Violence upon the Senate, Phil. Or. 13. Caesare dominante venicbamus in Senatum, si non libere tamen tuto. What Aid did the Lord's afford to quell these Affronts? Why, let Softhenes be beaten before the Judgmentseat, Gallio cares for none of these things, Act. 18.17. The Bishops were God's Ministers, and let him defend them; as Tiberius to that way in Tacitus, Deorum injuriae Diis curae sunt. The remissness of our Parliament Lord's ( Optimates non Optimi ) shown the same Indifferency:

168. So great a Hurry continuing, wherein all things were turned the wrong side upward, there was such an apparent Mischief co-incident, that whatsoever did pass in the Lord's House, during their constrained absence, was null and invalid; for if any one person in either House, be repelled by force, and be denied Freedom to give his Vote, that Nicety is a Bar to the whole Proceeding of the Parliament; as some write, that comment subtly upon Parliamentary Privileges: Not as if the Speaker did ever sit in his Chair, when none were absent; or that one Vote is like to sway a Cause, (yet sometimes it comes to so near a scrutiny) but this Judgment is made of it, That it may so fall out, and doth often, that one Member (put the case the person forced out) may propose such Reasons to the House, as that all resolve into his Opinion. This great Prejudice concurring, by repelling the Bishops tumultuously from taking their Places in the Lord's House, York called his Brethren together, to set their Hands to a Petition and Protestation made to His Majesty, and the Lord's Temporal, and put it into the L. Keeper Littleton 's Hand, yet not to be read, till His Majesty, by the Bishop's Invitation, should fit with the Peers in the House, and then to read it in the King and the Lord's audience, and not before. The L. Keeper unadvisedly (I hope it was no worse) produceth the Petition, &c. before the King was made acquainted with it; which made a Project, well contrived, break out into a Thunder-clap of Mischief; which rash or bad dealing in the Lord-Keeper, York could not suspect: And he that drives much business shall be crossed in some, for want of Luck, though he be never so prudent: Nulli fortuna tam dedita est, ut multa tentanti ubi{que} respondeat, Sen. lib. 1. de irâ, c. 3. That Protestation follows here, whose like, and almost same, York had found in the Records of the Tower, which he studied there, till his Eye-sight was much the worse for it.

169. Hear and admire, ye Ages to come, what became of this Protestation, drawn up by as many Bishops as have often made a whole Provincial Council. They were all called by the Temporal Lord's to the Bar, and from the Bar sent away to the Tower: Nonne fuit satius tristes formidinis iras, Atque superba pati fastidia? A rude World, when it was safer to do a Wrong than to complain of it: The People commit the Trespass, and the Sufferers are punished for their Fault. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Athen. lib. 9. A Proverb agreeing to the drunken Feasts of the Greeks, If the Cook dress the Meat ill, the Minstrils are beaten. That day it broke forth, that the largest part of the Lord's were fermentated with an Anti-episcopal Sourness. If they had loved that Order, they would never have doomed them to a Prison, and late at night, in bitter Frost and Snow, upon no other Charge, but that they presented their Mind in a most humble Paper, to go abroad in safety. Ubi amor condimentum inerit quidvis placiturum spero, Plaut. in Casin. Love hath a most gentle hand, when it comes to touch where it loves. Here was no sign of any silial respect to their Spiritual Fathers. Nothing was offered to the Peers, but the Substance was Reason, the Style lowly, the Practice ancient; yet upon their pleasure, without debate of the Cause, the Bishops are packed away the same night to keep their Christmas in Durance and Sorrow: And when this was blown abroad, O how the Trunch-men of the Uproar did fleer, and make merry with it! But the Disciples of the Church of England took it very heavily; not for anything the good Bishops had done, but for that they suffered; for a Prisoner is not a Name of Infamy, but Calamity. Poena damnati, non peccati, Cic. pro Dom. Estque pati poenam, quàm meruisse minùs, Ovid. lib. 1. de Pont. Nothing can be more equal, than to lay the Objections the Lord's made, and York 's Answers for the Protestation together, as they go from Hand to Hand to this day, in Town and City: And let the Children judge what their Fathers did, if they read this hereafter.

Obj. 1. That the Petition is false; the Lord's did not sit in Fear, as my Lord of Worcester, Winchester, London: Nor was it the Petition of all the Bishops about London and Westminster; not of Winchester, London, Rochester, Worcester.

〈◊〉 If this were true, yet were it not Treason against any Canon or Statute-Law; but the Fact is otherwise: First, the Fear complained against is not for the time of their Sitting in the House, but for the time of their coming unto and going from the said House; and it is easy to prove they were then in Fear. Secondly, They know best, whether they were in Fear or no, who subscribed or agreed to the Petition. And my Lord of Winchester agreed in it as much as the rest, and instanced in the cause of his Fear, his chasing to Lambeth. Thirdly, For the other part of the Objection, the Bishop of London was then at Fulham, Rochester in Kent, Worcester at Oxford; nor doth the Title of the Petition comprehend them, as not being about London and Westminster. Winchester did agree thereunto, and came thither to subscribe; and it was resolved his Name should have been called for, ere ever it was to be solemnly preferred to the King; which was never intended to be, but when the King sat in the Upper House of the Lord's, which the Bishops intended to pray His Majesty to do: And this appears by the Superscription of the Petition.

Obj. 2. The nulling of all Laws to be made at this time, that the Kingdom of Ireland was in jeopardy, was a conspiring with the Rebels to destroy that Kingdom, and so amounted to Treason, or a high Misdemeanour.

〈◊〉 1. A Protestation annulleth no Law, but so far as the Law shall extend to the Parties protesting: Nor so far, but in case that the Parties protesting shall afterward judicially prove their right to annul that Law: So that it was impossible any Protestation of the Bishops should actually intend to hinder the Relief of Ireland. 2 The Relief of Ireland by 10000 Scots and 10000 English, was voted and concluded long before this Protestation, and all the Particulars of that great business refer'd to a Committee of both Houses and the Bishops unanimously assented thereto: So that the Relief of Ireland comes not within the Date and Circumscription of this Protestation. And the Bishops call God to witness, they never conceived one Thought that way. 3. The Bishops protested against no Laws or Orders at all to be annulled absolutely, and for all the time of this Session of Parliament simply, but for that space of time only, wherein they should be forcibly and violently kept from the said Parliament, by those rude and unruly People. So that as soon as the King and the Lord's did quiet their passage unto Parliament, (which the Lord's did do before this Petition was read in Parliament) and that any of the Bishops were present there, the Protestation was directly null, and of none effect; so as indeed the Protestation was void and dead in Law, before the L. Keeper brought the Petition in question into the House; because the Bishop of Winchester, and some others, had even then quiet access unto that Honorable House. And the Bishops conceived the Protestation void in such a case, and do most humbly wave and revoke the same, and humbly desire both Houses to accept thereof.

Obj. 3. They desire the King to command the Clerk of the House of Peers, to enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records; which derogates from the Rights of Parliament: As though the King could be his Command make a Record of Parliament.

〈◊〉 It is to be conceived, that the Bishops never intended that this Petition (as may appear by the Directory thereof) should be preferred to the King in any other place, but in the Upper House of Parliament. And it will appear among the Records of that most Honorable House (11 Rich. II. num. 9.) that the King in that House hath commanded the like Protestation of the Bishops to be enrolled, which made the Bishops use that Phrase. Howbeit, beside the King's Command, the Assent of the Peers and Commons have still concurred, and the Bishops never conceived it otherwise; which made them presume, that no matter of their Protestation could possibly amount to any higher Crime than that of Error or Mistake, considering that it was still to be admitted or rejected by the King, with the Assent of the Peers and Commons.

Here the Answer ends, in this brief compass: Let all the Council in the Land plead against it, and show where it is not sound and satisfactory. Yet the Bishops desire no other reparation for their false Imprisonment, but Liberty, and Safety to Vote in that House, to which they were called by the King's Writ. Sidonius speaks in pity of Eutropia, lib. 6. ep. 2. Victoriam computat, si post dammum non litiget. And these innocent men would not hold it for Justice done unto them, if after so much Wrong sustained, the Contention might be ended.

170. Every subsequent Action of that Parliament did castrate their Hope, Day uttered unto Day how they meant to dissolve that Primitive and Apostolic Order piece by piece: And what shall we have next? The very Kingdom of Christ set up in the Church, if you will believe them: As Pisistratus would persuade the Athenians, that he changed not their Laws, but reduced them to those that were in Solon 's time, by which Trick he made them his Slaves, Laert. in Vit. Sol. Is it possible that men could have the face to pretend more ancient Rulers in Christ's Church than Bishops? The method of Sacrilege was, first to pluck the Spiritual Lord's out of the House, and to disable all the Clergy from intermeddling in Secular Affairs. The Bill is read, and easily passed, now the Bishops were not in place to hear it, and dispute it. The Plaintiff pleads the Cause at Westminster, what can the Defendant say to it in the Tower? Proceed, my good Lord's, he that runs alone by himself must needs be foremost. This was worse than if a young Heir were sent to travel by his Guardian, and the Guardian pulls down his House, fells his Woods, leaseth out his Lands, when he is not in the way to look to it. But where were those Earls and Barons that sided with the Bishops before? Shrunk, absent, or silent.

Or as Plautus in Stych. as neat in his Comick Phrase as Johnson, Si labant res lassae, itidem amici collabascunt. But the King's part is yet to come: The Parliament makes ready a Bill, the King only makes it a Law: So he did this, and it was the last, I think, that ever he signed: Why he did it, is a thing not well known, and wants more manifestation: Necessity was in it, say they that would look no further; Nulla necessitas excusat, quae potest non esse necessitas, Tertul. Exh. ad Cast. c. 7. The most said, That nothing was more plausible than this, to get the Peoples Favor: Or, that the Houses had sat long, like to continue longer, and must have Wages for their Work; because they are no Hirelings, they will choose and take, and this Boon they will have, or the King shall have no Help from them. It would ill become a Royal Spirit, to plead he was compelled by Fear, else His Majesty might have revoked this Act upon that Challenge. As Sir Nic. Throgmorton, surpassing most of his Age for Wit and Experience, assured Mary Queen of Scots, shut up in the hold of Loquelevin, Cessionem in carcere extortam, qui justus est metus, plane irritam esse, Cambd. Eliz. ann. 1569. Yet Fear had not so much stroke in this, as the Perswasions of one whom His Majesty loved above all the World. The King foresaw he was not like to get anything from this Parliament but a Civil War, he would not begin it, but on their part he heard their Hammers already at the Forge; Et clandestinis turgentia fraudibus arma, Manil. lib. 1. He being most tender to provide for the Safety of his Queen, went with her to Dover, to convey her into France; not that she desired to turn her Back to Danger, or refused to partake of all Hazards with her Lord and Husband, for she was resolute in that, as Theogena the Wife of Agathocles, Justin. lib. 20. Nubendo ei, non prosperae tantùm, fed omnis fortunae iniisse societatem. But because His Majesty knew himself, that he should be more courageous if his dear Consort were out of the reach of his Enemies. Being at Dover, the Queen would not part with the King to Ship-board, till he signed this Bill, being brought to believe by all protestation of Faith from Sir John Culpepper, who attended there for that Dispatch, that the Lord's and Commons would press His Majesty to no more Bills of that unpleasing nature: So the King snatched greedily at a Flower of a fair Offer; and though he trusted few of the men at Westminster, yet in outward show he would seem to trust them all, the more, because the Queen had such Confidence in them. How Culpepper instilled this into the Queen, and how she prevailed, York is my Author, and could not deceive me, for he told me in the Tower, That the King had sacrificed the Clergy to this Parliament, by the Artifices contrived at Dover, a day before the News were brought to London. Then they fell to Bells and Bonfires, and profaned the Name of God, that He had heard them, whose Glory was not in their Thoughts from the beginning to the end. A Day-laborer lifts up his Ax towards Heaven, but strikes his Mattock into the Earth. And all the Evil that the Earth breeds was in their Mind, when they seemed to look up to God. That which is of God, must have its Foundation in Humility, its binding fast in Obedience, its rising in Justice, and its continuance in Peace. So begins the Misery and Fall of the Bishops. Synesius hath lent us words fit to express, jump in the same Case, Ep. 70. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That is, the Bishops were expulsed merely by Slander, nothing being demonstrated to lay any Crimes against them: And verily, God was gracious to them. What should they have done as it turned to be in five months after? Better be alone than ill accompanied. And if that World last still, they will never wear out the Disgrace by Repealing that infamous Bill. I were wicked if I wisht it not otherwise, but foolish if I did hope it. I bewail not York more than I do the rest. Nihil est praecipue cuiquam dolendum, in eo quod accidit universis. Cic. lib. 6. Ep. ad Torquatum. Now when the worst was done, the merciful Judges in Parliament gave the Bishops their Liberty. And most of those Grey-heads sled from London, or were imprisoned, in no long distance of time upon it. In May after York went away privily to seek the King, and never returned again. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Diodorus. Sic. lib. 13. Few men ever lived whose lives had more Paradoxes in them. But from that day his Afflictions were constant to him, and never lent him pause or intermission of Peace. Qui per virtutem peritat pol non interit. The Gail of Anguish is the Cup of Salvation, to him that gives thanks unto the Name of the Lord.

171. London was no place to contain the Lord's and Gentry, that remembered they were sworn to be faithful to the Crown, when it was known that the King had sat down in the City of York. Many came seasonably thither; many made ready for it, and were stopped: abundance sent their Purse: the Poor and wellmeaning sent their hearts, who would have failed beyond the Cape of Neutrality, and cast Anchor on the King's shore, if their Company could have brought profit or service. Our Archbishop of that Province came with the first, being as restless as Tully was to leave Rome in the stirs of Pompey, Hinc ipse evolare cupio, ut aliquo perveniam, ubi nec Pelopidarum nomen, nec facta audiam, Lib. ep. fam. He had been translated from Lincoln to this Dignity seven months before; He that gives a Promotion to a worthy man obligeth all men: and this was marvelously well taken by all the Clergy of the Diocese. Until that day he had not seen the place, from which he was entitled; which he had proposed to be the Scene wherein he would do the part of an Archbishop in great splendor. His Means were sufficient; his Inclinations very hospital; Provisions abundant in that Country: the Gentry addicted to Liberality, or rather Profuseness: no man was ever so cut out to please them, since Alex. Nevill 's days for magnificence. But God prevented it, that he could never settle his Household in Yorkshire, as he desired. He found everything looking with a face of Confusion, the gallantry of the South poured into the North, not to begin a War, but ready for the defensive part, as was expected. There are Mischiefs approaching when common bodings misgive them: which were not discerned soon enough, through fatal Security, before they were ripened. As Budaeus writes of France upon the first breaking out of Wars at home, That France wanted eyes, and ears, and, which is strange, they wanted a Nose; Qui cladem adventantem odorari ante non potuimus, quàm ab eâ oppressi, Lib. 4. de Ass, fol. 110. The Presbyterians, those Scalda-banco 's, or hot Declamers, had wrought a great distaste in the Commons at the King, and at all that had his ear and favor. The Age growing Learned, and Knowledge puffing up, Scholars grew more impudent and malapert with us, and in every state, than did become their Function. Our much Peace, which had lasted almost two Jubilees, was seeded with great Vice in our manners. Young men lived idly, which made them want, and therefore were ready for Bustles and Commotions to boot-hale and consume: they that proposed to themselves no laborious kind of Life, expected Alterations, and then to have enough to lavish. And not a few of these were of good Houses decayed, that, as one says, Had ancient Coats of all colors, but lackit Argent and Ore. Tempestuous weather was sit for their Harvest. And when Wars broke out, they crept out of their Cranies, like the Cimici in the Houses of Italy, not of rotten Bedsteads. But the Parliament, our continual Hectick, did lend their Arm to all Mischief, to usher it in. They could not bow the King to all their Votes, and abase him to be contented with a shadow of Sovereignty, therefore they ranged everything to a War, as palpably, as if their Drums and Colours had been in the Fields. Bacchae Bacchanti si velis adversarier, Insanam insaniorem facies: feriet saepiùs. Plauti Frag. Their Motions now were not Mutinies à mutiendo, but Vociferations, as loud as an Herald could proclaim them. But God will never suffer the abuse of fiduciary Power (which a good, but an improvident King had past away) to go unpunisht in themselves, or in their Children. Perditissimi est hominis fallere eum, qui laesus non esset, nisi credidisset. Cic. Off. l. 2. The King deserved the better from them, that reposed upon their duty both his own honor, and the weal of all his Subjects. The more public the Person is, the more he must betake him to trust many. Nay, none so private, no Action that comes abroad so mean, but you must believe in the fidelity of some. As Russinus very well upon the Creed, Nihil est quod in vitâ geri possit, si non credulitas ante praecesserit. The City of London came in for a great share, to encourage the drawing of the Sword; provided that the War came not near their Lines of Communication. This City, the Epitome of England, mar'd all England: as S. Jerome plays upon the River Pactolus, that it hath golden Sands, but unwholesom water, Ditior caeno quàm fluento, that the Mud was the best part of their River, Ep. ad Mar. & Alex. So muddy Wealth was the best thing that the Chuffs of the City had: much else was but Dish-water: except some few of the old store, Sir H. Garrway, Sir Ri. Gurney, and their like, who were poured into the Kennel for their fidelity. But the worst of them all durst never have been so stout, if the Parliament had not held up their Spirit in their wickedness. And there was a Nation, that shall not scape me, that whistled to the Jades that plowed up the Furrows of our Land, and gave them Provendore, I mean the French: to whom yet I will ascribe what Magius the Patavine doth, Gens bellicosissima, honorisque appetontissima. It hath a stock of very noble Gentry, but sick of two faults, they abhor the Spaniards, hate the English, and wish the Confusion of both: which may turn upon themselves. They object how we assaulted them at Rhee: but forget what we did for them at Amiens, and Calis. They remember King Charles his Navy at Rochelle: but take no notice of Queen Elizabeth, who advanced Harry the Fourth to the Crown, in spite of the Leaguers. These kindled the Brands that set their Neighbors House on fire: which lies sleeping under the Ashes of our memory; and they may repent it when they want us. Now what banding here was on every side, to ruin the greatest Saint that ever ruled our Nation? God was in them that came about him with their homage in such a time of hazard. Magna negotia magnis adjutoribus egent. Paterc. And I am sure the Metropolitan of York was none of the meanest of David 's Worthies for Plot and Direction. He was fit for the Service, and obliged to assist it. For as Scipio Nasica very well, No good man is a private man; most of all, if the weal public needs him.

172. But the King's Condition at York was not in such strength and readiness as it deserved: though the brave and resolute Spirits about him thought not so. They persuaded themselves that the very Name of a King would supply the want of Power: and that they were on the right side, as sure as God's Word could warrant them.

For all that, the Parliament had made better preparation for a War. First, A most deluded People, made to believe that his Majesty had gathered a Popish Army to change Religion. Quod sibi probare non possunt, id persuadere aliis conantur. Cic. pro Rose. Com. But upon this false Fame their great Preacher St. Marshall tells them, pag. 6. of his Letter, That they may secure their Religion against their King with a good Conscience. Next they had the Nerves of War, all the Money of London at their command: and, which was the worst of all Infelicities, they had cheated his Majesty of his Navy, and seized on his Magazines. It was not sit that the King should stay out their Provocations, and when they had soaled, then see what was in their Belly. And it was not reasonable to abide their Courtesie, who had voted for Delinquents all that did Service to their Lord and Master. They did all they could to disturb the tranquility of a Soul most excellently composed, and to tire him out of his Principles. He held out the first Olive-branch, and sought Peace from them by a most gracious Message; who in right should have begun. But as Lasicius notes of the sullen-proud Russians, Ni prior ipse salutaveris, non salutaberis, Theol. Mosc. p. 64. They salute none that do not first uncover, and salute them. It was not once or twice that his Majesty sent, but he persisted, yet all in vain, to draw a dutiful Answer from them. And what's more tedious than to cast all day, and not to throw a good Chance? Since nothing would serve them but to rally the Sons of the Earth, the Titans of their Tumults, and to fill up an Army with them, the King retired into his deep Thoughts, what was best to be done. A Prince of so much Religion and Mercy was not to learn, That it was sit to be slow in an Enterprize of so high a nature; says our English Horace. It is Marcianus his Maxim in Zonaras, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , A King must never fly to Arms, if a noble, nay if a tolerable Peace may be had. Yet again, he did not forget that a prosperous Wind might blow away a Storm that was gathering, before the Shower fell upon him. Fest inandum antequàm cresceret invalida conjuratio paucorum. Tacit. Hist. l. 1. Be sudden before a Conjuration strengthen itself, and give it no day. And Pliny brings it for the Advice of Apollo 's Oracle, Biduo citiùs messem potiùs facere, quam biduo seriùs, Lib. 18. c. 3. Begin Harvest two days too soon, rather than two days too late. Alluding not to the Rural, but the Politick Harvest. Another, and a good Genius too, would say to the contrary: What! will you embroil the Land in a Civil War? Every Life that is slain in it, on either side, is the King's damage. And the blood of Christians shed in rebellion, is poured on the Devil's Altar. Every Field, and Town, and Castle that's spoiled is the Kings loss; who hath the dominion of all the Earth that serves him, though not the Property. His Majesty knew the worth and good Governance of many in his List,

But who could promise for so many hot Bloods, as were upon the place, that they would not rob and ransack the Innocent, and make the Army odious by too much Cruelty upon the Nocent? All are not a King's Friends that follow him: so do Flies the smell of strong Drink: but they that will maintain his Honor with Obedience, as well as his Quarrel with Manhood. If the Headstronger should be more in number—Such an If is enough to discourage any one to be the Captain of a Civil War. Nam in civilibus bellis plus militibus quàm Duci licet. Tacit. Hist. lib. 2. Their Commander dare not displease them; so much he fears Revolt, or Treachery. And his Majesty's great Wildom could not like it, that his Cavaliers were too confident and Secure. Contemnendis quàm cavendis hostibus aptiores. Idem Hist. l. 4. No man could persuade them that there was either number, wit, skill, or valor among the Rebels. But says a Master of Military Art, Veget. l. 3. Ille difficile vincitur, qui de suis & adversarii copiis recte potest judicare. It was safer for the Royal Battalion to know that the Enemy multiplied fast, and pleased divers, by laying themselves forth abroad to to all show of Sobriety and Holiness, though sincere Honesty had no Charge of them. And Despair will make Chicken-hearted Soldiers courageous. They that had drawn their Sword against their Sovereign, must throw away the Scabbard. They must purple their hands with slaughter in the Field, or be hanged in Ignominy. What would they do to break all the Bands of the Law in sunder, the King's Name and Authority, which would not allow them their Book to save them? These things might be so deliberated in the King's Camp, or Cabinet; I cannot definitely say it. For after the Archbishop departed from Westminster to the North, I never saw him more to confer with him; from whom before I learnt all things in effect that I knew. But as Tully writes L. de Senec. of L. Maximus, Illud divinavi, quod jam evenit, illo extincto fore unde discerem neminem. After I mist him, who was wont to tell me, not barely what was done, but the reasons, the fitness, or incommodities of it, I have heard somewhat, but I understand little. And I make as much moan for the want of him, as St. Basil did for Martinlan, Ep. 379. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . What skills it to hear many Discourse one after another, when this one had gathered as much Experience and Wisdom as them all? But the tidings came from the most interested in both Armies, That none was more active than this great Prelate, to keep Yorkshire in obedience to the King, to reduce them that were perverted: none more assiduous in the Consultations of War with the Gentry to raise Money, Men, and Horse for the Army. This was hung up in Picture in the Hall and Change. And let them do their worst in those penny Tables, Sint modo carminibus non onerata malis, as Passeratius deprecates all bad Epitaphs, let them make good Verses to their Pictures, or let their Poets hang up for Company. But let this go together with his Loyalty, that there was not one man that served him as Lord-Keeper or Bishop, but either served or suffered in the King's Cause, except a brace whom Kilvert had long before perverted. They that were affected to the sin of the Parliament, saw so much opposition in him, and fierceness to bring them on their knees, that the same unhappy ones vowed his death, and were near to execution, who first refisted his Majesty at Hull.

Which is worth a story to observe, that these Professors of the new Discipline, made no scruple to break down God's double Defense, Touch not mine anointed, and do my Prophets no harm.

173. King Charles his coming to York was not a Progress of Delight, but an Escape from his Palace of West minster, for the Alarums of continual Mutinies, which he could not stand out with safety. As great a blemish to the Parliament that provided no better for him, as the flight of Harry the Third of France was to the Guisians on the Sunday, which is still called by them Dominica dolearis, when they would have blockit him up with Piles of Wine-Casks in the Louver, to keep him fast for stirring. His Majesty's first care was, and ought to be, to have some Hold of good Defense for Retreat, if Blood-hounds sought him. And happy was that Fortress, of which he should make Election for so good a Service. All places are patent to a Monarch that are under his Laws and Scepter, though he were a Tyrant. Then what inferior Officer would not be glad to give the Keys of his Government upon his Knees to as great a Saint as Josiah? Tribonius writes well to that matter in an Epistle to Tully of Caesar, Lib. 12. Ep. Fam. Eum, quem necesse erat diligere, qualiscunque esset, talem habemus, ut libenter quoque diligamus. And certainly he that should repulse the King in his first design, must both be his first and his greatest Enemy. Initia fere dare formam negotiis, Thuan. An. 1558. The first Success gives Spirit to an Army, and Honor to their Chief. Which the solid man Tacitus teacheth, Hist. lib. 2. Ut initia belli provenissent, famam in caetero fore. And if the first Expedition be unfortunate, it is as ominous, as a sinister hour at the birth of a Child, when an Astrologer Calculates a Nativity. So unauspicious it was that his Majesty did stumble, I may say, at the Threshold, when he came out of Doors. He goes to Hull, where he had stowed up Shot, Powder, Arms in his Magazine. The Gates are kept shut, the Walls manned, Sir John Hotham and his Son capitulate that they keep it for the Parliament.

A strong Cage it was to keep these unclean Birds from the Royal Eagle. Great Ordnance, great Provision, great Wealth were within. No man would have sealed up a Box so fast, if it had been empty. Yet the Hothams were so kind, that they offered Entrance to his Majesty's Person, with a few of his unarmed Servants: which was no better than to receive him to be their Prisoner. Intempestiva benevolentia mhil à simultate differt, says Politian. Ep. p. 26. Nothing is more hateful than a malicious Courtesie. But they looked to be born out in all they did by the strength of their great Masters; and had cast it up, that when Crimes are carried in a happy strain of Luck, they lose their Infamy; that shame seldom or never follows victory. The Names of Delinquent or Traitor never scared them. Haec acies victum factura nocentem est. Silius. He must be the Delinquent that is at the Conqueror's Mercy. Unlucky Town of Hull for thy Commanders sakes! Perhaps some other Garrisons would have been as bad as it, if they had been tried. Perhaps so. But no Dunghil smells ill till you stir it. Hull had the opportunity to be renowned, if it had yielded to be the King's Harbor. Now her Infamy is like that of the Village of the Samaritans, which would not receive the Lord Christ, Luke 9.52. I do not condemn all that were within her Walls, who could not help this Insolency, but with groans and tears, if they durst do that. I will plead for such (as I know there were such) as Isocrates did for the Plata • ks, forced by the Thebans to do unkindness to their Friends the Athentans, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Theban, constrained their Bodies, but their Hearts were with you. Their Lecturers were the Corrupters of that Corporation, who had preached the People from Charitable to Censorious, from neighborly Love to Faction, from Subjects to Rebels, from Sheep to Swine. Quá magis viá irrepunt vitia quàm publicá? Prin. l. 36. c. 2. If you would have some great harm done, employ those, who are heard so often in public, and they shall do a mischief sooner than all the Brotherhood of the Guild beside. Absalom sent Spies throughout all the Tribes of Ifrael, saying, as soon as ye hear the sound of the Trumpet, ye shall say Absalom reigns in Hebron, 1 Sam. 15.10. Spies, says Grotius upon the place, and in all the Tribes. Some of these must be Levites, for none but they dwelt among all the Tribes. Genus hominum ad turbandas res maxim idoneum, ubi suis indulgent affectibus. These are they, that will sooner rail against me for this observation, then leave off their girdings at the Civil State, and keep close to that matter only which Christ hath taught them in his Gospel. Their bald Rhetoric, sit for great Ears, and gross Brain • , made the King wait attendance two hours at their Gate, and had his Commands, nay his Prayers despised. O that a King should give the stoop to such as these? So great a heart in another Prince would not have turned away, without Choler and Fire flashing upon them. But he was a Sovereign over all his Passions, and opened not his mouth. Nullius hominis quàm sui simillimus, as was said of Picus Mirandula; He had no pattern of a mere Man before him, and none that saw him for a Pattern was ever like him for Patience. So let Cerberus that kept the Gates of Hull. keep them still. It is a greater honor to come off with Judgment, than to go on with Courage in a desperate Service. So the King retired from them, who were worthy to be torn up from the Society of Men. But the Hothams came forth of their Dens to raven for a Prey: they had the forehead to appear and not blush, unless blood did rise in their Face, when they did mind to shed it. And the Archbishop escapit them as narrowly, as David did Saul, when Michal let him down throw a Window, and put an Image in his Bed to cosin her Fathers Messengers, 1 Sam. 19.13. My Relation I deliver out of the mouth of Mr. Roger Nightingale, a Gentleman of the King's Chapel, who was in Cawood-Castle with the Archbishop, When the pious and learned Dr. Ferne, requiting his Patron for the Archdeaconry of Leicester, came to him late at night with a solicitous counrenance, and warned him to change that Lodging, and that Country, as he tendered his Life, for the younger Hotham was making ready to come with force enough by five of the Clock the next Morning to take the Castle, and had drawn his Sword before some Gallants, with a Vow to cut off the Archbishop's head. The Family was much amazed; for Cawood was unprovided, ruinous, undefensible: Young Hotham was a rough piece, provoked by the Archbishop's language among all his Alliances for the disloyalty ut Hull; and above all, as Vellicius says of Clodius, Malorum propositorum executor acerrimus, One that never promised an ill turn, but he paid it. So after midnight the Person whose Life alone was threatened, made haste out of the House, with some few Horse in his Company, conveyed away such of his Goods, as could be saved in so short a time, left the Charge of the Place with Mr. Nightingale, who stoutly undertook it, and was Summon'd with a Trumpet at the hour expected, and having no Colours, hung out a Sheet for a Parley with the Assailants. Whose Leader fell into a rage, when he heard from the Window, that the man lay not there that night, whom he called out to speak with; but upon condition to save the Lives of all the persons in the Castle, (which was faithfully kept) and to allow them Carts to carry away all their Furniture but Arms, the place was surrender'd up. The last Article was broken, and nothing was saved from the top to the bottom from the plunder of the Soldiers: But God provided that his Person was saved, whom the Lions Whelp would have murdered in cold Blood: Quàm pome furvae regna Proserpinae, &c. Horat. Od. lib. 2. How near was the Sword to the Thread of his Life, to cut it off? Venerable Bede relates a strange Passage, But Solinus, pag. 11. would make us believe, that Castor and Pollux called Pindar the Poet out of his House, to speak with him, which fell down, by a fault in the Foundation, as soon as he was come out of doors. I am sure it was worthy Dr. Ferne who called the Archbishop out of Cawood, else he had been sacrificed to the Fury of a wicked Doeg; and I am as sure that the Doctor thinks himself happy, that he saved so precious a Life. Now, what became of Hothams, Father and Son, whom their Patrons brought out of Hull to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, is known to all; for there is none for whose sake you do a wicked thing, but they despise you in their Heart, and when their turn is served, they will cast you off, as one that deserves no better than Scorn: As David served himself a while of Joab, and left order at last to cut him off.

174. In a midnight Affrightment the Archbishop left his House and Diocese, as he thought for a while, but it was forever. He went away without a Sumpter, nay, not with so much as change of Apparel; and for Coyn, it was so near to Cantabit vacuus, &c. he was sure that no Highway-men would stop him for a Booty. All that he could gather while he was among his Tenants in York-shire, was little enough to furnish the King: But his good luck was in his passage, to find His Majesty gathering a rolling Army, the Drums beating for Volunteers, in which Service he left some of his stoutest Followers behind him, and kept a slender Attendance, to carry him to the furthest parts of North Wales. At his parting, upon his bended Knee, with Tears running down his Cheeks, and hearty Prayers for His Majesty, he received his Gracious Hand and Manual Seal for his safe Passage and Convoy, which brought him to his native Soil, beyond Penman-maur; where let him keep for a while, till I have shewn the great Sin of our Land, the Troubles of a Civil War, wherein the King was involved without any Fault of his. Every Digression is not a Transgression. When His Majesty saw he had no Power to stop the daily Uproars about his Palace of Whitehall, which did emperil and threaten his Life, because the Commons gave them Thanks, upon all occasions, for their readiness to assist them; the Lord's of the Privy-Council, and his trusty Servants, could see no other in it than a Spark of Rebellion, and a Seed of War. Neither did they cast about mistrustful and unfaithful Doubts, for he that had his Senses could not err in that apprehension: Potest est bellum sine tumultu, tumultus sine bello esse non potest. It is the Judgment of the Senator Cicero Philip. 8. A War may be prosecuted without a Tumult; a Tumult cannot continue without a War. But the King minded not so much that his Life, as that his Honor was at the Stake; for he hated Rebellion more for the Indignity, than the Danger: Yet it becomes a Prince, more for our Good than his, to preserve both his Person and his Dignity. Upon mature Judgment, he travels by easy Journeys, with his Household, into the North, where he finds the Parliament professing Hostility against him by their Command and Overt Act, denying him way into the Town of Hull, and the use of his Magazine; a Confront no less outrageous than if they had given him Battle. Is not every foot of Ground in the Land, upon which Man and Beast treads, subject to the King's Dominion? Is not his Crown reached at, when any part of it is held against him? This is Gospel, and it will be Law, if ever this Case come to a sober reckoning. Subjection being quite disclaimed, and that with a Martial Defiance, it was in vain to dispute what Redress there was for it, when there was none, but to look to the Array, and to muster stout and loyal Soldiers: Yet with what unwillingness did his Wise and Pious Heart go about it? How many Offers of Accordance did he make in that very Instant? How many Messengers were posted to London? which was no better than to dry-ditch the business; for every Offer of Grace made his Enemies haughty, the King's Reputation less, his Friends suspicious, that he could sooner entreat for, than defend his Cause. Paper Mercuries, well worded, are fine things, but not forcible: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . for Ulysses sake, so much abused, says Homer; For K. Charles so much rejected, say I, let no Prince hope to bend the stubborn and revolted Subject with Goodness and Mildness; break them to pieces, and quell them with Power; there is no other Art to work upon such churlish Metal. Forasmuch then as the King saw that he but abused advantage of time to knock at a Door, that would never be opened, he opened the Temple of Janus, that was close shut before, and let out War, if it might be called so, who brought scarce 600 into the Field; but had his Array been forty times more, he would not have looked how strong he was, but how innocent, and the more innocent, because most unwilling. Well did the Orator state it, lib. 4. ep. 7. Sapientem & bonum virum initia belli civilis invitum suscipere, 〈◊〉 non libenter persequi. Which was consonant to the Hearts-affection of our King, as he took it upon his Death. And to speak to common Reason and Charity a man whose Paths were Piety, his Governance Mercy, his Bed Chastity, his Repast Sobriety, his Addresses Humility, how could he set a Ditty to any other Prick'd Song, but the Tune of Peace?

175. What Pardon can we expect from the Censure of a better Age, that we did not stop the Fury of Malecontents, before any drop of Blood was shed? I appeal to Fidelity, Homage, Duty, why did we no instantly raise an Host of Horse and Foot, which Rebels would not dare to encounter? And because Help from remoter Countries would be too flow for sudden action, why did not the adjacent Counties come in all as one man, where the Royal Standard was pitched? Water which is to be setch'd far will not quench a Fire. There are some Virtues which lose their Name, unless they operate as soon as their fit Object is before them. To be loyal, to be thankful, to be just, to be remorseful, should be done ex tempore. And I appeal to Prudence, who doth not know, that if you endure the Feaver of a Civil War to have one Fit, it will have more, and consume the Body-politick before it be cured? Semper erit paribus bellum, quia viribus aequant, Manil. lib. 1. Which Sir Walter Ral • igh well translates, Hist. p. 179. Equals from Equals will receive equal harms. When a domestic War seizeth on a Country rich in Plenty, and full of Surfeits with continual Ease, it never leaves purging those Superfluities till all be wast d. It was an Imposture which many were willing to put upon their own Cenference by this Excuse, that they did nothing against Allegiance, because they took not the contrary part. First, None can sin against themselves, but that they incur a great Guilt; and those betrayed their Liberties and Livelihoods to the Rage of Tyrants, for not defending themselves; themselves, I say, for while they fight for their King, they fight for themselves; if he fall, they are ruined, in whose Weal their own is comprehended. And their not listing themselves in the King's Battalion, was a Trespass: It is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by one word in Greek, when the Subjects make not ready to follow their Sovereign in Arms: And note the Punishment of it, 1 Sam. 11.7. Saul hewed a yoke of oxen, and sent them throughout all the coasts of Israel, by the hands of his messengers, saying, Whosoever cometh not forth after Saul and Samuel, so shall it be done to his oxen: and the fear of the Lord fell on the people, and they came out with one consent. Not the care of Wife and Children in a Family, not a weak Body, not a grey Head should free a Subject from such a Service. To the latter, which may look more excusable than the rest, Symmachus gives an Instance, p. 10. Epis. Nullam Nestor tertio aetatis curriculo militiae vacationem poposcit. Where was the English Piety, or where was their Bravery at this season, that so few adventured themselves to draw their Swords for the Lord's Anointed, when so many invited themselves unbidden to do a Mischief? I go further: They were basely backward to come forth into the Field, when they should have stood manfully to their own Cause; for it was not the King's Cause alone, it was the Kingdoms Cause, and the King was in the Cause: Non magni partes, sed magnum in partibus esse, Lucan. lib. 5. Put King Charles into the Verse for Pompey, and the sense is the same. I have no Name scurvy enough for it, that without some special feelings and ends of their own, few lead on to remove an Evil for the common Relief, but would thrust every man before them into the danger of an Action; if they can share in the Profit of an Event, they mind not the Glory: And that which in Reason should have drawn the Peasants on, held them back, the small Band of Soldiers that marched after His Majesty. This Objection was every man's Fault, that did not make the thin Files more by one. And it was every ones Infidelity, that would not trust in the Lord of Hosts to maintain the Right. He gives power to the faint, and to them that have no might he increaseth strength, Isa. 40.29. What Cowardice was it to think all was lost, before they struck a stroke? Turpiter desperatur quicquid fieri potest, Liv. lib. 10. If God had given the Multitude Faith to remove this Despair, and to have obeyed the King in the first Onset, Rebellion had sunk into the Ground like Snow, and nothing could have been added to our Prosperity with wishing.

176. And yet I will not say that the Sin of Omission was bad in all alike; some did not discharge Allegiance out of Imprudence and Frailty, but take them by the Poll, and more offended out of Design and Subtilty; such as turned their Sails to the changableness of the Wind: Utcunque in alto ventus est velum vortitur. So Plautus, of such crafty Time-servers. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I condemned, when subjects did not give up their names to the king's militia, was worse in them by far, that kept at home, till they saw how fortune went abroad, who would be of no side in the open dispute, that in the end they might be of the victor's side: they would wear the king's colors in the pale purple, if the day were his; or Essex 's Badge in Orange-tawny, if Treason proved prosperous. These Neutralists are of a Spaniel Brood, that will fawn as much upon a Stranger as upon their Master, and are welcome to none, because they undertake Impossibilities, to be gracious with all. As Curtius doth instance in Amyntas, lib. 4. Semper 〈◊〉 ancipiti rerum mutatione pendens; he would please the Macedonians, and not displease the Persians, and was distrusted by both. And Livy gives us an Example in Servilius, lib. 19. He was forward to plead for the Authority of the Senate, and not backward to justify the opposite Liberty of the People: Ita medium se gerendo, nec plebis odium vitavit, nec apud patres iniit gratiam. I would not have my L. Bacon ill interpreted in his Essay of Faction, whose words appear more crafty than honest: Let a man be true to himself, with an end to make use of both Factions. He speaks not of two Camps in the Field, one headed by the King, another by Cade, or Watt Tyler, but of two great parts in the Court, that have Clients adhering to them, and should'ring one-another out of Favor, if they can; for he expounds it thus upon that very Contrast: Mean men, in their risings, must adhere to one side, but great men, that have Strength in themselves, were better to maintain themselves neutral and indifferent. But he that comes not to quench the Flame when the King's House is set on Fire, watching what will be the Fate of the Incendiaries, he deserves to undergo a Saxon Ordeal, to pass through hot Plow-shares to reveal his Double-deasing. Solon 's Law in Plutarch hath escaped no man, I think, that hath written Politicks, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : In a public Seditum, be that looks on, and will be of no side, till the Fray be done, is to be branded with Infamy. I will degree this noxious Neutrality one Peg higher, when a cunning Fox, that would save all, curried Favor both with King and Rebels, lent his Sword to him, and his Pistols to them: Dubiis Mars errat in armis, Georg. 2. Like the god of War, that fights on both sides. What say you to two Kinsmen, what say you to two Brothers showing their Prowess one against another, he for Caesar, and he for the Republicans; this a Gibelline, and that a Guelph? that upon the last Revolution of the Quarrel, the faithful Brother may merit to compound for the Peace of the false; or, if God would have it so, the false for the faithful. This was the Mystery of Iniquity, when the same Family had such a reciprocal Interest in our public Miseries, that their Cards were so well packed, that they could not be Losers. An Example which Sir Robert Dallington hath given for such juggling, is worthy to be remembered, Aphor. lib. 2. c. 2.

What Reward should these have? But as the Scripture speaks properly, Let them be divided in twain, and 〈◊〉 their portion with Hypocrites. A Syren, half Flesh and half Fish, is painted with its Eyes always cast upon its Looking-glass, because such amphibious and all-part-pleasing Creatures have their Eyes upon nothing but their own Preservation. And Theophrastus, in his Character of a glavering Sycophant, pinns this Knave upon his Back; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He will please his Client, and strike in with his Client's Adversary, because he would be of that gender, which is the common of two, and so become unprofitable to both in proper construction. I need not be long in this, for an ingenuous Pagan, how much more a Christian, will easily learn this Lesson, to be hot or cold; the luke-warm Quality, that partakes of both, is fit to make a Vomit. Salmasius writes upon Solinus, That Tityrus was a Mungril Beast, begotten between a Goat and an Ew: But there is no Creature of that composition to be presented at the last day, before the Judgment of God: They that are at the right Hand must be pure Sheep, harmless, gentle, without any Goatishness in them; and surely those Tityri will be found among the worst of the Goats, that are rejected to the left Hand.

177. After Caterpillars, the Locusts succeeded; such as you may find Rev. c. 9. v. 2, 7. The bottomless Pit (that is, the endless Parliament) was opened; and a smoke went out of the pit, (a Cloud of Ordinances to make War with the King) And there came locusts out of the smoke, no ordinary ones, but such as had stings like scorpions, who were like borses prepared to battle, and they had as it were crowns like gold (for they took the Sovereignty of Kingly Power upon them). I do not interpret, but allude unto the place; They that commanded in the bottomless Pit, had Wealth enough to maintain an Army, all that London and the Land was worth. But to maintain their Cause, that is, to sight against their Lawful King, all their Money could not purchase them so much Scripture, Law, or Reason, as would justify them with one Argument. Their Preachers over-stretched their Sinews to defend them, and could not, but left it to the Sword-men, to hold it out at the Arms end: Yet they abused so much Divinity, as would serve to cover some of the deformity of the Sin, with a few torn pieces of Jeroboam 's Garment; for I am persuaded of some of them, that if they had looked upon their Impious Act, without a Disguise, they would have run mad at the astonishment of their Guiltiness. All this Mischief was their Pulpit-ranters Work. The great Sedition raised against Moses and Aaron, Numb. 16. is called the Gainsaying of Core. Wherefore should Core carry the Name, since Dathan and Abiram, great Princes, had their Hands in it? Because that mucinous 〈◊〉 did more harm by his prating, than all the Factious in the Conspitacy beside. The 〈◊〉 of this Design gave great Wages to their Chaplains, but the Work which they performed was not worth the half of it, between Knave and Knave: The Crime was so black, that they could not lay any white upon it, to make it color like Justice and Innocency. They dodg'd St. Paul, Rom. c. 13. and St. Peter 's Text, 1 Ep. c. 2. v. 11. with as many turnings as ever old Hare gave to a brace of Grey-hounds, but they could find nothing out of the Scriptures to make them look like theirs; nor any Quotation out of pure Antiquity in the best Ages of the Church, to adjust their execrable Action: And must not that Cause be very bad, which could not put on a good outside, either from the Authority of God or Man? Only as they enforced accumulative Misdemeanors against the Earl of Strassord, to indict him of Treason, so they rak'd up accumulative Misgovernments in Charge against the King, to allow themselves the committing of Treason. All their Shifts and Shufflings shall be cursorily examined; though their Persons are in a Sanctuary, so are not their Opinions: There is a Writer, Gisbert Voetius of Utrecht, learned indeed, but bitter minded against our King, and the old Settlement of our Church; this man the Assembly of Divines did easily gain unto them, and for their Interest he states a Question, Dispute. tom. 2. p. 852. How Subjects may quell their King, and pull him down by force of A • : Which is intended for our English Case, cut out into as many Exceptions almost as there he words in the Thesis, and all the Particulars wrongly applied to our ungodly Distempers. His Hammer strikes thus upon the Forge: Primo quaestio est an à Proceribus, Statibus, Ordinibus, Magistratibus Superioribus Infericribus, qui pro ration regiminis publicâ authoritate instructi sunt? (palea.) 2. Regi & Principi limitato & conditionato? (palea.) 3. In extremo necessitatis casu? (palea.) 4. Post omnia frustra tentata? (palea.) 5. Secundum leges, & pacta fundamentalia principatus? (palea.) 6. Defensive armis resisti? (palea.) 7. Ut respub. ab interitu conservari possit? (palea.) First When had our Peers, our Magistrates, superior and inferior Power to bring His Majesty by Fear or Force into Order? Never. 2. When was his Empire limited or made conditional, otherwise than to charge his Conscience before God to keep his Laws? Never. 3. Were we brought by ill administration to the brink of extreme Necessity? No such thing. 4. Or, were all dutiful means tried to obtain the King's Consent to honest Demands? Widest of all from Truth. 5. Or, have we Pactions sundamental between the King and People, to constrain him to concur with their Proposals? 'It is a mere Chimera. 6. Did the Parliament wage the defensive part of the War? Quite mistaken. 7. Was there no other way, but by such a rout of Russians to keep our native Country from Ruin? Nay, was it in the least danger of Ruin? Not at all: not till these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , these Club-Lawyers, filled the whole Land with Blood and Burning. What cutting and carving hath this Dutch Workman made, to bring us to worship the Idol of Rebellion! And when all is said, we know that an Idol is nothing in the World. 1 Cor. 3.4. and as it follows, there is no other God but one, and none but that one God above the King, against whose punitive Justice, and none beside, K. David offended.

178. Many things were alleged to commence and continue this fatal War: Quae prima querar? Quae summa gemam? Pariter cuncta deslere juvat, Sen. Her. Fur. One thing made a loud cry, far and wide, That His Majesty had left his Parliament, and that the Members fate in great danger. This was a Scandal taken, which did raise such Enemies, whom nothing else could have tempted from their Loyalty. He lest his Parliament; yes, but consider it intelligently, not till he had granted as much as was abundant for our Liberty, Peace, and Welfare; not till he had yielded up more Branches of his Sovereignty and Revenue, than all his Predecessors had granted in 300 years before; not till he had trusted them to spend out that Parliament at their own leisure, and yet they would trust him with nothing: An Affront of deep Indignity! Dare they not trust him that never broke with them? And I have heard his nearest Servants say, That no man could ever challenge him of the least Lye? But as Probus said of Epaminondas, Adeo veritatis diligens, ut ne joco quidem mentiretur. Was it square dealing to protest against him, that would pay them all due Debt, if they would let him? I am sure, when he left them, he left a great many traces of Fame, and Glory, a great many Benefits of Obligation, behind him. And this Case will prove the same, or much like to the Objection of the Pontificians. They say we made a Schism in departing from the Church of Rome. We say, that the Schism was on their part; for they that give the Cause, for which it is necessary to abandon Communion, they are the Authors of the Schism: We continued in the Fellowship of Christ's Church, and retreated from the Errors of an incorrigible corrupted part, and from the Affrightments and Censures of them, that were turned our open Enemies. Say over the same to this Parliament, and it will be the King's Apology. They made the Schism that offered him Bills, unfit to be passed, with Clamoring, Menacing, and undutiful Violence, which he must sign, or fly far enough: Sed qui mali sensu, aut metu extorquere assensum velit, eo ipso ostendit se argument is diffidere, Grot. lib. 6. de Christi Relig. They made the Schism that used his Royal Name with Irreverence (a King must not be contented with mediocrity of Respect) but their Manners were gross and Plebeian. They made the Schism, that heard the highest Indignities against his Crown with Patience, when Sir Harry Ludlow spake Treason, and was not questioned. To cut off a great deal, they received his ample Concessions with no Thanks, and degreed to further Demands, and more unreasonable, that filled the Palace, the Hall, their Stairs, their Doors, with such as forbore not to bring in doubt the Safety of his Sacred Person. When so many were chased to such a barbarous Boldness, what wise man would stand it out, and not prevent it? What security hath the Earthen Pitcher against an Iron Pot? He that fears the worst, prevents it soonest.

179. The High Court of Parliament, one House or both, under the Saxon Monarchs, or in a few Descents after, was created to assist the King to be his great Council. When he pleased he called it, when he pleased he dismissed it. In succession of days, none fate there before he had taken an Oath to bear true Ligance to him and his Heirs, and to defend His Majesty against all Perils and Assaults. Never was it intended to obtrude upon him with force, to compel him to take out his Lesson which they taught him, as in a Pedagogy, but to propound and advise with due distance and humility. Introducta in alicujus utilitatem in ejus laesionem verti non debent, if I may believe the Civil Law. That which was instituted for the Sovereigns benefit in common sense must not be elevated above him to unthrone him. A right Parl. is the Mind of many gathered into one Wisdom; this looked rather like the petulancy of many breaking out into one frowardness. The form, that gives essence to everything, was gone, when they that filled the places of Counselors, would transcend, and give Law to Majesty. If yet they dare criminate him upon Schism, tell them that Christ came to the lost Sheep of the House of Israel, yet when they took up stones to stone him, he went away through the midst of them. There is King Charles his Pattern. Wherefore then did they hunt after him in warlike Terror, as if they would fetch him in by Proclamation of Rebellion? Had he seen the Tide ebb but an inch, I should guess by the sweetness of his Patience, that he would have tarried with them, and hoped for better. But moderate men did see no likelihood. And why should a gracious Prince imbrier himself any longer in Thorns, and do no good, but leave his Wooll behind him? There are a sort of People in Gusman 's Hospital, that when a Friend stays long, whom they had waited for, look often out of the Window to spy him, as if he would come the sooner for that impertinency. Plautus hath drawn it up elegantly in his Stychus: Si quem hominem expectant, eum solent provisere: Qui hercle illâ causâ nihilo citiùs veniet. Would you have a wife King one of this ridiculous Hospitals? And it was not wisdom only, but heroic Magnanimity, that he would not seem to deserve anything by those Favors, in passing their ill-framed Bills, which he verily thought would be plucked up by the Roots, when the Day of the Lord should come to redeem us. Matter so corrupt, and the manner so compulsory, must needs fall to the ground, upon review in sober Times. Quae in pace latae sunt leges bellum abrogate, quae in Bello pax. It is Livies. Else cast it into this Answer: His Majesty discerned that he, himself had marred both Houses, and he would do them no more harm to concur with them in their Excess of Disobedience and Profaneness. For what made them stretch themselves beyond their Power, but the King's Act, which gave them liberty to sit beyond lawful measure. A Session sitting long grows sour and stale, and is like to Theophrastus 's Date-tree, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . When it is young the Fruit it bears is without a stone in it: but if it grow long, a Date-stone is so hard, that it will break good Teeth to crack it. So this Convention, being durable against Dissolution, waxit very corrupt, surly, and tyrannical. There were worthy Men among them, some very learned in the Laws, other Gentlemen well experienced in the Nature of the People; of whom some were tired out, and gone: and much that remained was Lumber and Luggage, tumbled together in a waste Room: which brought up at last their final farewell and expulsion, so generally applauded, as Ballads and Pasquils did testify. Behold Sidonius his Judgment Lib. 1. Ep. 7. upon Arvandus, a great Officer in his days, Non eum aliquando cecidisse, sed tamdiu stetisse plus miror, qui primam praefecturam gubernavit cum maximâ popularitate, sequentem cum maximâ populatione. So our imperious Masters were flattered at first for Popularity, and hated in the end for Depopulation. And to put a signal Remark of Disgrace upon them (it is not forgotten before) they were carried out of their House like empty Casks with a Brewers sling.

180. Some Pieces of Apology are patchit into this old Garment, which in my Judgment make the Rent worse. When things were gone so far out of Order, it was a hard thing for a man to speak truth to himself. Hear them howsoever: for sometimes there is likelihood in that which is a lie; and sometimes Truth in that which is unlikely. It is not amiss to allege, that the Authority of Parliaments hath been venerable from times of old; but it is most certain that the Majesty Royal was evermore venerable. For the King is God's Representative, and the most part of their Patriots but the Representatives of the People: But they would teach us, That the Judgment of the whole Land speaks in the mouth of their Parliament. I cannot be their Disciple in that; I am sure their sense was not the sense of thousand thousands abroad: and the Parliament indeed supplies our Political Capacity, but they do not carry with them our Personal Wisdoms. Says another, Were we not frank of our Loyalty, when we promised we would make his Majesty a great King? This Spot at first made a show of a good Card: but to their shame I rejoin, there was a great disparity between the Promises and the Sequels. Antisthenes (so Laertius ) came to see Plato being sick, just after his Physic had wrought: Says Antisthenes, I see your Choler in the Bason, but not your Pride: so every plain man might read the slattery of the Promise, but not find the fraud. They make him a great King? It was God that made him a King, and in that Title made him great. Inde potestas illi unde & spiritus. Tertul. Apol. And by what sign did it appear they would make him great? or what did they not do, to make him a great Underling? To give him Law, to subject him to their Votes, is the greatness of a Tympany, which swells and kills: The Sophistry in which they gloried most was extracted out of the Jesuits Learning, That they were faithful to the Regal Office (which remained in the two Houses albeit his departure) but contrary to this man in his personal Errors: and if they obey in his Kingly Capacity, and Legal Commands against his Person, they obey himself. All this, beside words, is a subtle nothing. For what is himself, but his Person? Shall we against all Logic make Authority the Subject, and the Person enforcing it a have Accident? It sounds very like the Parodox of Transubstantiation, where • 〈◊〉 qualit, • of Bread and Wine are feigned to subsist without the Inherence of a substance. With these Metaphysics and Abstractions they were not Legal, but Personal Traitors. If an Undersheriff had arrested Harry Martin for Debt, and pleaded that he did not imprison his Membership, but his Martin ship, would the Committee for Privileges be sob'd off with that distinction? Learnedly • aravia de ob. Christ. p. 51. Eundem hominem partiri Jurisconsulti nesciunt, ut idem homo sibi imperet & par • at. Whatsoever a man's relations be, they are so conjoined to the Suppositum, that you cannot treat with him, partly in honor, partly in dishonor, as in terms of opposition. And sometime there is not so much as a notional Difference between Imperial and Personal Respect. St. Paul instructs the Christians at Rome, That every Soul should be subject to the higher Powers. The higher Power under which they lived, was the mere Power and Will of Caesar, bridled in by no Law. Pliny in his Pan • g. speaks it openly to Trajan: Ipse te legibus subjecisri Caesar, quas nemo Principi scripsit. This was too much. For Kings, should not Rule without limitation of Laws; as Claudian to Honortus,

But if they fail, who shall judge them but God? To obey the King is God's Law, to obey our Laws is the Ordinance of Man: therefore the Bodies and Estates of the Subjects are obnoxious to the Common Laws, and the King to nothing but his Conscience. It is God only that avengeth the violation of Conscience; it is above the Judgment of Men. But I return to St. Paul. There was no distinction then in the Roman Empire between a Legal and Personal Capacity, yet Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers. Put them together, for you cannot put them asunder, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , let it be the Power in the abstract; the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (for st. Peter was not mistaken) puts it into the concrete: and the Duty required is, That every Power be subject to that Power which is higher than itself. This distinction, which I have erased, being too learned for every Shop-keeper and Headborough to understand, they fell to this plain Expression That they were in danger of the King's Forces, and gathered such Soldiers, as they' could make ready, to defend themselves. And they that suffer more than Nature can bear, will be compelled to do more, than Duty can justify. It is the word of the Hellenists, Ecclus. 4.35. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , when a capricious man thinks all his Imaginations to be Certainties. These that fly to the excuse of a Defensive War are such. For can this be persuaded to any man, when all England did see so many Brigades, provided for the Service of the Earl of Essex, when the King had not Two hundred about him, and those disposed in no Military Titles or Orders? And says his Majesty at the hour of his Death, Read the dates of their Proclamations and mine. they are in print, and let every eye be judge from whom the first Alarum unto War proceeded. A Defense is to avoid Blows, not to give them: and is it a Defense to parsue another from place to place? Then a Falcon is upon the Defense that 〈◊〉 after a Pheasant. But they never spoke truer than when this Conse •• came out, That they made themselves strong, to bring the King under their power, for they were bea • y afraid, and durst not trust him. They were safe for the present: not secure for the future: having a Conscience of Guilt, which trembled in them, knowing that their Manners were the just occasion of all the Evil that could be done unto them. Yet who brought them into this strait? Says Porc. Latro in Salust. Serae sunt hominum lamentationes, quae suo vitio desidiâque contigerunt. The style of good Christians was wont to be, Let them that have failed in the first duty of Innocency, lay hold of the next duty of Repentance. If they have offended, let them crave Mercy through Christ, and not command it with the violence of the Devil. If they will not trust the King's Mercy, because they have provoked him so far, whose Fault is it but their own, if they become Rebels? He that dares not trust the Sea, and will not traffick, whose fault is it but his own, if he prove a Beggar? O, they dealt with a King, that knew it was no time for Vengeance, but for Pardon. Howsoever, the gate of his heart was wide open for Penitents at all times. If Cicero had said more to Caesar, it would not have transcended King Charles his Clemency, Nemo nunquam te placavit inimicus, qui ullas residisse in te simultatis reliquias senserit. Pro Deiot. I have sifted the dreadful War advanced by this Parliament, with truth impartial: there needs no falsehood to make their Practices seem worse than they were. The Van of their Army was Treason, their Main Body Rebellion, their Rear Murder. So I found them, and so I leave them.

181. Sufficient is delivered to silence the Excuse of the Parliament, that a just Fear put Swords into their hands to defend themselves. An Ethnic must submit to this Rule, which I will quote the second time, Nulla necessitas excusat, quae potest non esse necessit as, Tertul. exhort. ad castitatem, c. 24. and a Christian hath learnt this Rule, That nothing is more formidable, than to fear anything more than God. They provoked a King to his face in a Civil War, than whom no Prince did better deserve the Purse, the Prowess, the Persons of his Subjects to help him on, both to Safeguard and Victory. He failed in both, through that which Budaeus in one word calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , cum populus Imperatori infensus vincere nolit, Lib. 2. Pand. fol. 10. The common Peoples love to him, I conses, was cold and lazy. They had not studied him, and the great Graces of his unspotted Life. Qui exemplo potuit esse his, quos nos habemus in exemplo. I borrow it for him out of Sidonius. He might have been an Example to those, who were held the best Examples of the Times he lived in. But they fretted at some improsperous Expeditions, which his Ministers had made into Spain, France, and Germany, and looked downward upon those dishonorable Actions, not upward upon his Virtues. So he lost them. For evil Successes are not ordinarily forgotten, though prosperous ones vanish in the warmth of their fruition. No doubt but he had framed his Imagination to things of great entertainment, for the good of his Nephew in the Palatinate, and the Protestants at Rochelle. But who can foresee what Chance the Dye of War will cast? Centum doctum hominum consilia sola baec devincit Dea Fortuna, Plaut in Pseud. An Heathen could go no further, but we understand more. And though foreign Enterprizes miscarried, there was great Prosperity at home, Wealth, Trade, Peace, Plenty, all Professions floarithing. But did he follow Polybius his Counsel to Scipio AEmilianus, never to go abroad but to oblige some before he returned, it being the chief happiness, of a Prince to get Frineds. Truly he did many Acts of Liberality, with a look that did not take much, and with a blind hand. He was not made to set his Face cheerfully, nor to attract with delightful Expressions. Whereas Heyward nicks it right in his Hen. 4. That the Multitude are more strongly drawn by unprositable Courtesies, than by churlish Benefits. But our King's Motto might have been drawn from Illustrius the Pythagoraean in Laertius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Act great things, but promise little: which was the right temper of this dispassionate Philosophical Man, who cared not for Opinion, but would please himself in that which was just, though it were displeasing to others: and delighted to live much to himself, and his own thoughts: As if, says a late Pen, he had rather been guest at, than known. You shall read nothing more apt to excuse him, than that of Cicero to Cato. Ep. l. 15. Ea studiose secutus sum, ete quibus vera gloria nasci possit, ipsam quidem gloriam per se nunquam putavi expetendam.

182. The same Parliament did for a while so much acknowledge his Virtues, that they would have praised him into a Fool. For these were their words: That they know him to be good of himself; and therefore did strive per force to fetch him from a debauched Army and evil Counselors. Woe be to him whose Head is bucketed with Waters of a scalding Bath. These Flowers of Flattery, that would wither before tomorrow, were they worth the prince of a Crown? The King's Army consisted of as valiant and brave Men, as ever marchit upon English Ground. If there were somewhat of the Libertine among them, there was nothing but the Hypocrite among the Enemy; whose Sacriledges, Robberies, and Spoils I defer a little to spread open, and the Foxes skin shall never be able to cover all the Lion. Few Soldiers in the heat of their Blood, in their Hunger and Watchings, in their Necessities, and revengeful Executions make perfect Saints. To have castra simillima regi, as Statius hath it, was to be wishit, more than hoped for. As for the Nobles, Commanders, Knights and Gentry, and many Scholars that jeoparded their Lives in that Service, I wish their due Honor may be set forth in a long-lived History, to which I will lend that of Curtius lib. 4. Fatebimur & regem talibus ministris, & illos tanto rege fuisse dignissimos, His Majesty's Council, the best Peerage of three Nations, that could never leave him, had more true Piety in their hearts, than their Pharisees would dissemble. To continue their Allegiance to death, had more of Heaven in it, than was in all their simpering Preciseness. For Religion and Loyalty are like the Wax and Wiek, making one Taper between them to shine before God and Man: but for all that, they would bring the King away from his evil Council, and take him to themselves, the very Pink of the faithful. I must not say but it it is a mannerly Expression, if anything be wrong, to remove it from the Sovereign, and to charge them with it, who did execute the Order. David, though he knew Saul 's bitterness, yet is willing to impute his Persecutions to Saul 's Servants, 1 Sam. 26.19. If they be the children of men that have stirred thee up against me, cursed be they of the Lord. There will ever be such Sycophants in a Court, that will whisper corrupt talk, endeavoring that none should get the start of them in the Royal Favor: but must all prudent Senators be cast off and suppressed, if some Ear-wiggs peradventure had got into credit? Let the Shepherd put away his Dogs, and the Wolf will ask no more. Let the King once forfeit his Friends to an ignoble Trial, and he shall never see days of Comfort and Security again. Did he ever protect any Servant from the Trial of the Law? That would not suffice our Judges in Parliament; but he must leave them to the Votes of an Arbitrary Censure. Then a wife man had better pay half his Estate for a Fine, than be a Privadoe to the King in his nearest Employments. And most miserable is he, that must not choose those whom he will trust, but have his Officers of greatest Dispatches thrust upon him by Compulsion. King Richard the Second had Counsellers and Guardians empowered to retrench him in his Government, whose Arrogancy when his great Spirit shook off, it is known what it cost him. Never think to see a King's House so purged of undeserving persons, that none of them will creep into that trust they deserve not. Budaeus gave over that hope, Lib. 5. de Ass, p. 110. Ita est reip. nostrae status, ut clitella generosis equis, instrataque speciosa imponantur asinis. The best Steeds sometimes shall carry the Panniers, and Jades and Asses be covered with the Footcloth. There was never man so wise, that did not love some Simpletons, whom you may call Fools: Nor never Prince so absolute, but did stamp some Honors upon base Mettal. Non est nostrum aestimare quem supra caeteros, & quibus causis extollas, says a good States-man in Tacitus. And our excellent Camden shifts in this answer for Queen Elizabeth's sake, whose Affections were so strong to Robert Earl of Leicester, that he knew not whether it were a Synastria, a Star which reigned at both their Births, that made him a Gratioso to so brave a Lady. Make any unlikely answer, rather than defy a King with an Army, to pluck his best betrusted from him. Thuamus is an Author to be delighted in, whose observation it is, Lib. 11. That Maurice of Saxony made his Apology for raising War against Charles the Fifth, that he intended no offense to Caesar, but to divorce him from Alva, and Granval, his evil Counselors. A Stale and thread-bear Cheat, and yet the Devil to this day cannot find out a better. Take away those, whom they call Evil Counselors, place as good, or better in their room, (it is not impossible) it were a marvel if they did eat a bushel of Salt in Court, and not be scowled upon with Envy, as much as they that did forego them. Let any Tree grow tall in favor, and the Shrubs will complain, that it drops upon the underwood. A great disheartening it is to our Grandees, to see so many of worth and clear integrity ruined by a public hatred; which made Pausanias pity Demosthenes, and the chief Burgesses of Athens, in Att. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A great Actor in the Affairs of the Commonwealth feldom goes to his Grave with Honor and Peace. I am not of their Spirit then, that would remove the King's Counsel from him: but some are of my mind, that in many great Dispatches, they did heartily wish that the King himself had been removed from his Council. For he was more happy, when he took the way which he spun out of his own Brain, than when he altered his Opinion to follow the Judgment of his Counselors. But it was his humble temper, to like that wisdom in others, which was greater in himself.

183. It is not too late to unblind some of the People, provided they beware of them that spit Holy Water, as other Jugglers have a slight to spit fire. The Pope's Cruciada drew thousands of Soldiers to adventure into the Holy War; and our cunning Popelings made their Muster exceed, by carrying the Figure of Religion in their Colours. Therefore it is good to take off this great Charm, that bewitched the heedless into Rebellion. Which Inchantment was a common cry, That Religion lay a bleeding: reform the Church either now or never. This is the time to pull up Popery and Prelacy: and Fortune is an Hand-maid to no Mistress but Occasion. Therefore let the faithful live and die together for God's Cause and Christ's Kingdom. Pack away Bishops, Liturgy, Courts Ecclesiastical, Canons, Crosses, Organ Music, Ceremonies: Change for everything, for anything.

Survey all this calmly. They that undertake to alter so much at once, is it likely they will mend it all at once for the better? A better Head-piece than theirs gives them a wiser Principle, Synes. de provid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Things may admit a general change of a sudden for the worst, but not for the better. Then to clap Religion into a quarrel is a formal foolery, that every Child can look through it. Ex cupiditate quisque suorum religionem velut pedissequam habet. Leo. Ep. 23. Now look back into King Edward the Sixth's days, who those Bishops and Divines were, whom God stirred up to frame our happy Reformation. Their Sanctity, Learning, Humility, Martyrdom, compel us to believe that they sought the Truth: and the hand of God upon their works: that none did ever prosper in this Land, with their new frame of Worship to deface their Foundation, will persuade us that they found the Truth. Let these words of the Orator be dedicated to their blessed memory, De arusp. resp. Sat is superque prudentes sunt, qui illorum prudentiam, non dicam asscqui, sed, quantà suerit, perspicere possint. We know who jear at this, and think they are far before all our Predecessors, to chalk out the right Line of Gospel Purity, the Presbyter Divines and their Elderships. As Cato the Censor strived to keep the Athenian Philosophy and Learning out of Rome; for, says he, Quandocunque ista gens literas suas dabit, omnia corrumpet. Plin. l. 29. c. 1. So we have had Cato 's and prudent Senators, who have spared for no pains to crush the turbulent Presbyterians, yet they have continued to surprise the Judgments of unquiet Opiniators, and they flowed in by shoals in our Civil Wars. Schismatica pravitas semper bello ardent maxim luxuriat, says Camden Eliz. Anno 1588. and he speaks it of these men. These are they that are striving to wind up higher in Reformation; which makes me insert what I read since I wrote this, As if Religion were intended for nothing else but to be mended: Sirs, shall we change and change till all be satisfied? that's to put us off for Peace to the Greek Calends. When you tell us which in your Brains is the best and final Reformation, we will tell you another thing as impossible, which is the greatest number. They troubled Queen Elizabeth and King James with their Platforms of Christ's Kingdom, and were repulsed: for who could give an even poise to such uneven Humours? chiefly perceiving that a Monarchy would not consist with their Consistories, their Pretences running one way, and their Practices another: and indeed their Encroachments are not only upon Royal Authority, but upon the Civil Magistrate, whosoever he be. Now they would enforce their Scottish or Geneva Changeling upon King Charles, who was swift to run to any good; and when he stopped, it was because Religion and Reason could go no further. This stinking Elder, lately shot up, he could not Authorize. Who can forget Pisistratus, how he tossed and turned the Athenian Commonwealth over and over, and yet would persuade them, that he changed not their Native Laws, but reduced them to those that Solon was the Author of; which none could disprove, so much they were forgotten. So they that put on this Change, were impatient to hear that it was a Mushroom of late growth: but boasted it was the constitution of the Apostles, but lasted so short a Time, that History cannot make it out to justify it. The discreet King was sure that the Gospel was planted over much of the Heathenish World by Bishops; that they rooted up Idolatry, suppressed Herefies, edified all places with the glorious Virtues of Faith and Charity, and that God would not go along with a corrupt Hierarchy, in such manifold and great Mercies: And should he set up another Government, from whose alteration he knew not what would proceed? was it not Prudence to owe unto Ignorance still, rather than to try it? Nihil in specie fallacius quàm prava religio, says Posthumius, in Liv. lib. 9. Religion, though the best thing, yet the name of it is the greatest Cheat, if you take not heed of Hypocrisy.

184. But who can dispute with them that will fly to Inspiration, and when they have no other Argument, will boast, that they have talked with GOD? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Wisd. 7.14. which is in our Margin, They have entered friendship with God. Then all that Reason shall say to the contrary is profane, and underneath them. There is an Objection to be answered with Grief, That some learned and painful men did promote this Discipline. I will say to their Praise and Pity, as much as Tully did of the Gracchi, Orat. de acus. resp. Quod dolerent boni omnes, illa tanta ornamenta, and meliorem mentem voluntatem{que} non esse conversa. Their Pains in some were very laudable, in some little more than Lungs and Language. A little Gold comes to more in payment than a great deal of Copper Money. Pliny, lib. 16. c. 27. speaks of some Vines that bore thrice a year, yet the Vineyard-dresser lost by it: Insana vitis trifero proventu, sed evanida luxurians. There were Auditors that extol'd such Preachers, and would say, They could profit by no other. So Amnon pretended he could eat no Meat, unless his Sister Tamar dressed it. The Plot came to light in our days, that these were they that rung the Pan in the Pulpit, and then the Bees swarm'd to Rebellion. But that which is of God, must have its Foundation in Humility, its Rising in Obedience, and its Continuance in Peace. View the Success of Presbyterism, where it takes a little root here and there, what Shoots do grow by it, or out of it! Anabaptists, Antinomians, Familists, all Mr. Edwards 's Gangreen, beside Quacks and Quakers, Mohammedan Dervises, of a raging, not a ravishing Spirit; among all these the Independents, their young Brothers, by Burrough-Tenure, have got the Estate from them. I will borrow a strain of his Wit, that said there went but a pair of Sheers between them, That the Independents would not have a King, so much as in name; the Presbyters would have no more than the mere Name of a King. But, O how these blasphemed the Name, and slander'd the Footsteps of God's Anointed! who laid our good King forth as a Papist to their Rabble, since he would neither be for the Consistorians nor Congregationers: Nihil est audere relictum, Manil. lib. 5. Blessed Saint! how firm was he to the Antipapal Doctrine of this Church, which he maintained against the Marquess of Worcester in the greatest agony of his Troubles, and trusted his Soul upon it at the agony of Death. Most of all that Calumny came from Hell, that he gave privy leave to the Irish Hell-hounds, to commit that horrid Massacre upon so many Innocents, Men, Women and Babes: Did not Muscerry and Philem O Neal tell the contrary at their Execution, and pawned their Salvation upon it, when it was no time to dissemble? They, the Parliament, contributed much to that Assassinate, who cut off Strafford for an evil Counselor, the only man of Courage and Counsel, to have prevented the Troubles of Ireland. A Passage shall decide it clearly, that came to my own knowledge; I was so scrupulous to forget nothing of it, that before I stirred I wrote down the Speaker, the Words, the Place, the Year, the Day.

On July 24. ann. 1654. at Rygate in Surrey, I had Conference about this Defamation, with that excellent Primate of Armagh, Dr. Usher; says he, Stop their Mouths with this that I shall faithfully tell you. Sir William Parsons, our Chief-Justice, was much trusted with the King's Affairs in Ireland; he deceasing, his Friends and Executors sent his Papers to me, to look them over: In his Cabinet I found a Letter written by the King, to warn him to look well to the Meetings of the Popish Irish, for he had received certain Intelligence out of Spain, that they were upon some great Design of Blood and Confusion. And did His Majesty hold any Intelligence with those Miscreants, who fetched his Intelligence as far as from Spain to prevent them? Nulla sunt certiora quàm quae ex dubiis fact a sunt certa, Quintil. lib. 5. The reliquation of that which preceded is, it looks not all like Popery that Presbyterism was disdained by the King; his Father had taught him, that it was a Sect so perfidious, that he found more Faith among the Highlanders. Experience taught, that it was not suitable to the Eternal Gospel, for the Fautors of it did scarce Summer and Winter the same form of Discipline. His hatred of Sacrilege taught him, that upon the abdication of Episcopacy, there was no likelihood, but the Patrimony of the Church, which is the Patrimony of Christ, would be distributed by the Lord's and Commons, to their own, but certainly to profane uses.

185. At the same time that a murmuring was raised for preserving or advancing Religion, as much was pretended upon another score, to recover Liberty; Populo supervacanea est calliditas, Saluf. p. 75. The dull-headed People knew not all what this meant, but rush'd on towards it; and when the Beast did imagine it was loose from the Chain of Monarchy and Laws, who could tie it up again? They that say, the whole Earth turns about, will allow us to sit still; but let these earthy Clodds follow their own motion, Rest and Safety are out of hope to every man. St. Paul says, that a Liberty to sin is the greatest Captivity; so a Liberty to be lawless is the greatest Bondage. The Hedge of common Sasety is Law; the Hedge of the Law are Penalties; the infliction of Penalties is the power of the Supreme Governor. Can the Subjects be at more Freedom, if this Authority be taken away from one supereminent person? Whereunto that ingenuous Gentleman Mr. Wrenn says very well, Monarchy Asserted, p. 79. It can be nothing but Madness, voluntarily to expose ones self to Misery, for the taking away of a Power, in the room of which another equal Power, must necessarily be substituted. Yet it may be that Monarchy is excellens sensibile, the Splendor of it is an Eye-sore, and one would better endure the faint Beams of lesser and lower Planets. To this I will reply with Capito Cossutius, when the Roman Senate deprived Nero Caesar, To overthrow Sovereignty Liberty was cried up, but if Sovereignty be overthrown, Liberty will be set upon, Bolton, p. 258. Let Judgment be passed upon the state of our own Monarchy; the worst Enemy to it hath given this Testimony upon it, Oceana, p. 97. It was a Throne the most indulgent to, and least injurious for so many Ages upon the Liberty of the People, that the World hath known. And indeed how could it be otherwise? For the People preside in the House of Commons, to debate the Grievances of all Counties, Cities, and Burroughs, and to raise Levies of Moneys with Indifferency, which is Democratical. The Lord's Spiritual and Temporal join their Wisdoms to debate the Proceedings of the Commons, and are engaged in Honor to settle all things in Honor and Safety: which is Aristocratical. And His Majesty gathering up the results of their Prudence, governs upon no other grounds, and can neither abrogate the Laws already enacted, nor enforce a new Law, which is not passed, and preferred unto him by both Houses; which is the most inoffensive Regulation of Monarchy to please GOD and Man. The most ancient Observator of the Temper of these three Governments, made up into one with such Concinnity, is Polybius, lib. 6. thus he; Some people are under a pure Monarchy, some under an Optimacy, some like a Democracy; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The best Government, without compare, must be that which hath collected the Properties of all the three into its Platform: This is that equal Hand (and it is our case) that sets the Instruments in Tune one to another, and the Voices to them all. But it was exclaimed, that our Monarchy kept not the bounds of Law, untuned the Harmony, as the Remonstrance, Decem. 15. expresseth it in a raging style, Injustice, Oppression, Violence broke in upon us without any restraint or moderation. And wherefore so much Outcry for Peccadilloes, and verily occasioned by the Undutifulness of former Parliaments, and subsequent Necessities? In some remediless Occurrences, the wisest that sat in the House thought it would be more profitable to be insensible of them, rather than too sharp, because His Majesty had rectified the principal Grievances, and was prepared to go on in the same Compliance and Serenity. Now when the Pox was coming out, Violence was the way to drive it in again: And let the Censurers of Evils foregone look with Charity upon them, and with Concessions of Humanity, and they will find some slight Taxes levied, which impoverisht no man, the course of the Law still open to all; it may be, and will ever be, in the winnowing the Chaff from the Corn, there would be a little loss of Wheat. Then all they that have howled against the Oppressions of the Sovereign, if the Door of your Conscience be not too narrow to let out so great a Sin, open the Wicket, that this Slander may fly away into the Desarts of Forgetfulness, yet rather of Repentance. But if you could make your Proofs true, That you wanted your native Rights and Liberties, this will not justify a rebellious War. The Principle of the ancient Church is strong, If the Magistrate command things contrary to God's Law, suffer, and resist not. Much less do not resist, though he command things contrary to his own Laws; for, to break his Scepter, you wring the Scepter out of the Hand of God; He alone is above him, you are under him. Men that have Leisure and Learning, may read Chrysantus 's Oration in Xenoph. Cyr. Pa. lib. 7. I will spend but one Passage of it here: Fellow Soldiers, says he, we have obtained many Victories under our Lord Cyrus, and are become the Conquerors of great Kingdoms, and which way got we all we have? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ? That is, by our Governor: There can be no greater Good, than to preserve ourselves in that Obedience. Audi'n' haec Amphiarae sub terram abdite? Can the Ghost of John Pymm hear this, whom no good man's Patience can forgive, for making that dirty Remonstrance?

186. Begin once again to detect this popular Cheat. The Ringleaders of the Impious War caress the People, That if they will stick to them against the King, and leave the Power in their Hands, they would possess them in the best Liberty that they could imagine to enjoy. These petty Tyrants grew very kind of a sudden, but to be suspected, as Appius Claudius the Decemvir was, when he courted the Citizens, Nunquam gratuita in tantâ superbiâ comitas esse solet, Livy. So our King-quellers did not sell their Complement for nothing; they had got a Forest of Fools in an Army after them; instantly all Laws were dead that kept men living, Liberty quite defunct, and will never have a resurrection, but under a Monarchy in the true and lawful Successor; the Laws, the sworn Judges, the Verdicts of Jurors, the maintenance of all these under the Care and Justice of the King, these are the Preventions, that the Freemen of this Nation are not in the least fear of Slavery: Be thankful for this Liberty, and ask for no better, for the Restraint which a man hath by coming under a Law, comes home to him again by the Benefit and Protection of the Law. Tully says more, and yet no more than Truth, Orat. pro Caecinná. Mihi credit, major haereditas venit unicui{que} nostrum à jure, & legibus, quàm ab iis, à quibus ipsa bona relicta sunt. Every man is more beholden to the Laws for his Lands and Chattels, than to his Parents that did bequeath them, for the Law gave the Parent Power to make his Will and Testament, that his Estate might be settled upon his Children, and the Law allows the right Heir to enjoy it: As a Vineyard yields us Wine, but unless that Wine be laid up in found Vessels, and those Vessels hoop'd, that it leak not out, that which we got in the Wine press will be lost in the Cellar. Therefore we did but put a Knife to our own Throats when we advanced an Army, which our soft Laws (merely made for Peace) were not able to regulate, and were sad Lookerson, when we saw our Martial Grandees cut and carve what they pleased to themselves, for everyone had an Eye to the Pole-star of their present Interest. And lo, into what we are fallen: Pro communi imperio privatam sibi quisque servitutem peperit, Salus. p. 174. When the over-flowing Romans meant to make a Prey of a Nation not yet vanquished, their Phrase was, That they would go and civilize them, reduce the Gauls or Britain's from Barbarism. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says Plutarch, When they coveted a Nations Wealth, they did polish them into Bondage. So the Parliament-Militia robbed us of all we had, upon Promise to call us to the Cap or Coxcomb of Liberty. Look into two or three Particulars, and see what these Hucksters sold to a besotted Nation, in exchange for the great Charter of our ancient Freedom: First, They asked at once, and had it, the fifth part of all Land-Rents, and the twentieth part of all Goods and Movables, and gave us a Ticket of public Faith, that is, of punick Faith, to repay it. Euclio in Plautus deserved to be sequestered, for speaking so plainly to this Cousonage, Fidei censcham maximam vulgo fidem, cà mihi sublevit os poenissime. They that brought not this Sum into the mass of the common Treasure, were plundered of all they had. Woe be to the wealthy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Plutarch speaks of the Rapin which the thirty Tyrants made in Athens, It was more dangerous to be Rich, than to be the worst of evil-doers. At the same time a Payment was laid upon our Necks, a Pick-purse Trick, which they had learnt of the Provinces that revolted from the King of Spain, it is but one word, and much in little, Excise upon all Merchantable Wares, beside Coals, Beer, and other things of Trade and Use at home. A word so odious to our Country, that if our Kings had put it in use, their Ministers had been served like Adoram, Grand-customer to Rehoboam, whom the Israelites stoned with Stones, that he died. Yet, after all these exactions, they will tell you with Pseudolus, Ratio constat, argentum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Take out your Tables, and write down Liberty.

187. Moreover, to make us swear ourselves forever into Profaneness, Sin, and Baseness, the solemn League and Covenant passed by the Votes of both Houses, and by the great approvement of their Journeymen the Assembly; and this Flag of six colors was hung up in all the Houses of God in the Land; where the two Tables of the Law were put before, to hold out our Duty to God, and Love to our Neighbor, a new piece of Christianity is clapt upon the Wall, to renounce the King, and to ruin the Church. Tertullian liked not this Alteration, lib. de Cor. Mil. Credimus ne humanum testamentum divino superinduci deberi? And the Caesarean Law gives a mortal Sentence upon it, as Elminshorstius quotes it, p. 148. upon Arnobius, Qui factionis susceperit sacramentum, vel dederit, gladio feriatur. O very wise Parliament. can you teach one how to piece Liberty and this Covenant together? for all that refuse it must be sequestered, imprisoned, disossiced; the Clergy that will not submit, lose their Benesices, and the Law cannot keep them in their Freehold: Their Case is alike, as it was with the Orthodox under the Tyranny of the Arians, as it is in Athanasius Apol. p. 329. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Either subscribe, or relinquish your Churches. I read in Cembd. Eliz. p. 71. That the Queen called them to an account, Qui pensiones religiosis, e monasteriis ejectis, assignatas subtraxerant? It hat Provision did our Potentates make for Protestant sequestered Ministers? What? why Freedom and Choice, to beg or starve; but not a Denier allowed to a single man. They talked of a fifth part to maintain the Wife and Children of a married one, with so many Clauses of Exception, Thirteen at least, says Dr. Thomas Fuller, that the allocation came to nothing but Charge and Trouble. Liberal—Thieves! the Earth is the Lord's in all its fullness, and you shall know the Church will be Christ's in all its emptiness: You all altered the Texts to good purpose, Act. 4, & 5. cap. there the Disciples did, and Ananias said he would, bring all he had, and lay it at the Apostles Feet, but now the Disciples of the Apostles must lay all they have at Ananias Feet: Yet since you say all this is done to deliver us from the Bondage of the King's Power, take out the Tables again, and write down Liberty. To abbreviate the mention of a thousand Wrongs and Evils, had we been a conquered People, trodden under the Feet of Turks, what could the Conqueror have done worse, to transform us into Slaves, than to set up that Tribunal of Blood, the High Court of Justice? The Privilege of the Free People of England is their Trial per Pares, as well in Criminalas in other Causes. Some smack of it is so ancient, that I find in Grotius de Jure bel. & pacis, p. 248. That Cato the elder would never punish a Slave, till the Slaves of the Family, who did wear the same Chain, did cast him by their Verdict. Now the case is altered at Westminster-Hall, a Prisoner is tried at the Bar, neither by the Law for Reason, nor by Jury upon Matter of Fact, but by the Conscience of some that are commissioned to judge upon Law, Reason, Right, and Fact. Suppose that the Conscience of Sultan Cromwell, and his Visier Bashaw, alias Bradshaw, sit among them, that Court must prove a Rock, against which an Innocent cannot choose but split, and these high Justitiaries Gentlemen of the first Edition. Quid facturi sunt illi, si consules, si Dictatores fuissent, qui proconsulorem imaginem tam trucem saevamque fecissent? Liv. Dec. 1. lib. 5. They that raised such Storms among us, being Vapours in the lower Air, would have lightened and thunder'd, if they had been Exhalations in the middle Region; but that the Authors of the forenamed Miseries and Depressions durst say, that they took up Arms against the King for Liberty, take out the Tables, and write down Villany.

188. Our Observation must not launch now into the Whirl-pool, or rather plounce into the Mudd and Quagmire of the Peoples Power and Right pretended, That the Sovereignty is theirs, and originally in them; That they of mere Choice and Election cast themselves into such and such forms of Government at first, and may dissolve them by Force and Constraint, when they will, and do no man Injury, for they recall their own, which they did but lend during pleasure, upon a natural Paction. Some things, discovered before, were very ill, which did disorder us to Rebellion, saying that this Invention doth disembogue itself into the roughest and blackest Sea of Treason: Like to Verres 's stripping the Sicilians, his last Oppression was a more grievous Pillage than all the former. Secum ipse certat, & id agit, ut semper superius suum sacinus novo scelere vincat, Act. 7. The Axiom, which hath gone from hand to hand, in some dangerous Books, is, Rex singulis major est, Universis minor. Grotius said so, but it was Grotius the Advocate of Rotterdam, a Minister to a popular State, and Barnevale 's Creature; but Grotius, the Ambassador to the French King, from the Swedish Crown, would be ashamed of such Politicks. So says as spiteful an Author to the Honor and Safety of Princes as ever writ, Stephanus Junius Brutus, that's the Title of his disguise, whom learned K. James suspected to be a Papist, dissembling the person of an Hugonote, to make them all odious. But we are beholden to Gisb. Vootius, who hath pulled off his Mask, Tom. 2. Disp. p. 852. he says, that Tronchinus making an Oration in Geneva, at the Funerals of Simon Goulartius, made it known to his Auditors, that Simon Goulartius had assured him, that Hubertus Languettus, a Gentleman of Burgundy, and of good same till this Mischief came to light, did hatch the Monster, and send it forth. To spare the rest, all but one, the same is the Doctrine of Parsons the Jesuit in his Dolman, who follows it all the way, That Civil Government is radically in the People; that they may set up and pull down their Rulers for the public good as they will. Let the Index of Expurgation look to it, whether the Temporal Sovereignty of the Pope come not under the Whip of this Doctrine.

The People of Romania, Bononia, Ancona, Ferrara will be very insolent, if you buz such a Be into their Brain; every light Offence taken will make them threaten. But whence do these People-pleasers draw this Maxim, That a King is greater than every Subject apart, but less than their Body taken altogether? Not from Scripture, for the Kings of Israel and Judah, in that Book, were above all the Tribes in their Aggregation. Hiram writes to Solomon, Blessed be the Lord, who hath given to David a wise Son over this great people, 1 Kin. 5.7. Hear the Queen of Sheba likewise, That Solomon was Minister Dei, non populi; God delighted in thee, to set thee in his Throne, to be a King for the Lord thy God, and made thee over them, to do judgment and justice to all, 1 Chron. 9.8. Shall I leave my fatness, says the Olive in the Parable, to be promoted over the Trees? That is, over every Tree in the Forest: But these Dogmatists dare not recourse to Scripture, they must be traced in prudential ways. Proteus, the man of all shapes, says Synesius, Ep. 136. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , acted always among Men, not in Heavenly, but in Earthly Wisdom. Let it be Reason, and not Fallacy, wise men will be ready to hear it. One Argument of the Adversaries is, That once upon a time, they know not when, Men were gathered out of Desarts and Savageness into a body, to live sociably, and it was their Courtesie then to set up such a King as did please them: He is but the Peoples Creature, therefore in his first making, and always, at their mercy. This is a Tale put together of a thing out of the Memory of all Writers; which were it true, as it is unlikely, it will come to nothing. If the People did part with their Right to a King, to be governed and defended in Wealth and Peace, their Act is irrevocable, the Bond indissoluble. Though Democritus thought his Atoms might concur to make a World, yet the World being made, those Atoms could not fall asunder again to dissolve the World. Conceive we were in Polonia at this day, the Eligents, who make the King by their Vote, are tied fast by their Oaths and Faith, to their own Act. Nor do they give the King his Power, but design his Person, because Election is not an Act of Power, but of Privilege. That a Monarch is not greater than the Universe of his People, whether it look like somewhat to the weakness of Sence, I know not, but it is nothing to Reason; for Comparisons are to be made between things of the same kind. Mark then. A part of the Body is less than the whole Body in magnitude, but the Soul, though one part of Man, and no more, is greater in Virtue than all the Body. The intellectual Faculty is but one Faculty, yet greater in Dignity and Regency than all the Faculties of the Soul beside. The Sorbonists adhering to the Council of Constance, tell us, That a Pope is less than a whole general Council; they give him Honor and Place before any single Prelate, Metropolitan, or Patriarch, by Ecclesiastical Constitution, yet he is inferior to an Oecumenial Synod in totâ, because he comprehends not in his Office the Virtue of the Catholic Church, for that's an Usurpation: But the Vertual Power of the Kingdom is in the King, which discovers the odds of the Comparison. Our Politico's also object, that the People were before the King. Not before him, if Sovereignty grew first out of Paternal Right, (and so it did for certain in Adam, the first Father, and first King.) Yet grant them their asking, here is an Instance to silence them: All the Creatures were made before Man, yet God gave him the Dominion to govern them that were created before and after him. It is to no more purpose to cavil, That the King is made for the good of the People. Is that which is appointed for the good of another the less for that Cause? Quite contrary, 'tis therefore the greater. So is a Preceptor and Shepherd, the one above the Scholars, the other above the Flock. Saravia distinguisheth skillfully, de Obed. p. 228. Quod est propter aliud, si benesicium ab co accipit, minus esl, si dat majus est. They stretch their Wit further, and say, That the King gives his Oath to his Subjects, to mamtam them in their known Laws. It well befits him. So God gave an Oath to Abraham and David, Quare juramentum, praes itum Inseriori, non ei subjicn Superiorem, says the same Author. As for the matter of the Oath, to keep the Laws, it puts him not under the Wrath of Men, if he do not keep them, but under the Wrath of God. A King is to keep the Laws of Nations with other Princes, yet is not subject to them. God defend us from making Experiments, what would come to pass if the choice of a Governor or Governors were referred to the thousands and millions of England. Beware a Heptarchy again, beware an Hecatontarchy. Things give better Counsel to men, than men to things. Look behind, inquire into Histories, what bloody meetings the World hath known upon such ambitious bandings between Gogs and Magog 's Parties.

Is it forgotten how they have lifted up their Friends in a Fit, and straightway plucked them down in a Fury? As the Greek Emperor said to a Bishop, Ego te Furne condidi, ego te destruam. For as Painters delight in Pieces not being made, but in their making, so the Hare-brained Multitude run on to a Choice with Greediness, and when it is passed, they loath it with Fickleness. The Conclusion shall be, That this Stratagem to unthrone a King by the pretended inherent Right of the People, can come to no conclusion: For if there were occasion for all Cities, Counties, Burroughs, Hamblets, to come to try that Right, who shall warn them, that the opportunity is ripe to require their concurrence? Who shall summon them? Why A. rather than B? Who shall propound? Upon what place shall they meet? Who shall preserve Order and Peace? For every Hog, when you drive them, must have a String about his own Leg. Who shall umpire and stop Outrages? Such there will be, Saevit{que} animis ignobile vulgus. An hundred impossible Dissiculties may be added to these, and he that can roll them up all into Sence, deserves the Philosopher's Stone for his Labor. To divert the vulgar fort from meddling with things improper to, and so much above them, Budaeus remembers me how to call them to such a Choice, as is fitter for them, lib. 1. de As. In Pervigilio Epiphamae regnum ad sesquiboram lusu sabae sortiuntur. Let them choose the King of the Bean on Twelsth-night, and be merry with the Cake-bread.

189. The best of Kings had some that fell off from him, after the fust and second year of the War, when they saw his Enemies had got ground in some Skirmishes and Sieges, and were possessed of the best part of his Navies, surrendered to them by a false Faitour. This was a color for their Rhetoricians to impute Righteousness to the fortunate Part. And their Orders for Thanksgivings boast of it, that God did own their Cause, because of the Victories which had besall'n them. But Wisdom dresseth herself by her own Light, and minds not the shadow of Success: for after the first dark Cloud that comes, it can be seen no more. It is not strange that Self-lovers are so wary, and rash Springolds so sond, to like that which is most lucky. Thucyd. l. 1. notes it upon the variable turnings of the Peloponnesian Wars, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Men cannot leave, but they will bend their Fancies to the Casualties of Events. Nay, says Matth. de Prin. c. 25. There is no living for us without that Tropical Humour: Si tempora mutant ur, statim perit, qui in agendo rationem non mutat. But all such Errors shall be reversed, and the mistakes consuted, before a Tribunal Eternal, Impartial, which will deceive none. Go not about then to try right and wrong, as they are bandied among us. No man knows either Love or Hatred by all that is before them. All things come alike to all. There is one event to the righteous and to the wicked, Eccles. 9.2. If you Judge the merit of a Cause, or the integrity of a Man by prosperous Chance, Epicurus will have a strong temptation to say, Is there a God, whose wisdom sees and governs all things? Dionysius, when he had robbed a Temple, and failed away merrily with his Booties scost at it, Videt is amici quàm bona à Diis immortalibus navigatio sacrilegis datur. Cic. de Nat. Deor. l. 3. Such a Scandal another of the voluptuary Sect took at a Courtesan, that had forsworn herself, and looked more amiably after it.

We, that are bred under holy Discipline, know that it will be the worse for thee hereafter; for their Torments will appear more bitter in the next World, because they felt nothing but pleasure in this. The ways of God are past finding out; He permits that Evil which he hates, and he Corrects that Good which he loves. This is the Trial of Faith; Quicquid imponitur molit. All that is brought to her Mill, she will grind it into fine slour of Thanksgiving and Patience: and is afsured, That as a Ball mounts higher, when it is thrown to the ground, so a good Cause when it is beaten will rebound higher to Heaven. Otherwise, says Manilius l. 5. Si sort accesserit impetus ausis, Improbitas fiet virtus. If Sin get the better at hand-blows, Virtue shall hold up its hand at the Bar, and be condemned for Vice Joshua 's discomfit at Ai, Josiah 's at Megiddo, the hundred Victories that the Saracens have had against the Christians tell us, how they that sight the Lord's Battels, are not privileged from turning their Backs to their Enemies. It is an acute passage of S. Ambrose in an Epistle to Valentinian, That the Heathen had no reason to beast that the Idols, whom they worshipped, were true God's, and gave them • icleries: for if the Romans prevailed, where were the Carthaginian God's to help them? if the Carthaginians triumphed, where were the Roman God's, when they were beaten? Success will neither serve Christians nor Heathen to make a competent Judge for the lawfulness of their War: For is it not most impious to prove a Cause, not till after the Victory? and to have no Inducement that they sought for the right, till all was done? Experience is stronger than twenty Reasons against it. As Paterculus said of one good man, Lusius Drusus, Meliore in omma ingenio, quàm fortuná usus; so let there be thousands of such in a body, their Innocency may be greater than their Fortune. The fallacy of Success is to be exploded out of the Morals of Justice: neither can such a contingent Medium produce a demonstrative Conclusion. It was bravely pleaded by the Rhodians in an Oration before the Roman Senate, Liv. lib. 35. You Romans were wont to account your Wars prosperous, Non tam exitu eorum quod vincat is, quàm principiis, quod non sine causâ suscipiat is. I may say, hic rhodus, hic saltas. And this is sapience, to list them, who admire Success, among those whom Fortune favors.

190. Neither were the vain-glorious content to pride it upon Success, and to stamp it upon their Money, God with us, but sharpened their presumption against the King's Friends with Insultations and Revilings, that they were unregenerate, such as walked after the flesh, forsaken of God, and appointed to slaughter. Bitter, untrue, uncharitable. Such as knew not his Majesty's faithful Soldiers, thought vilely of them: such as faw their daily diligence at Common-Prayer, their sidelity for their Lord and King, their preparation for death, their adventuring their Estates and Bodies in all hard Service without pay, nay without necessary Subsistence, did deservedly magnisie the Grace of God that was in them. Yet we do not justify all. Some scores of them might have been spared, who were driven into the King's Quarters, by the Oppression of the Parliament, and came to save themselves, more than to defend the King: and it was a common observation at Oxford, that, excepting the great Counselors and the Clergy, they that sought least lived worst. Yet the loosest of these kept their Oath of Allegiance, which comes nearer to a Saint, than any Rebel of a good outside,

But did they never read of an holy Commander, forced to take Arms in a good Cause, and guarded from his Enemies by Persons of an homely Character? David is the Captain, the Heir to the Crown of Israel and Judah by God's Election; his Cause, to escape the Tyranny of Saul, not to bid him War. And what were his Soldiers? 1 Sam. 22.2. Everyone that was in distress, discontented, in debt, of a bitter soul, gathered themselves to David, and he became a Captain over them. There were sins very reproveable in either of our adverse Armies: put them thus into a comparison. Which did most offend God, Noah 's planting a Vine, and being drunk, or the building of the Tower of Babel? The Casuists have an Answer at their fingers ends, That drunkenness corrupted the world, but ambition confounded it. And is not confusion of a whole Realm more pernicious than corruption in a part? But how willingly did the sober Army allow, cherish and make wealthy their Chaplain Peters? Is there such another spotted Leopard in all the King's Quarters? as Catulus said of Nonius, What a deal of dung doth that Cart carry? Have they no better excuse for themselves, than a pandanni Plauti trinum: Scelest us est, at mihi infidelis non est? or than Xenoph. makes for the Athenians in his Oration upon their Republic, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Athenians (a baseness in them) loved those that were fit and useful for them, though they were wicked men. Yet it was not the Riot of the King's Army that caused it to be improsperous: that was reported, where nothing was examined and weighed, but out of spite believed as it was rumor'd. It was partly neglect of Duties for want of pay. But chiefly Presumption, that their cause was clearly loyal and lawful; that the name of the King was more than thirty thousand: that the Subjects of England did never suffer the Crown in fine to be oppressed: that they would fight for it, though it hung upon an Heythorn-Hedge. They forgot that the English were new cast, and turned into another People, by scottish sawciness and contempt of Sovereignty. This Presumption kept the King's Forces sleeping, when their Enemies were waking: and what is Presumption but Hope run out of its Wits? The Rebels were well paid, well provided of all Ammunition, mightily courted by their Chiestains, as Tertullian could say, de Praes. c. 41. Nunquam 〈◊〉 proficitur quàm in castris rebellium, ubi ipsum esse illic promereri est. Again, none are so adventurous, as they that dare not be Cowards for fear of hanging. The Law was behind the Parliamentarians; sight, or hang. Despair will inspire a faint heart, as a skillful Author notes it, Vegetius l. 3. Clausis in desperatione crescit audacia: & cum spei nihil est sumit arma formido. These are the Difficulties through which the King was to pass, and could not; which is no dishonor to his Goodness or Wisdom. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Plut. No man need to be ashamed that he cannot do all things. And never wonder if the Counsels of men, well contrived, be frustrated by the secret Counsels of God, which an Ethnic expresseth in the style of his Religion, Destinata salubriter omni ration potentior fortuna discussit, Curt. l. 3. To clear up this more: would they, that so much adore their Idol Success, would they have confessed from their heart their own Cause to be wrong, if the King had beaten them? I believe the God of this World hath darkened them so much, that such a Confession cannot be gotten out of them. The Weavers of Kidderminster must not be brought to such a sight of their sin, that is, they must never repent, if they be true Disciples of Mr. Baxter 's Doctrine. The best of Orators was the greatest of Dissemblers, in his Plea for Ligarius before Caesar. Tully had been a violent Pompeian, but the whole Empire, after the Pharsalian Field, being turned Caesarean, says the fine-spoken man, Nunc certe melior ea causa judicanda est, quam etiam Dii adjuverunt. Yet so much dissonancy there was between his Tongue and his Heart, that he triumphed in the murder of Caesar, the only Roman that exceeded all their Race in nobleness, and was next to Tully in eloquence. Boast not therefore in Success, which is an advantage to make Infidels proud: but the abstruse ways of God's Providence, which setteth up one, and pulleth down another, as he pleaseth, should make us Christians humble.

191. For all this, if the wise men of Goat-ham will appeal to Success, to Success let the matter be refer'd, and then every eye may see what was the Summum bonum, the chief aim and drift of the rebellious Enterprise, Wealth and Spoil. So general is S. Paul 's Rule, That covetousness is the root of all evil. England was never more wealthy than when this War broke out. In fourteen years, now spent, the great ebb of Coin, and decay of Trade is a deep wound in the State. There was Employment to get a living for all that were industrious: Cup-boards were full of massy Plate: all Pay was in Gold, if it were to buy the Ware but of a Pedlar. All this is sunk, vanished, consumed.

Armies maintained east, west, north, and south have wasted it, which do not shear, but slay the miserable People. Our Shields of Gold are converted into Brass, as when Shisack robbed Jerusalem and the Temple, 1 Kings 14.27. Brigades, and Garrisons of Beggars, are become the sufficient Men, that can lend hundreds and thousands. Here's right Quin. Varus in Paterc. Syriam pauper ingressus, invenit divitem; dives pauperem reliquit. Treasurers of the Army, Excise-men, Collectors of Taxes, Victuallers of the Navy, Committee-men, with their Scribes, Officers of all forts, abundance of decayed Fortunes, nay Scoundrels, not worth a Groat before, are swelled into vast Estates, progging and prowling every way in purveyance for themselves. Will not these choose War rather than Peace against Foe or Friend? For the Wheel will run easily into any mischief, when it is well greased. Who are they, says Polybius, that prefer a Soldiers life before any? Lib. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . They that loved to eat upon other men's cost, and to live upon their Countrymen. So sensible are all men of this fatal and general empoverishing, because we are so far from having the wound healed, that the Arrow is not plucked out, but sticks still in our side. To bring but part of their Rapines to an audit, the Members of Parliament voted all rich Offices to themselves, which the Licinian and Aebutian Law among the old Romans would not have suffered, Ne quis Senator commodum sibi & suis acquireret ex lege quam ferendam rogaret. But these Members gave vast Sums, Offices, Forfeitures of Delinquents Lands and Goods one to another: like Brutus and Cassius, that committed an horrid act to make their Republic free, and then invaded Provinces to themselves, without the privity of the Government, and took up all Moneys by their own power, which the Questors had gathered for the aerarium. And it will never be better, when freedom is driven on in a popular uproar. Now lest themselves in the House, the Red-coats in the Field, or their Intelligencers abroad, should want pay, they voted fifty Subsidies at one chop upon the City of London; imposed a fifth and twentieth part upon all Lands and Moveables: gathered ninety thousand pounds a month upon the Substance of all the Subjects: then, beside Customs, superinducted Excise upon divers Wares, which hath raised the prices of all things, never to be brought down: alas these are but flea-bits to the exaction of anipmoney. Intestine War is a Market that will grow dearer and dearer, as I will transcribe an Example for it out of Meursius, Fortu. Atti. p. 55. Bellum Peloponnesiacum quo diutiùs duravit, eo majora vectigalia imposita sunt bello, sub Aristide moderata: magna sub Pericle: majora sub Alcibiade: aucta sunt sub Lycurgo: sub Demetrio admodum crevere. Yet for every Penny of theirs, our Tyrants imposed a pound; it is beyond the reckoning of Sums and Ciphers: for these godly Patriots, upon a mistake of Conscience at the worst, must have all the Cavaliers Estates, all the Kings and Churches Revenues, pay no Debts, no Tythes, no Lord's Rents, no Copy-holds: War was their gains, and the Box swept in all. Everyone that would be innocent, and live by the known Laws, was devoured. In the sad words of Salvian, Eo res devoluta est, ut, nisi quis malus sit, salvus esse non possit. Many that loathed the Rebellion in their hearts, listed themselves into it, being before reduced to beggary. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Diodorus. l. 18. p. 594. who adventured to die every day, that they might live. They were lost, unless they could save themselves in the public Ruin. Sed it a se res habet, ut publicâ quisque ruinâ malit occidere, quàm sua proteri, Paterc. lib. 2. Desperate men had rather be undone in the Kingdoms ruin, than in their private Fortune. Some Noddies thought that a general Innovation would set them higher than they were. Very sententiously the great Livy, lib. Omni praesenti statu spes cuique res suas novandi est blandior. Collect all into this misery; when every man may reap the Field that will, though he never sowed, what will become of the Harvest?

192. No wonder now if a right noble and harmless King was beaten, with all his Part, out of his strong holds; for his Enemies were hired unto it with as much pay and spoil, being well husbanded, as would have beaten the Turk out of Europe. The plunder and pillage that was made of private persons, would have paid twenty thousand men for five years. In conjunction with them, or out of conjunction; round or rattle, if he were rich he must be a booty, or a compounder. There was but one thing that escapit their Claws, which Plutarch hath exempted in the Life of Demetrius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , War will plunder no man of his Virtue, it is a Commodity (now grown an Incommodity) not regarded. Every thing else must pay tribute to the Sword. Videbitis oppida in quibus nibil aliud est, quam cadavera quae lacerantur, & corvi qui lacerant, as Petromus of the like times, everyone was a Raven, or a Carkass. Or much like the riffling of Ptolemais in Egypt, by the woeful experience of Synesius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it was a night scuffle, no distinction could be made between friends and foes: which made some of the faction attrite, if not contrite, and sing their sorrows to a pitiful tune, that they did ever concur to give the power to such perfidious usurpers. o planetblasted wits, to think their cargo could be preserved in the shipwreck of the whole kingdom! In vastitate omnium tuas possessiones sacrosanctas futuras putas? as Tully told Catiline to his face. In this havoc and torrent of Spoil, none smarted more than the Clergy, and their Patrimony. Their persons were laid fast in Prison: their Churches were unroost and desaced. An abomination which the Swiss will not commit in their Wars. You may believe their Historian, Semler lib. 2. Perpetua lex est, jam olim à nostris sancita, ut in omni bello nulla vis & injurta sacris locis inferatur. But what do we talk of Law? Vis colitur, jurisque locum sioi vendicat cnsis, Sil. l. 2. What Law is there to recover the Plate and Ornaments torn away from the Cathedrals? No Law can restore the Bishops Palaces crazed, to turn all the Fabrics into Coin. Four hundred years will not restore their Woods and Timber-Trees so well preserved, now not the Prelates, but the Kingdoms damage. What haste they made to rid these things out of the way, and to purse up all, and to barter presently with their Customers the Jews? for fear was upon them, lest what remained should return to the right Owners. For no time, not an Age can cross us in our just Claim hereafter. Praescribere volentibus mala fides in aeternum obstat: a Maxim of Law in Dr. Duck 's Book, p. 21. Long before him, and in plainer words, the Orator in his best piece Phil. 2. speaking of, and praising King Deiotarus, Scivit homo sapiens jus semper hoc fuisse, ut, quae tyranni eripuissent, tyrannis sublatis, ii, quibus ea erepta essent recuperarent. God hath a Cyrus in store, we hope, to pluck away again, that which was dedicated to him, from profane Belshazzar's. When the Phocians had spoiled the Temple of Delos, the Grecks were so offended at that Sacrilege, that they all resolved in their Pan-hellenium, Quod totius orbis viribus expiari debet, Lib. 8. Justin. And when those Phocians were routed in a bloody Battle, and asked leave to bury their dead, the Locrians answered them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Diod. lib. 16. p. 427. That it was the Common Law of Greece, to cast away the Carkasses of the Sacrilegious, and not to allow them Burial. Some of our Thieves, who robbed God, are interred in Peace, some of them among Princes and Nobles: yet they and theirs cannot escape the Curse of an hundred Anathema 's darted against them. Now it is discernible that the Parliament, and such as they raised to maintain their Cause, got an East and West-Indies out of the Clergy and Laity, pulling a few Locks away at first, at last the Fleece of all the Flock: like Graecian Toss-pots, that begin with small Cups, and quaff off great ones when they are drunk. Some little remains, to be put to this, nay no little, but more than a thousand and a thousand drams of Gold, to be cast into the Heap of their Gains, wherein they sucked the Blood of the Rich, and quite starved them, who were poor already, I mean they and their Horses lying upon the Charge of the Country; Vetelliani per omnia Italiae municipia desides, & tantum hospitibus met uendi, Tacit. lib. hist. 3. like to like, as the Devil to the Collier: they were our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Casaubon puts it into one word upon Theophrastus; we call it Free-quarter. What a grief to be made servile to provide for such Guests, when the Family knew it was Judas that dipit his hand with them in the Dish? What an Expence it was to bring out all their Stores laid up for a year, and to waste it in a week sometimes, upon an hundred of their Orgoglioes? It is an Arabian Proverb, If thy Friend be Honey, eat him not up all: But these Horse-leaches seldom, lest an House, till they had threshed the Barn Empty, and drunk the Cellar dry;

says Spencer in his Calendar. There are greater wrongs to be complained of than this, yet none more vexatious: and he that is unlucky to be made an Host to lodge such Guests at Free-quarter, let him set up a Cross for his Sign-post. Now if the Reader carry in memory, that Parliament Privileges, Religion, Liberty, the Peoples innate Power, and the like, were the Colour and Pretence to take up Arms against the King, but the thing intended was Sacrilege, goodly Lands, Spoils of all forts, a Mass of Riches; will he not excuse an honest Vicar of Hampshire, who changed one word in the last Verse of the Song, Te Deum, O Lord, in thee have I trusted, let me never be a Round-head.

193. The Condemnation of an impious, disloyal, and sacrilegious Rebellion hath filled up many Pages of this Book. Loqui multum non est nimium, si tamen est necessarium; which is St. Austin 's by-word. As for the Dependance, it is not unartificial which the Subject designed in these Papers; for that barbarous War running on through many years of the Archbishop of York 's life, and it being the saddest, and most remarkable Passage of the Age, it could not be lest out from the remembrance of any Occurrences made and traversed upon those infamous Times. The Hatred and Horror of it struck as deep into this Prelate's Heart, as into any man's. I do not believe that of Cicero to Torquatus, lib. 6. ep. Nihil praecipue cuiquam est dolendum in eo quod accidit universis. A wise man, full of Observation, apt to make likely Presages from present Actions upon future Miseries, could not pass them by with Slights and Carelessness, as some others did. Of two things for certain he was disappointed: Three years at the most never passed over his Head, since he had a good Purse, but he expended a valuable Sum upon some Monumental Work of Charity. His Mind was still the same, for all Ground is not barren that lies sallow. But being stripped of those Revenues which suppeditated Oil to the Lamp, the Light of his Spirit was eclipsed in this obscurity to be unprofitable. Another, and no less Calamity was, that his Papers of long study, and much commentation, with his choice Books, were either rifled, or, it may be, burnt with Cawood Castle, and being eager, if not ambitious, to restore his Notes again by diligence, and a mighty memory, yet in the noise of Wars, beating up of Quarters, and shifting of Lodging to sly from Danger, it was impossible to contrive it. Arts did never profit in the distractions of Wars. Chirurgery may get experience by daily searching into wounds. Geometry may enhaunce its skill, by crecting Bulwarks and drawing Lines for new forts of Fortifications. But all Sciences beside will wither in the midst of Arms, and Barbarism will over-spread, till Learning recover Maintenance, Rest, and Peace. Aptly to this Isocra. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . In the concord and good management of things in Greece, the Philosophers and their Studies would fare much the better. Yet a man need not say his Life is under great Adversity for want of such Accessions; which are but Notes of good direction in the Margent of the Book, but belong not to the Text, which the Reader cannot span: whose Contents are the Church of Christ in its Doctrine, Piety, Regulation of Order kept inviolate; the King's Crown and Honor supported; the Laws maintained to us, as our Ancestors enjoyed them; Liberty and Property defended from wrong and violence: these are the Contents of the great Charter, so precious to the pious and political man. And all these Pillars, which held up our Subsistence, were battered by the Sons of Anak, and ready to fall. In this disasterous season, who would not pity a great and aged Prelate, driven into the remotest corner of the Land, and least desensible: whither he carried the Prayer of Synesius with him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I would presently lay down my life, and very contentedly, if I might see my Country the beautiful Shape of former Peace and Happiness.

194. Physicians use to prescribe to their Patients, when a tedious Languor hangs upon them, to remove their dwelling, and change the Air. But Pliny says, Longissima locorum mutatio est utilissima, the further removing from the Soil, where they did not mend, the more wholesome and healing. I would it proved so to this Archbishop, who lest Cawood-Castle in the North, to come to Aber-Conway in Wales. It was the magnetick attraction of the Town, wherein he was born, that drew him thither. Summas in affectu partes jure sibi usurpat terra quae genuit. Sidon. lib. 3. ep. 8. And a greater than he, King James called it a Salmon -like instinct to see the place of his Breeding. Spotsw. Hist. p. 257. He had been near fifty years from the County of Carnarvan, and the Town of Conway, unless by incidentary Visits, where his Mother brought him forth. Now, by the circulation of a strange Destiny, he is carried thither, in a Rapture, or a Whirlwind, to spend a few years, and to end his last days. An ulla est patria tam digna quae hanc reciperet virtutem, quam quae peperit? as Tully pleads for An. Milo. Even now it was, that every Hundred, almost every Tything of this Kingdom did need some wise and courageous Man to defend it. And who could better settle the distracted People of Wales than this person? and who did better deserve his help, than his own Flesh and Blood? He came not so much for Refuge, as to be a Refuge to those true-hearted Mountaineers, his Kindred and Allies. He is well, who is the better for others: but he is happy, for whom others are the better. And they might give God thanks, that their Chief was come among them. Their Fault is, that there are many emulations (another would call them Factions) between the tops of their Families, who would never have been brought into one Body, to do the King Service, unless such a Man had interposed, who could wind in some with Patience and Bounty, and scatter others with Authority. Nothing liker to him than Pompo. Atticus in AEmilius Probus, Ita Athenis se gerebat, ut communis insimis, par principibus haberetur. Though indeed it was not common Love, but common Fear, that drew those Counties into Confederation: so true it is, what Philostratus hath in Protesilao, The communion of good things, as Plenty and Peace, often breed heart-burnings and envy: but when men share in Miseries, they begin to love one another, recompensing Compassion for Compassion. It behooved him that was a wise Man, and potent in those remote places to watch two Evils, among them that cried up the King's Cause, Treachery among false Friends, and Disagreement among true ones, but such as had rather perish than be ruled. The Archbishop had as good a scent as any Vulture, to smell them out, who held Intelligence with the Enemy, of whom he secured a few, and the rest fled far enough out of guiltiness. To stop the other Inconvenience, besides the general Love born to him, and his great Alliances, he found it best to appear in the strength of a strong hold, with such Men and Arms, as might incline the whole Body to obey his Counsels. For they that are beset with danger, had better go one way in concord, then ran many ways, though they were better, with crossness and discord. Which they might learn from those that were disciplined by the Parliament, nay from the Devils. Est quaedam concordia inter daemones, non ex amicitiá, sed ex nequitiâ proveniens, as the School-men distinguish it. Moreover, this Prelate, well seen in all good things, inured all North-Wales round about to Piety, to brotherly Love, to Temperance, as well as to be fit to use their Arms. He bid that frequent Prayers should be had in all Churches, with Fasting. Put the Ministers to preach weekly, and none more often in the Pulpit than himself: invited well-prepared Christians many times to partake of the Lord's Supper, the best Ordinance of the Gospel, and little used there by most culpable negligence. This was the course he rook: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Aeschyl. in Persis. Wisdom did turn the Rudder of his Projects. And this was the way to bring down God among them. Si vis tuto vivere, been vive: nihil virtute securius; it is in a Dialogue of Petrarchs. And none could be more active in any place, that owned the King's Authority, than he was there, in providing Powder and Ammunition, in sorting good Commanders, in fortifying Conway Castle, and such like, to his Majesty's high content, and his deserved praise, as will come on in the sequel. So much did Wales gain by that which Yorkshire lost. As Tully solaced himself in his banishment, Lib. 3. Ep. Duas res quibus me sustineam habeo, optimarum rerum scientiam, & maximarum rerum gloriam: so he that was driven by the evil Spirit of the Hothams into this Wilderness, had these Companions to travel with him, great Piety, great Learning, and great Glory.

195. Being entered into the care of so great a Province he wearied himself, and all that assisted in the Service with indefatigable diligence. His own share in collecting Moneys, gathering Forces, repairing the Castle, casting up Works, writing, sending, consulting, wooing, and entreating, was his as much as the burden of all the Agitants besides. In which assiduity of watching, and an hundred vexations, his strength and healthful vigor, well maintained to that time, began to fail, and from that year came forward no more. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Chrysost. lib. 2. de Sacerd. Continual cares, says he, will pull down the spirit; the body much more. The male-contents at London heard of it quickly, how busy he was in arraying the Welch Militia, although no Bishop belide would run such hazard, but all fell quietly to their Prayers. Hereupon they that acted for the Parliament did him the worst despite they could, libelling, be riming him, setting him in out in Picture covered with a Helmet, Musquet on his Shoulder, Sword and Bandaliers about him. A trick which they had learnt of their Gossips the Low-Dutch, who traduce the greatest Kings in Europe in such paltry Tables, with their Mechanic Scurrility: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : Baubles to be laughed at for the folly, and to be lamented for the bitterness. The worst was, that there were many clashes at Conway, and in the contines of it among themselves. The raw Soldiers now come into muster and pay, were malapart, and crowed over their own Friends, that had not the honor, as they called it, to serve on Horse, or to trail a Pike. They had not gotten John the Baptist 's Lesson by heart, Luke 3.14. To do no violence, to put no man in fear, to be content with their allowance. In some things the World is more civil than in Ages past: but the longer it lasts, our Wars are more licentious and barbarous. Livy says Fabritius was as innocent in War, as in Peace. Just in boasts of greater things, lib. 25. Multa tune honest iùs bella gerebantur, quàm nunc amicitiae coluntur. Formerly they found honester Foes in the Field, than we find Friends in the City. When the rudeness of the common Soldier abated by courteous treatment, the greater disliculty was to thrust back the Ambition of divers, more than enough, that would be Commanders. Words of high Language past between him, and some Gallants, before they would sit down. Ambrosius vir optimae meant is, sed elatae, says Lud. Molin. Paren. p. 539. So this Ambrose was not to be out-braved with a Buff-Jerkin and a Feather. And though some of the Cava • iers love not his memory for it to this time, yet I shall give no scratch to Truth or Reputation, to declare myself in his Defense, that it was to be praised in him, that he repuised the English from being chief O • icers o • er the old Britain's in their own Soil. And it was prudence to preserve the Bulkly 's, that great Family of Anglesey, in the Vice-Admiralty of those Seas, rather than a valiant Gentleman born in Cambridgeshire: for they will venture further with their own Deputy-Lieutenants, Gentry, and Landlord, than with a Stranger. The Western-men were never so well in heart, as with their own Bevile, Greenvile, Ralph Hopton, Killigrew, Godolphin, &c. when they changed these for other Generals and Colonels, their Purses were shut, their Courage fell, and their Duties were slackened. In all these Contrasts the Archbishop prevailed, and broke through Mutinies and high Threats; which had been impossible, but that he was ever most obliging and merciful in his greatest Fortune. Bona sibi comparat praesidia misericordia: He that would never hurt any, when he might, was most like, if any, to be shot free.

196. Let it stick upon his good Name as a mark of Heroic Loyalty, that he fell to these works, upon his own cost and peril, before the King was aware, nor had yet required it of him; which will bring in that of Xenophon l. 3. Hist. Hystaspas and Chrysantus were Cyrus his most faithful Ministers: Hystaspas would do all that Cyrus bad him: Chrysantus would do that, which he thought was pleasing to Cyrus 's Service, before he bad him. But when his Majesty heard of this Prelates Actions, he posted Letters often to him, and those so sweet and affecting, that they did recoct his drooping Age into Youth, and cozened him, that he saw no danger in the Camp, and selt no envy from the Parliament. Of those Letters there are many reserved, yet no more shall be produced than concerns the keeping of Conway-Castle, because it turned to a sharp quarrel, and procured him obloquy.

Upon the backside of this gracious Letter, this the Archbishop hath written with his own Hand:

197. New Motions, and sudden started Counsels were no new thing at the Court in Oxford. Now the illustrious Prince Rupert is made the Generalissimo, and the Powers of the War are given to him. The Lord John Byron is entrusted and furnishit with a part to secure North-Wales. Neither of them had success according to his Cause, or according to his Courage. What Charge his Majesty gave to them both to listen to the Archbishops Counsels, appears in the following Letters.

Thus far his Majesty, to make way for the Lord Byron, a gallant Person, a great Wit, a Scholar, very Stout, full of Honor and Courtesie, yet favor'd the English Interest above the Welsh in those Counties, which did not take. And the Dye of War run so false, that he lost the Cast to one, who had not the Ames-Ace of Valour in him. Neither did the scattered Forces of those distressed Parts ever set them another Stake. Prince Rupert, observing the Royal Directions, wrote largely, as followeth, May 16. 1644. Nothing was wanting of Royal and Princely care to preserve the Archbishop in Conway-Castle; yet all would not serve. There was none whom Envy did more strive to hold down upon all occasions, which his great Deservings brought upon him. So true is that of Synesius de provid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : Virtue doth not quench Envy, but rather kindle it. One violent Person unframed all good Order, who would submit to no Authority: a hot Man, for he was ever dry: and he did not conceal it, for he was always drinking.

198. That Affront waited more leisure to break forth, and suffered him to take a long and a tedious Journey in Winter to Oxford, in obedience to these Lines, which he received from his Majesty Decemb. 16. 1644.

Presently he set forward, (though the ways were much beset) and came in January with the first to the King, for he had many things to represent, and was not in his Element when he was consined in private Walls. He took up his Lodging with the Provost of Queens-College Dr. Christopher Potter, a Master in Divinity, and a Doctor of Piety. He was received in the Court with much Grace, where he saw his stay must be short. For that City could not long receive so many Nobles and Gentry, as came to make a Session of Parliament: neither could so many of the King's principal Friends be spared from their Countries. Being then a good Husband of his time, and having private Audience with his Majesty, he gave him that Counsel to which Wisdom and Allegiance led him; as Thraseas Paetus, the famous Senator said, Suum esse non aliam quàm optimam sententiam dicere. One passage is fit to see the light, which had much of prudence in it, and too much of prophesy. He desired his Majesty to be informed by him, and to keep it among Advices of weight, That Cromwell, taken into the Rebels Army by his Cousin Hambden, was the most dangerous Enemy that his Majesty had. For though he were at that time of mean rank and use among them, yet he would climb higher. I knew him,