A Memorial Offered to John Williams

Thirdly, That no Preacher, of what Title soever, under the Degree of a Bachelor of Divinity, at the least, do henceforth presume to Preach in any Popular Auditory, the deep Points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or of the Universality, Efficacy, Resistibility, or Irresistibility of God's Grace, but leave those Themes to be handled by Learned Men, and that moderately and modestly, by way of Use and Application, rather than by way of positive Docttine, as being Points fitter for the Schools and Universitles, than for simple Auditories. Fourthly, That no Preacher, of what Title or Denomination soever, under the Degree and Calling of a Bishop, shall presume from henceforth, in any Auditory within this Kingdom, to Declare, Limit, or bound out, by way of positive Doctrine, in any Sermon or Lecture, the Power, Prerogative, Jurisdiction, Authority, or Duty of Sovereign Princes, or to meddle with Matters of State, and the References between Princes and the People, otherwise than as they are Instructed and Precedented in the Homily of Obedience, and in the rest of the Homilies and Articles of Religion, set forth (as before is mentioned) by Public Authority; but rather confine themselves wholly to those two Heads of Faith and good Life, which are all the Subject of the ancient Sermons and Homilies. Fifthly, That no Preacher, of what Title or Denomination soever, shall causelessly, and without any Invitation from the Text, fall into any bitter Invectives, and undecent raising Speeches or Scoslings against the Persons of either Papists or Puritans; but modestly, and gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto by the Texts of Scripture, free both the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England from the Aspersions of either Adversary; especially where the Auditory is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other Infection. Lastly, That the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops of the Kingdom (whom his Majesty hath just Cause to blame for former Remisness) be more wary and choice in Licensing of Preachers, and revoke all Grants made to any Chancellor, Official, or Commissary to pass Licenses in this kind. And that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdom (a new Body severed from the ancient Clergy of England, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates) be Licenced henceforward in the Court of Faculties only, with a Fiat from the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and a Confirmation under the Great Seal of England. And that such as transgress any one of these Directions, be suspended by the Lord Bishop of the Diocese (or in his Default, by the Lord Arch-Bishop of the Province:) Ab officio, & beneficio; for a Year and a Day, until his Majesty, by the Advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some further Punishment.

102. These Orders were well brought fourth, but Success was the Step-Mother. Destinata salubriter omni ration potentior fortuna discussit. Curtius lib. 5 ^o . Crossness and Sturdiness took best with the Vulgar, and he was counted but a Cockney that stood in awe of his Rulers. No marvel if some were brought to no State of Health, or toward any Temper of Convalesence with these Mandates.

saith St. James, Restraint is not a Medicine to cure epidemical Diseases; for Sin becomes more sinful by the Occasion of the Law. Diliguntur immodice sola quae non licent, says one of the Exteriors, Quintil. decl. 1 ^a . The less we should, the more we would. Curb Cholerical Humours, and you press out Bitterness; as it is incident to those that are strait-lac'd, to have sower Breaths. The Scottish Brethren were acquainted by common Intercourse with these Directions, that had nettled the aggrieved Pulpitarians: And they, says Reverend Spotswood, P. 543. accuse them to be a Discharge of Preaching, at least a Confining of Preachers to certain Points of Doctrine, which they call Limiting of the Spirit of God. But the Wiser Sort judged them both necessary and profitable, considering the Indiscretion of divers of that sort, who to make Ostentation of their Learning, or to gain the Applause of the Popular, would be meddling with Controversies they scarce understood, and with Matters exceeding the Capacity of the People. But what a Pudder does some make for not stinting the Spirit, or Liberty of Prophecying, as others call it? They know not what they ask. Such an indefinite Licence is like the Philosopher's Materia Prima, a monstrous Passive Subject without Form: A Quid libet, which is next to nothing. Indeed it is a large Charter to pluck down, and never to build up. Every Man may sling a Stone where he will, and let it light as Luck carries it. But how can the House of God be built, unless the Builders be appointed to set up the Frame with Order and Agreement among themselves, according to the Pattern which was shewn in the Mount? Try it first in Human Affairs, and see how it will sadge with them, before we proceed to Heavenly. Dissolve the public Mint, let every Man Coin what Money he will, and observe if ever we can make a Marchandable Payment. Their Confusion is as like to this, as a Cherry to a Cherry. Give their Spirit as much Scope as they ask: Let them Coin what Doctrine they will with the Minting-Irons of their own Brain. They may pay themselves with their own Money; but will it pass with others for Starling? Will it go for current Divinity? To meet them home. Suppose this Privilege were allowed; yet every good Spirit will limit itself to lawful Subjection. Yet these would not: Then what Remedy? in earnest none was tried. It is the height of Infelicity to be incurable. As Pliny in his Natural History, said of Laws made against Luxury in Rome, which would not be kept down, therefore the Senators left to make Laws against it. Frustra interdicta quae vetucrant cernentes, nullas potiùs quam irritas esse Leges maluerunt.

103. Neither were uncharitable Suspicions like to mend. For the Unsatisfied, that sung so far out of Tune, had another Ditty for their Prick-Song. The King's Letters were directed to the Lord Keeper to be Copy'd out, and sent forth to the Judges and Justices to afford some Relaxation of our Penal Laws to some, but not all Popish Recusants. Which made sundry Ministers interpose very harshly, and in the Prophet Malachi 's Style, Chap. 2. Ver. 13. To cover the Altar of God with Tears, and Weeping, and Crying; but the Lord regarded not the Offering, neither received it with Good-will at their Hands. What could this mean, as they conjectured, but the highest Umbrage to the Reformed Religion, and • at Toer • ion of Popery? Leave it at that cross way, that they knew not whither this Project will turn. Nay, Should they not hope for the best Event of the Meaning? A King is like to have an ill Audit, when everyone that walks in the Streets will reckon upon his Councils with their own casting Counters. It is fit in sundry Occurrences, for a Prince to disguise his Actions, and not to discover the way in which he treads. But many times the Wisdom of our Rulers betrays them to more Hatred than their Follies, because Idiots presume that their own Follies are Wisdom. Plaurus displays these impertinent Inquisitors very well in Trinummo. Quod quisque habet in animo, aut habiturus est, sciunt. Quod in aurem Rex Reginae dixerit, sciunt. Quae neque futura neque facta sunt, illi sciunt. Yet these Fault-sinders were not jear'd out of their Melancholy, though they deserved no better, but were gravely admonished by his Majesty Vivâ voice, in these Words. I understand that I am blamed for not executing the Laws made against the Papists: But ye should know, that a King and his Laws are not unfuly compared to a Rider and his Horse: The Spur is sometime to be used, but not always. The Bridle is sometime to be held in, at other times to be let loose, as the Rider finds Cause. Just so a King is not at all times to put in Execution the Rigor of his Laws; but he must for a time, and upon just Grounds, dispense with the same: As I protest to have done in the present Case, and to have conniv'd only for a time, upon just Cause, howbeit not known to 〈◊〉 . If a Man, for the Favor showed to a Priest or Papist, will judge me to be inclining that way, he wrongs me exceedingly. My Words, and Writings, and Actions have sufficiently 〈◊〉 what my Resolution is in all Matters of Religion. That Cause not known to 〈…〉 in part unfolded by that grave Father, Spotswood, where I quoted him 〈◊〉 . Says he, The Better and Wiser Sort (of his Country-men) who considered 〈…〉 Estate of things, gave a far other Judgment thereof (than the Discontented:) 〈…〉 then our King was treating with the French King for Peace to the Protestants of France; and with the King of Spain, for withdrawing his Forces from the Palatinate. At which time it was no way fitting that he should be Executing the Riger of his Laws against Papists at Home, while he did labor for Peace to them of the Religion Abroad. The most likely way to obtain what he did seek of those Princes, being a Moderation of the Severity of Laws against Priests and Papists, at least for a time. Thus far that wise man; but the Reason was stronger than he enforced it. For in sundry Places beyond our Seas, the Churches of the most disconsolate Reformed were never so near, if not to an Extirpation, yet to an utter Dispersion. Those in Bohemia and Moravia were hunted from Hole to Hole by the Emperor's Men of War. The King of Spain was Victorious over the persecuted Servants of Christ in the Val-Teline. The King of France prepared to lay Siege to Rochelle, and to all his fenced Cities that were in the Hands of the Protestants. The Duke of Savoy was suspected that he would watch this time to surround Geneva with an Army, while Cuspis Martis shined so sinistrously upon their Brethren everywhere. Now what Remedy was more ready to pacify these destroying Angels, for their Sakes, with whom we walked in the House of God as Friends, then to begin in Clemency, to those among us, that carry their Mark? Can a Kingdom be governed without such Correspondencies? Salmasius in his Notes upon Simplicius, introduceth Aristides, Sirnamed the Just, that he was compel'd to unpeg his Rigor, and to make it go to a softer Tune in rugged Times, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as he translates it, Quod rationibus patrae se accommodaret, quae multâ injustitiâ opus habert. Necessity is so great a Part of Reason, that that is Justice, which looks like Injustice, because of Necessity. Our good People, forsooth, would have the Protestants suffer no Ill Abroad, under the Dominions of the Pontificians, and yet mitigate no Severity to Pontisicians under the Dominion of Protestants. Hand stulte sapis, siquidem id est sapere, velle id quod non potest contingore, says the Comaedian. This is wisely laid, if a thing may be wisely laid, which can never be effected. I am not able to express this so well as the Lord Keeper hath done in his Sermon preached at King James 's Funeral, P. 49.

This was a Testimony of the Integrity of these Proceedings almost three years after: But for present, and full Satisfaction, here followeth a long Letter, anticipated in the Cabal, but here inserted in its proper Place, which was written to the Lord Viscount Anan by the same Hand, Sept. 17. 1622; declaring the Nature and Reason of the Clemency, at that time, extended to the Lay-Recusants of England.

105. The Letter as it exceeds in length, so it excels in Judgment. Yet thrusting into the midst of the Throng to part the Fray, he got a knock himself. For because he was principally employed by his Office to distribute the King's Favors to some of the adverse Sect, he was Traduc'd for a Well-willer to the Church of Rome, nay so far by a ranting fellow about the Town, that he was near to receive a chief promotion from that Court, no less than a Cardinals Hat. At the first Bruit of this Rumor the Scandal was told him, and one Sadler the Author discovered, which he despised to prosecute, and passed it by with this moderation, 'That the Reporters saw the Oar under Water, and thought it was 'Crooked; but he that had it in his hand knew that it was whole and straight. An admirable Similitude to reconcile contraries to a good meaning; for the Eye were not right if the Oar under Water did not seem broken to it: And the Judgment were not right, if it had not a contrary Opinion. So the people that are upon the Shore judge one way; for they look upon things beneath the Water: But States-men judge another, who work at the Oar, or guide the Bark. The Error of the former is tolerable; the Sense of the other is Magisterial, and unquestionable. So great were this Lord's disaffections to that corrupt and unfound Church, that he watched their Ministers more narrowly then any Counselor, when they shot beyond the Mark of his Majesty's late indulgences. It was ever the unlucky diligence of those, that were Proctors to agitate the Recusants Cause, to importune his Majesty for those things, which they did not hope to obtain, but the very offer of them with their Arts and Graceless Carriage, would make the Council Table odious, contribute much to embitter the Subjects, and to raise divisions. So they dealt now. For they put a Paper into my Lord of Buckingham 's hands to assist them for the Erection of Titulary Popish Prelates in this Kingdom. A most Natural superfaetation; with the motion whereof the Lord Marquess being amuzed, he sent to the Lord Keeper for advice, who damned the Project with these Reasons ensuing,

This Draught was brought to the King, who was glad such Pills were prepared to purge away the redundancy of the Catholic Encroachments. And his Majesty gave Order to him, who had confected them so well, to Administer them with his best skill to the Spanish Embassador. That they might work gently with him, the Lord Keeper at his Visit made show, that he was startled at a heady motion that came from Savoy, as he thought, taking no notice of any Spanish Agent that had his Finger in it: And besought his Excellency to send for the Savoyan, and to wish him to throw aside his Advice for Titulary Bishops, least it should hinder the King of Spain 's desire, in accomodating the Catholics with those Courtesies, which had been granted; which took so well with the Spanish Embassador, his own indiscretion being not Taxt, but the Folly laid at another Door, that the motion sunk in the Mud, and was seen no more. I will add but one thing, how distasteful it was to him, that the Papists should have so much as the shadow of a governing Church in this Realm taken out of a Letter ( Cabal. pag. 81.) Written to my Lord of Buckingham, being then at Madrid, dated Aug. 30. 1623. Surely this doth not favor of addiction to the Purple-Hat, or the Purple-Harlot. Ovid. Nunquid ei hoe fallax Creta negare potes? Nay, it was a Pang, rather then a Passion, to the welfare of this Church, which forced sentence of Blood out of his sweet and mi'ky Nature.

106. Yet well fare those good Fellows that did not defame him for a Papist: Much otherwise they charged him with a loud Slander, and a long Breach for it continued in his days of Sorrow) that he was a Puritan; of what Colour Si • s? Blew, or Black; Both these might he false (so they were) both could not be True. David says of God's Servants, whom he Tried as Silver is Tried in the Fire, that they went through Fire, and through Water, Mise • ies of Repugnant Natures. So Sometimes they pass through Defamations inconsistent, and as contrary one to another as Fire and Water. The Old Non conformists were called by the Nick Name of Puritans in Queen Elizabeth 's days. I know not who imposed it first, whether Parsons the Jesuit, or some such Franion: I know it grew not up like Wild Oats without Sowing. But some Supercilious Divines, a few years before the End of K. James his Reign, began to Survey the Narrow way of the Church of England with no Eyes but their own, and measuring a Right Protestant with their straight line, discriminated, as they thought fit, sound from unsound, so that scarce ten among a Thousand, but were Noted to carry some Disguise of a Puritan. The very Prelates were not free from it, but, Tantum non ni • piscopatu Puritani became an Obloquy. At the Session which these Arislarchusses held near to the Court in the Strand, the Lord Keeper, the most Circumspect of any Man alive to provide for Uniformity, and to countenance it, was scratch'd with their Obeliske, that he favor'd Puritans, and that sund • y of them had Protection through his Connivency or Clemency. All the Quarrel in good Sooth was that their Eye was Evil, because his was Good. Such whom the Aemulous repin'd at, as he cast it out himself, were of two Ranks. Some were of a very strict Life, and a great deal more laborious in their Cure, then their Obtrectators. Far be it from him to love these the worse, because they were Stigmatiz'd, to the Offence of Religious and Just-men, with a by word of Contumely. Pacatus the Orator inveighed against it for a Rank impiety in his Pan • g. Quod Clarevati Matrorae objicicbatur, at{que} 〈◊〉 exprobrabatur mulieri vi luae nimia Religio, & diligentius culta Divinitas. I will lay it open in one particular. The Lord Bishop of Norwich Dr. Harsnet, a learned Prelate, and a Wise Governor (bate him perhaps a little roughness) began to proceed in his Consistory, against Mr. Samuel Ward a Famous Preacher in Ipswich; who Appealed from the Bishop to the King. And the King committed the Articles exhibited against him to be Examined by the Lord Keeper, and by him to be Reported to his Majesty. The Lord Keeper found Mr. Ward to be not altogether blameless, but a Man to be won easily with fair dealing. So he persuaded Bishop Harsnet to take his Submission, and to continue him in his Lecture at Ipswich. The Truth is, he found so much Candor in Mr. Ward, so much readiness to serve the Church of England in its present Establishment, and made it so clearly appear that he had gained divers Beneficed Men to conform (who had stumbled at that Straw) that the Lord Keeper could do no less then compound the Troubles of so Learned and Industrious a Divine. And I aver it upon the Faith of a good Witness, that after this, Bishop Harsnet acknowledged, that he was as useful a man to assist him in his Government, as was in all his Diocese. Another Rank for whose sake the Lord Keeper suffered, were scarce an handful, not above three or four in all the wide Bishopric of Lincoln, who did not oppose, but by ill Education seldom used the appointed Ceremonies. Of whom when he was certified by his Commissaries and Officials, he sent for them, and conferred with them with much Meekness; sometime remitted them to argue with his Chaplain. If all this stirred them not, he commended them to his Old Collegiate Dr. Sibbs, or Dr. Gouch: Who knew the scruples of these men's Hearts, and how to bring them about, the best of any about the City of London. If all these labor'd in vain, he protracted the hearing of their Causes de die in diem, that time might mollisie their refractory Apprehensions But had it not been better said some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; to stop the mouth of the unruly, Tit. 1.11. I Answer, Their mouth was slept in St. Paul's meaning. Estius hath begun the distinction, and it is easily made up, Alind est silontium indicere, quod est imperamis: Alind ad metas saciturnitatis reduccre, quod est docte redarguentis. They were not imperiously commanded to be silent, but enough was spoken wifely to their Face, to put their Folly to silence. Men that are found in their Morals, and in Minutes imperfect in their Intellectuals, are best reclaimed when they are mignarized, and stroke'd gently. Seldom anything but severity will make them Anti-practice: For then they grow desperate Facundus Dominus quosdam a • fugam cogit, quosdam ad mortem, says Seneca. And they are like to convert more with their sufferings, then with their Doctrine. He that is openly punished, whatsoever he hath done, he shall find Condolement. But I will spend no more Words to wipe away this stir of Puritanism, it needs not a laborious Apology; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the Proverb is in Athenaeus;

107. Yet I want not matter how to wash out this spot of Jealousy by great Actions: In this year 1622, he began to expend a great Sum upon St. John 's College, the Nurse of his hopeful breeding. A right stamped Puritan is not a Founder, but a Demolisher of good Works. He laid the platform of his Beneficence on this Wife. Four Scholars he Added to the 40 Alumni in the College of Westminster. For their Advancement he provided and endowed four Scholarships in St. John 's College, upon their Maturity and Vacancy of those places to be Translated to them. Two Fellowships he Newly Erected in that House, into which only out of those four the best were to be chosen. Withal he purchased the Patronage of four Rich Benefices to receive those Scholars and Fellows of his Foundation upon the Death, or other Cessation of the Incumbents. But the Chief Minerval which he bestowed upon that Society was the Structure of a most goodly Library, the best in that kind in all Cambridge. And as he had picked up the best Authors in all Learning, and in all plenty, for his own use, so he bequeathed them all to this fair Repository. This was Episcopal indeed, to issue out his Wealth, as the Lord brought it in, in such ways. This is the Purse that Mr. H. L. says he Ran away withal, after he had departed with the Great Seal; wherein we see how far the Portion of over-flowing wast, which 〈◊〉 from Great Ones, and is spilled, if it were saved, and well bestowed, would 〈◊〉 the Land with all sort of Monumental Bravery. What a good Steward he was for his Master Christ Jesus's Household and how provident to put none into part of the Care, but such as were Obedient to Civil and Sacred Rulers, appears most in his happy choice of those, upon whom he conferred the livings that fell into his Patronage. They were ever picked out of the best Learned, the best Qualified, the most Cordially affected to our most Godly Liturgy, and to the Government of the Prelates. Within these Apostatizing times, wherein so many have departed from them without Cause, I cannot remember any of his preferring, but kept their Traces, and to their best Power, never run out of the Ring. I have a short Story to tell, and then I leave this Subject. Among the poor distressed Protestants in Bohemia, many of them were Braziers by their Occupation These sent sent some messengers from them with a Petition to his Majesty, that they might Transplant a Colony into England, ( London especially) Men, Wives, Children, and their full Families. Signifying that they would bring with them to the Value of two hundred Thousand Pounds in Coin, and Materials of their Trade. That their Substance and Labor should be subject to all Customs and Taxes for the King's profit. They desired to live in a Body of their own Nation, and to serve Christ Jesus in that Church Discipline which they brought with them from Bohemia. Though they had inclined his Majesty to admit them, being a great Swarm of People, and bringing Wax and Honey along; yet the Lord Keeper diverted it, from the Example of the Dutch and French that were settled among us. These brought commodious Manufacture into the Realm; but they brought a Discipline with it, according to the Allowance of their Patent, which was a Suffocation to the Temperate Crisis of our own Church Government. Which Peril of Distemper would be increased by the Access of the Bohemick Congregation. A great Forecast to keep our Hierarchy found from the Contagion of Foreigners; and he was more Religious to keep the Church of England in its Sabbath, and Holy Rest, than to help out the Neighbors Ox, that was fallen into the Pit. Yet I have somewhat to allege in the Behalf of the Bohemians. I have in my little Library, a Book printed 1633 (eleven years after the Lord Keeper appeared against their Petition) called Ratio Disciplinae, ordinisque Ecclesiastici in unitate sratrum Bohemorum. Their Platform in that Piece comes so near to the old Protestant Church of England, above all the Reformed, that for my part, I wish we had had their Company. This is sufficient, I am sure, against those Opposite, and Self-overthrowing Aspersions. Let them do their worst, there is one Metal that will never be the worse for them, of whose Property, this Lord partak'd. It is Gold, of which Pliny writes, Lib. 33. N. H. c. 3. that nothing makes it more precious, Quam contra salis & aceti, succos domitores rerum, constantia. The Spirits of Salt and Vinegar (the most biting and sourest Reproaches) cannot hurt it with their Tartness. That which corrodes all other Bodies, cannot dissolve the Constancy of Gold.

108. How faithfully, and with what Courage, like himself, he adventured to maintain Orthodox Religion against old Corruptions, and new Fanglements, will be a Labor to unfold hereafter. One thing remains that is purely of Episcopal Discharge, which I will salute, and so go by it, before I look again upon his Forensive, or Political Transactions. When he was Dean of Westminster he had a Voice in the High Commission Court, and so forth when he was in higher Degrees. For as Nazianzen commends Athanasius, pag. 24. Encom. he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , skiiful in all the various Arts of Government. He appeared but once at Lambeth, when that Court sat, while he was Dean. A sign that he had no Maw to it. For he would say, that the Institution of the Court was good without all Exception; That is, to Impower the Kings of England and their Successors by Statute to issue out that Authority under the Great Seal, which was annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, to assign some, as often, and to so long time as the King should think fit, to be Judges for the Reformation of great Abuses and Enormities. But that this Power should be committed from the Kings and Queens of this Realm to any Person or Persons, being Natural born Subjects to their Majesty's, to overlook all Ecclesiastical Causes, correct, punish, deprive, whether one or more, whether Lay or Clergy, whether of the vilest as well as the noblest, nay whether Papist as well as Protestant, as no harm was to be feared from good Princes, albeit they have this Liberty by the Tenure of the Act 1 Eliz. Cap. 1. So if God should give us a King in his Anger, who would oppress us, till our cry went up like the Smoke out of a Furnace, this Statute would enable them to enact Wickedness by a Law. This was a Flaw (to his seeming) in the Corps of the Statute, which gave Vigour to the High Commission. But in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, and her two blessed Successors, God be praised, we were never the worse for it. Better Commissioners than were appointed in their Days, need not be wished. What ail'd this wise Church-man then to be so reserved, and to give so little Attendance in that Court? He was not satisfied in two things: Neither in the Multiplicity of Causes, that were plucked into it, nor in the Severity of Censures. It is incident to Supreme Courts, chiefly when Appeals fly unto them; to be sick of this Timpany, to swell with Causes. They defraud the lower Audiences of their Work and Profit, which comes home to them with Hatred. What a Clamor doth Spalat. make, Lib. 5. Eccl. Reip. c. 2. ar. 28. That the Judicatories at Rome lurch'd all the Bishops under that Supremacy, of all Complaints that were promoted to their Consistories. Eo lites omnes, co dispensationes trahuntur. Fluviorum omnium tractus ad suam derivat molam, nobis quod sugamus, nihil relinquitur. The Affairs of all Ecclesiastical Tribunes were little enough to drive that Mill: So the Consistories of all the Suffragans in the Province of Canterbury became in a manner Despicable, because the Matters belonging to every Diocese were followed before the High Commission. That it might be said to the neglected Prelates at Home, Are ye unworthy to Judge the smallest Matters, 1 Cor. c. 2. It seems ill Manners increased apace: For I heard it from one that lived by the Practice of that High Court, An. 1635: That whereas in the last Year of Arch-Bishop Whitgift, eight Causes were left to be discuss'd in Easter-Term, there were no less than a Thousand depending at that time. This was one of his Exceptions, That the High Court drew too much into its Cognizance. The other Reason, which made him stand a loof from it, was, That it punished too much. Arch-Bishop Abbot was rigorously Just, which made him show less Pity to Delinquents. Sentences of great Correction, or rather of Destruction, have their Epocha from his Predominancy in that Court. (And after him it mended like sour Ale in Summer.) It was not so in his Predecessor Bancroft 's Days, who would Chide stoutly, but Censure mildly. He considered that he sat there rather as a Father, than a Judge. Et pro peccato magno paululum supplicii satis est patris. He knew that a Pastoral Staff was made to reduce a wandering Sheep, not to knock it down. He looked upon St. Peter, in whom the Power of the Keys was given to the Unity of all the Officers of the Church, who incur'd a great Offence in the Hall of the High Priest (let the Place be somewhat considered, but his Action most.) Ut mitior esset delinquentibus grandis delinquens, Saith St. Austin. It being the most indubitate Course of that Commission, to deprive a Minister of his Spiritual Endowments; that is, of all he had, if Drunkenness, or Incontinency were proved against him. I have heard the Lord Keeper (who was no Advocate for Sin, but for Grace and Compassion to Offenders) dis-relish that way, for this Reason. That a Rector, or Vicar, had not only an Office in the Church, but a Free-hold for Life by the Common Law, in his Benefice. If a Gentleman, or Citizen had been Convicted upon an Article of Scandal in his Life, was it ever heard that he did Confiscate a Manor, or a Tenement? Nay, What Officer in the Rolls, in the Pipe, in the Custom-house, was ever displac'd for the like? Under St Cyprian 's Discipline, and the Rigor of the Eliberitan Canons, the Lay were obnoxious to Censures as much as the Clergy. But above all (said he) there is nothing of Brotherhood, nor of Humanity in this, when we have cast a Presbyter cut of Doors, and left him no Shelter to cover his Head; that we make no Provision for him out of his own for Term of Life, to keep him from the Extremities of Starving or Begging, those Deformed Miseries.

109. These Reasons prevailing with him, to be no ordinary Frequenter of that Court; yet an Occasion was offered, which required his Presence, Mart. 30. 1622, which will draw on a Story large and memorable. M. Amonius de Deminis, Arch Bishop of Split, made an Escape out of Dalmatia, an English Gentleman being his Conductor, he posted through Germany, and came safe into England in the end of the Year 1616. The King gave him Princely Welcome: Many of the Religious Peers, and Chief Bishops, furnished him with Gold, that he lack'd for nothing. He seemed then, for all this Plenty brought in, to be covetous of none of these things; but was heard to say, That the Provision of an ordinary Minister of our Church would suffice him. For in the end of June, as he was brought on his Way to the Commencement at Cambridge, a Worthy and a Bountiful Divine, Dr. John Mountfort received him for a Night in his Parsonage-House of Ansty. Where Spalat. noting that Dr. Mountfort had all things about him orderly and handsome, like a genteel Scholar; he protested to all that were in presence, that if he could obtain such a House to dwell in, and no more than the Profits of such a Parish to maintain him, he would go no further in the Desire of the Things of this Life. But King James, no Niggard in Liberality, persuaded him to take more than he asked; as Naaman urged Gehazi, who was as willing to receive, as Naaman to give, 2 King. 5.23. He was installed Dean of Windsor, and admitted Master of the Savoy-Hospital in the Strand. These together were worth to him 800 l. per Annum. They brought in no less, and he would not loose a Penny of his Due; but studied to exact more, than ever by Custom had been received by any of those Dignitaries. Of which Sharking, his Majesty once admonished him: Yet his Veins were not full, but he got himself presented by the Church of Windsor, to a good Benefice, says Mr. Ri. Montague, West Ilsly in Barkshire, where he made a shift to read the Articles of 1562 in English, pro more Clericali, and subscribed to them. But Jesurum waxed fat, and kicked, Deut. 28.15. For toward the end of January 1621, he came to Theobalds to be brought to the King, and with as bold a Fore-head, as ever any Face was dressed in, he became an humble Suppliant to his Majesty, that he might have his Leave to return for Italy. The Courtiers that stood by looked up to Heaven in wonder: For no Man dreamt of this Inconstancy, and certainly no Man less than the King. He that is not ready to do Evil, is ever flow to suspect Evil of others. But his Majesty carried it with high Wisdom: For, as if this Recoiler had told him no News, he spake but this little, and dismissed him. If you have a mind to be gone, I will not stay you; and at my first Leisure, I will appoint those that shall confer with you about your Dismission. A brave Contempt, and well bestowed upon a Proud Man, that did not expect to be valued at a Trisle, which was not worth the keeping. Many have written before me the reason of this Arch-Bishop's retrograde Motion, and likewise what it was that bore him up so stiffly, to be very confident, or to seem to be, to present himself before the Roman Conclave. I shall not lose my Thanks, I hope, If I add my Observations, with a little more than hath already been discovered. First, About the middle of Autumn, Ann. 1621, Ant. de Dominis besought the King to confer the Arch-Bishopric of York upon him. A hasty Suitor, for the Place was not void. The Error came about thus: The Arch-Bishop then in being (called familiarly Toby Matthew ) was ever pleasant, and full of becoming Merriment; and knowing that his Death had been long expected, was wont every year, once, or oftener, to cause Rumours to be raised that he was deceased. And when he had put this Dodgery strongly upon those at London, that gap'd for the Vacancy to succeed him, it was a Feast of Laughter to him, to hear what Running and Riding there was to fill up his Room, who jear'd them behind the Lattuce. No wonder if Spalat. a Stranger, were catched in this Trap; but he had worse Luck than to be derided for his Forwardness, for the King bade him sit quiet, and seek no further. It was not now as in Lanfranke and Anselm 's Days, to make a Stranger a Metropolitan of England. The Man, impatient that his Request had so large a Denial, offers his Departure, as 'tis said before, not distrusting, but that the King would bid for such Ware, as much as the Man thought himself to be worth. But being over-shot, and laid aside with Scorn, he would have eat his Words, and east out Speeches in oblique before some of the Council, that whatsoever he had uttered, he was disposed more to please the King, than to please himself. But he found no Place for Repentance. And of all this the Lord Keeper is my Author.

110. But what can be so quick sighted as the Devil? that spies the first Spark of attentation, and blows it into a Flame. The vigilant Men at Rome knew better than we in England, that the Jade had a mind to slip his Halter, and to run away, because we did not fill his Rack, and plump him up with Provender. Therefore in the beginning of January, (Hui! tam cito?) a Packet came to his Hands from Cardinal Mellino, whose Contents were, That Paul the Fifth was dead, from whose Anger he had made haste to be gone, because he had provoked him in defending the Venetian Quarrel against him; but Gregory the Fifteenth, of the Ludovisian Family, was then in the Papal Throne, as propense unto him of old as any Friend, and as true to him as his own Brother. That he had sent him an Apostolical Brief to Brussels ( for such Missives were not welcomed in England) to give him Assurance of good Speed at Rome, with a plenary Indulgence for all the Provocations of his Writings. And Mellino added (for that must not be left out) That a great Dignity lay in Lavender for him, Eaque valde opima. So Dr. Crakanthorp cites it from Split 's own Mouth, Pretium octuplicis stipendii, eight times more in value than his english Preferments, Defen. Eccl. Angl. c. 8. art. 5. But a Man not half so wise as Spalat. might discern, that if he did conside in this Ludovisian Pope alone, the Security was very rotten. Every Child presaged his Life was not long. Death was ready to arrest him every day upon two Suits, great Age, and great Infirmity. This Renego sailed from our Ports in the end of April, arrived at Rome in June, and this Pope, the Hope of his Life and Fortunes, expired July 8, Stilo Novo, 1623. Neither was he ignorant of this Gregory 's approaching Mortality, his own Physicians confessed he was of short Continuunce. Be that very probable, said they that undermined him, and plied him with Packets from beyond Seas, all the better. For who is the Rising-Sun? Who is the Prelate upon whom all Eyes are cast for the certain Successor, but Cardinal Mellino, his other Self, the Undertaker for his Indemnity, and Advancement? Certainly he was bewitched with that Imposture, yet an Imposture that had Truth in it, as well as Cunning. The Conclave how Urban the Eighth was chosen Pope, Aug. 6. 1623, was Printed at London by License, An. 1642. Therein is discoursed, how Cardinal Burgesi, the leading Prelate of the Conclave, labor'd so stiffly for Mellino, that July 22, he had fifteen Voices in the Scrutiny, and eleven in the Access, Which filled his Friends with Hopes to get ten Voices more to consummate the Election. Again, July 27, he had most Voices both in the Scrutiny and Access: Whereupon Cardinal Sforza was so transported in his own Imagination to advance him, that if Mellino might have been created Pope by Adoration (as formerly the Custom would have done it, but was crossed by a new Bull) it had been effected. Mellino had a good Course for it, though Cardinal Barberino catched the Hare, and was as near to the Papacy, and as publicly cried up, as Cardinal Sachetti in the late Contestation of the tedious Conclave, wherein the now inthroned Alexander the VII. had much ado to step before him. But Mellino lost the Day and thereupon Am. de Dominis his Cake was Dough; who set his Rest upon a Card before it was drawn. Yet that was the least part of his Folly; he remains for an Example of the most besotted Cast-away that ever I read. Ita se res habet, ut plerumque cui fortunam mutaturus est Deus, consilia corrumpat, says Paterculus. The Judgment of Blindness fell upon Sodom, before the Vengeance of Fire. How durst this bold Bayard look the Court of Rome in the Face upon any Terms, whose Writings were more copious against the Amplitude of the Papacy, than ever came out of the Press? An Italian never forgives an Injury. But Indignities written, and with the Pen of a Diamond, against the Sublimity Pontifical, are more unpardonable with them, than Blasphemies against Christ. Had Cardinal Mellino, his Confident, been elected Pope, the Pope would have forgotten all that the Cardinal had promised him. What had Fulgentio the Servite done, to be compared with his Scopuli, and such jerking Books? He had maintained the Venetian just Laws against Paul the Fifth's Abrogations; yet ever abode in the Bosom of the Roman Church. He had wrote the Life of Frier Paul, whom they hated, to the full pitch of his Praise. But what were these Toys to the Ecclesiastical Republic of Antonius de Dominis? Yet after twelve years that Fulgentio had provoked them, he having obtained safe Conduct to go to Rome, under the Fisher's Ring, and Berlingerius Gessius, the Apostolical Nuntio at Venice, pawn'd his Faith to the poor Man for his Incolumity; yet he was cited before the Inquisition, Condemn'd, and Burnt in Campo di Flora: And his Ashes were scarce cold, when this daring Wretch came wittingly into the Den of the Lion.

111. I forbear a while to tell his Disaster, for a third Reason remains of the retrocession of this Crab, whose Brains were fallen into his Belly. He protested he came hither, and returned to the Place from whence he came for the same end, to finish the Work which G. Cassander began, to compose a Method of Concord for the Eastern and Western Churches, Greeks and Latins; for the Uniting of the Northern and Southern Distractions of the Reformed Evangelical Divines, and the Papalins. That this had been his Design within his own Breast for twenty years; and that his Studies were now come to that Maturity, that he saw no Unlikelihood to prevail. But what if the Arch-Bishopric of York had fallen into his Mouth, which he gap'd for? Certainly he would have forgot his Trade of Composing Churches, and cast Anchor upon this Shoar forever; for his Religion was a Coat that had all Colours, but wanted Argent and Ore. Yet if a Mountain of some such Promotion had stopped his way, I do not dis-believe him, but that he was traversing in and out to atone the Differences of the most principal Christian Sects. So Mr. Camden understood him, under whose Hand I find this Note among his Diary Records. Accingit se aditer Romam Versus, nescio quâ spe convocandi generalis concilii, & rem religions componendi. He was packing for Rome, in hopes to see a General Council called to cure the Distractions of Religion. I appeal also to the Writer of the best Appeal, Bishop Morton, our Holy Polycarpus, who told me that he dehorted Spulat. from his Vagary into Italy, to accommodate Truth and Peace, for the Italians would never be persuaded to retract an Error. Spalat. takes him up for it churlishly, An putas Papam & Cardinales diabolos esse, quod non possunt converti? Says our Bishop again, Neque puto Spalatensem Deum esse, ut possit eos convertere. Further, When he was convented before the High Commissioners, Mart. 30, he requested their Lordships to think charitably of him, that his Departure hence was not that he took any Dislike at the Church of England, which he held to be sound and Orthodox, and that he would avouch before the Pope, to whom he was going: Etiamsi hoc fiat cum discrimine vitae meae, though it cost him his Life. And it will not cost you less, says the Lord Keeper, for you may propound to the Pope the Conciliation you drive at; but you will never be suffered to live to prosecute it. God's Will be done, says the other, I do not fear it; yet I suspect it the more, that so wise a Man presageth it. The same had dropt from his Pen, Lib. 7. Eccl. Reip. c. 7. ar. 133. Conciliation and Union to reduce Christ's Flock to feed together without Schism, is so brave a Work: Ut pro hôc negotio si contingeret nobis vitam cum sanguine fundere, praeclari martyrii laudem apud Deum & Ecclesiam mereremur. For all this, sew believed him that he was in earnest. He that is untrue in many things, is justly presumed to be bad in all. But I am brought over, by palpable Evidences, to suspect him of so much Honesty, that he followed that good Work, with all the Might of Wit and Labor, to bring the Churches of Christ together, which were withdrawn from one another in Hatred and Hostility. And it was an easy thing to him to surmise it feasible, because he was of so loose a Religion. Nay, He thought it was so near to be effected, that it was already as good as done, if both sides would take prudent notice that it was done. For he builds upon this Bottom, 7 de Rep. Eccl. c. 12. a. 13. Nihil sive in dogmatibus, sive in ritibus in alterutrd parte adeo intolerabile esse invenw, ut propterea separatio facienda sit, aut schisma fovendum. On all sides, all Opinions were so tolerable in his Presumption, that the White and the Black Church were both of a Colour. For Example, these Instances which follow, and many others, may be found in that 12 Chap. rashly slubber'd over. We may communicate with them that hold Transubstantiation, for it destroys Nature rather than Grace: it is an Error of a good Mind, not out of Dishonor to Christ, but out of Devotion. For Image-worship, it is the least thing of an hundred to be past over; for as when the Bible lies before us, and we Pray out of the Psalms, we do not adore the Bible, no more do they the Crucifix that is placed before them. The Supremacy of the Pope is no necessary Cause of Divorcement; for John and Cyriacus of Constantinople took to themselves the Title of Universal Bishop; yet Gregory the Great, who highly inveighed against their Error, kept Unity with that Church: And so should we do upon like Provocation, Art. 117. Thus he patcheth up the Rents, but it was beyond his Skill to draw up the Pieces. Another of his Reconciliatory Devices, is in Art. 119. That the most of Reformation consists in the right Direction of our mental Intention, which God only sees: Et Ecclesia non judicat de occultis. As a Protestant may be present at Mass, and do his Duty at it; kneel down with the rest, and pray to God, but not adore the visible Host. Chiefly, as Lib. 12. c. 6. He relies much upon this Distinction, Alia est ecclesia manca, alia monstrosa. That the Church of Rome is not mutilated for want of any integral Part of Faith, but monstrous and luxuriant in too much which is superadded. Which Deformity, they that are strong may bear with, since they are enlivened with all the saving Faith that we profess, and we need not partake with their Redundancies. Therefore he persuades, Art. 21, that without any Offence to Conscience, you may abide in either Church, keeping a good Purpose of Mind and Heart. But he speaks with the wide Mouth of a complete Libertine, Lib. 7. c. 17. Art. 120. Rideo illos ego, qui ingenti incommodo & periculo, ab unâ ad aliam partem, solus conscientiae causâ trasfugiunt What then? Make it his own Case. Was it not Conscience that removed him hither? Not a jot, for it follows in the same Sentence, Illi soli prudenter id faciunt, qui de abusibus alterutrius partis liberi disserere, & scribere ibi volunt, ubi nullum impedimentum inveniant. We thank him for his Company. It seems he took Refuge in England, not out of Conscience to leave the Roman Church, but out of Prudence to write safely against their Errors, and to draw up the great Schism to an Overture of Concord among merciful Men, that would not persecute him for his Good Will. I will represent him in a Line or two, that he was as indifferent, or rather dissolute in Practice, as in Opinion. For in the same Cap. Ar. 35. this is his Nicolaitan Doctrine, A pluralitate uxorum natura humana non abhorret; imo fortasse neque ab earum communitate. Thus leaving all Differences of Religion indeterminat, & in vago, he thought it would be his great Honor to be the Conciliator of Christendom. All's made ready to shake Hands: For you need not lick any Point into the Shape of a distinct Conclusion, but involve all in the Lump of an indigested Concord. Therefore, though he was posted up for a Shittle-cock in all Universities, and even Balladed by Boys for his Inconstancy, they were mistaken: For both Churches to him were one, and when he was in one, he was in both. In his Passage hither and thither, he made no Salt from one Religion to another, but he was still walking in his long Gallery, sometimes with his Face to the East, sometimes to the West.

112. There is such a fag end, which remains to piece this out, after I have brought the unhappy Man to his Friends at Rome, that sent for him, that the Judicious will find upon it, that he juggled with himself, rather than with us. He would have blessed God if he had been used with that Lenity there, which he found in England. For our High Commissioners made this end with him, Mart. 30. 1622. That since he had ungratefully reproached his Majesty's Liberality, prosessing that he was hired to depart for a better Stipend: Since he held Correspondence with some of the Popes great Council, by Name with Cardinal Mellino, who are presumed Illwillers, if not Enemies to the King, and this State: Since he professed open Adherence to the Romish Church, and did not renounce the Missatical Corruption of their Priesthood, against whom our Laws have Decreed the utmost Punishment, therefore Sentence was given to Deprive him of all the Spiritual Preferments which he held in this Realm, with a strict Command to depart out of the said Realm within Twenty Days, and never to return again into any his Majesty's Dominions, upon pain of undergoing the Penalty of the Statute against Priests and Jesuits. 'Twas too late for him to Reply. So on the 18th Day of April, Count Suartzenburg, Ambassador Extraordinary from the Emperor Ferdinand, after he had been very splendidly entertained for the space of 16 Days, returned homewards, and took Shipping at Gravesend, in whose Company, but in another Vessel, Spalat. crossed the Seas, and coming to Brussels, after a little stay, the Eagle flew away with the Buzzard, and dropt him at Rome. After he was settled there, the first News we heard from him was his Book called Consilium reditus. How wonderfully doth he appear in that Book to be a changed Man? He defies the Church of England, backbites, picks new Quarrels; nothing in it that favor'd of Cassander, the Moderator of Contentious Disputes, but of Eudaemon, or some such Jesuit. His other Works being prohibited so strictly and minatorily, that Bishops might not read them; this last abortive piece, born out of due time, was thought to be his Doctrine by the Ultra-montans, and nothing else. I do not say it was not his Pen: to my Sense the Style bewrays him; but to be his Mind and Judgment, I oppose it to this hour. He wrote it in a noisome Prison, despairing of Liberty forever, unless he could release himself by impudent Forgeries, and Contradictions. Ultimum malorum est ex vivorum numero antequam morier • s, exire, says Senec. de Tran. c. 3. 'It is an inexpressible torment to be shut up close in a stinking Hole, and to be buried quick. He was kept in continual fear to be burnt, as if he were torn with an Harrow of Iron, and made to pass through the Brick-kiln, 2 Sam. 12.31. What would he not do to escape that Death, who was better prepared to spend an Ounce of Ink in the Devils Cause, than a Spoonful of Blood for Christ? Therefore I reckon that Book to be the Issue not of this Man, but of his carnal fear. A Subscription to Articles in time of Duress, and strict Custody, what is it worth in Law? I am sure one of the best Sconces in Europe, Sir Nic. Throgmorton, ascertein'd Mary Queen of Scotland, Cessionem in carcere extortam, qui justus est metus, plane irritam esse, Camd. Elizab. An. 1567. Take it likewise from the Judgment of the great Athanasius, Ep. ad solit. vit. agen. p. 839. The Pope Liberius stood to Athanasius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , when he was free to do what he would. But being thrown out into Banishment, and hunted to be destroyed as a Partridge in the Mountain, he subscrib'd against his own Hand, which yet did not prejudice Athanasius his Innocency. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Those things which Liberius acted against his first Judgment, were not his doing, that was awed with fear; but the results of those that compel'd them with Tyranny. And that our M. Antony was cudgel'd into a Recantation with the impendent fear of an horrid Death, will be made clear, because after he had dazzled the World with that false Light, he never pleased his Judges, that had secretly tried the Constitution of his Conscience. Sir Edward Sackvile, (who shortly succeeded his Brother Richard in the Earldom of Dorset ) was at Rome Ann. 1624. and had Welcom given him with much Civility in the English College, so far that he presumed to ask, rather out of Curiosity than Love, to see this Prisoner de Dominis. Mr. T. Fitz-herbert the Rector did him the Observance to go with him to the Jail. He found him shut up in a Ground-Chamber, narrow and dark; for it looked upon a great Wall, which was as near unto it as the breadth of three spaces. Some slight forms being passed over, which use to be in all Visits, says Sir Edward, My Lord of Split, you have a dark Lodging: It was not so with you in England. There you had at Windsor as good a Prospect by Land, as was in all the Country: And at the Savoy you had the best Prospect upon the Water, that was in all the City. I have forgot those things, says the Bishop; here I can best Contemplate the Kingdom of Heaven. Sir Edward taking Mr. Fitz-Herbert aside into the next Room; Sir, says he, tell me honestly, Do you think this Man is employed in the Contemplation of Heaven? Says the Father Rector, I think nothing less; for he was a Male-content Knave when he fled from us, a Railing Knave while he lived with you, and a Motley parti-color'd Knave now he is come again. This is the Relation which that Honorable Person made Ann. 1625. which I heard him utter in the hearing of no mean Ones.

113. But by this time Spalat. was dead, either by his fair Death, or by private strangling. Gallo-Belgicus, that first sent the News abroad, knew not whither. But he knew what became of his Body, that it was burnt at the same place in Rome, where Heretics do end their Pain. It is a Process of Justice which is usual with their Inquisition, to show such abhorrence to Heretics, (that were so in their sense) to call them to account, though they be dead and rotten. First, They are so Histrionical in their Ceremonies, as if they made a Sport of Barbarousness, that they cite the dead Men three several Days to appear, or any that will answer for them, (but happy they if they do not appear) then their Carkasses, or Bones, are brought forth, and burnt in the common Market with a Ban of Execration. The latest that were used so among us were Reverend Bucer and Fagius at Cambridge, Anno 1556. And Dr. Scot, Bishop of Chester, one of Cardinal Pole 's Visitors, defended it before the University, Haud mirum videri debeat, si in mortem quoque ista inquisitis extendatur, Bucer, Scrip. Angl. p. 925. Sic postulare sacros Canones, p. 923. This is their Soverity, from which the Dead are not free. Now by the Blaze of that Bonfire in which De Dominis his Trunk was consumed, we may read an Heretic in Fiery Characters: I mean, as he was entered into the black Book of the Roman Slaughter-House. He lived and died with General Councils in his Pate, with Wind-Mills of Union to concord Rome and England, England and Rome, Germany with them both, and all other Sister-Churches with the rest, without asking leave of the Tridentine Council. This was his Piaculary Heresy. For as A • orius writes Tom. 1. Moral. Lib. 8. Cap. 9. Not only he that denies an Article of the Roman Creed, but he that doubts of any such Article is an Heretic, and so to be presented to Criminal Judgment. Si quem in foro exteriori l gitime allegata & pro • ata probaverint in rebus Fidci scienter & voluntary dubitasse, arbitrer cum ut v re & proprie haereti • um puniendum. Therefore if Spalat. had returned a Penitent in their Construction, and imbodied himself into that Church as only true and Apostolical, he could not have suffered in his Offals and Carkass as an Heretic. So the same Azorius confesseth, Lib. 8. Cap. 14. And Alphonsus à Castro is angry with Bernard of Lutzenburg for holding the contrary, Lib. 1. Cap. 9. Quis unquam docuit eum esse dicendum haereticum, qui errorem sic tenuit, ut monitus & conviclus non crubuerit palinodiam cantare? This was the success of the variable Behaviour of M. Antonius de Dominis. De Domims in the plural, says Dr. Crakanthorp, for he could serve two Masters or twenty, if they would all pay him Wages. He had an Hearing, as it is mentioned before, in our High Commission: To countenance the Audience of so great a Cause, the Lord Keeper gave attendance at it. I began at that end of his Troubles, and, having footed all the Maze, am come out at the other.

114. Johosaphat distinguisheth between the Lord's Matters, and the King's Affairs, 2 Chron. 19.12. So do I in the Subject before me. I have given some Says of his Church-Wisdom in the former Paragraph: I go on to set the Sublimity of his State-Wisdom in the latter. I must look back to a small Service which he did perform in Michaelmas -Term 1621. for as much as the Conjunction of some things, which raised a Dust in the Year following, are sit to go together. Upon the solemn Day, when the Lord Cranfield (then Master of the Wards, and immediately created Earl of Middlesex ) took his Place as Lord Treasurer in the Exchequer-Chamber, the Lord Keeper gave him his Oath, and saluted his Admission with a short Speech following:

The King was pleased much in his Advancement: For his Majesty had proved him with Questions, and found that he was well studied in his Lands, Customs, in all the Profits of the Crown, in Stating of Accompts And in the general Opinion the White-Staff was as fit for his Hand, as if it been made for it. The most that could be objected was, that he was true to the King, but gripple for himself: A good Steward for the Exchequer, but sower and unrelishing in Dispatch: A better Treasurer than a Courtier. There was nothing in appearance but Sun-shine and warm Affections between him and the Lord Keeper. The Lord Treasurer, I know well, had crossed the other in one or two Suits which had been beneficial to him, and not drawn a Denier out of the Kings Purse. He dealt so with every Man; therefore the Sufferer gave little sign of Grievance: It was not his Case alone. Another Pick in which they agreed not, (I cannot say disagreed) was about a Brood of Pullein, which were never hatched. The last Parliament being dissolved, it was well thought of by some of the Lord's of the Council-Board, to sweeten the ill relish, which it had in some Palats, with a Pardon of Grace, that might extend to a fair Latitude, for the ease of those that were questioned for old Debts and Duties to the Crown, for concealed Wardships and not suing out Liveries, and such charges of the like kind, which put those that were secure in their Improvidence to a great deal of trouble, and disanimated their best Friends, for fear of such blind Claps, to be their Executors. When the Lord Keeper had brought this Pardon so near to his Birth, that the Attorney-General was sent for to draw it up, the Lord Treasurer moved, That such as took out this Pardon should pay their Fees, which are accustomed in that kind, to such Officers as he should appoint, that the Advantage might enrich the King, and that himself might have that share, which the Lord Chancellor used to have, who put the Seal to those Pardons This was heard with a dry laughter, and denied him. But from thenceforth he struggled to correct the lusty Wine of the Pardon with so much Water, that there was no comfort in it; and falling short of that Grace which was expected, was debated no more. The Lord Keeper having obtain'd a good Report for the Conception of the Pardon, and the Lord Treasurer a great deal of Envy for the Abortion, it curdled in his Stomach into Choler and Mischief. And wherefore was he angry with his Brother Abel? Look what St. John answers, 1 Epist. Chap. 3. Vers. 12. He endeavored first to make a Faction in Court against the Lord Keeper, and it would not hit, because he had no Credit with the Great Ones. Then he falls to Pen and Paper, and spatters a little Foam, draws up Ten What-do-you-call-Um's, (some of them are neither Charges of Misdemeanour nor Objections) which were meant for Accusations, but are most pitiful failings, entramell'd with Fictions and Ignorance. They are extant in the Cabal, Pag. 72. which the Lord Keeper puts away as quietly, as the Wind blows off the Thistle-Down: Pusheth his Adversary down with his little Finger, yet insults not upon his Weakness. As Pliny writes to Sabin, Lib. 9. Ep. Tunc praecipua mansuetudinis laus, cum irae causa justissima est. It was very laudable to be so mild, when there was just cause given to be more angry. Yet he complained by Letters to the Lord Marquis, as if he were sensible of the despite, and unto him was very loud in his own Justification. From whom he got no more remedy, but that his Adversary was not believed: And was willed to consider that he dealt with one, whose ill Manners would not pay him Satisfaction for an Injury. Unto which the Lord Keeper rejoin'd to the Lord Marquis, His Majesty's Justice and your Lordships Love are Anchors strong enough for a Mind more tost than mine is, to ride at. Yet pardon me, my Noble Lord, upon this Consideration, if I exceed a little in Passion, the Natural Effect of Honesty and Innocency. A Church-man and a Woman have no greater Idol under Heaven than their Good Name: And they cannot Fight, nor with Credit Scold, and least of all Recriminate to Protect and Defend the same: The only Revenge left them is to grieve and complain. Then he concludes, Whom I will either Challenge before his Majesty to make good his Suggestions, or else (which I hold the greater Valour, and which I wanted I confess before this Check of your Lordships) go on in my course, and scorn all these base and unworthy Scandals, as your Lordship shall direct me. What need more be said? In the space of a Month they wrangled themselves into very good Friends, and the Lord Keeper was Gossip to the next Child that was born to the Treasurer. As Nazianzen says of Athanasius, Encom. p. 21. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , There was the Condition of two kinds of Stones in his Nature, that are much commended: He was an Adamant to them that smote him, found and firm, and would never break: But a Loadstone to draw them to him that discorded with him, though they were as hard as Iron.

115. Among the Exceptions with which the Lord Cranfeild did exagitate him, one may require a larger Answer, than he thought him worthy of in that Humour. He replies to him very briefly in the Laconcick Form, because such brittle Ware would break with a Touch. The Treasurer was misinform'd, or coin'd it out of his own Head, That the Keeper dispatched great Numbers of Causes by hearing Petitions in his Chamber, and that he did usually reverse Decrees upon Petitions That Forty Thousand Pounds had been taken in one Year among his Servants by such spurious and illegitimate Justice. Yet Sir An. IV. all whose Ink makes blots, could not imagine how such a Man should be raised out of that Practice, but that it was Calculated to be worth to him and his Servants Three Thousand Pounds per Annum. A great fall, and the less charge. I do not say that either of them did learn to suspect by their own practice: Let God judge it. But I knew this Man so well, that he would as soon have taken a share out of Courtesans Sins, as the Pope doth, as out of his Servants Purses. But state the Case thus, That he did much Work by Petitions, and treble as much in the first Year, as in those that succeeded, 'tis confessed. First, The Hindrances had been so great which the Court sustain'd, before he began to rectify them, that unless he had allowed poor Men some Furtherance by Motions in Petitions, they had been undone for want of timely Favor. Even Absalom won the Hearts of those, whom he seemed to pity, that were in that condition, 2 Sam. 13.3. A Plaintiff makes great moan for redress of Wrongs; but a delaying Judge is his greatest Oppressor. Secondly, All high Potentates, and Magistrates under them, have ever employed some at their Hand to give Answers to Supplicants, that made Requests unto them. Papinian served in that Office under Severus Pertinax: So did Ulpian under Alexander Mammaeus. Many more may be produced, who were greatly honor'd for that Employment. All the Praefecti Libellorum, and Magistri Scriniorum, who are mentioned of old, were of this Constitution. Every Proconful ca • ried such a Scribe with him into his Province, and heard the Oppressions of the People by Petition, and redress'd them. Not that main Causes were not pleaded in the open Face of the Praetorian Court, as it is in the Pandects, Ubi decretum necessarium est per Libellum, id expedire Proconsul non potest. But an Exception strengthens a Rule, as Cicero says pro Corn. Balbo. Quod si exceptio facit, ne liceat: Ibi necesse est licere ubi non est exceptum. And where Decrees were not necessary, a Subscription to a Supplication was a common way, to relieve those, who needed not the Ceremony to be undone with longer Obstruction. Thirdly, What if I should grant, without Derogation to the Lord Keeper's admired Sufficiency, that when he took that litigious Work of Chancery first in hand, if some crabbed Difficulties were mine'd small into a Petition, he could the better swallow them. Every man may judge better of that which he reads, than that which he hears; chiefly, he that is initiated into a Profession. Allow him Cork that learns to Swim, to keep him from Sinking, he saves himself, and hurts no man. Therefore it was a most certain way to overcome some part of the Tediousness of Business by Petitions; and it was no less incorrupt, innocent, legal, expedite to do good to the People. Some that practice'd at the Bar, repin'd that they might not have a Glut of Motions: Of whose covetous Discontents, this Lord was aware; as Pliny says of Apelles, Lib. 31. Post tabulam latens vitia quae notarentur auscultabat. He was at the back of the Frame which he set forth, and heard what Errors the Passengers noted in his Picture. So this Man's Ears were open, and his Eyes waking, groundless Repining never took him winking. Therefore to straiten his Course against all Presumption of Errors, he directed two Remonstrances, the first to the Lord Marquess, September the 8th; the other to his Majesty, October the 5th, 1622, which follow as he pen'd them.

In a while after, Thus to the King.

117. Thus much perhaps is too much, but that as Alexander said in Curtius, Satius est purgatos esse quàm suspectos. 'It is better to clear an Error imputed, than to be suspected. The King stood to him, as he did always, and sent him a gracious Message. It was his Conscience he dispensed in that Court, and he had his Approbation in all he had heard of. Truly, I believe his Majesty's Love wrought that Ableness in him, to make him more than else he would have been. Neither did the Lord Marquess see any Reason, but to justify his Integrity and Diligence, Yet before Michaelmas Term was spent, An. 1622, that great Lord dropt some Words, that he was not altogether pleased with the Lord Keeper's Observance, and looked upon him with a stranger Countenance than before; so as from that time the Lord Keeper failed but with an half Wind in that mighty Lord's Favor; which he hid most prudently, and showed not the least appearance that he was fallen into that dislike. As Macrobius commends Pisistratus, Lib. 7. c. 1. whose Children secretly made Head against him. Yet Pisistratus dissembled strangely that all was well between them, that the City of Athens might not practice upon their Enmity. So it was covered as artificially from Court and City, that these two Luminaries were near to Opposition. The first Man that was like to know it from the Lord Marquess, was the Bishop of St. David's; for about this time he stiles himself Confessor to his Lordship, in Mr. Prinn 's Publications. And within the compass of this Time, he says, he dreamt that the Lord Keeper was dead, that he went by, and saw his Grave a making. And how doth he expound this Vision, which he saw in his Sleep, but that he was dead in my Lord of Buckingham 's Affections? Some are like to ask, what it was that did the ill Office to shake the Stedfastness of their Friendship? That will break out hereafter. But the Quarrel began, that some Decrees had been made in Chancery, for whose better Speed, my Lord Marquess had undertaken. An Undertaker he was, without Confinement of Importunity, There was not a Cause of moment, but as soon as it came to Publication, one of the Parties brought Letters from this mighty Peer, and the Lord Keeper's Patron. For the Lord Marquess was of a kind Mature, in Courtesie more luxuriant, than was fit in his Place; not willing to deny a Suit, but prone to gratify all Strangers, chiefly if any of his Kindred brought them in their Hand; and was far more apt to believe them that asked him a Favor, than those that would persuade him it was not to be granted. These that haunted him without shame, to have their Suits recommended to great Officers, made him quickly weary of his faithful Ministers, that could not justly satisfy him. I had mentioned none, but that I am beholding to the Cabal to fall upon one, the worst of twenty, Sir John Michel, P. 84. of whose Unreasonableness the Lord Keeper writes thus, God is my Wuness, I have never denied cither Justice or Favor (which was to be justified) to this man, or any other, that had the least Relation to your good, and most Noble Mother. And I hope your Lordship is persuaded thereof. Budaeus, P. 67. Upon the Pandects, writes offensively upon the meddling of such Lady Advocates, Why may not Women be our Magistrates, and govern us, if they think to govern them, that are our Magistrates? But he complains with more Impatience against the Courtiers of Paris, P. 188. Quotusquisque est qui modo in aulâ interiore sit alicujus nominis, qui non se dignum censeat, propter quem leges & constitutiones, quamvis gravi sanctione munitae, violari debeant? which makes the Place of a Judge a Burthen that cannot be supported. For as no Artist can make the Year run even by the Course of Sun and Moon, so no Justice can run even between the imperious Directions of a Favorite, and the Conscience of a just Man. The Lord Marquess had used his Power to assist the Lord Keeper in his Lifting up; but good Turns are not to be counted a Servile Bond, to impose as much as shall be obtruded to be done, with a Blind-fold Readiness: For no man in Earth is all in all a Servant, but to God. Gratitude may exact much, but Innocency is free from paying a Tribute. And 'tis pity they should ever have the Ability to do Benefits, who over-lay their good Turns, and would not have those, to whom they have been gracious, persevere in Integrity. Yet many do so far value their own Kindness, that they think, for their good Works Sake, they have bought God's Part in us; which, if it be substracted, none are so ready to dismount a Man, as they that did promote him. It is observed before me, by Aurelius Victor, in the Lite of Nerva, Qui cum se merreri omnia praesumant, si quicquam non extorserint atrociores sunt ipsis hostibus. Therefore let a private Man be content, and take sweet Sleeps. He holds his Conscience in no Tenure but of God. He that is out of great Place, is out of great Tentation. Tuta me mediâ vehat vita decurrens viâ, Sence. in Ad.

118. I have touched upon the very Thread, where the Lord Marques • s Friendship began to unravel. I have shewn how blameless the Lord Keeper was, and that the Offence on his Part was undeclinable. Yet I will not smother with partiality, what I have heard the Countess Mother say upon it: That the Lord Keeper had great Cause sometimes to recede from those Courses which her Son propounded; that she never heard him different but that his Counsels were wise and well-grounded, ever tending to the Marquess's Honor, Safety and Prosperity; but that he stir'd her Son to Offence with Reprehensions that were too bold and vehement. I heed this the more, because it was usual with the Lord Keeper to be very angry with his best Friends, when they would not hearken to their own Good. Pardon him that Fault, and it will be hard to find another in him; as Onuphrius says of P. Pius the Fifth, for his Cholerick Moods, Hoc uno excepto vitio, non erat in illo quod quisquam possit reprehendere. And if the Testimony of that Lady be true, (it is but one, and a most domestic Witness) I do not shuffle it over as if his Meanor to the Lord Marquess were not a little culpable. It was not enough to have Justice of his Side, without Discretion. Good Counsel is Friendly, but it must be mannerly. St. Ch • ysostom though a Free, and a very hot man himself, preached thus at Antioch, Hom. 27. That some Inflammation will not be touched, no, not with a soft Finger: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Words as soft as Lint must be used to some Ears, who disdain to be dealt withal as Equals. Let me join Ric. Victor to him, enforcing the like from David 's Playing on the Harp when Saul was moved: When stubborn Opposition will vex some great Men into Fury, Dignum est ut elocutionis nostrae tranquilitate, quasi citharae dulcedine, ad salutem revocentur. Use them tenderly, and play, as it were, a Lesson upon the Harp, to flatter them into Attention and Tranquility. This is enough to reprehend a few stout Words; but the Lord Keeper, for all the Frown of the Lord Marquess staid upon him, carried as true a Heart toward him, and all his Allies, as exuberant in Gratitude, as ever lived in F • esh. He never wrote to him, no not when he was quite forsaken; but he refreshed the Benefits he had received from him in his Memory. He never commanded him, but he obeyed in all, which was to be justified. No Danger impending over his Lordship, but he was ready to run an honest Hazard with him, even to the laying down of his Life. In his Absence, when a Friend is best tried, when his Lordship was in Spain, far from the King, and giving no little Distast there by his Bearing, then he smooth'd his Errors to his Majesty, and kept him from Precipitation, knowing that he had threatened to bring about his own Ruin. Yet in strict Justice, a Founder loseth his Right of Interest, that would destroy, or debauch his Foundation As Amber and Pearl are turned to mean Druggs and Dust, when the Chymists hath drawn their Elixir out of them. At this stop I can resolve one Question, which many have asked me, whence the Occasion sprung, which transformed Bishop Laud from a Person so much obliged Eighteen Months before to the Lord Keeper, to the sharpest Enemy. As soon as ever the Bishop saw his Advancer was under the Anger of the Lord Marquess, he would never acknowledge him more, but shunned him, as the old Romans in their Superstition walked a loof from that Soil, which was blasted with Thunder. It was an Opportunity snatched to pluck him back, that was got so far before him. Hold him down, that he might not rise, and then he promised himself the best Preeminence in the Church; for he saw no other Rival. As Velleius says of Pompey, That he was very quiet, till he suspected some Senator that thrust up to be his Equal. Civis in tagá, nisi ubi 'vereretur ne quem haberet parem modestissimus. But, will a good Christian say, did so much Hatred grow up from no other Seed? From no other that ever appeared; and look upon the World, and marvel not at it, for it is frequently seen, that those Enemies which are most causeless, are most implacable; which our Divines draw out of this, that no Reason is expressed by Moses, why the Devil tempted our first Parents, and sought their Fall. The like was noted by the gravest Counselor of our Kingdom, the Lord Burleigh, who condoled when he heard the Condemnation of Sir John Perrot, with these Words, Odium quo injustius, eo acrius. Ill Will is most vehement, when it is most unjust, Cambden, Eliz. An. 1592. But when himself was not harm'd a jot, would he be so unkind to his Benefactor? What says a long Tongu'd Fellow? In Plautus mortuus est qui suit, qui vivus, est. He that was, was lost. He dreamt his Benefactor was defunct, there was Life in my Lord of Buckingham; and it was good Cunning to jog along with his Motions. I am confident to give this Satisfaction to the Question above. For the Lord Keeper did often protest upon his Hope in Christ, that he knew no other Reason of their Parting. Reader, say nothing to it, but hear what Solomon says, Proverbs 18. ver. • . according to the Septuagint, and the Vulgar Latin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Occasiones querit, qui vult recedere ab amico; omni tempore erit exprobrabilis.

119. These Enmies were blowing at the Forge three years well nigh, before the Ingeneers could frame a Bar to lift him off the Hinges of his Dignity; for he was fast locked and bolted into the Royal Favor. He bore up with that Authority, that he could not be checked with Violence; and Occasions grew fast upon his Majesty to use his Sufficiency and Fidelity. For though he was a King of profound Art, yet he was not so fortunate in that Advice which he took, to send his dear Son the Prince with the Lord Marquess into Spain Feb. 17, 1022. So soon as those Travelers had left the King with his little Court at New-Market, the King found himself at more Leisure and Freedom, in the Absence of the Lord Marquess, to study the Calling of a Comfortable and Concordious Parliament, wherein the Subject might reap Justice, and the Crown Honor. And Occasion concluded for it, that since the Prince like a Resolute and Noble Wooer, had trusted himself to the King of Spain 's Faith in the Court of Madrid, whether his Adventure sped or not sped, he must be welcomed Home with a Parliament. The King prepared for the Conception of that Public Meeting, that it might fall to its proper Work without Diversions. He conceived there was no Error more fatal to good Dispatch, than that some Members took up the greatest part of the Time, in speaking to the Redress of petty Grievances, like Spaniels that rett after Larks and Sparrows in the Field, and pass over the best Game. Therefore his Majesty, to loose no time, drew up a Proclamation with his own Pen, Feb. 20, to this end, that certain of the Lord's of the Privy Council, should have Power and special Commission to receive the Complaints of all the good People of this Land, which should be brought before them concerning any Exorbitances, Vexations, Oppressions, and Illegalities, and either by their own Authority, if it would reach to it, to see them corrected, or to give Orders to cut them off by the keenest Edge of the Laws. That Complainants should be encouraged to present their Grievances, as well by the Invitement of the Proclamation, as by the Signification of the Judges to the Country and Grand Juries, in their respective Circuits. The Draught of this, the Features of his Majesty's own Brain, came by Post to pass the Great Seal. Yet for all that Hast, the Lord Keeper took time to scan it, and sent it back with Advice, that the Project would be sweeter, if it were double refined; presuming therefore, that his Majesty would not be unwilling to stop a little at the Bar of good Counsel, he wrote this ensuing Letter to the Court, Feb. 22.

But these Reasons were not overpass'd: Both the Proclamation, and private Orders to the Lord's Commissioners were reformed by the Contents of that weighty Letter; His Majesty greatly inclining to the Lord-Keeper's Readiness and espying Judgment in all Consultations. For as Laertius in Zeno 's Life said of a famous Musician, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : That Ismenias could play well upon all Instruments. So this was another Ismenias, who had the Felicity to make all Deliberations pleasing and tuneable; especially he had that way, above all that I knew, to make sweet Descant upon any plain Song that was pricked before him. It will be to the Profit of the Reader, if I rub his memory with one Passage of the Letter (for it is but one, though it come in twice,) which presseth the King to Sincerity and Reality; to fix his Word like the Center of Justice, that cannot be moved. Righteous Lips are the delight of Kings, Prov. 16.23. And a King of Righteous Lips is most delightful. Since the coercitive part of the Law doth not reach him, upon what Nail shall those Millions that stand before his Throne hang their Hopes, if his Word do not bind him? A People that cannot give Faith to their Sovereign, will never pay him Love. It seems that the ancient Latin Kings did profess to use Crookedness, and Windings of Dissimulation in their Polity; therefore their Scepter was called Lituus, because it bent in toward the upper end. But the Scepter of thy Kingdom (says David of GOD) is a right Scepter. A right one indeed: For Contracts and Promises bind God to Man, much more must they oblige the King to his People. An Author of our own, Dr. Duck, in his very Learned Treatise, De usu Juris Civilis, p. 44. hath well delivered this Morality; Princeps ad contractum tenetur uti privatus; nec potest contractum suum rescindere ex plenitudine potestatis cum maxim in eo requiratur bena sides: Falsehood is Shop-keepers Language, or worse; but 'tis beneath Majesty.

121. A Parliament being not far of, either in the King's Purpose, or in Prospect of Likelihood, the Lord Keeper was provident, that the Worthies of the Law should be well entreated. Their Learning being most comprehensive of Civil Causes and Affairs, they had ever a great Stroke in that Honorable Council. Therefore he wrought with his Majesty, to sign a Writ for the Advancement of some of the Gravest and Greatest Pleaders, who were ripe for Dignity. And a Call of Serjeants was splendidly solemnized, for Number Thirteen, for Quality of the best Reputation, May 6, 1623: Who on that Day made their Appearance before Lord Keeper, sitting in the High Court of Chancery, who congratulated their Adoption unto that Title of Serjeancy with this Oration.

122.

123.

124.

125. All things upon this Festival Day of the new Sergeants were answerable to this Eloquent Speech. Yet every Day looked cloudy; and the People were generally indisposed to Gawdy Solemnities, because the Prince was in a far Country. Others may undertake to write a just History of that Journey into Spain, (and a just History gives Eternity to Knowledge) I fall upon no more, than came under the dispatch of one Person, upon whom I insist. Yet some Passages upon the whole Matter will require their mention; the parts of the Narration needing as it were Sinews and Tendons, without which they cannot grow together. Two Years and little more were run out after the Death of Prince H • nry, so much missed, so much bewailed, when the principal Statesman then in Spain under King Philip the Third, the Duke of Lerma, opened the Motion first to Sir J. Digby, our King's Embassador Resiant in the Court of Madrid, for a Match between our Prince, (who was by this time everywhere renowned for the Diligence he showed to that brave Education which was given him) and the Infanta Maria, the much praised Daughter of his Master, the Mightiest Christian Potentate in Europe. Our King was passing well pleased, when his Servant Digby sent him word of it, and encouraged him to bring it to as much ripeness as he could. The Treatise went on very cheerfully with the great Ones on both sides, who were only, or chiefly concerned in it. But no People meddle more, or more impertinently, with the discourse of great things which are above them, than the paultriest of the English, I mean Shop-keepers, and Handycrafts-men. These had some vain Fears which made them deaf to Reason, and swift to murmur. But the King was too wise to put his Honor, and his greatest Actions under the Hazard of their Interpretation. That some of our Nobles sided with the common Mans Opinion, it weighed as little. For they were such as loved it like their Life to be commended by open Fame, and could not dissemble, that their coldness to the Match was not without a Fever of Popularity. No discreet Person thought that the Success would be the worse, because a few gay Coats forbid the Bands, with the Tryes and Dewces of Sedentary and Loitering Men. Pliny says of Miscellen Pulses, sowed together in Italy in his time, Nihil ocymo faecundius, quod maledictis & probris serendum praecipiunt, ut laetius proveniat, Lib. 19. N.H. C. 7. The Husbandmen had a Superstition to curse it, or to give it all ill words, when it was sown, and thought it would grow the better. With more Reason I may affirm it were Superstition to imagine, that a good Design would the sooner go back, because it was rashly malign'd by them that walked in Paul's, or thronged together in the Markets. There was nothing like a halt in the Treaty of this Marriage between the two Kings, till the Prince Elector, our Kings Son-in-Law, made his Excursion into Bohemia, and left his own Country naked and undefensible behind him, and lost it. Though in fair dealing now the Nuptials should have hastened faster to a Conclusion, than before, because the young Parties were grown up to a mature Age for Marriage: Yet the Spaniard could be brought on to no dispatch, but took respite of time about three Years, to resolve how the Bridal-Joy should be doubled with the Settlement of the Palsgrave in his own Principality. For till that was done, Peace between the two Kingdoms was but in a doubtful, and a catching Condition.

126. The Castilian Court is ever slow; but, to make it worse, it was suspected, as I incline to think, uncharitably, that in this great Business it would not be sure. It is incident when one State offends another, to impute the fault not to that one Error, but to a general and National Vice. So the Spaniards were set out to the Prince in some busy Pamphlets, and other Draughts put into his Hand, for such as the Parthians are described in Justin. Lib. 41. Parthi Naturâ taciti, ad faciendum quam ad dicendum promptiores, sides diclis promissisque nuila, nisi quatenus expedit. Such as were given to suppress and conceal their Counsels: Such as would sooner bite, than bark: Such as would keep no Faith, but when it served their turn. The Prince both discountenanc'd and discarded those, that, in Zeal to his Affairs, presumed to write contumeliously of that Prepotent, Wise and Grave Nation He had cast the Anchor of great Hopes and Joys upon that Shore. Every Tongue gave loud Commendation to the Infanta his Mistress. He loved the report of her Virtues and Beauty; and he that is sick of Love, will be more sick of Procrastination. Thereupon, as he did publicly before the ensuing Parliament take it upon himself, 〈◊〉 Heroic Thought started out of his own Brain, to visit the Court of 〈◊〉 , as well to show what Confidence he had in the Justice and Honor of that King, committing the safety of his Person to him in a strange Land, as to bring his Comforts to a sudden Consummation, if his Catholic Majesty meant seriously 〈◊〉 bellow his Sister upon him. But if he had plaid an ignoble part by count • ing Pro • tions, then resolutely to give King Philip no leisure to abuse him any longer. And set the Discredi • e at his Door, that had done the wrong; for it is more honorable to suffer an injury, than to do it. The Lord Marquess of Buckingham, then a great Gra • o, was put on by the Prince to ask the Kings liking to this Amour • 〈◊〉 • enure: Of whom he obtain'd both his Consent, and his Secresie, 〈…〉 • ere over the Seas. For this was the Pirithous, that went with 〈…〉 his Love. They left New Market on the 17th of 〈…〉 on the 18th; from thence posted to Dover, and were in France before they were missed. But then upon the Bruit of the Prince's sudden departure, so thinly Guarded for so long a Journey, even the Wisest were troubled. The Courtiers, chiefly those that wanted their Master, talked out their Discontents boldly. The Lord's of the Counsel looked dejectedly, that they were pretermitted in a Consultation of so great Importance; but prayed heartily, That since his Majesty was pleased to walk softly that he might not be heard, his chance were not to tread away. Among them all, the Lord Keeper was the only Counselor suspected to be of the Plot. Yet he knew as little as the rest; and satisfied their Lordships, that Ignorance was often a happy thing; as in this instance. For if the Prince had gone out of the Kingdom privily with their Lordships Knowledge and Counsel, and some misfortune (which God avert) should prevent his safe return, their Heads would be forfeited to Justice, and their Names exposed to perpetual Infamy. Indeed this was but the second time that King James had baulk'd his whose Counsel upon a like Occasion: Not out of Confidence that he knew enough without them; but out of tenderness to their safety, that they might not undergo the Anger exacted upon ill Events, if God should cause them. In the Year 1589. he caused some Ships to be Rigg'd, that the Admiral of Scotland might fetch Queen Ann out of Denmark: But when the Fleet was ready, he went Aboard himself, hoisted Sails, and took his leave of no Man. For which sudden Voyage, not imparted to the Lord's that fate close at Edinburgh, he gives this Satisfaction to them in a Letter, (see it in worthy Spotswood, pag. 377.) I took this Resolution, none of 〈…〉 unsel being present, keeping my Intention from my Chancellor himself, from whom I never kept any of my weightiest Business: Because if I had made him of my Counsel in that purpose, he had been blamed for putting the same into my Head; which had not been his Duty. For it becometh no Subject to give his Prince Advice in such Matters. In this Story it appears, that the Father-King trod the way to his Son to undergo such an Audacious Journey in the pursuance of his Love.

Then that he Persisted in his Principles of Secrecy for a generous End, that he might not draw his Chief and Best Servants, whom he loved most, into a Snare of Guiltiness.

127. Let Provision be made to the most that could be for the safety of all others, yet Sir Ant. W. in his Court and Character of K. James, hath one Exception. That the King set this Wheel on Running to destroy Buckingham, for the hatred which he had long bore him, and would not think it ill to loose his Son, so Buckingham might be lost also, Pag. 149. O Horrid! But the best is the Foundation is Rotten: For Buckingham as all Men about the King would Testifie, was in as high Favor at that time, as any Subject was ever with his Sovereign. But when Sir A. to make out the Proof, he lays it upon Sir H. Yelverton, displaced from the Office of Attorney General to the King, and committed to the Tower; 'twas he that assured the Marquess that the King hated him more than any man Living, pag. 159. Sir Harry was Unfortunate, but too honest a Man to sow Discord between the King, and his principal Peer and Attendant. Now mark upon what Bottom the Contriver of this Tale doth wind his Forgery. Sir W. Balfore, at the time of his Lieutenancy of the Tower, brought the Marquess at Midnight to Sir H. Yelverton 's Chamber, being then his close Prisoner: Where Sir William heard those Passages, and a great deal more between them. And by one or other, who came to the knowledge of it, but this Sir Anthony? O Wicked Servant to thy good Master! O fowl Bird that defilest the Nest, wherein th • u wert hatched, and well fledg'd! Thou art catched in thine own Lime; for thou never couldst have Conserence with Sir W. Balfore, or Sir H. Yelverton about such a matter. For Learned Yelverton was never Prisoner to Valiant Balfore, Sir Allen Apsley was Lieutenant all the time of that worthy man's restraint. And Sir W. Balfore was not prefer'd to that Office of great Trust, in more than four years after Sir Harry had obtained his Liberty; when Knaves will turn Fools, it is not amiss to be merry with them. And I will fit Sir Anthony with a Jest out of Illustrius the Pythagorean, p. 23.

So I turn Sir Anthony over to the Committee of Oracles and proceed. After the Princes Out Leap, the King lingered at New-market, till the time was nigh, that every day Tidings were expected of his safe Arrival in Spain, that he might show himself to the Lord's at White-hall with better Confidence, which he did March 30. being the first day that the Lord Keeper spake with the King about his dear Sons Planetary Absence. No sooner had he made most humble sign of his Majesty's Welcome by Kissing his Hand, but the King Laugh'd out this Question to him; Sir says the Lord Keeper, If my Lord Marquess will give Honor to Condé Duke Olivares, and Remember he is the Favorite of Spain: Or if Olivares will show Honorable Civility to my Lord Marquess, Remembering he is a Favorite of England, the Woing may be Prosperous. But if my Lord Marquess should forget where he is, and not stoop to Olivares, or if Olivares, forgetting what Guest he hath Received with the Prince, bear himself haughtily, and like a Castilian Grandee to my Lord Marquess, the Provocation may be Dangerous to Cross your Majesty's good Intentions. And I pray God that either one or both of them do not run into that Error. The King drew a Smile at the Answer, but bit his Lip at the presage Discourse, being Enlarg'd between them, the King perceived that his Counselor had other Fears, and that his Brain teemed with Jealousies of very hard Encounters, which he knocked upon softly, that his Majesty might discern them, and not seem to apprehend them. Only thus far the King proceeded, to ask him, If he had wrote to his Son and to the Lord Marquess clearly, and upon what Guard they should stand. Yes Sir, says he for that purpose I have dispatched some Packets. Then continue, says the King, to help me and themin those difficulties with your best Powers and Abilities, and serve me faithfully in this motion, which, like the highest Orbe, carries all my Raccolta's, my Counsels at the present, and my prospects upon the Future, with it, and I will never part with you. The Cause which made His Majesty so solicitous, made the Lord Keeper need no Provocation to diligence. He was before hand. And upon the 25 of February, by a Currier that was at Madrid almost as soon as the Prince, he wrote two Letters following to his Highness and to the Lord Marquess

130. These, in the Levitical Phrase, were but the Green Ears of the First Fruits. The Sheaves of his Wisdom will follow after. For more is to be looked for how he proceeded, then how he began. All things went well, and unanimously on the part of our English Counselors in those Foreign Juntoes, from hence, and so forth at least to the beginning of May. Thus far 'twas easy to please them all. But there is one skill required in a Calm at Sea, another in a Tempest: Though the Pilots good Will and Fidelity be constantly the same. Trust to him for this, and he shall not fail. After he had parted from the King, so deeply Charm'd to bestir his Wits in this Negotiation, he was as Active as one could be that had little to work upon. The Prince and his Paranymphus the Marquess had wrote some Letters upon the way, how far they had proceeded in their Journey. But the Buen Message, that they were come to the Cape of Good-Hope in the City of Madrid, was not yet brought to the City of London; where the conflux at this time was very populous; their Errand being to hearken after News. And the particulars they longed to hear of were these;

As much Satisfaction was given to these Scruples from the Lord Marquess, by the First Post that Arrived here, as could be expected in so short a time, as he had spent abroad. Of which more in due time. But before his Lordship's came, the Lord Keeper wrote again, and again unto him to Assist the main business, and to pour in such Counsels into his Lordship's Breast, as keeping close unto them, he might promise himself more Grace with the King, and Commendation with the Subject. Philosophers, who wrote the Practices of a Good life, agree, That unfeigned Love doth Justify itself in three Probations, or in either of them; when it is Faithful to a dead Friend, who shall never know it; or to a Friend undone in misery, who cannot requite it, or to an Absent Friend, who doth not perceive it. As none that have Faith and Candor will wish to declare their sincerity in the two former Experiments, so neither will they fail in the opportunity of the latter. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says Antient Thales in Laertius. Remember your Friends as well far of, as near you. And in Rome, says Lil. Giraldus; These two Adverbs were Written under the Image of Friendship, Longe & Prope. Be as Officious (nay more) to your Friend remote from you, as when you are hand in hand together. I have drawn out the Lord Keeper's Observance to his Raiser, my Lord of Buckingham, with this Pensil of Morality. It would be tedious to fill up Leaves with those copious and punctual Relations which he wrote to his Lordship of all Agitations in the Court, of Suits preferred to the King, and how far he went about to stop them all, till his Pleasure was signified in the next Return. That which comes to the Institute I handle, was thus Endicted, bearing Date Marth 31.

131. This went by Sir J. Epsley: After whom, within three days, Sir George Goring followed, who was stayed till April the 3d; the next day after, the joyful Packet came, that his Highness saw Madrid by the 7th of March in our Style, and came thither in Health and good Plight, after so much Travel by Day and Night, so much hard Lodging, such slender Fare in base Village-Osteria's. Away went Sir George, I said, with Alacrity, the next Day, and carried these Lines to my Lord of Buckingham, from the Lord Keeper.

Now was the time, now, when my Lord of Buckingham was in this eminent Employment, that he did most need a Wife, and a trusty Counselor: For an Error in so great a Eusiness, would be worse interpreted than the willful Comission of a Fault in a smaller thing. As Tully says, Lib. 4. de fin. If a Ship be wreckt by Negligence, Majus est peccatum in auro quam in palcâ. Hereof the Lord Keeper was more sensible than any of his Lordship's Creatures; and quite contrary to those that had private Ends to make use of the Lord Marquess at Home, and called importunately for his Return, he alone was bold to give him his sage Opinion, not to stir from his Charge; withal, enheartning him with the Comfort of the King's constant Favor, that it was kept for him against his Return, in as great, or higher measure, as he enjoyed it when he took his Leave. And to Count Gondamar, he gave a Character of his Lordship, which he desired the Count would make known to the greatest Counselors of King Philip, that none did exceed him in Generosity and Sweetness of Nature; that he deserved extraordinary Civilities for his own Worth, and according to the Favor with which his Master tendered him, and that he would pawn his Life upon it, that no Man should go before him in Honorable Acknowledgments for Noble Usage. These good Offices were part of the Lord Keeper's Retribution to his Advancer, which he deposited as fast as he could lay them out: For perfect Thankfulness never leaves bearing, never thinks it hath paid its utmost Debt.

132. Now to follow the Chase: As Counsel and Forecast were very busy at the Loom here, so Tidings from Spain did promise that there was a good Thread spun there. All Expresses related, that the Entertainment was very pompous and Kingly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says Alexander in Plutarch, I have said all, when I said it was done like a King, chiefly, like a King of Spain. But two Negatives were better than this Affirmative. First, That his Highness should not be attempted to recede from the Religion, in which he was grounded. Secondly, That he should not be • ned with unwelcome Prorogations. Nay, That a short time should 〈…〉 the Nuptials. Truly. In defiance to Emulation or Detract • 〈…〉 be granted that the first Stone was well laid. His Highness's Welcome 〈◊〉 full of Cost and Honor, which was Decorum; for no Tree will bear Fruit in Autumn, unless it blossom kindly in the Spring. The Entertainment was complete in all Points of Ceremony, and Ceremony is a great part of Majesty. It will suffice to set down a little that is published herein, and never contradicted. Cabal. P. 14. The King of Spain and the State studied to do the Prince all the Honor that might be. The first Decree that the Council of State made, was, That at all Occasions of Meeting, he should have the Precedency of the King. That he should make Entry into the Palace with that Solemnity, which the Kings of Spain do on the first day of their Coronation. That he should have one of the chief Quarters of the King's House for his Lodgings. One hundred of the Guard to attend him. All the Council to obey him as the King's own Person. And upon all these Particulars, Mr. W. Sanderson is exactly copious in the Reign of King James, P. 545, in laying the Relation with other high Civilities, which were very true. That a general Pardon was proclaimed of all Offences, and all prisoners within the Continent of Spain released; and all English Slaves in the Gallies for Piracy, or other Crimes, set at Liberty; and this manifested to be done in Contemplation of the Prince's Welcome. The Windows of the Streets were glorified with Torches three Nights together by Proclamation Most costly Presents, and of diverse Garnishing, brought to him, were Testimonies of Heroic Hospitality, such as were wont to be bestowed in Homer 's Age, yet far beyond them, and whose like none could give, but he that was Master of the West-Indies Abroad, and of the best Artificers at Home. That which weighed most of all, was, That infinite Debt of Love and Honor, which the King professed to be due unto him, with this long-wing'd Complement, which flew highest, That he had won his Sister with this brave Adventure, and deserved to have her thrown into his Arms. This was the Cork and Quill above, and I know of no Hook beneath the Water. Some imagine it; but, turning over all Dispatches that came to my Hand, I know of none; and that which outgoes my Knowledge, shall never undergo my Censure. To speak out the Truth, where could the Spanish Monarch have done better for his Sister, or for himself; that is, for Love, or Policy? since it was a Business mixed of both. There was not a Deturdigniori among the Sons of Kings in Europe, to whom he could give the Golden Aple. And, in Conjunction with the Prince, the next Planet under him, the Lord Marquess had a Luster of much Grace and Observance darted upon him. At first he was much esteemed, says the Intelligencer, Cabal, P. 16. and remembered with Presents from the bravest of both Sexes. Says another, He was a Person, whose Like was not to be seen among the swarthy and low-growth'd Castilians. For, as Ammianus describes a well-shap'd Emperor, Ab ipso capite usque ad unguium summitates reetâ erat lineamentorum compage. From the Nails of his Fingers, nay, from the Sole of his Foot to the Crown of his Head, there was no Blemish in him. And yet his Carriage, and every Stoop of his Deportment, more than his excellent Form, were the Beauty of his Beauty. Another Sisinnius, as Socrates the Ecclesiastic shows him out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Setting of his Looks, every Motion, every Bending of his Body was admirable. No marvel if such a Gallant drew Affections to him at Home and Abroad, especially at Madrid, which was a Court of Princes. But can that Nation pass over such a Triumph as this Entertainment, without Pumpian Words, and ruffling Grandiloquence? 'tis impossible. Therefore one Andres de Mendoza wrote a Relation of all these Passages, which he dedicated to Don Juan de Castilià, wherein he pities us poor English, that we had seen nothing but Country Wakes, or Popit-Plays, compared with these Rarities, which were the seven Wonders of Bravery. And that King Philip did vouchsafe to make King James happy with his Alliance; as C. Caesar honored Amiclas the Water-man (called Pauper Amyclas, Lucan. Lib. 5.) to be wasted over into Italy in his Bark. Thus he went on with other flatuous Disparagements. One Copy of this, and no more, came to the Leiger Embassador of the Catholic King, of which the Lord Keeper had the Use, and would never deliver it again; but wrote to my Lord Marquess, April 20th, to bid the Earl of Bristow to take care, either to stifle it, if it were not divulged, or to cause it to be called in, if it were published. Such Scriblers should be informed against in the Ragguaglia 's of Pernassus, and amerced to pay for the the Loss of our Time.

133. Aste the gaudy Days of the Royal Welcome were past over, my Lord of Buckingham obliged the Lord Keeper greatly unto him, with a Letter (Dated March 26, and came about the Declining of April ) for the Comfort of the Contents, which were these.

The Pearl, which came in this Letter, is that Satisfaction, purchased of God with the Prayers of all devout Men, that the Prince should not be inveigled in Conferences, or unquieted with Disputes, to strip himself of the Wedding-Garment of that incorrupt Faith in Christ, which he had professed from a Child, for that Wedding sake which he came to conclude. How impudently have some Trash-Writers out-faced this Truth, as if the Prince had been beset on all sides, to make Shipwrack of his Religion in the Gulf of Rome? Ar. Wilson, of all others, is the most forward Accuser, and therefore the Falfest. Taste him in these Parcels, P. 230, that the Earl of Bristow insinuated it with this crafty Essay to his Highness, That none of the King's of England could do great things, that were not of that Religion. Yet he interfears in that same Page, That Gondamar pressed the Earl of Bristow not to hinder so pious a Work, assuring him that they had Buckingham's Assistance in it. Then belike Gondamar was jealous of Bristow, that he was contrary to that, which he called a pious Work, the Prince's Perversion. Certainly he knew Bristow as far as a Friend could know a Friend: And as many Bow-shots wide is he from my Lord of Buckingham 's Sincority in that Action as a Lyar is from Heaven. Is not his Lordship's Hand-writing, so solemn'y mentioned, an uncontrollable Testimony? The same Author slanders Condé d'Olivares, and makes him utter that which never came from him. That if the Prince would devote himself to their Church, it would make him • th way to the Infanta's Afflictions; and if he seared the English would rebel, he should be assisted with an Army to reduce them. The Con • e Duke carried no such threatening Fire in one Hand, nor at that time, any of his Holy Water in the other: For he committed nothing to offend his Highness's Ears in that • ind, till his Passions made him forget himself about three Months after. Not contented with this, he makes the Prince say that which he never thought, as that when the Condé Duke propounded, That if his Highness would not admit of a sudden Alteration, and that publicly, yet he would be so indulgent to litten to the Infanta in Matters of Religion, when they both came into England: Which the Prince promised to do. But what says true hearted Spotswood? P. 544. That the Prince was steadfast, and would not change his Religion for any worldly Respect, nor enter into Conference with any Divines for that purpose. Utri credetis? Is there any Choice which of these two should rather be believed? I am careful to praemonish conscientious Readers against Serpentine Pens, least their nibbling should ranckle. A Serpent, you know, from the beginning was a Lodging for the Devil, Gen. 3. and so is a Slanderer. The Manual of Romish Exorcisms, says Instruct. 2. that it is presumed for a sign, that he is possessed with a Devil, Qui linguam extorquet miris modis, & eandem exerit ingenti oris hiatu. I translate that to the Manners of the Mind, which is meant there of the Body. And let the Living learn (the dead Man, whom I speak of, can take no Warning) it is a devilish thing to loll out the Tongue of Contumely. These being fore Times to out-face the Truth, and willing to listen to Defamations, no marvel if some take the Liberty to Lye, and have the Confidence to be believed. But that Sectaries, that have quite overthrown the Church of England, a right and pleasant Vineyard of Jesus Christ, that these should be the Men, who, for the most part, have challenged the Prince, and the chief Ministers that labored to effect the Spanish Match, for being luke-warm at the best, and unfastned from the Religion then professed, is very audacious. The Accused were Innocent, and never gave ground to any pernicious Alteration; but themselves, the Accusers, have trodden down that Religion, of which, in their deep Hypocrisy, they would seem to be Champions. The Prince and Buckingham were ever Protestants; those their Opposites, you know not what to term them, unless Detestants of the Romish Idolatry. As if all were well, so they be not Popified, though they have departed from the Church in which they were Baptized, and a Church, I will not say as sound as it was in its Cradle in the Apostles Times; but as pure and Orthodox in Doctrine and Government (as far as they were maintained to be of Divine Right and Constitution) as it was in its Childhood, in the time of their Disciples, even that next succeeded them. And are these the Declamers for Religion, and the Temple of the Lord? Ex isto ore Religions verbum excidere, ant clabi potest? as Tully said of Clodius, Orat. pro domo suâ ad Pontif. and so I give them no better Respect at parting.

134. But what will be said, when one that is greatly affected to our poor demolished Church, doth concur with those Snarling Sectaries of his own accord? That in the flagrant expectation of that Match, some for hope of Favor began to Favor the Catholic Cause. It is the Author of the Observations upon H. L. his History of the Reign of King Charles, pag. 137. He hath not bestowed his Name upon his Reader; but he hath a Name;

says
Homer. Odyss. I ought not to put him to the first Question of our Catechism, Quo nomine vocaris? For good Writers, nay Sacred Pen-Men, do not always Inscribe their Names upon their Books Scholars do invariably Father the Work (and some of them say they have it from the Printer) upon one that hath Wrote and Publish'd much, favoring of Industry and Learning. And they give Reasons (which will come into the Sequel, though a great while defer'd) why he blotts the good Name of King James; Why he grates so often upon the mild Nature and matchless Patience of King Charles. And if Fame have taken the right Sow by the Ear, it is one that had provoked the then Bishop of Lincoln in Print with great Acrimony Twenty years ago, and that Anger flames out in him now as hot as ever. Panthera, domari nescia, non semper saeuit. Yet when that Bishop came out of the Tower, and this Adversary sought him for Peace and Love, because the Bishop was then able to do him a Displeasure, he found him easy to be Reconciled. What should move this Man to forget that Pacification so truly observed on the Bishops part, who was the greater, and the offended Party? Naturale est odisse quem laeseris. And Malice is like one of the Tour Things, Prov. 30.15. That never say it is enough. 'It is Degenerous for the Living to Trample upon the Dead; but very Impious, that he that was once a Christian, nay a Christian Priest, should never cease to be an Enemy. The Words with which he wounds the Spanish Match through his side, (though otherwise he is one that witheth it had succeeded) are these: That that Bishop being in Power and Place at C • the time of King James, made himself the Head of the Popish Faction: because he thought the Match with Spain, which was then in Treaty, would bring not only a Connivance to that Religion, but a Toleration of it. And who more like to be in Favor if that Match went on, than such as were most zealous in doing Good Offices to the Catholic Cause? Here's a Knot of Catter-Pillars wrapped in a thin Cobweb, so easy it will be to sweep them of. The accused Person was always free of Conference; Let any now living say that heard him often Discourse of the adverse Church, if he did not constantly open himself, not for a Gainsayer only, but for a Stiff Defier of their Corrupt Doctrines; (although he was ever pitiful for Relaxation of their Penalties) And would that Party cleave unto him for their greatest Encourager? Encouragement was the least their Head could give them: Beside the Thing is a Chimaera. I never knew any Head of the Popish Faction in this Kingdom. Others, and Bishops in Rank above him, have been traduced in that Name; but who durst own that Office? especially in the end of King James his Reign; when every year almost was begirt with a Parliament; and every Parliament procreated an inquisitive Committee for Matters of Religion. What Mist did he walk in, that neither Parliament. nor Committees, did detect him for Head, or Patron, or Undertaker, call it what you will of the Pseudo-Catholic Cause; could nothing but the goggle Eye of Malice discover him?

135. Perhaps the Contemplation of the Spanish Match might embolden him, so this Author would have us think. It could not, it did not, take a little in the highest Topics to both. It could not: For as the Anteceding Parliament was much taken with King James 's Words, That if the Match should not prove a fartherance to our Religion, he were not Worthy to be our King; so this his Majesty's near Counselor knew his meaning, (of which he often discoursed) that when the Holy-Days of the Great Wedding were over, his Majesty would deceive the Jealousies of his Subjects, and be a more vigorous Defender of the Cause of the True Faith than ever. And Judge the Bishop by his own Words, in his Sermon Preach'd at the Funerals of that Good King, that his Majesty charged his Son, though he Married the Person of that Kings Sister, never to Marry her Religion. I said likewise he did not: Look back to the first Letters he dispatched into Spain; but much more, let every Reader enjoy the Feature of his own Piety and Wisdom, which he put into the Kings Hand, to have his liking, while his Majesty's Dear Son was in Spain, to Cure popular Discontents, and sickly Suspicions, which had come forth with Authority in October following, if the long Treaty had not Set in a Cloud. The Original Draught of his Contrivances yet remaining, is thus Verbation.

That when the Marriage was Consummated, and the Royal Bride received in England, His Majesty should Publish his Gracious Declaration as followeth.

First, To assure his Subjects throughout his three Kingdoms, that there is not one word in all the Treaty of the Marriage in prejudice of our own Religion.

Secondly, To Engage himself upon his Kingly Word, to do no more for the Roman-Catholics upon the Marriage, than already he did sometime voluntarily Grant out of Mercy and Goodness, and uncontroulably may do in disposing of his own Mulcts and Penalties.

Thirdly, That our Religion will be much Honoured in the Opinion of the World, that the Catholic King is content to match with us; nor can he Persecute with Fire and Sword such as profess no other Religion, than his Brother-in-Law doth.

Fourthly, That His Majesty shall forthwith advance strict Rules for the Confirmation of our Religion, both in Heart, and in the outward Profession.

1. Common-Prayer to be duly performed in all Churches and Chapels Wednesdays and Fridays, and two of every Family required to be present.

2. Every Saturday, after Common-Prayer, Catechising of Children to be constantly observed.

3. Confirmation (called Bishopping) to be carefully executed by the Bishop, both in the General Visitations of his Diocese, and every Six months in his own House, or Palace.

4. That Private Prayers shall no Day be omitted in the Family of him that is of the Degree of an Esquire; else not to be so named, or reputed.

5. All Ladies; and all Women in general, to be Exhorted to bestow two hours at the least every Day in Prayer and Devotion.

6. All our Churches to be Repaired, and outwardly well Adorned, and comely Plate to be bought for the Communion-Table.

7. Dispensations for Pluralities of Livings to be granted to none, upon any Qualification, but Doctors, and Batchelors in Divinity at the least, and of them to such as are very Learned Men.

8. Bishops to encourage Public Lectures in Market-Towns, of such Neighbouring Ministers as be Learned and Conformable.

9. A Library of Divinity-Books to be Erected in every Shire-Town, for the help of the poorer Ministers; and Leave shall be Granted from His Majesty to make public Collections from such as are willing to set forward the same: Towards everyone whereof, His Majesty will bestow Ten Pounds.

10. The Lord-Keeper to be required to provide for every Convert Priest, of good Parts, and honest Life, that shall Renounce the Romish Church, and Embrace our Religion, a Benefice of the first that shall fall in His Majesty's Gift. And every Bishop, upon his coming to his See, shall lay aside two Benefices for that use, to be Nominated by the Metropolitan of the Province, or whom else His Majesty shall trust therewith.

Now 'tis an even Lay, whether the Observator will call him The Head of a Popish, or a Puritan Faction, for providing such Bride-Laces for the Marriage. He may call him what he will, (for his Tongue is his own) unless his Conscience be subject to the Law of Charity. But these were the Directions provided for their honest Satisfaction, who perhaps would be troubled to see some Connivance granted to Recusants, and could not spy into the necessity of State-Practice, while the Prince was in the Power of the most rigid Adherents to the Papacy. As for a Toleration, it will be shewn by me in its due Place, it never had an hour's Approbation with the King, with this Prelate, so much struck at by the Anonymous, or by any of the grave Council. Seditious Male-contents spread open such a Jealousy at first, and this Author brings it to Light again; not that he believes it, I presume, but to dishonor him whom he hath Persecuted, both Living and Dead, with a most unsanctified Disaffection. Or if he believed it, bitterness of Mind put his Judgment out of Taste: And as Nazianzen says, De Laud. Athan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : He that is not ready to do Ill, will not be ready to suspect Ill. Perhaps I might have spared the labor of this Apology; for if the Accuser be no more believed than he is beloved, his Pen will do no hurt. Yet he hath wrote Things worthy of Praise; but is not the World wide enough for one man's Praise, unless he mount himself upon the Dispraise of a man, that incomparably surpassed him? Of such a strange mixture was C. Gracchus, a knowing man, industrious, well meaning to his Country, as this is to our Church; but withal, Proud, Rough, and Turbulent. Ut dolerent boni omnes illa tanta ornamenta ad meliorem mentem voluntatemque non esse conversa: Says Cicero de Arusp. Respon.

136. This Quarrel hath not put me out of my way; my Lord of Buckingham 's Letter is still in my Hand. His Lordship gave the Lord-Keeper further Joy in the close of his News, That the Dispensation from Rome was suddenly expected at Madrid, which would be the conclusion of the Business. A Dispensation came indeed, yet not very fast, but before April ended, for the Copy of it was exhibited to King James in the beginning of May. The Discourtesie was, That when it put forth a Hand out for the Womb, it drew it back again, like Zarah, Gen. 38.29. For the Dispensation would not suffice to conclude the Consent of the Conclave to the Nuptials, till upon submission to Articles interchangeable between both Parties, a Ratification followed from the same Power. This Ratification, a frivolous Interloper to cross a Lover's Suit, that went roundly on before, though it came limping to Madrid at the end of June, it was by Accident the Extermination of the Match. Delay is a fretful thing in all Courts, especially in Cupid 's. And two months Vacation to them, that thought two days too long, and looked homeward with many a long look, found them nothing to do, but to take Exceptions and Brabble. Morae dispendia tantae: Aen. 1.3. This is it which our King, full of Stomach, called the Spaniards dull Diligence, first to depend upon Dispensations, then upon returns of Queries and Objections. And the more the Papalins frequented the Vatican Oracle, to steer by that alone, the further His Majesty recoiled from them; professing, He would hearken to his Brother the King of Spain, if he did balance his Offers with as good from thence; but He would do nothing upon dependence of the Pope's Authority, or Advice: Of whose Overtures and Postils, as he calls them, he was bid to beware by one of the Pope's Creatures. It was the Spaniards Error, of which they repented, That no impending Danger to overthrow the whole Body of the Transaction, would quicken their motion. It is a Policy that grows to their State, as the Bark to the Tree, That they will ever dress their Counsels at a slow Fire: For they are always gaping after those Benefits, which Alterations may produce to their Advantage. Therefore the English and they were not well matched in this business. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; says Plut. lib. cont. Stoic. Adrastus was got upon a speedy Horse, but was never the better, because he must keep pace with a Tortoise. And as a hungry Stomach grumbles, that the shadow of the Sun creeps slowly to the Meridian Line of high Noon: Odi illud tardigradum animal horologium. So the Lord Marquess chid sometimes with the great Dons, that he could pluck on the Treaty no faster, and plied Opportunity while it was green, suspecting wisely that else it would never be ripe. Therefore the Lord-Keeper wrote on the 20th of April, both in the King's, and in his own Name, thus unto him.

It is observable, that many times the comfort of Assurance is strangely suppressed in our Heart towards a matter which we greatly desire, when God hath ordained not to bring it to pass. Some such Instinct, that came from above, possessed the Lord-Keeper's mind, that in all his Employments for this match, wherein he was most hearty and serious, he never raised his Style higher when he wrote, than with Ifs, and suppositive Unconfidence. The Lord Marquess was of a more sanguine and better coloured Hope, as in that which is related before out of his Letters, March 26. So in another to the Lord-Keeper from Madrid, Styl. Angl. April 17.

If one should say to this, That young Heads hope for the best upon all Expectations, because Experience hath not taught them to Distrust. I take it up, and Answer, That there was nothing then in appearance to be distrusted; no, not the Remora of the Pontifical Dispensation, when it should come, with all its Trinkets about it. The Prince had excellently prevented it: For, as it was Reported before the Lord's and Commons in our ensuing Parliament, 1624. his Highness did utterly refuse to Treat with the King of Spain, or his Council, until he was assured he might go on with the Marriage, if he satisfied them, to his Power and Conscience, in all Particulars to be Debated, without respect to any orders that should come from Rome. This was granted to his Highness, before he would sit in Consultation, which caused the Lord Marquess unto that time to bear up with cheerfulness.

137. The month of May coming in with its Verdue, his Lordship had a Garland sent him, the most eminent Title of a Duke; to show, (says the Lord-Keeper, in his Dispatch May 2. That His Majesty is most constant, and in some degrees more enslamed in his Affections to your Grace, than formerly, and (which is better than all) unaffectedly, to remunerate your Diligence in the great Negotiation; and that being the Princes right hand by the Trust you are in, your Honor might be no less than the Condé Duke Olivares the Great Privado of King Philip. It may be ('tis so small a Circumstance, that I have not searched about it) that the Patent came with the Ships, that carried the Prince's Servants into Spain to attend his Highness, who went with the King's Order, and their own great Desire, a most specious Train of them, to visit their dear Master, and to serve him in all Offices of his Family. Among these two were his Highness's Chaplains, who were sent over to Officiate to him and his Court in the Worship of God. These were Dr. Maw, and Dr. Wrenn, both of prime Note for Learning and Discretion; very Learned to defend their own Religion; and very Discreet to give no willful Offence to the opposite part in a Foreign Dominion. The Spanish liked not their company; yet they took it not so ill, (for they could not but expect them) as that there was not one Romish Catholic declared for such a one, among all his Highness's Attendants, Cabal, p. 15. Tully states the Proverb in the Feminine Sex, Lib. 5. ad Att. Ep. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : As you would say, Such as Diana herself, such are her Nymphs about her. But it is better paralleled in King David 's Person, He that walketh with a perfect heart, he shall serve me, Psal. 101.6. These were the Chorus of the Scene, that sung in Tune with the chief Actor, and seconded his Part with their Symplasma, (as it is called by ancient Musicians ) in their adherence to sincere Religion: Yet some of these brought Instructions with them to the Duke of Buckingham from his secret Intelligencers, which not only disturbed all posterior Treaties, but made the Prince return for England with the Willow Wreath: Because the King, and they that were faithful to his meaning, knew not of it till July next after; let it squat till then, and it that order be started up. In this place it sufficeth to glance at it, that the Duke was cunningly dealt with, and underhand, by some whom he had lest behind, to be as it were the Life-Guard of his Safety, who were to send him notice of common Talk, or secret Whispers that might concern him. These persuaded him to set the Match back by degrees, and in the end to overturn it. That this was the desire of most Voices in England. And his Grace must look to stand by the love of the People, as well as of the King. Or if he could not prevail in that, let him be sure to join the Restitution of the Palatinate, with the Marriage in the Capitulations; or the Unsatisfaction, which all would take, that pitied the King's Daughter and her Children, would undo him. Upon these, and their subtle Arts, Sir W. Ashton Reflects in this Passage, Cabal. p. 32. I believe that your Grace hath represented to you many Reasons, showing how much it concerns you to break the Match, with all the force you have. This was the Junto at London that had done his Grace this Office, and had guilded their Councils over with flourishing Reasons, That these would procure him a stable continuance in Power and Sublimity with everlasting Applause. Well, everything that is sweet, is not wholesome. Cael. Rhodoginus says, lib. 23. c. 25. That at Trevisond in Pontus, the Honey that Bees make in Box-Trees breeds Madness, if it be eaten. So I mean, that the Urgencies of those Undertakes, who pretended so far to the Duke's Prosperity, were no better than Rhodoginus his Box-Tree Honey-Combs. Yet after they had given the Qu, now began the Duke to irritate the Spaniard, to shut out, or to slight the Earl of Bristow in all Councils, to pour Vinegar into every Point of Debate; to fling away abruptly, and to threaten the Prince's Departure. These boisterous Moods were not the way to succor the Prince's Cause: for Favor cannot be forced from great Spirits by offering Indignities. And the Temper of the Business in hand was utterly mistaken. For they were not met at a Diet to make Articles of Peace and War; but to Woo a fair Lady, whose Consent is to be sought with no Language, but that which runs sweet upon the Tongue. As Q. Cicero wrote to his Brother de Peti. Consul. Opus est magnopere Blanditiâ. Quae etiamsi vitiosa, & turpis sit in caeterâ vitá, tam in Petitione est necessaria. All Suitors are tied to be fair spoken, but chiefly Lovers.

138. No doubt but at this time, in the Prime of May, the Duke, with such such others as the Prince did take into his Council, sat close, to consider upon the Overtures that came with the Dispensation: For all thought that was the Furnace to make or to mar the Wedding-Ring, and it asked Skill and Diligence to cast it well. It is a Gibe which an Heathen puts upon an Amorose, that wastes his whole time in Dalliance upon his Mistress, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that Love is an idle Man's Business. But there was Business enough, beside Courtship and Visits, which came thick, to keep this Love from being idle. The Dispatches that were sent from Spain to employ those, that were in Commission here to direct the great Negotiation, were many. First, The Dispensation came to the King from the Prince his Son, May 2. But it came to scanning a good while after, as will appear by this Letter of the Lord Keepers to the Duke, dated May 9.

The Lord Keeper in this Letter missed the true Cause, why his Majesty did not yet impart a sight of the Dispensation to any of his Counselors. The reason was, because it came to him in a private Packet. And he expected it to be delivered to him, as it ought, by Public Ministers, the Ambassadors of the King of Spain, who kept it dormant about a Fortnight in their Hands, whether it proceeded from their Native Gravida, to retain that long in their Stomach, which needed no Concoction; or to listen what the many-headed Multitude would say in London; or out of some other State-juggling. As I have laid forth in this, what was mistaken by the L. Keeper, out of his own Memorials preserved: So in another Line he hazarded his Love to be ill taken, representing to the Duke the Truth, That the King did somewhat disgust his appropriating the whole Service to himself, that is, repulsing the Earl of Bristol, or restreining him to silence, where their Counsels were held I know not, whether the Duke did so soon regret at this; for it is the first time; and 'tis well plaster'd over with mild Counsel. So Statuaries, says Plutarch, do not only hew, and peck the Alabaster upon which they work, but smooth it likewise, which is the neatest part of their Cunning. By another Letter from the same Hand, dated near to the former, May 11. I perceive that the Duke, our Lord Admiral, demanded the Navy Royal to be made ready, and to be sent to the Coast of Spain to conduct the Prince and his Followers Home. Which the King gave order to be done. But the Lord Keeper wrote to his Grace, if it were not with the soonest, the main Matter not grown yet to any color of ripeness: That the Charge would be very heavy to the Exchequer: Such a Fleet must be costly to be set forth, but far more costly to be kept long abroad. As for Cost, it was the least thing that was thought upon: It was no time for Frugality. The Stratagem was to have the Navy lie ready at Anchor, in some safe distance from the Spanish Havens; That if the Prince could recover no Satisfaction to reasonable Demands from stiff Olivarez▪ and other Grandees: Or if they persisted to burden the Match with insupportable Conditions, his Highness after a short Complement might take his leave, and have all things prepared at a Days warning, if the Wind served, for his Reduction into England. With this Fleet some precious Ware, never seen, no nor heard of in Spain before, at least among the Laics, was transported thither; the Liturgy of our Church, translated into the Spanish Tongue, and fairly printed, by the Procurement and Cost of the Lord Keeper. The Translator was John Taxeda, the Author of the Treatise called Hispanus Conversus, a good Scholar, once a Dominican, whom his Patron that set him on work secured to our Church with a Benefice, and good Prebend. He studied this Translation Day and Night till it was ended. He that writes this was often at his Elbow to communicate with him, when he put Questions how to proceed. But the Lord Keeper himself, with other Overseers, that had perfectly learned the Castilian Language, perus'd it faithfully, and, if there were not aptness in any phrase, corrected it. With his Majesty's Privity, and great Approbation, two Copies of it were carried, Religious Tokens, the one to his Highness, the other to my Lord Duke, as the best and most undeniable Certificate that a particular Church can show, to vindicate the right Profession of their Faith from all Scandals, and to declare their Piety in all Christ's Ordinances squared, and practice'd by a public Rule after the Beauty of Holiness. A Book of Common-Prayer (which all call a Liturgy) is suitable to the Form of good Churches in all Ages; reduceth us to good Notions from wandering Extravagancies; preserves Harmonious Conformity between all the Daughter-Churches, that are called from one Mother in one Realm, or State: It is our Witness to assoil us, when we are spitefully charged with Errors; so Chamieras, Gerardus, Cameron, Spanhemius, Amyraut, and divers more the best of Modern Writers in defense of the Reformed way, draw their second Rank of Arguments, next to the Sacred Scriptures, out of their Liturgies to justify their Tenants. Finally, with this Office of Divine Worship, he that celebrates God's Service, is ready at all times to offer up to God the Sacrifice of Prayer, when some perhaps at sometimes are affected with Languor of Health, and then not so sit to speak suddenly to God in the behalf of the People; and when the most have Infirmity of Judgment, and are unsit at all times. Beshrew the Tettar of Pride that runs over many Wits, and makes them care for nothing that's made ready to their Hand; and puts them in love with nothing but their own Conceptions. What have we lost? Nay, What hath God lost in the Honor due unto him? How is his Truth? How is his Name? How is his Glory dis-reverenced over all this Land, since our Liturgy hath been Mortgag'd to the Directory?

139. It would be remembered, that this comes in upon the mention of the Fleet, called for and hastened to weigh Anchor at Chattam, and to ride near to St. Anderos, to bring the Prince for England, if there were a rupture in the Treaty. But if they should suddenly strike Hands, and make a Bargain, my Lord Duke had his Thoughts upon a Question, which if it should be asked, he would not be surprised as if he were ignorant what to answer, that is, What Dowry should be granted to the Princely Bride? Therefore he consulted the Lord Keeper, and required Satisfaction to be brought by a Courier, that must not spare Horse-Flesh; who was hied away as fast as he could be with this Answer.

By the same Messenger, at the same time, another Dispatch was posted to the Prince, in answer to his Highness, who had signified his Pleasure was, That the Recusants should be gratified for his sake warily, and not by broad Day-light, to show that he was sensible of those Hospital Civilities, which he then received from some Cards of their Suit. Whereupon the Lord Keeper writes;

These are the Negotiations which the Lord Keeper for his Share, at this Season, brooded under the Wings of Fidelity and Prudence. How well let the Wise and Unbiassed be Judges: Such will not be Cajol'd into a wrong Belief by Corruptors of History, as Heraclides served his Scholars: Quos duplo reddidu sluitiores quam acceperat: ubi nihil poterant discere nisi Ignorantiam. Cicer. Orat. pro Flacco.

140. It is enough declared how the great Matters about the Match went here. The Dispensation of Pope Gregory the XV. turned them round in Spain, till they were giddy with the Motion. It was expected it should come in the common Church Style, an absolute and Canonical Dispensation, and no more; only for her Sake that was in Submission to his Laws: But it was Compounded with so many Reservations, and ill-visag'd Provisoes, that it swelled like a Tympany. The Pope knew with home he had to deal: For there are none in the Earth more Superstitious to do him Honor then the King of Spain and his People. That King would make the Pope too big for a Priest, that the Pope might make him too great for a King. Nor is there any other intent, to make that Patriarch of the West the sole capacious Fountain, from which all Pipes of Grace and Indulgence Ecclesiastical should be filled, and run abroad, but principally to Water his own Garden. What between the Nuncio Resiant at Madrid, who was Commanded to stop all Proceedings, till safety were granted; nay, and put in Execution, both for English and Irish Catholics as much as they asked: What with the Charge given to the Inquisitor General, to use all possible diligence to draw the Prince to his Holiness's Obedience; What with Olivarez 's frowardness, of whom the Duke could not obtain to put a Postscript in his Letter to the Pope, that to add these new and un-relish'd Conditions, with which the Dispensation was Clogg'd, would be interpreted the worst of Unkindness; what with all these together, his Highness might say, Fat Bulls of Basan have compassed me in on every side. A little Honey, (God wot, a little) was allowed to to the Lip of the Cup, if he would Taste of that Potion; that was, that from thenceforth his Highness might have access to his Dearly Affected Mistress; not as formerly, a bare Visitant, but now as a Lover; so some of their chief States were in presence to hear all their Conference, a Rule which they say is never Infring'd in the grave way of the Castilian Wooing. The old Man Gregory the XV. gave light himself to his Friends and Servants in Spain, what they should do by the Flame of his own Zeal. For he sent a Letter to the Prince, Signed with the Signet-Ring of St. Peter, to exhort his Highness with many words, to reduce himself, and the Kingdoms of which he was the Heir, to the Subjection of the Roman See. Hereupon, some of our Hot-Heads in England made it a Quarrel and a Calumny, that the Prince sent an Answer of Civility to the Popes Epistle. Civility, though it is a thing unknown among the Plebeians and Clowns, is a Virtue among Gentlemen; And will they make a Virtue Criminal? But where lies the Offence? Perhaps that his Highness shown no disrelish in his Answer to the PopesMotion; Neither did he show Encouragement, so far the Terms are even. Fair Language in that Case would cost the Prince nothing, it would save him much: For the more Hurt the Pope could do, the less he was to be displeased with Provocation. To go further, He that will Censure an Action, must not Judge upon it Naked, but with all its Copartments. Many Things that were well done, if you will peel away the Bark of their Circumstances, will seem Reproachfull. The Behaviours of Abraham and Isaac, Gen. 20.26. in the Courts of the Kings of the Philistines, with the excuse of Fear are fall of Prudence; without that Plea they are full of Frailty. No Deed was ever rigidly expended, into which a Man was thrust by Necessity, unless it wanted a Wise Historian to scan it. The Phocensians, when their Chief Men were in no better Condition in Asia, then if they had been Hostages, did appear for the Persian Monarch, when he led an Army to Invade Greece; but says Herodotus 〈…〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they did Medize, or Temporize with the Persians, not with a good will, but out of a Compulsion. And Tully, with me, one of the Wisest of the Heathen. Orat pro Quintio. Omnes qu • rum in alterius manu vita • sica est, saepiùs cogitant, quid possit is, cujus in potestate ac ditione sum, quàm quid debont sacere. He that is fallen into the Power of others, and is demanded, not a wicked thing, which must not be yielded, but an inconvenient, considers not what is absolutely expedient, but what is expedient in that Case. And a sharp witted Christian, it is Grotius writes upon that Passage, Deut. 22.25. If a Man sinned a Betrothed Damosel in the Field, and the Man force her, and lie with her, then the Man only that lay with her shall Die, but unto the Damosel that shalt do nothing; Thus he says, Docet hoc exemplo Lex parcendam iis, qui vi ad cli aliquid peceaverint. He means, they are not to be perished who are compelled to suffer a Sin, and are forced into it. Therefore, if the Prince, (being at Madrid, not at London ) wrote things honest to the Pope, but as Meekly and Pleasingly as Paul spake before Festus and Agrippa, when he was in Bonds, Who can accuse him? For by Law of Nature, no Man must deliver himself up to a danger, which he can innocently avoid: The harmless • Dove is not bound to forget the Wisdom of the Serpent. But the strongest hold, which his Highness's Justification will maintain forever against all Assaults, is, That the whole Contents of his Letter were unblameable, and yet very unpleasing to the High Priest, to whom he wrote. Take the express Words, and only Controverted.

A Synod, or an Assembly of Divines, Togati vel Palliati, could not have handled the Pope with greater Wit and Dexterity. Who is pinched to the quick in the Letter, and yet could not justly complain of Uncivility, or Exasperation. The Prince promiseth to follow the Footsteps of his Father; as Spartianus said of Geta, Son to Emperor Severus, Paternarum sententiarum memor, he could not dress himself better than by his Fathers Glass. And how doth he promise to follow him in that which he had begun? To accord the Variances of all Christian Churches, that their Peace might be bounded in true Concord: Which is as much as to bring the Pope to be Sub-Canonical; to Conform him to the Decrees of a free Council, called by Christian Monarchs. This was the Helena for which King James contended; And this was the Europia, or new sound Paradise, in the Phansie of Arch-Bishop Split, as is handled before, for which Revenge was taken by Fire upon his Dead Carkass. I believe this Letter fretted his Crazy Holiness, and did his Hectick no good, of which he died not long after. I am sure, after his Nuncio had gotten a Copy of it, he could never endure the Prince more. From hence the Embraces of Truth may see, how staringly false, and daringly impudent that Report is, That the Prince had not come out of Spain, but that he lest his Faith, as well as his Proxy behind him; and got thence with the very same Trick that Sir Francis Mitchel said he got out of the Inquisition at Rome; which is a Weldenism, p. 162. a familiar Trope in the Rhetoric of the blatant Beast.

141. Proceeding now to the Proceedings of June, There were many suspicions here, how the Capitulations went ill in Spain, because Letters Arrived not till after Five Weeks silence, as the Lord Keeper observes the exact time in the next he Wrote. The most furmised things were at a standing Water, and did neither Ebb, nor How; whereas indeed they were come to the High-Water Mark, but the Wind and Tide went as contrary as could be imagined.—Carina, Vim geminam sentit, paret{que} incerta d • obus. Nothing was dispatched; for every Oar-man struck unevenly to the rest, that sat in the Transomes of the Galley. All the Agents were Ruin'd together; for they complained both of the Resisting Council, and of the assisting Council by their own part. How far they are to be believed in Angry Reports they made of each other, and very unfriendly Relations, I cannot decide. Therefore I pre-monish, Though I am not in a Labyrinth, yet it is not such a • n way, that all way-faring M • n, though no F • ols, shall not err in it, Isa. 35.8. The Humors which bred the Distemper, were the Popes Dispensation; Con. Olivarez Insolent and Inconstant struggling: The Duke of Buckingham disliking all things, and dislik'd of all: The Earl of Bristow favor'd too much by K. Philip's Servants, and too little by the Servants of his own Master: Finally our English and Irish Papists, who filled the Courts of Rome and Spain with Narratives of their grievous Persecutions (which they did only fear) and Petitions to conditionate the Match with their mitigation. These were the main Sticklers to do a real mischief, only to satisfy a Fantastical Jealousy. The Tears of their Lamentation dropt upon the Popes tender heart, so that, to comply with them, many a bitter Kernel was in the Core of the dispensation. And I have Reason to suspect they were some Grains the worse, that the French, employed at Rome at that time, did the worst Offices they could, as the Lord Herbert, our Kings Embassador in France wrote hither, Cabal. pag. 301.

Many Rattle-Heads, as well as they, did bestir them to gain-stand this Match. But as Pliny said in his Age, Nat. Hist. l. 29. So may I in our time, Ingenicrum Italiae slata impellimur, the Italian Wits are they, that will take it in scorn, if they bear not all before them. For Example in this Dispensation, How acute they thought themselves in their Policy? and how Imperious, I am sure, they were in their Arrogancy? It came to the Nuncio Residing at Madrid in April, who was commanded to observe this Form in the Delivery; That it should not be Open'd and Communicated, before the King of Spain did take an Oath to be a Surely; That the King of England should really perform all things required therein; or if he failed in such performance, or in any of them, then the King of Spain with all his might and Power to take Arms against him, What? Though the Italians are so Witty for their own part, do they suppose all people beside are fallen into a strong Delirium? Had they cast our Water so ill, to think us so Weak, that before one Article was Publish'd or known, we would be beholding to Sureties to undertake for us? Or that we would submit to all with indefinite and undiscoursed Obedience? It happened fortunately, that the Lord Keeper had dealt before with Mr. George Gage, a full Romanist in Religion, but a Faithful Subject to his King, to be diligent in the Court of Rome, and to spare no Cost upon his Purse, to get a Copy of the Articles, as soon as the Dispensation was Bulled, and to send them under hand by the greatest speed to the Prince. In which Mr. Gage did not fail. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Golden Key will open the strongest Lock in the Gates of Hell. By this Providence his Highness knew what it was the Nuncio held so close in his Fist, as soon as himself. Yet took no Notice, as if he had seen particulars; but as if at adventure bad him suspend the Delivery of the Powers, as long as he would, for he knew that his Father would fly from that Offer, That the King of Spain should Engage for him, because his Majesty's Conscience, and his Writings (divulged as far as Learning reached) would not permit him to Subject himself to the Popes Propositions, which he had no Authority to obtrude upon Free Princes, no nor upon any Man • ut of the Verge of his Suburbicary Jurisdiction. So much G • ndamar could have told them, one that fate in the Spanish Junto, out of the Lord Keepers Letter (for it is his, though his Name is omitted Cab. p, 236.) in these Remarkable Words. It troubled the Nuncio that the Peremptory Clause, which the Dispensation brought with it, was thus slighted; and it would keep stale no longer, business was in such Haste. Therefore they come to those, who were our Princes employed Counselors, to require of them to give their best help to roll away this Stone, which was the main Obstruction. On our Part therefore we asked two Questions; First, Whether King Philip could take such an Oath for another King? Guardians may take Oaths in the behalf of Minors, whom they Govern'd; for it was in their Power, and it lay upon their Charge, to perform that which they swore for Minors, till they came to Age. We had heard of some, who were wont in some places, that procured the Causes of their Clients in Civil Courts, to take an Oath in Animam Domini sui, vel in Animam constituentis; but such as Weighed Religion more by Conscience, then by Custom, detested it. For who can Swear before God to oblige the Soul of another? Since an Oath must be taken in Judgment, as well as in Truth; Jerem. 4.2. The Spaniards were be-gruntled with these Scruples. And their Recourse was to a Convention of their soundest Divines, to deliver their sentence upon it; who walked as slowly and gingerly, as if they had been founder'd. They tossed over Books; they search into the Code, the Casuists, and Canonists; Read tedious Lectures, and cast up a Trench of a hundred Scruples to Besiege this little Question. The Prince, whose Humanity and Wisely-Govern'd Temper was admired of all, took the wast of time, that these Divines made, in great Offence. Now was the first time that he spake that unkind Word to Olivares, That he was Wrong'd, and wished himself in his own Court again. Olivares Chased as fast; that their Fatherhoods, with their Mountains of Learning, sat so long to bring forth a Mouse, and blamed himself (as it was reported in our Parl. Anno 1624.) That the Devil put it into his mind to call that Assembly. For all this the Divines would be known in their Place, and would not break up their meeting, till they had Resolv'd after twenty days, what they determined to Conclude from the first hour, That King Philip might take the Oath; wherein yet we gained thus much on our part, that a Point, which was Resolved by the Pope and his Conclave, subscribed by them all, Committed to the Nuncio to be Advanced with St. Peters Authority; might be disputed twenty days by a Chapter of private Divines. Let them sit twenty days more to satisfy us, whether it were good Theology, or good manners, to serve him so, whose decisions, they say, are inerrable. When the Grave Doctors of Salamanca had acquitted themselves so learnedly, his Highness's Ministers moved another Question, Whether King Philip would take the Oath as Procurator for our King, who nor required it, nor was privy to anything that was stuff'd into the Procuration. To which a present Answer was given, and no bad one; it could not be Resolved, before the Spanish Counsel saw, how far our Prince and his Counsel would yield in points of Religion. And how can we tell you that, said they of our part, before you bring forth the whole Plump of your Articles? No Fence could thrust by this Question, but that it would stick fast in the Cause. So we gained again, that King Philip was restrained from making Faith for King James. And although the Froathy Formality of promulging the Dispensation was kept back, yet the Articles came into Play, that the Commissioners on both sides might fall to a Session.

142. But from Strife of Tongues, from Fundamental Contradictions, from Clashings every day, what Fruit could be looked for? Do Men gather Grapes of Thorns? If you will believe the Parties, what this Lord objected against that Lord, there was none that did Good, no, not one. If you will believe their respective Defences to those Objections, there was none that did amiss. I cannot take up all the Blots they made with my Pen, lest I make them bigger. None of those Peers hath Justified himself so well in his Letters, Apologies and Reports, but that strong Inferences may be drawn from some Parts, to disprove the rest. What was spoken at the Conference of the Junto was within the Veil, and under Covert; but what is published out of it, is most uncertain. For the Lord Keeper, after he had consulted with the Prince, and searched all Papers to pass his Judgment what Countenance the Business should put on, when the Parliament looked upon it; but ten days before, Feb. 2. 1623, He writes thus to the Duke, Cabal, P. 90. That all the Reckoning must not be cast up before the Parliament, for fear they should fall to particular Dispatches, wherein they cannot but find many Contradictions. After whom, I glean up this Handful, He that writes upon this Subject, what is reserved in the Memorials of those Days, writes after the Canon of Integrity; but when he is monished that there are Contradictions in those Memorials, he can never be secure, that he hath compiled an uncorrupt History. Upon this Staff he may rest, That when the Chief Counselors fell out among themselves, like the Midianites, every Man's Hand against his Brother; as worthy Actors as I count them to be, yet everyone was out in his Part. Nay, He that will adjust the Course of any one in this high Transaction in all things, will burn Truth in the Hand, and spare the Guilty. He that aspired to be Dioscorus, the most preeminent in the Company, let him be first considered. That is, Condé Olivarez, the Abner in the Service of his Master Ishbosheth, whose Humor would brook to be crossed by no Man; ingrained in Nature to be Aristotle's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a great Opiniator, a costive Counselor, that would hold the Ground where he stood, and move for no Perswasion. By the fortunate Gale of Court-Favor, he had lived in continual Custom to carry all before him, without being stopped. As Vellei • s says of M. Agrippa, Parendi sed uni, scientissimus, aliis sane imperandi cupidus; so he was very servile to please King Philip, and looked that all beside should be as servile to please him. Such a Spirit is intolerable in Counsel, and not to be coapt with, that thinks it an indignity, unless he speak for all, and Vote for all. Such a States-man is like to bring nothing to a good End, but himself to an ill one. Our Princes Reports may be held of all other to be most Authentical; from whom take it thus. His Highness representing the Treatise of Spain to the Lord's of the Privy-Council at St. James 's Octob. 30. 1623. Begins, that the first man that did give him great Profession of welcome into Spain was this Olivares, and in the interview in the Garden assured him, that all business should be dispatched as fast as his Highness wished: That the Temporal Articles should straightway be Concluded; and the Spiritual Articles about Religion should cause no delays, but be remitted to the Wisdom of the King his Father, and his Gracious Promises. But, says his Highness, The longer I staid, the less I found him my Friend, and the oftener I spoke with him, the less he kept his Word. But our Duke of Buckingham, after a little acquaintance, found the Condé Duke a great deal worse to him. They came in no place but with shows of disdain at one another's Persons; and like two great Caraques in a foul Sea, they never met in Counsel, but they stemmed one another. In every Proposal, if one said so, the other said no; if one liked it, the other slighted it. Could it be expected that the Counsels of the whole Table should not be at a Fault, when the two Presidents appeared in Hostility of Opinions? When the Malady of disaffection lay not hid in the Veins, but broke out in the Body? When they never brought their Offers within compass of Probability? One Observes for their parts that run Races, Alex. lib. 2. c. 21. Quanto minor in corpore splen foret, tanto perniciores homines esse. He that hath the least Spleen will make the best Footman. So in all Negotiations, he that is most Calm will dispatch most work; but put Wise-Heads together, yet where there is much Spleen, there will be little done. There was no likelihood but the Northern and Southern Favorites, as the Lord Keeper foretold, would look proudly one upon another, when they met in the same Cock-Pit. Courtesie was quite out of fashion with them, that he that received it might not seem the greater; Emulation was all in Fashion, to dim each others Light by casting Shadows of Opposition. Only these Animosities between two high Spirits, so ill Match'd were the Seed of the Quarrel; which I press against a vulgar, and a scandalous Error, made Table Talk in all England, that our Duke had Attempted the Chastity of the Condessa Olivares, and was Cheated with a diseased Strumpet laid in his Bed, &c. This is grossly contumelious. The Lady was never solicited by Buckingham to defile her Honor with him, as Sir Wal. Aston will Testifie in a Postscript of a Letter to the Duke, Cabal. p. 33. The Condessa of Olivares bids me tell you, that she Kisseth your Grace's Hands, and does every Day Recommend you particularly by Name in her Prayers to God; which Salutation she durst not have sent to his Lordship, no not for her Life, if the Duke had offered toward that Indignity to make her a Strumpet. And for the Rest of this Obscene Tale, the worthiest Gentlemen that waited upon his Person in that Journey have assured me, that as well in Spain, as when he came from thence into England, his Body was Untainted from that Loathsomness not to be Named, the just Recompence of Rotten Lust. Yet perhaps more will Read these Reasons, then believe them, though they cannot Answer them. Few have been so happy to be Redeemed from the Rumor of a common Slander. For as the most Eloquent of Men says, Orat. pro Plancio. Nihil est tam volucre quàm Maledictum; nihil facilius emittitur; nihil citius excipitur; nihil latius dissipatur. Especially a contumely cleaves the faster, when he that is clean from the Defamation in one Person, hath deserved it in others; for as Octa. Minutius says, Oftentimes there is some likelihood in a Lye, and not unseldom some unlikelihood in a Truth.

143. Other Errors, and many were charged upon the Duke, and a broad back will not bear them all. Yet casting not an Eye upon the Earl of Bristol 's Papers, which he produced in Parliament, a Lap full of them, and no less. Their chief purpose was to cast an Odium upon him, that he heightened the Spaniards at first to ask worse Conditions in Religion, then were formerly Treated on. These were Recriminations, wherein no man, no not the Wise Earl of Bristol is like to keep a Charitable Moderation. Because his Miscarriages had been ripped up by the Duke before, what followed but that wawardness which St Austin confessed to be sometime in himself; Si deprehensus Arguerer, saevire magis quàm caedere libebat. Cofess. lib. 1. c. ult. But such as were no parties in Contestation with my Lord of Buckingham, blame him that he was very rash in managing business, turning about Councils in all haste upon the Wheel of Fancy, but keeping no Motion of Order or Measure; which none could endure worse then that Nation, with whom he Treated, who are the most Superstitious under Heaven to keep that Politick Rule, Bona Consilia morâ valescere. Tacit. Hist. l. 4. They said also, That he was Offensive to the Crown of Spain in taunting Comparisons, and an open derider of their Magniloquent Phrases, and Garb of stateliness; which must be an intended provocation; for he was as well studied in blandishments, and the Art of Behaviour, as any Courtier in Europe. They repined that he thrust himself into such a Room at their Masks, and Interludes, as were proper to their King, our Prince, and the Train Royal; and was not contented with that Honor which was given to the Major Domo, or prime Subject of Spain; as if he were not satisfied to be Received as a less Star, but as a Parelius with his Highness. And whatsoever the grudge was they vented it craftily in that Quarrel, that he did many things against the Honor and Reverence due to the Prince, as one hath picked up, and offered it to King James Cab. p. 221. That he was over Familiar in Talk, and in Terms with his Highness. Yet David, so near the Crown, called himself a dead Dog, or a Flea in respect of Saul. Nor is it omitted that he was sometime covered when the Prince was bare, sometime sitting when the Prince stood, capering a lost in sudden Fits, and Chirping the Ends of Sonnets; which was not Unmannerliness, he was better bred; but inconsiderateness, which will creep upon him, who was too much dandled upon the Lap of Fortune. Or as Budaeus better Expresseth it Sap. Pand. p. 331.