Annotations on the New Testament

Annotations on Chap. XVII.

[ a] V. 3. A woman sit upon a scarlet —] That the beast here must signify the Idolatrous heathen worship, may be thought, by comparing this verse with c. 13. 1. There the beast, whereby that is acknowledged to be represented, is said to have seven heads, and ten horns, and upon the heads the name of blasphemy: And so here, much to the same purpose, the beast is full of names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten horns. But it must be observed first, that there are more beasts then one mendon'd in these Visions, and not all signifying the same, but visibly divers things, and that difference observable from other circumstances. As first, here is the addition of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 scarlet-coloured, which refers to the color of the Imperial robe, which was such, saith Pliny Nat. hist. l. 22. 2. And so that inclines it to signify the Emperor in this place: and though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a beast, may seem a m • an title to represent so great a person, yet when it is considered, that rage and cruelty, and all manner of uncleanness, may be found in an heathen Idolatrous Emperor, all these being so fit to be represented by a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or wild beast, such an Emperor as this may well own that title. And so when Julian introduceth C. Caligula, it is in this style, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an evil beast succeeds, in his Sa • ire against the Caesar's; and in like manner of Vindex, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 these beasts; and of Domitian, with a peculiar Epithet, to denote his cruelty (such as was Proverbially observed in Phalaris) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Sicilian beast, and again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the bloody beast, exactly parallel to the scarlet-coloured beast in this place. Secondly, here is a woman sitting upon that beast, which makes it differ again from that representation, c. 13. And this woman appears to be the whore in the first verse of this chapter: for being there told by the Angel, that he shall see the judgment of the great whore, it follows immediately, he carried me, and I saw a woman, &c. Now that this woman or great whore is the Imperial power of heathen Rome, appears by her sitting upon many waters, sitting there noting rule and dominion as the many waters is great multitudes of people) and so by the Kings of the earth committing fornication with her, v. 2. Agreeable to which it is, that the beast whereon she sits should be the person of the Emperor, in whom that power was vested, or seated, as we say; which is farther expressed, v. 7. by the beasts carrying the woman, the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there being that which belongs to carrying of burdens, &c. on shoulders, and that, we know, is figuratively applied to power or government, Is. 9. 6. the government shall be upon his shoulders. And so likewise by verse 18. it is as evident that the woman is that great Imperial City which reigneth over the Kings of the earth. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the names of blasphemy, they are most signally appliable to Domitian, who called himself Lord God (see c. 13. Note c.) and opposed the true God, and set up many false idol-gods in defiance of him, which is the most real blasphemy, and is so styled by the Author of the book of Maccabees. And to conclude, that this beast here is a person, and an Emperor (and not the heathen worship, ch. 13. 1.) it is evident by v. 11. where, of the Kings mentioned v. 10. this beast is said to be the eighth; and by the addition of he that was, and is not, it is as clear, that it was Domitian at the time when he had delivered up the Empire to his Father Vespasian at his return from Judea, being shortly to return to it again. Which with the rest of the description of him v. 8. is appliable to no other but to him: see Note d.

[ b] Ib. Ten horns ] That these ten horns, or Kings, were those barbarous nations that lay on the North of the Euxin sea, and of Danubius, and the Rhene, (which were the ordinary bounds of the Roman Empire on that side) the number of them will sufficiently evince. Procopius reckons them up to that number of ten, Ostrogothi, Wisigothi, Vandali, Gepidae, Longobardi, Heruli, Burgundions, Huns, Frank • , Saxons. Of these it is said, v. 12. that they were ten Kings 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which had not yet received the kingdom. This cannot be understood, that they had as yet (in that point of time to which the Vision belonged) no dominions of their own, for they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ten Kings, and it is evident in story, that those barbarous Nations had their several Kings in that time. The meaning then must be, that they had as yet no dominion within the Roman Territory, (but only made sudden incursion • into it) their receiving the Kingdom being when they shared the Empire among them. So the Fathers in the time of persecution interpreted it, Romani imperii abscessio in decem reges dispersa, saith Tertullian, The departure of the Roman Empire dispersed into ten Kings: & decem regibus, in quos dividetur quod nunc regnat imperium, saith Irenaeus, The ten Kings into which the Empire, which now reigns, shall be divided. And then, before they came to this having a kingdom, dominion in the Roman Territories, it is said of them, that as Kings they receive power with the beast, that is, join and comply, and act with the beast, assist heathen Rome in persecuting the Christians, (but that only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one hour, a small short while) which is farther expressed by having one mind, and giving their strength and power to the beast. What point of time it was when this was done, being but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for a short space, is the only matter of difficulty. And here first, it is clear, that this time here pointed to is before they took kingdoms within the Roman Territory, both by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they had not yet received the kingdom; and because when they did so, they did make desolate and eat her flesh, v. 16. and therefore the Vulgar Latins reading, post bestiam after the beast, (as if it were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) must needs be an error. Secondly, it must be before the Emperors became Christian; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the beast signifying the Roman Idolatry, not simply, but having power and persecuting Christians, their giving that power to the beast supposes it to be while it is the beast, that is, heathen and persecuting. Thirdly, it must be before these barbarous nations had received the faith, for after, they would not join with the beast; and that is an argument again, that it was before they got possession of any piece of the Roman dominion: for it is manifest in story, that a great part of these nations were Christians, though Arians, before that. For the first of them that came on the South of Ister, (which is Danubius, when it toucheth upon Illyricum ) were those who in the time of Valens obtained of him to come into Thracia, and to dwell on that side of Ister, and to defend that limit of the Empire against the other Goths that were Pagans; see▪ Theodor. 1. 4. c. ult. Sozom. l. 6. c. 3, 7. Paulus Diaconus hist. Miscel. l. 12. c. 14. and Ammian. Marcel. And from these Arian Goths swarmed afterwards those which invaded Italy, Africa, Spain. As for the short incursions which the Goths made into Asia, or the Franks into Gaul, in the time of Gallienus and of Claudius, wherein the Christians suffered much by them, (and the space would fit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 well) that cannot be it neither, because then they did not give their strength and power to the beast. Fourthly, then that which is the most probable is this, That the Christian religion was propagated among those barbarous people, and was not publicly persecuted by them, whiles the Roman Emperors from time to time did most bloodily pursue it. That it was spread among them, that one place in Tertullian adv. Jud. c. 8. may suffice. Et Britannorum inaccessa loca Romanis, Christo ver • subdita, & Sarmatarum, & Dacorum, & Germanorum, & Scytharum, & abditarum multarum Gentium, &c. The places which the Romans had not come to were subdued to Christ, the Britons, the Sarmatians, the Dacians, the Scythians, the Germans, and many secret Nations. Which words do plainly point at those very nations which afterwards overrun the Empire. And there are not related any persecutions in those parts, which would not have been altogether omitted in Ecclesiastical history, if there had been any public authoritative persecution there. And it is observable here in England, from the days of King Lucius until the reign of Diocletian, (when Alban the Protomartyr of England suffered) the Christians continued in peace and quietness. See Bede Eccl. hist. l. 1. c. 4. Hereupon it may be collected that Diocletian being a violent and furious persecutor, that extended his persecutions to all parts of his Empire, at least in the two last years of his reign, a vigorous and active Prince, that enlarged the limits of the Empire, particularly to those Northern parts, Daciâ restitutâ porrectis usque ad Danubii caput Germaniae Rhetiaeque limitibus, having recovered Dacia, and reached out the limits of Germany and Rhetia as far as the head of Danubius, as it is said of him in the Panegyric ad Dioclet. & Maximian. (and more particularly Pomponius Laetus in that short history which he gives of Dioc • etian, speaks to the very point of time, Diocletianus, rebus toto Oriente compositis, Europam repetiit, ubi jam Scythae, Sarmata, Alani & Basterna jugum subiverant, una cum Carpis, Cattis & Quadis, &c. Diocletian having composed affairs over all the East, returned to Europe, where the Scythians, Sarmatians, Alans and Basternians, together with the Carpi, Catti and Quadi, and others had already undergone, and submitted to his yoke: so that at the time when he triumphed for the Persian victory, these Northern people were brought under some yoke, which was in the eighteenth year of his Empire. See Euseb. in Chronic. and then in the same year he and Maximian contrived and decreed the general persecution over the whole Empire, which before that time was but in some parts. See Euseb. l. 8. c. 1. and 9.) From these considerations, I say, it may be collected, that this was a time in which the Pagan bordering Princes might be stirred up in compliance with such Emperors, to persecute poor Christians within their Territories, and yet that persecution last but a very short time; partly; because the condition of that sort of people is to be restless, and always attempting somewhat upon their neighbors that did thus awe them, being impatient of any yoke; and partly, because Diocletian resigned the Empire about two years after. That we cannot attain unto a full knowledge of the proceedings of that time, the reason of Baronius is good, because no writer of that time (who did set down by way of History the actions of Diocletian) is extant, the work of Claudius Eusthenius his Secretary, who did write the actions of him and his three colleagues, being perished. In this obscurity of the time we can but guess▪ but this conjecture is probable, and suits well with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the short space, and all other circumstances of the Context.

[ c] V. 5. Mystery ] The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies a secrecy. It is also an unclean word, set by Achilles Tatius to signify the nakedness of a woman. Among the Gentiles it was used to denote their secretest Idolworships, their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which being for the most part very unclean and abominable, as in their Eleusinia sacra, &c. they were generally styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and divided into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , their greater & lesser mysteries. These, faith Tertullian, the Gnostics imitated, and had in their worships curtains drawn, and silence strictly kept to veil and keep secret what they did. Hence is it, that this word is here thought fit to express the Idolatry and heathen-worship of this city, which had generally this of uncleanness joined with it.

[ d] V. 8. d. Which was, and is not ] That Domitian had and exercised all power at Rome in his Father Vespasian's time whilst he was employed abroad in Syria, &c. appears by Tacitus, who saith of him distinctly, Domitianum Caesarem consalutatum, &c. that Domitian was saluted by the name of Caesar, Hist. l. 3. in fine, and nomen sedemque Caesaris Domitianus acceperat, Domitian had received the name and throne of Caesar, l. 4. in initi • , and by all other writers of those times. At the return of Vespasian he was devested of his power; and so though he had been Emperor, and still continued alive at that point of time to which this part of the Vision refers, yet 'tis true of him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he is not: by which it may be guest at what time these Visions were written, at least to what time this Vision refers, viz. to the time of Vespasian after his return out of Syria, the war being left unto Titus. And this distinctly appears v. 10. by the enumeration of the eight Emperors there, of which Claudius being the first, Nero second, Galba third, Otho fourth, Vitellius fifth, it is there said, five are fallen, and one is, that is, is now alive at this point of the Vision, viz. Vespasian, and Titus the seventh is not yet come, and after his short reign, then v. 11. follows this successor of his, Domitian, described, as here, by the title of, he which was, and is not, and is the eighth, (for so he was) and is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of, or, from, the seven, that is, the son or off spring of one of them, viz. of Vespasian. This person being a great persecutor of Christians, God's judgments were remarkably to fall upon him, which is the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he goeth to perdition, v. 11. for he was butcher'd by his own servants: and Apollonius Tyaneus the great Magician is said to have cried out at Ephesus many miles off, at the minute when he was killed, Strike the Tyrant, strike the Tyrant, and to have told them, Believe it, the Emperor is killed this very moment; which the Devil, it seems, (whether from this and the like prophecies of God here, or by his speedy conveyance of what he saw, I cannot affirm) by his familiarity with that Magician enabled him thus to declare.

[ e] V. 14. War with the Lamb] Warring with the Lamb, signifies opposing and persecuting Christianity; not as if there were set battles between them and Christians, but such as are supposable against those whose principle was to suffer, not to resist the persecuting Emperors, (under whom they were:) For this is the condition of the Lamb here to endure, to be slaughtered, but not to fight again. This is here said of these ten Kings (confederate with the Romans ) that they should thus war, that is, be used as soldiers to execute the Romans bloodiness upon Christians: and this is true of the Goths and others, while they were consederate with heathen Rome; though soon after they themselves came over to Christianity, (though most to Arianism,) (Gothi per legatos supplices poposcerunt, ut illis Episccpi, à quibus Christiane fidei regulam discerent, mitterentur. Valens imperator Doctors Ariani dogmatis misit. Gothi primae fidei rudimentum, quod accepere, tenuerunt, The Goths desired by their Ambassadors, that Bishops might be sent them from whom they might learn the Rule of faith. Valens the Emperor sent them Arian Doctors. The Goths retained those rudiments which they first received, Oros l. 7. c. 33.) no doubt much forwarded therein by seeing the patience and constancy of Christian Martyrs, who have no other way to overcome their enemies, and so in that only respect are said to conquer them here, that is, to bring them to Christianity, and subject them to Christ's kingdom. For of Alaricus 'tis clear that he was then a Christian, and sent Embassies to Honorius by Bishops, (see Sozomen l. 9. c. 8.) and that Attalus was baptized by Sigesarius a Gothish Bishop, and by that was the dearer to Alaricus and all the Goths, c. 9. And that in reverence to S. Peter, Alaricus gave mercy to all those that fled to his Temple for Sanctuary, and restored all that was taken out of the Church (by a Gothish soldier, who astonished with the richness of the sight told Alaricus of it) and at the putting all in their places, sung an hymn to God, Barbarians and Romans together, saith Orosius l. 7. c. 20. 39. and so 'tis clear of the greatest part of the army, of whom faith Orosius, Christiani fuere qui parcerent, &c. they were Christians that spared, Christians who were spared, Christians for the memory of whom there was any such thing as sparing. To the manifestation of this pertains that passage set down by Hieron. Rubeus, that Saul an Hebrew, or, as others affirm, a Pagan, who had the chief command under Stilico, designing to take advantage, and set upon the Goths when they were not prepared, did it upon Easter-day. And Alaricus discerning their approach, sent to desire he would defer the fight till the morrow, in respect of the religion of the day, promising then to meet him. But Saul would not hearken to it, but set upon them unarmed, and holding up their hands and eyes in prayer to heaven for aid, in tam sancti mysterii celebratione, in the performance of the duties of the day, and so killed many of them; till Alaricus after the space of an hour, saying that they had now satisfied the religion of the day, and exhorting his soldiers to follow him stoutly, brake in upon them with a great army, and repulsed and put them to flight; and if Honorius and Stilico had not come to their relief, eo omnino die de Roma t • rrarum domina, quae victori premium er at futura, actum fuisset, Rome had been destroyed upon the Fate of that day.

[ f] V. 16. Make her desolate ] The Goths and Vandals overrunning Italy and Rome itself, ( Alaricus the Goth and Gensericus the Vandal Kings, and divers others, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , many Kings making insurrections, saith Sozomen) is famously known in story. See Socrat. 1. 7. c. 10. Sozom. 1. 9. c. 6. Of the spoils also that were made by them Historians are plentiful, especially Procopius. Of Alaricus and his, that they left nothing behind them, either of private or public treasure, the Commander giving order to his soldiers, saith Sozomen l. 6. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to plunder all the wealth of the city, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as near as was possible to spoil every house. Of Gensericus, that he brought by sea to Carthage a vast deal of gold and silver; and that he robbed the Temple of Jupiter Capi • olinus, or Olympius. So Socrates of Alaricus, that they took the city and rifled it, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , burnt many of those admirable spectacles. So also that they conquered many Provinces of the Romans, and possessed them as their own, as Dacia, Pannonia, Thrace, Illyricum, France, Spain, Africa, Italy and Dalmatia, which is here called the eating of the flesh of the whore. As for their burning of the city, (though that signify not their burning it all down to the ground, but only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 many buildings of the city, and in Socrates, the many admirable spectacles there) that is known to be done by Totilas at the first entering the city, though Bellisarius was a means that 'twas not all burnt down; see Procopius Goth. 4. and Sozomen l. 9. c. 6. This being done in the time of Honorius the Emperor, and Innocentius Bishop of Rome, & so in time of Christianity, may be thought not to belong to heathen Rome. But then 'tis observable, 1. that by the providence of God not only Honorius himself was out of the city, but that Innocentius (after the first taking of it, before the second) was like Lot out of Sodom ( • aith Orosius l. 7. c. 39.) removed out of that city to Ravenna, where the Emperor was, on occasion of an Embassy mentioned by Sozomen l. 9. c. 7. and by Zozimus: 2 ^dly , that there were at that time very many professors of Gentilism there, in the Senate, not only in the city, as may appear by that passage in Sozomen, that at the first siege, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Gentiles of the Senate, or those of the heathen profession there, thought it necessary to worship and sacrifice in the Capitol and other heathen Temples (which 'tis clear were then among them) some Thuscian Magi being sent for by Aitalus the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Governor of the city, who promised by thunder and lightning to drive away the Barbarians. Continuo de repetendis sacris celebrandisque tractatur, Presently they entered into consultation about restoring their Gentile sacrifices, and offering them, Oros. l. 7. c. 38. And another passage there is in Sozomen c. 9. that upon the miscarriage of Attalus, (his losing that dignity of Emperor, of which he was so ambitious, that he would not be content to be a partner with Honorius ) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. the Gentile Idolaters that were in the city, and those of the Arian party, were extremely troubled; the Gentiles guessing by Attalus's inclination and former course, (being but now lately become Christian, since from being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Governor of Rome, he was now joined with Alaricus, and christened by a Gothish Bishop) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , did verily believe that he would profess'dly favor and set up Gentilism, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and restore the ancient temples and feasts and sacrifices. And indeed 'tis clear by the passages of the story, that though the Heathens in Rome were the men that called Alaricus to their assistance, to take the patronage of them; yet by God's turning of things it • el out, that they beyond all others found the vengeance of his coming to light heavily upon them. Nay, 'tis Orosius 's observation, that God permitted Alaricus to enter the city, that he might bring contumely and reproach upon the Idolaters or Heathens there, and give the triumph and victory to Christian religion over Gentilism, now conquered and laid prostrate; and that many Gentiles, or Pagans, astonished with what they saw thus brought to pass quite contrary to their expectation, turned Christians by this means, 1. 7. c. 39 Thirdly, it was the common complaint of the Gentiles at that time, that the reception of Christianity had provoked the gods to send these vastations upon them, the direct contrary of which is at large shown by Salvian De providentia, viz. that the Christians were the only preservers of the world: and indeed it is clear by the story, that had it not been for them Rome had been quite destroyed; for, saith Sozomen, Alaricus when he took it, commanded his soldiers to rifle the city, &c. but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , through reverence to S. Peter, he commanded that the Church built about his Tomb which takes up a great circuit, and could hold a great multitude, should be a sanctuary to all that would make use of it: and so faith Orosius, Gothi, relict â intention praedandi, ad confugia salutis (hoc est sanctorum locorum) agmina ignara cogentes, The Goths gave over their intention of rifling, and forced troops of Christians, not knowing what they did, to save themselves by flying to consecrated places. (And I sidore adds, that of those that were by the soldiers found out of the Churches, as many as named the name of Christ, or the Christian Saints, were constantly spared by the soldiers, and that thus many thousands did escape.) By which means the Christians were generally delivered and saved from the general destruction, (and also with them some Gentiles, saith S. Augustine De civ. Dei l. 11. c. 1. which fled with the Christians to the monuments of the Martyrs and the Basilicae of the Apostles,) and so were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or escapers here too, as before among the Jews at the destruction of Jerusalem. And, as he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. this was the cause that Rome was not quite destroyed, those that were saved there in that Sanctuary ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith he) being many, who afterward rebuilt the city, c. 9. And Sozomen c. 10. hath a famous story to this purpose of a young soldier, that having taken a very handsome Christian woman, and being by her constancy kept from defiling her, carried her to the Basili • a, that so she might be safe from all others, and kept pure for her own husband. And S. Jerome on the other side tells of some Christians, which thinking by dissembling or concealing their religion to save themselves, were miserably used, but at last being discerned to be Christians, were released and carried safe to the Basilica. See Jerome. Ep. 16. ad Princip. & Ep. 8. in the former mentioning this of Marcella and Principia, in the latter of Proba, Juliana, and Demetrias. But then fourthly, (which is most to be considered) even the sins of Rome Christian at this time were so great, as most justly to bring these judgments upon them, those Gentile sins of all manner of unnatural villainy being most frequent among them, which were with as much reason now to expect the fury of God's wrath to be poured out on such vile impure Christians, as before we found the judgments that fell on the impenitent Jews, to have lighted on the Gnostic Christians of that people and that age. To this purpose, 1. 'tis Sozomens 's affirmation, that 'twas then the judgment of prudent men, that this that befell Rome, was from the wrath of God ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) as a punishment of what they had done upon themselves and strangers through sloth and incontinence (which sure refers to the sins of Sodom, pride of the flesh, pampering and idleness, and the effects of that, all unnatural lusts both on themselves and strangers, as the Sodomites on the Angels that came among them, and therefore Orosius said of Innocentius, that he was rescued as Lot out of Sodom ) though the Translator there make it to be but injustice and oppression of the poor, mistaking them for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 strangers there. 2 ^dly , 'It is the joint affirmation of Socrates and Sozomen, that a Monk of Italy coming in hast to Rome, to intercede, and persuade Alaricus to spare the city, he answered him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he did not voluntarily set upon this enterprise (just as Titus prosess'd of Jerusalem) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but that some body continually importuned and enforced him, commanding him that he should destroy Rome, which at last he did. These are the words in Sozomen and in Socrates to the same sense, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I go not a voluntier about this business, but somebody is very troublesome to me, tormenting me, and saying, Go, and destroy the city of Rome: which as it is the clearing of those words here v. 17. God put into their hearts, &c. so it signifies the great sins of this place, which thus brought God's judgments upon them. 3 ^dly , 'It is the plain acknowledgement of Salvian every where throughout his books De Providentia, that the impieties of Christians were so great, and particularly those abominable commissions and customary practices of all unnatural uncleannesses, (which have been constantly the destroying not only of the Canaanites, &c. but of the Jews and the Christians) that it was God's will they should thus be punished by the Barbarians, who though they were very weak and slothful, not sit for war at all, in comparison of the Romans, yet were, saith he, more chaste and pure then they, and so were appointed by God to be scourges of them. See l. 7. And again, that the Barbarians being Christians, though Arians, were much more tolerable then these, which though not all Arians, were many very abominable livers.

[ g] V. 17. God shall put in their hearts ] The strangeness of this judgment on that city, and the immediate hand of God in it, will appear (beside what hath been said of somebody molesting, and forcing Alaricus to it Note i.) by these three things. 1. By the suddenness of the taking of it, so suddenly, that when word was brought to Honorius to Ravenna, that Rome was destroyed, he thought they had meant a cock called by that name Roma, as Prosper hath it in Chronice: and this is referred to in the Vision, c. 18. 10. For in one day thy judgment cometh, and v. 19. for in one hour she is become desolate. 2 ^dly , That they made such speed in rifling it, that when one would think three years had been little enough to obey Alaricus 's command, in searching out and taking away all the treasure of the city, all Historians agree, that they were but three days about it; only Marcellinus saith, that the sixth day after Alaricus entered he went out again. 3 ^dly , That Alaricus having thus taken, and rifled, and possessed the city, should neither stay in it and keep it, nor go on with his army against the Emperor, but absolutely retire, so soon after so strange a success; as if God that had sent him on this message or service on purpose, and never suffered him to be quiet till he had done it, as soon as the work was done for which he sent him, had immediately recalled him, and not permitted him to go one step farther, and so only used him as a means to deliver up the city to the Christians, the Idolaters being generally destroyed out of it by this means, and the Christians as generally preserved.

Annotations on Chap. XVIII.

[ a] V. 2. Babylon ] That the title of Babylon here is bestowed on Rome in the Vision of her destruction is resolved by S. Augustine De Civ. Dei l. 18. c. 2. Ipsa Babylonia quasi prima Roma, Roma quasi secunda Babylonia est, Babylon was as a first Rome, and Rome is as a second Babylon; and c. 22. Condita est Roma velut altera Babylon, & prioris filia Babylonis, Rome is built as another Babylon, and daughter of the former Babylon. And the ground of it may probably be this, because Babylon was the seat of the Assyrian Monarchy, as Rome of the Roman, and the Assyrian Monarchy being the first, as the Roman the last ( illud primum, hoc ultimum imperium, saith Orosius, li. 7. c. 2.) Rome, that thus succeedeth Babylon, may well be called by that name. And so by Tertullian adver. Mar. l. 3. c. 13. Babylonia apud Joannem Romaenae urb is figura est, perinde magnae & regno superbae, & sanctorum Dei debellatricis, Babylon in S. John is the figure of Rome, as being, like that, a great city, proud of its dominion, and a destroyer of the saints of God; and the same words are again repeated, l. 3. adv. Jud. So 1 Pet. 5. 13. the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the fellow-chosen, or fellow-Church in Babylon, the assembly of Christians in that heathen city, is by the Scholiast affirmed to denote the Church of Rome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because of the splendor of it, saith he. And so generally the ancients understood it, and Orosius hath set down the parallel betwixt them in many particulars, l. 7. 2. And this being premised will be a key to the whole Chapter: for Babylon is the note of an heathen, unclean, abominable city; and so belongs only to so much of Rome as was then capable of that title, saith S. Jerome ad Algas. qu. 11. and, Cecidit Babylon magna: est quidem ibi Sancta ecclesia, tropaea Apostolorum & martyrum, est Christi vera confessio, est ab Apostolis praedicata fides, & Gentilitate calcatâ in sublime so quotidie erigens vocabulum Christianum, The profane heathen Babylon is fallen, Babylon the great: in the place thereof is the holy Church, the monuments of the Apostles and Martyrs, the true faith of Christ, or profession of Christian Religion, that which was preached by the Apostles, and heathenism being trodden down, the Christian name is daily advanced on high, Ep. 17. ad Marcellam: and not to the Christian part of it, called by the other title by S. Peter, the Church in Babylon (and Babylon itself never set to signify the Church;) not to the Emperor Honorius, who was then a Christian, and at Ravenna safe at that time from the invaders; nor again to Innocentius the Bishop, who was by the ordering of God's providence, betwixt the first and second siege, rescued (like Lot out of Sodom, of the Christians out of Jerusalem ) out of the city to Ravenna also; nor generally to the Christians, who were some of them, saith Palladius, gone out a little before, being persuaded by Melania to a Monastic life, and carried to Sicily first, and thence to Jerusalem, where, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they rejoiced that they were not together involved in the miserable evils of that vastation, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , glorifying God for the excellent change of affairs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and for their own wonderful deliverance; and the rest which were left in the city, at last saved by flying to the Basilicae, & many carried thither by the very soldiers that they might be safe (see Note on c. 17. c.) who consequently survived to restore and re-edify the city, a more Christian city then it had been before: But to the heathen part of the city and that polluted profaner sort of Christians, who (as was said Note on c. 17. c.) called this judgment (these enemies as their patrons) on the city, and by the admirable disposition of God's overruling hand of Providence, were themselves the only men that suffered under it. So that the sum of this fall of Babylon is the destruction of the wicked and heathen, and preserving of the pure and Christian Rome, and so in effect the bringing that city and Empire to Christianity. To this purpose, see S. Jerome adverse. Jovinian. l. 2. Ad te loquar qui scriptam in front blasphemiam Christi confession delesti, Urbs potens, urbs orbis Domina—Maledictionem quam tibi Salvator in Apocalypsi comminatus est, potes effugere per poenitentiam, I will speak to thee who hast blotted out the blasphemy written in thy forehead, by the confession of Christ—Thou potent city, thou city, Mistress of the world—Thou mayest avoid the curse which Christ in the Apocalypse hath threatened to thee, by repentance; adding, cave Joviniani nomen quod de Idolo derivatum est, beware of the name of Jovinian, which is derived from the Idol-god Jupiter: and this peculiarly in respect of those remaining heathens and heretics, which now at the time when S. Jerome wrote, not long before the coming of Alaricus, were at Rome, and at length set up their Idol-service again in the time of the siege, and were signally destroyed at this taking of it. So again, S. Jerome in praefat. de Spiritu S. speaking of Rome, Cùm in Babylon versarer, & purpuratae meret • icis essem colonus, When I lived at Rome, and was an inhabitant of the purple whore. All noting this heathen Rome to be the subject of these prophecies. This being here set down obscurely in prophetic style by way of Vision was but darkly understood before the coming of it, yet so far expected by Christians, that the heathens did take notice of this their expectation, and looked upon them as men that had an evil eye upon that City and Empire, and mutter'd ruin to it. Thus in Lucian 's Philopat. (or whose soever that Dialogue is, if it were not his) the Christians, character'd (though not named) by the mention of the Trinity in the beginning of the Dialogue, and described by that scoffer as a sottish fanatic people, are brought in (as at that time, when Trajan (under the title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Emperor toward the end) was warring in the East against the Persians ) and set down as those that wished all ill to the city, that is, Rome, and consequently to that Army in Asia, by their discourse of the news of the times, betraying their wishes and expectations that it might be defeated by the Persians. Thus, saith he, in the person of Critias of these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , stooping, pallid people, that when they saw him, they came cheerfully toward him, supposing that he brought 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , some sad news or other; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they seemed to be men that prayed for all that was ill, and rejoiced in sad events: and their first question, saith he, was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 how the affairs of the city and the world went, (that is, of Rome, and the Roman Empire, as that is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the world in the Scripture; or else the affairs of the world, meaning the Roman enterprise against the Persians ) and being answered by him, that all was well they nodded, saith he, with their brows presently, and replied 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 'It is not so, but the city is in ill condition: and afterwards, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that there should be a change, that disorders and troubles should seise upon the city, their Armies should be worsted by the enemies; adding that they had fasted ten days, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and watching all nights, and spending the time in singing hymns, had dreamed these things; which may obscurely refer to these Visions which John saw on the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lord's day, that is, probably on the annual day of Christ's resurrection, which followed a time of fasting and praying, the Christian Lent, which, as appears by the story of the first times, was uncertainly observed in respect of the number of days, by some more, by some fewer then ten days. Or if this be but a conjecture, yet the time of seeing visions being in Scripture oft set down after, or in a time of fasting, (as Act. 10. 10. of S. Peter, and v. 30. of Cornelius ) 'tis agreeable to the character of Christians, whom he desired to describe in that Dialogue, thus to set it. And then he advises them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to leave off those strange fancies, and wicked consultations, and divinations (which may well refer, in his dark manner of speaking, to this book of Revelation ) l • st God, saith he, destroy you for cursing your country, and spreading such false reports, when (saith he) the Persians are subdued by the Roman forces. And so he gives them over as doaters, and means not to heed what they say, with a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That this opinion he conceived of Christians, and their ill affection to the Roman Empire and City, and their boding ill concerning them, was the effect of some sparkles of this prophecy, flown abroad among the Gentiles very early, even in Trajan 's time, is more then probable out of these passages thus set down. So in a narration of Hippolytus set down by Palladius, we have a virgin Christian accused to the heathen Judge at Corinth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as one that blasphemed the seasons, and the Kings, and the Idols, in probability, that she foretold evil, talked of ruin, that should befall the Government or Idolatry of the heathens, and that the seasons of it now approached. For that is the meaning of the like phrase, when the Jews say of Stephen, that he ceaseth not to speak blasphemous words against the holy place and the Law, Act. 6. 13. for so it follows, ver. 14. we have heard him say that Jesus shall destroy, &c. To which it will not be amiss farther to add, that the Jews in their paraphrases on the Old Testament, taking Rome under the prophetic title of Edom (which is very agreeable to the style of Babylon here) do frequently fore • ell the destruction of it. And thereupon they that set out the later Venice Edition of the Bible, leave out many passages of the Chaldee paraphrase and the Rabbin's looking thus directly against Rome, which are extant in the former Venice Bibles, and in what hath been printed at Paris by Stephanus. As when Obad. 1. Kimchi saith, What the prophets say of the destruction of Edom in the latter days, they say of Rome, they leave out the words of Rome: and when 'tis there added, For when Rome shall be destroyed, there shall be redemption of Israel, those words are quite omitted. So in the last verse of Obadiah, the fenced great city of Esau, and that fenced city is Rome, that latter part is left out again. So the Chaldee paraphrase on Lam. 4. 21, 22. for thou daughter of Edom, hath, thou Rome in the land of Italy; but those words are left out in that Edition. See M. Taylor 's Proem to the translation of the Jerusalem Targum. The like interpretations of Rome for Edom, and the destruction thereof, may be seen in the Jerusalam Targum, Gen. 15 12. where these words, Terror tenebricosus magnus cadens super eum, are thus mystically rendered, Terror is est Babel, tenebricosus hic est Media, magnus hic est Greece, cadens iste est Idumaea (i. Romanum imperium. ) Illud est imperium quartum, quod cadere debet, neque resurget in secula seculorum. And so again on Levite. 26. 44. after Babel, Media, Greece, they name again regnum Idumaeae, meaning, no doubt, the Roman Empire thereby; adding in di • bus Gog, which that it belongs to the Romans that destroyed Jerusalem, and, say they, should after be destroyed by the Messias, see that Paraphrase on Numb. 11. 26. in these words, In fine extremo dierum God & Magog, exercitus eorum Hier • solymam ascendent, & manibus Regis Messiae illi cadent, They shall be destroyed by the hands of Messiah the King. So in the Sibylline Oracles, where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beliar or Belial is set to denote the Romans, as appears by

[ b] V. 8. She shall be utterly burnt ] The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is ordinarily rendered shall be utterly burnt, may seem to have some difficulty in it, and be objected against our interpretation of this Vision, because it is known that the desolation and firing by Alaricus, Gensericus and Totilas, was not an utter desolation or firing of the whole city, but of a part thereof. And to this the answer is insufficient, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is conflagrare, to be set on light fire, and doth not necessarily import that fires consuming of all that might be consumed, because other expressions here follow in this matter which cannot be so answered: as v. 21. where the stone like a mill-stone is cast into the sea, which seems to signify a total destruction, and it is added, Thus with violence shall that great city Babylon be thrown down, and shall be found no longer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And so again, ver. 22, 23. The voice of harpers, &c. and the sound of a mill-stone shall be found no more in thee, and the light of a candle shall shine no more in thee, &c. To all which the answer must be, by observing that all these three expressions are phrases taken out of the prophesies of the Old Testament, and are in all reason to signify here as there they shall appear to have signified, that is, only as prophetical schemes of expressing a subduing, or victory, and no more. Thus the burning here is an allusion to Dan. 7. 11. his body destroyed, and given to the burning flame, which yet signified no more then the translating of the Monarchy from the Seleucida to the Romans; and proportionably here the subduing this heathen city to the faith of Christ, which was the effect of this blow that befell Rome. So the throwing the great stone into the sea, v. 21. alludes to Jer. 51. 63. Thou shall cast a stone into the midst of Euphrates, and say, Thus shall Babylon fall, and shall not rise, &c. And yet Babylon long continued a great city, though the dominion of it was translated from the Chaldeans to the Medes. And for the voice of the harpers, &c. v. 23. it alludes to Jer. 25. 10. I will take from them the voice of mirth▪ and the voice of gladness, the voice of the Bridegroom, and the voice of the Bride, the sound of the mill-stones; and the light of candle. And yet Judea, of which that is spoken, still had people inhabiting it. And so these expressions, thus interpreted, as in the Paraphrase they have been, are perfectly agreeable to the sense which must needs belong to them in these other places where they are used by the Prophets. Meanwhile how great the destruction was that now befell that city, may competently appear by one testimony of Palladius that lived at that time, Lausiac. Hist. c. 118. in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A certain barbarian tempest, which the Prophets of old had foretold, seized on Rome, and left not so much as the brazen statues in the streets, but plundering all with a barbarous madness, delivered it up to destruction, so that Rome which had flourished a thousand and two hundred years, according to the Sibylls word, became a desolation.

[ c] V. 13. Slaves ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , faith Julius Pollux, signifies, when it is taken simply by itself, without any additament, those that are not bond-slaves but free-men, which sell or hire themselves for money, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. And this, because free-men have power over their own bodies, whereas slaves have nothing but souls. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , souls of men, the phrase is taken out of Ezekiel, c. 17. 13. who speaking of Tyre, a city of Merchants, saith that they traffick 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 super anima hominis, for the soul of man, which S. Jerome renders mancipia, slaves, and so the latter Greeks call slaves 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , little souls; and so Gen. 12. 5. the souls which they had gotten in Haran, may be their bond-servants, because, as was said, slaves have souls though nothing else in their own power.

[ d] V. 23. Thy Merchants ] Who are thy Merchants here, may be thought uncertain, because the word thy either may refer to foreign nations, who trade with thee, or else may be thy traders or traffickers, the chapmen in Rome. In this latter sense some learned men have chosen to take it, that the Roman luxury was so great, that tradesmen that dealt in selling of commodities lived there like Princes. But if we compare this place with what is said of Tyrus, Ezech. 27. the former will appear to be the sense of it: for there v. 12. Tarshish was thy Merchant, and v. 13. Javan, &c. were thy Merchants; and so the meaning is clearly this, that the Merchants of other nations that traffick'd with Rome, had such vent for their commodities there at any rate that they grew very rich by it.

Annotations on Chap. XIX.

[ a] V. 8. Righteousness of the Saints ] Some difficulty there is in this phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is ordinarily rendered the righteousness of the saints. For the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not thus used in these books, (see Note on Rom. 8. b.) but for the Ordinances of the Mosaical law. And then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being the very word which is used to denote the Sanctuary, Heb. 8. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the minister of the sanctuary, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the sanctuary, ch. 9. 2. and elsewhere, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being the Neuter as well as the Masculine gender, and by consequence capable of being accommodated to this sense, it is not improbable that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should denote the ordinances of the sanctuary, the Levitical laws or customs, among which this was one, that the Priest, when he went into the Sanctuary, should wear that vesture of fine linen, pure and white. Thus Levite. 16. 'tis appointed, Thus shall Aaron come into the holy place, v. 3. He shall put on the holy linen coat, and he shall have the linen breeches upon his flesh, and shall be girded with a linen girdle, and with the linen mitre shall he be attired: these are holy garments, &c. that is, the garments which he is to use when he goes into the Sanctuary, which being appointed him by this law of God to Moses, may fitly be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Ordinances of the holies. And if it be so, then it will most fitly be applied to this Spouse of Christ, the Christian Church (to which Christ was ready so solemnly to be married, ver. 7. in respect of the public profession of the Christian religion by the Emperor Constantine and his Courtiers) that it should now be clothed after the manner of the Priest when he went into the Sanctuary, to note the great liberty and immunities and privileges now bestowed on the Church by the Emperor. This we have formerly seen expressed by our being Kings and Priests unto God, (chap. 1. Note c.) Priests in respect of liberty of assemblies, and executing the office of Bishops, &c. in the Church: Which being so eminently bestowed on the Church by Constantine, above all that ever had been in the Church before, may here in like manner be most fitly expressed by being clothed in the holy garments, which denoted the Priests going into the Sanctuary.

[ b] V. 16. On his vesture and on his thigh ] The mention of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , vesture and thigh, are here put together, to denote the robe Imperial by the former, and the sword, which is girded on the thigh, by the latter, as ensigns of supreme power and authority, especially when on them both, on the Robe and the hilt of the sword, as the ensign of that office, is written that most honorable title, KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORD'S, thereby noting him to be superior to all power and force in the world, triumphantly victorious over all.

Annotations on Chap. XX.

[ a] V. 4. Lived and reigned with Christ ] The meaning of the thousand years living and reigning with Christ of those that were beheaded, &c. may perhaps be sufficiently cleared and understood, by observing these three things; First, that here is no mention of any new reign of Christ on earth, but only of them that were beheaded, and of them which had not worshipped, &c. living and reigning with Christ. The doctrine of the Millenaries supposes the former, that Christ must come down on earth, and have a new kingdom here in this world. But this those men's living and reigning with Christ doth not suppose, but rather the contrary, that the kingdom of Christ here spoken of is that which he had before, and which is everywhere called his kingdom, and that now only those that had been killed, and banished out of it before, were admitted into a participation of that kingdom 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with Christ. Now what this living and reigning of the beheaded, &c. (then beginning) was, may appear by considering what is meant, first, by the beheaded, and others here named; then secondly, by their living and reigning. The beheaded are they that resisted unto blood in their combats against the Heathen idolatry and practices, the constant servants of Christ that persevered so till death, and that in opposition to the beast and his image, to that which was practiced in Rome to Jupiter Capitolinus, and the transcripts of it in other places (see Note on c. 13. g. and r.) and so all those phrases conclude the subject of the proposition to be the pure, constant, persevering Christians. One thing only is to be observed of these, that by them are not signified the same particular persons or individual members of the Church that had formerly been slain, anymore then the same individual persons of the rest of the dead, v. 5. (that is, of the Apostatizing unchristian livers) can be thought to have lived again after the end of the thousand years, when they are said to be revived, and so Satan to be let loose a little while; but rather on the one side, as on the other, a succession of such as they were, the Church of Christ being to be considered as a transient body, such as a river, &c. which always runs in a succession of parts, one following the other in a perpetual motion and mutation: In which respect I suppose it is said of the Church, that the gates of hades shall never prevail against it, that is, that it shall never be destroyed, which of any particular persons, or the Church of all the Christians of any one age, cannot so fitly be affirmed, but only of the Church in the perpetual succession of Christians. And then for these men's living and reigning, first, it must be observed, that 'tis not here said that they revived, or were raised, as the Millenaries pretensions suppose, but only that they lived and reigned; which two being opposite to dying and being subject to others, will denote a peaceable, prosperous, flourishing estate of the Orthodox professors, instead of their former sad and persecuted condition. For that is the meaning of living, as may appear by the title 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 living given to Christ, ch. 1. 18. in opposition to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I was dead, his illustrious, instead of his despised condition; and so of reigning, as of being Kings (see Note on c. 1. d.) and of being Kings and reigning upon the earth, c. 5. 10. And all this together will be one way of evidencing the truth of this interpretation. Secondly, the meaning of the phrase will appear by comparing it with that other phrase, by which the same thing is expressed, v. 1, 2, 3. binding of Satan, and casting him into the abyss, shutting and sealing him up, that he should deceive the nations no more, that is clearly the restraining of Satan's malice, and shortening of his power in persecuting and corrupting the Christian Church: by consent with which, their living and reigning must needs signify their persevering and enjoying quiet. Thirdly, by their having and sitting on thrones, and judgments being given unto them, which literally signifies the quiet possession of judicatures and censures in the Church, that discipline by which purity is preserved, and which is never enjoyed quietly in the Church but by the countenance and favor of Princes, which therefore is to be resolved the meaning of their reigning (as most remarkably they began to do in Constantine 's time; see c. 19. 8. who set up Ecclesiastical judicatures in his Empire) as it is of their sitting on thrones, whereas the letting Satan loose is the casting off these cords from them. And this is the clear meaning of the first resurrection, see Note c. As for the space of a thousand years, see Note e.

[ b] V. 5. The rest of the dead ] It follows here, that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the rest of the dead revived not till the thousand years were done. Who the rest of the dead are is manifest; not all beside the Martyrs, as the Millenaries pretend, but all but those formerly named, v. 4. that is, all that worship'd the beast, or his image, or received his mark in their foreheads or hands, that is, all the Idolaters and Apostates, and remainders of Gnostic Christians, and all that complied with either, which are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the rest of the dead most fitly. For first, it hath been manifest, ch. 19. 18, 21. that there were others slain beside those that were beheaded for the constancy of their confession of Christ; nay secondly, at this part of the Vision 'tis clear, that as the constant professors were not all slain, but only some of them beheaded, and others preserved, (and so beside the beheaded here are enumerated those that had not worship'd the beast, nor his image, nor received his mark upon their foreheads or hands ) so the Idolaters, Apostates and Gnostic Christians, &c. had their universal slaughters, ch. 19. 2, 3. 20. 21. and therefore these may well be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the rest of the dead here, it being punctually said of them, ch. 19. 21. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the rest were slain. And then that they revived not till the thousand years finished, must needs signify that the Church was now for that space freed from such Heathen persecutors, and purified from such a vowed mixtures of those vile unchristian practices, which is but the negative part annexed to the positive preceding.

[ c] Ib. First resurrection ] What is meant by the first resurrection here, may be discerned by comparing it with the second resurrection in the ordinary notion of it. That signifies the resurrection to eternal life: Proportionably this must signify a reviving, a restoring to life, though not to that eternal. Here it is figuratively used to express the flourishing condition of the Christian Church for that thousand years wherein the Christian professors, in opposition to idolatrous Heathens and Gnostic Christians, live safely and happily in the enjoying the assemblies; which is, saith he, as if the primitive Martyrs were fetched out of their graves to live again here in tranquility upon the earth. Where only it is to be noted, that the resurrection here is of the Church, not of the particular persons (the beheaded, &c.) thus to be understood, that the Church that was persecuted, and suppressed, and slain as it were, and again corrupted and vitiated in its members, now rose from the dead, revived again.

[ d] V. 6. The second death ] This phrase the second death is four times used in this book, ch. 2. 11. and here ch. 20. 6. then v. 14. then c. 21. 8. It seems to be taken from the Jews, who use it proverbially for final, utter, irreversible destruction. So in the Jerusalem Targum, Deut. 33. 6. Let Reuben live, and let him not die the second death, by which the wicked die in the world to come. Where, whatsoever be signified among them by the world to come, ( the age of the Messias in whatsoever Jewish notion of it) it seems to denote such a death from which there is no release. And according to this notion of it, as it reflects fitly on the first death, (which is a destruction, but such as is reparable by a reviving or resurrection, but this past hopes, and exclusive of that) so will all the several places wherein 'tis used be clearly interpreted: ch. 2. 11. he that overcomes shall not be hurt by the second death, that is, if this Church shall hold out constant, it shall not be cut off, that is, though it shall meet with great persecutions, ver. 10. and death itself, yet that utter excision would no way better be prevented then by this of constancy and perseverance in suffering of all. So here, speaking of the flourishing condition of the Christian Church, reviving after all its persecutions and corruptions to a state of tranquility and purity, On these, saith he, the second death hath no power, that is, they have not incurred that utter excision (having their part in the first resurrection) but they shall be Priests to Christ and God, and reign, &c. that is, have a flourishing time of Christian profession for that space of a thousand years. So in the 14. ver. where death and hades are cast into the lake of fire, that is, death and the state of mortality utterly destroyed, ( O death, I will be thy death, ) it is added, this is the second death, that is, mortality is utterly destroyed, there shall now be no more death, that life shall be eternal: so c. 21. 8. the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone (the utter irreversible destruction, such as fell in Sodom, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 eternal fire, utterly consumptive) is called the second death, into which they are said to go that are never to appear in the Church again. And though in these different matters some difference there must needs be in the significations, yet in all of them the notion of utter destruction, final, irreparable excision, may very properly be retained, and applied to each of them.

[ e] V. 7. Thousand years are expired ] When these thousand years of the peaceable Christian profession should begin, and when determine, is a thing of some doubt. And the cause of the doubt is, the several points of time wherein the destruction of Heathenism in the Roman Empire may be placed. For as in every so great a change, there are several stages, or degrees of motion, so was it here. Constantine 's receiving the faith, and concluding of the persecutions, and by Decree proclaiming liberty of Christianity, may most properly be styled the binding of Satan, the dragon that sought to devour the child as soon as it was born; and then the beginning of the thousand years will fall about An. Dom. 311. at which time the conversion of heathen Rome to Christianity is set down, and celebrated by Prudentius, l. 1. cont. Symmachum, beginning thus,

To the smae purpose see Eusebius Eccles. Hist. l. 19. c. 1. But then, after that the Emperors were Christian, Heathenism still continued in Rome and in the Empire, in some degree (see Note on ch. 17. f.) till by the coming of the Goths and Vandals and Huns, under Alaricus, Gensericus and Attilas, the city and Empire of Rome was, all the heathen part of it, destroyed, and Christianity fully victorious over it. And if this be the beginning of the binding of Satan, and caststing him into the abyss, then the thousand years must have another date about the year of Christ 450. or 455. the city having been taken by Alaricus and the Goths An. Ch. 410. and by Gensericus and the Vandals An. 455. but the war between Theodosius and Gensericus beginning An. 441. and the great fight between the Romans under the Emperor Marcion, and the Huns under Attilas (in which 162000 were killed) being An. Chr. 451. the greatest slaughter that hath ever been read of, as it is described by Jornandes, a little river being by the blood of the slain raised, saith he, into a torrent. Agreeable to this double beginning may be assigned a double end of these thousand years. For if the letting loose of Satan here were at the rising of the Ottoman family, and bringing Asia and Greece to Mahomedisme, that will be about the year 1310. and so about a thousand years from Constantine 's Edict: But if it were at the Turks taking of Constantinople (mentioned here ver. 9.) and turning the Temple of Sophia to Mahomedane worship about the year 1450. then will that be about a thousand years from the sacking of Rome by Gensericus. But the former of these interpretations is most sit for the place, that from Constantine 's Edict to the planting of Mahomedisme in Greece by Ottoman. For the taking of Constantinople is mentioned after this letting loose of Satan, and therefore is not itself in any reason to be defined that point of time wherein he was let loose, but rather that other wherein Mahomedisme began to prosper; for then the Christian religion fell under heavy persecutions again, which is contrary to the Martyrs living and reigning (as it hath been explained to signify Note a. &c. 1. e.) which was to last for the whole thousand years; and did so in the former account, but wants seven-score years of it in the latter. I can foresee but one objection against this beginning of the thousand years from Constantine, and that is the practices of Julian against the Christians, which soon followed Constantine's favor to them; which may consequently be thought irreconcilable with the truth of this prediction thus interpreted, the peace of the Church, and cessation from persectuion for that space. But to this the answer will be easy, that Julian, although himself an Apostate, was yet for some time so far from attempting to presecute the Christian religion, that he chose rather to dissemble his own, and to make as if he were a Christian. So saith Asterius that lived in his time, Hom. 3. de avarit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. He put off the vizard of the Christian, and laid open the scene, by drawing the curtain, which he had a long time kept close: and to that purpose Epiphaniae festo templum Christianorum ingressus est, solenniter numine invocato, he went to the Christians Church at their Christmas festivities, and solemnly join'd in the service, saith Ammianus Marcellinus. After, when he came to put off the disguise, and to appear, as he was, an enemy of the Christians, yet this he did more by subtlety then violence, art potius quàm potestate, he made use of art more then power, saith Orosius l. 7. c. 30. as all writers both profane and Ecclesiastical acknowledge. All that Ammianus mentions of his cruelty, is that he permitted not the schools of Grammar or Rhetoric to be open for them, Inter quae erat inclemens, quod docere vetuit Magistros Rhetoricos & Grammaticos Christianos, ne transirent à numinum cultu, One of his faults was his cruelty to the Christians, that he forbad the Masters to teach them, for fear they should forsake the worship of the gods, li, 25. to which the Christian writers add, that he admitted them not into the army, not offices, nor to honors. Ut negaretur fides Christi, honoribus magis provocare, quàm tormentis cogere studuit, That the faith of Christ might be denied, he more endeavored to provoke men by honors, then to constrain them by torments. Oros. l. 7. c. 30. So Asterius, Hom. 3. de avarit. speaking of his Apostasy, adds, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , many advantages were proposed to them that would do the same: And again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; How many receiving the bait of dignities swallowed down the hook of Apostasy? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. pointed at as traitors, and those of Christ, for a little money. Militiae cingulum non dari nisi immolantibus jubet, procurationem provinciarum jurísque dicendi Christianis statuit non debere committi, ut pote quibus etiam lex propria gladio uti vetuisset, He would not allow the military girdle to be given to any that did not sacrifice, permitted not the government of the provinces, or making of laws, to be committed to the Christians, objecting that their own law forbad them to use the sword, Ruffin. Eccl. hist. l. 1. c. 32. To the same purpose 'tis thought it was that he promoted the building of the Temple of the Jews at Jerusalem, but God permitted not that to prosper; but as Ammianus. l. 23. confesseth, metuendi globi flammarum prope fundamenta crebis insultibus crumpentes fecere locum exustis aliquoties operantibus inaccessum, hócque modo elemento obstinatiùs repellente, cessavit inceptum, Great flames oft broke out near the foundations and burnt the workmen, and kept them off, and so the fire obstinately resisting, the attempt was given over. And Ruffinus 's observation is very pertinent to this whole matter, l. 1. c. 32. Proficiebat quotidie in hujuscemodi legibus exquirendis, quibus et si quid versutum vel callidum, tamen quod minus videretur crudele, decerneret, He daily sought out new laws, wherein though he showed great subtlety of invention and cunning against the Christians, yet he abstained from all that might have any show of cruelty. And though S. Jerome, Theodoret and others affirm of him that at his expedition against the Persians he vowed to offer up to his gods the blood of the Christians, in case he returned conqueror; yet we know that God so disposed, that he was wounded and died in that expedition, and that in the prime of his strength at one and thirty years old, and as Orosius saith, Deus impia consilia impii morte dissolvit, God brought the wicked counsels to naught by the death of this wicked man. And accordingly Athanasius is said to have foretold of him in these words, comforting the Christians who feared a persecution, Nolite, ô filii, conturbari, nubecula est & cito pertransit, Be not troubled, it is a little cloud and passeth away quickly, Ruffin. l. 1. c. 3. 4. And a Christian being asked by Libanius, Julian 's instructer, what the carpenter's son was a doing, answered that he was making a coffin for Julian: Which befell him so soon after, that S. Jerome on Habakkuk c. 3. relates a speech of a witty heathen on occasion of Julian 's death; How, said he, do the Christians say of their God that he is patient and longsuffering, whereas by this Emperor's death it appears that he could not defer his indignation, ne modico quidem spatio, for the least space: Nihil iracundins, nihil hoc furore praesentius, said he, There could not be greater and more sudden anger and fury expressed. And although Athanasius himself was by him designed to the sharpest part of persecution, yet God was pleased to aavert it from him, as Ruffinus relates the story l. 1. cap. 34. And when at last upon occasion of the removal of the body of the Martyr Babylas, he commanded the Christians to be seised on and punished, the story mentions none but only Theodorus, a young man, that suffered by it, who sang all the while under the tormentor, and complained when his punishment was at end, that he was a looser by his release. See Ruffinus, and Socrates, and Theodoret. By all which appears the power and fidelity of God in making good this promise of his to the Christian Church, and restraining this Apostate's malice from disquieting the Church, and so it is a very great and convincing argument for the truth of this interpretation, rather then an objection against it. Having said thus much for the interpreting of these thousand years in a way which is very remote from the conceits of the Millenaries, I must expect this objection and suggestion of their against it; 1. that the Chiliasts opinion and interpretation of this place was received universally in the first ages of the Church; and 2 ^dly , that it was delivered down from the Apostles, and that Justin Martyr hath affirmed the former of all Orthodox men in his time, and Irenaeus produced testimonies of the latter. For the testimony of Justin Martyr, it is true that he hath these words of this matter, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but I and many others are of this opinion; and again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I and as many Christians as are orthodox in all things. From hence indeed it is rightly concluded, that Justin was himself of this opinion, and some, nay, if we believe him, many others with him. But that either this was the uncontradicted doctrine of the Church in his age, or that Justin saith it was so, is falsely collected from hence. For first, they are the plain words of Justin p. 306. b. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I have signified to you that many do not acknowledge this doctrine (of Christ's reigning here a thousand years) and those Christians of pure and pious opinion and judgment; and that either the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should against consent of all Copies be turned into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not should be left out, were a bold Criticisme, and of very ill example to the evacuating the force of all testimonies, (making men's words mutable into the direct contradictory) and beside would render it a very perplexed period. Secondly, it appears by Trypho, that he thought Justin had equivocated in telling him he believed it, upon this ground, because other Christians were not of this opinion. Hereupon the saith to Justin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , tell me truly whether you are sincerely of that opinion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and Justin answers, that he would not say it, if he had not thought it, and thereupon repeats his having told him, that he and many others were of that opinion, and promises to write a book of this disputation, and confess it to others as well as him; and adds that he means not to follow men and their doctrines, but God: which argues his acknowledgment that the opinion was not uncontradicted by men, nor generally consented to by Christians. Thirdly, those words which seem most to the contrary, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but I and as many as are Orthodox in all things, will not come home to the proving anymore then this, that he was of this opinion, and some others in all things consenting with him. For it being supposed that he was of that opinion, it cannot be expected of him that he should affirm any, that held it not, to be of right opinion in all things. Fourthly, it appears that he speaks of three sorts of men; the first that denied both the Resurrection and the thousand years, and those he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , nominal Christians, Atheists, impious, heretical leaders; the second that acknowledged the Resurrection, and denied the Millennium, and those are contained under Christians of pure and pious opinions; the third that held and maintained both, as himself and many others, and ( if there were, or) as many as were Orthodox in all things, that is, that in his opinion were such. As for Irenaeus, 'tis true, he sets dow the doctrine of the Chiliasts for a tradition, but withal renders an account of his doing so, Presbyteri qui Johannem viderunt meminerunt audisse se ab eo, & haec Papias Johannes auditor, Polycarpi contubernalis, vetus home, testata reliquit, The Elders that saw John, remember that they heard this of him, and Papias, S. John' s auditor, that dwelt with Polycarp, an ancient man, left these things testified. By which it appears that this testimony of Irenaeus amounts but to little more then the assertion of Papias, who hath not been a person of any reverend authority in the Church of God. And indeed upon the same grounds Irenaeus takes up another opinion, and mentions it as a tradition too, (which is sure far enough from being tradition, or true) that Christ lived till betwixt 40 and 50 years old, for which he voucheth Scripture, and the authority of omnes Seniores, all the Elders, qui in Asi apud Johannem discipulum Domini convenerunt, that were in Asia with John, who, saith he, witness that John delivered this to them, and farther, that they that saw the other Apostles, heard the same of them, and bear witness of such a relation. Whatsoever can be built on such an authority may as competently be refuted by the authority and reasons of Dionysius Alexandrinus, that lived not much above an hundred years after S. John, and opposed himself directly against it: and though some others were otherwise minded, yet was this doctrine of the Chiliasts condemned by the Church, and some that time, all accounted Heretics that maintained it.

[ f] V. 8. Gog and Magog ] What is meant by Gog and Magog must first be fetched from the prophecy of Ezekiel c. 38. 39. where by both these together Antiochus the great enemy and destroyer of the Jews is signified, as having the dominion of Syria and Asia both: see the Learned H. Grotius on Ezekiel. Answerable to this is it that Gog • should here signify the Lydian Asia or Lydia, and the neighbouring regions, the Princes whereof are called Gygae, which is lightly deduced from hence. And so in the collection of the Sibyllin oracles, Lydia and Pamphylia are expressed to be the interpretation of Gog. And by this the Ottoman family is fitly described, not only in respect of their malice & mischief wrought on the people of God, which makes the resemblance betwixt them and Antiochus complete (see c. 14. note c.) but because they first showed themselves in Lydia, and so peculiarly may be called Gog. By Magog Syria is meant, or indeed, in a greater latitude, Scythia, as S. Jerome affirms from the Jews, on Ezech. And so saith Josephus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The people of Magog are called by them Scythians. By these two together the Ottoman family seems to be signally meant, of which was Mahomet the second, who besieged, and after fifty or, as Crantzius saith, sixty six days siege, took Constantinople, the seat of the Eastern Empire, called from thence new Rome, and of the principal Patriarchate there, and converted their chief Church, Templum Sophiae, the Temple of Wisdom, into a Temple for Mahomedan worship, and this, as Leunclavius 's Annals, as Crantzius, and other the most diligent Chronologers set it down, Ann. Dom. 1453. a thousand one hundred twenty two years after the building of it (and changing the name from Byzantium ) by Constantine. Of this see Aeneas Sylvius Europ. c. 3. and 7. and Ep. 131, 155, 162. who by what he saith of it out of ancient writers, viz. that when it was in its flourishing condition, they that saw it looked upon it ut deorum potiùs in terris habitaculum, quàm Imperatorum, as an habitation of the gods on earth, rather then of the Emperors, affords us one farther reason why it is here called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the beloved city, (and so also in respect of the ancient learning preserved there, which made all men prize it) as its being an eminent Christian city, gives it the title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the camp of Saints.

Annotations on Chap. XXI.

[ a] V. 1. New heaven and new earth ] That heaven and earth signify no more then the world, hath been shown in Note on 2 Pet. 3. b. and consequently a new heaven and a new earth, instead of the old, which is put away, must signify no more than a new world. And this in the prophetic style is most proper to denote a flourishing state and condition of the Church, as there in S. Peter the new heaven and new earth wherein dwelleth righteousness, is a pure Christian Church planted by Christ, instead of the old Judaical mode; but this here with some difference, noting the flourishing condition of it, in opposition to the former persecutions it was under, the change consisting in that. And this from Isai. 65. 17. where, creating new heavens and new earth, is sending the Jews a joyful deliverance, and that a very permanent one, ch. 66. 22. To which is appliable that of the Jews, who say that whensoever 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the new song is mentioned, 'tis meant of the future age, that of the Messias, (so R. Solomon on Psal. 96. 1.) and R. Gaon renders the reason, because there shall be a new heaven and a new earth.

[ b] V. 2. New Jerusalem ] The true meaning of the new Jerusalem mentioned here, ver. 2. and again with the addition of holy, and the glory of God upon it, ver. 11. will be a key to the interpreting this chapter. That it signifies not the state of glorified Saints in heaven, appears by its descending from heaven in both places, (and that, according to the use of that phrase, ch. 10. 1. & 18. 1. as an expression of some eminent benefit and blessing in the Church) and so it must needs be here on earth; and being here set down with the glory of God upon it, it will signify the pure Christian Church, joining Christian practice with the profession thereof, and that in a flourishing condition, expressed by the new heaven and new earth (see Note a.) In this sense we have the supernal Jerusalem, Gal. 4. 26. the new Jerusalem, Rev. 3. 12. where to the constant professor is promised that God will write upon him the name of God, and the name of the city of God, the new Jerusalem, which there signifies the pure Catholic Christian Church. To which purpose it is observable, that Eusebius in the setting forth the flourishing of the Christian Church in Constantine 's time, particularly the building of a magnificent Temple to Christ at the place of his sepulture in Jerusalem, saith of it, that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (I should think it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the new Jerusalem, concerning which the holy Scriptures prophesying by divine Spirit do sing many things, l. 3. De vit. Const. c. 32. Where there is little doubt but this book and place of this prophetic Revelation is referred to by him wherein this new Jerusalem is so magnificently set out: And though his application of it to the building of that Temple at Jerusalem (both there and before, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) be somewhat too much restrained, yet the time of Constantine is perfectly agreeable to the notion which we have given of it; and the flourishing condition of Christianity, not only at Jerusalem (of which the building that Temple was an instance) but over the whole habitable world (the full importance of it) is not any way excluded by this stricter accommodation of his, but is rather evidenced by these passages to have been the interpretation affixed to this prophecy in those times wherein he wrote. The only difficulty remaining will be, whether this Vision being here placed after that other of chap. 20. concerning the thousand years, and the Turks invasions of the Church, it be here set to signify any new change after that, founded in the destruction of the Mohammedans, ch. 20. 9, 10. or whether it may not more probable be a repetition of the same thing more largely which is there set down, ch. 20. 4, 6. And this latter may safely be pitched upon, notwithstanding the placing of it after. For that which hath been observed of Joseph concerning the King 's dreams, Gen. 41. 32. that the two dreams being to one purpose v. 25. 'twas doubled, to show 'twas established by God, so it hath been ordinary with the Prophets in the Old Testament, and oft exemplified here, that two Visions should belong to the same matter. And this here very pertinent to the one design of all these Visions, to fortify the seven Churches of Asia, by foretelling largely the flourishing condition to which God should at last advance the Christian Church, which being but briefly pointed at in the former chapter (and that with a mixture of the contrary) and only the space of it for the thousand years particularly and punctually insisted on, 'twas here fit to be more largely and rhetorically set down, being a thing of so great importance. That this is the meaning of the new Jerusalem may further appear by an eminent monument in the prophecy of old Tobit before his death, ch. 14. 6, 7. where the third great period prophesied of by him is expressed by the building up Jerusalem gloriously (of the former see Note on Mat. 24. c. and the Praemon. ) the beginning of which is the conversion of the Gentile world, and their burying their idols, ver. 6. (which was the sum of these former Visions, ch. 18.) and then follows, all nations praising the Lord, all people confessing God, and the Lord's exalting his people, and all those that love the Lord our God in truth and justice shall rejoice, showing mercy to our brethren, a state of flourishing piety, magnifying, blessing, praising God, and of charity and mercy to all men, which is the sum of this ensuing Vision, and (as that there, so here) the conclusion of all.

[ c] V. 3. Behold the Tabernacle of God ] The meaning of this phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 behold the tabernacle of God with men, will easily appear by remembering the affinity of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 tabernacle, and the Schechinah, appearance or presence of God, called here ver. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 glory, and oft elsewhere. God is wont to be said in Scripture to be present where his Angels appear; accordingly the Pictures of the Cherubims in the Tabernacle, and after in the Temple, were notes of his peculiar presence there. And so both the Jewish Temple and Christian Church having the promise of God's peculiar presence, is fitly styled his Tabernacle here and ch. 13. 6. and elsewhere his house, both in the same sense, a tabernacle being but a moveable house. And then behold the tabernacle of God with men, is no more but an interpretation of that which was represented in this Vision, viz. that hereby was noted the Church of Christ, whose title is Emmanuel, God with us, or God with men, God incarnate; and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 behold, is a determination of it to what went immediately before, thus, The bride adorned for the husband, is the Christian Church (see ver. 9.) And then the promise that follows, he will dwell with them, &c. is his marrying, and endowing, and living, and dwelling with this spouse, that is, continuing his favor and love and protection to the Church, as long as that continues faithful to him, performs the duties of a wife, obedience and fidelity to the husband. And then consequent to that mercy and protection is the cessation of persecutions that follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and he shall wipe every tear from their eyes, &c. remove all cause of sorrow from the Christians.

[ d] V. 8. Fearfull ] The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cowardly here, which are set in the front of all these sins, denote the renouncers of Christ in time of persecution, set opposite to persevering Christians, v. 7. and here clearly signify the Gnostics, or such as they were, whose position it was, that 'twas an indifferent, and so a lawful, thing to forswear Christ in time of persecution, and to sacrifice to Idols (here also noted by idolatry. ) They are farther expressed by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 unfaithful, that fall off from Christ; and more especially by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 detested, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fornicators, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sorcerers, &c. see Note on ch. 2. b. &. ch. 9. c. & 1 Joh. 4. a. So Tertullian interprets it in Scorp. contra Gnost. c. 12. Inter reprobos, imo ante omnes, timidis, inquit, particula in stagno ignis, Ap. 21. among the reprobates, yea before all them, the cowardly have their portion in the lake of fire.

[ e] V. 10. City ] That the City is the Church is most evident in this Vision, being before called the holy City, the new Jerusalem, ver. 2. Now the wall is that which encompasseth the city, keeps all out which are not thought fit to be admitted, and guards and secures the city. And to this the Christian doctrine is perfectly answerable: none are to be admitted or continued there which do not acknowledge that; and so this likewise defends and fortifies the Church from the invasion of Heretics. And he that teacheth any other doctrine, let him be Anathema. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , greatness and highness of this wall, that signifies the excellence and even divinity of this doctrine, admirable precepts, divine and heavenly promises. And as this is a defensative to the city, so the foundations thereof are the several preachings of the Apostles in all their travails, which being the same in all places, this one wall is said to have twelve foundations, ver. 14. and on them the names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb, to signify those doctrines that are not thus founded on their preaching, either by word of mouth, or by writing deduced from them, not to be fit for reception in the Church.

[ f] V. 17. Measure of a man ] That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the measure of a man, refers here to the stature of a man, appears most probable by the addition of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is of an Angel. For as here the person seen in the Vision was an Angel, ver. 9. so Ezech. 40. 3. where there is mention of this measuring reed, it was shown him by a man whose appearance was like the appearance of brass, that is, a man in a glorious appearance, such as Angels used to appear in. And then the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or measure must refer, not to the cubit, immediately precedent, but to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or reed, ver. 15. noting that reed by which he had measured the city to be about six foot long, and so the measure or stature of a man, or Angel in human shape, as now he appeared unto him. That the reed or pole was of this size, that is six foot long, may be concluded from Ezech. 40. 5. There, as here, was a man with a measuring reed, ver. 3. and that reed was six cubits long, but that cubit not, as 'tis ordinarily counted, a foot and a half, but as it is taken by the measure of that bone which gives the denomination; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a cubit is the distance from the elbow to the wrist, as Aristotle and the Anatomists determine, which is in well-proportioned bodies the sixth part of a man's stature. And that this was the acceptation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as among the Grecians so among the Hebrews, appears by the account of Josephus De bell. Jud. l. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where having made the wall to contain 90. turrets, each of them 20. cubits long, and the space betwixt each to be 200. cubits, (which must conclude the circuit of the wall to be 19800 cubits) he adds, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the whole compass of the city was thirty three furlongs: which concludes the allotment of 600. cubits to every furlong; and that we know among the Greeks contained 600. foot. So that the cubit is no more then a foot, or the sixth part of a man's stature. So when Solinus saith of the walls of Babylon, quorum altitudo ducentos pedes detinet, that they were two hundred foot high, and so Pliny, Orosius saith they were fifty cubits broad, altitudine quater tantâ, four times as high, that is two hundred cubits; and so saith Herodotus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the height was two hundred cubits. That all this measuring of the city is mystically to be understood, and not literally, there is no doubt; but what the mystery is will not be obvious to determine. This may perhaps be it; that the considering or pondering, that is measuring of the Church, the duration, the extent, the flourishing of it, here described, as also of the walls thereof, the Christian saith, is the work, delight, desire of Angels, one of the number of those things which the Angels desire to look into, 1 Pet. 1. 12. Eph. 3. 10, 18, 19.

Annotations on Chap. XXII.

[ a] V. 1. A pure river ] The five first verses of this chapter belong to the business of the former chapter, the description of the Christian, Church in its flourishing condition and ought not to have been divided from it. And this first verse hath a nearer connection with that which immediately preceded. There in the beginning of it is mention of entrance into the Church, and who they were that should not be admitted to it. Now this entrance we know was by Baptism, and that is sure expressed here by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the pure river of water of life. The place wherein they baptized was first any great pool of water (typified, Ezech. 47. 5. by waters to swim in ) where they might go in, as Philip with the Eunuch, and be put under water; from whence it is ordinarily by the ancients called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a pool. In the times here referred to, that is, under Constantine, the Font was in the Court before the Church. Fountain-water running always into it. This Fountain-water is in the New Testament called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 living water, and here by analogy water of life, but that with the addition of a mystical sense (as when Ezech. 47. 9. it is said, that everything that moveth, wheresoever the waters come, shall live; or when Christ speaks of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 water leaping, or springing, to eternal life ) because Baptism as an initiation into the Church, is an entrance into a Christian and eternal life. And the water in the Baptistery or Font, maintained from the spring, is called here 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 river, a word by which any running water is called, and so that Ezech. 47. 5. And this river 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pure, because Baptism is a federal sacramental undertaking of all purity of living, forsaking all sin, and engaging of the soul to purity; and in the same respect it is also said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , clear as Crystal, being an obligation to all purity in the baptized. Now that this pure river is said to proceed, not as Ezech. 47. 1. from under the threshold of the house, but out of the throne of God and the Lamb, hath some more difficulty in it, which, I conceive, may thus be resolved; The throne is a notation of power and judicature, as when God is introduced in the Vision, c. 4. 1. sitting on a throne; and so the throne of the Lamb is that power which is by Christ enstated on the Governors of the Church, of which the power of baptizing being one special part, this river by which Baptism is expressed is fi • lie said to proceed out of the throne. To which purpose it must be observed, that the power of baptizing, though communicated to inferior Priests and Deacons, was at first in the Apostles, and from them descended to the Bishops, and never permitted to any but by appointment from the Bishop. So saith Ignatius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. in Ep. ad Smyrn. 'It is not lawful to baptize without the Bishop: and Tertullian de Bapt. Dandi baptismum jus habet summus Sacerdos, qui est Episcopus, dein Presbyteri & Diaconi, non tamen sine Episcopy authoritate, The chief Priest, who is called the Bishop, hath the power of giving baptism, after him the Presbyters and Deacons, but not without the authority of the Bishop. And S. Cyprian makes two parts of the power of the keys, (that ruling power, as of the aeconomus, entrusted to the Governors of the Church, the successors of the Apostles) the one to admit as by the key in Baptism, the other by Absolution. And that most probably is the meaning of this place, where the baptisiual water is in the Vision said to proceed from the throne of God, and of the Lamb.

[ b] V. 2. Street ] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the street denotes in this Vision may be easily resolved by observing that the streets or broad places of a city are places of concourse and resort, and so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , assemblies and streets, are used together in the same sense, Mat. 6. 5. Accordingly the street or broad place here will be fit to denote the place of assembly in the Church or City of God, where the prayers are offered up, and the sacrifice of the Church in the Eucharist, and where instruction is reached out to them.

[ c] Ib. On either side of the river ] That the tree of life here mentioned (instead of the very many trees in Ezekiel, ch. 47. 7) looks back to Paradise, where that tree was set, Gen. 2. 9. doth seem most probable, and well accords also with the river here join'd with it, as there V. 10. a river went out of Eden to water the garden. And therefore what is here meant by it in the prophetic notion, may be best learned from the allegorical interpretations which the ancient writers affix to it in the Old Testament; for those will be most agreeable to the prophetic style, which we know is made up of figures. Now of the tree of life saith Philo, it signified 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 piety, or worship of God. And so Clemens Alexandrinus, that the tree of knowledge was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , if we transgress, that is, it signified • inne, of which whosoever tasted, should die, but the tree of life denoted piety, of which he that eat, should live eternally. Other descants there are on it here, that it should signify the cross of Christ, or the enlivening grace of God: but this is the most agreeable to the Context, and the other circumstances thereof. But it must here be inquired what is the meaning of the phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which we render, in the midst of the street of it, and on either side the River; but the words bear not that, and a great inconvenience there must be in so rendering them, for the tree of life, which appears to be in Paradise and here but one, and not many, as in Ezekiel, nor set on the bank of the river, as there, must yet be supposed to be on both sides of the river, which is impossible. The best and most literal rendering will be this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the midst of the street and the river, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (or, as the Kings MS. reads, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) on this side and on that side, that is, not as in Ezekiel, the many trees on the one side and on the other side of the river, but so, as may be applicable to the one tree, and to the street, and river here named, one of them on one side, toother on the other side of the tree. That this is the meaning of the phrase may appear not only by the commodiousnesse of this sense, and the absurdities consequent to the other rendering, but also by comparing it with another passage in this writer, Joh. 19. 18. where it is said they crucified Christ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and with him two others, on this side and on that side, and Jesus in the midst (A phrase very near to this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here being all one with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there.) There Jesus is in the midst of the two thieves, that is, between them, and that expressed by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as here; That must signify there one of them on this side of him, and the other on that, and therefore it must in all reason be so here also, the street on one side, and the river on the other side, and the tree of life in the midst, or betwixt them. This being thus far clear, for the literal understanding of it, and so the representation not absolutely the same with that in Ezekiel, but lightly varied from it in some few circumstances, the mystical or prophetical meaning of it will be clear also, that betwixt the place of assembling on one side, and the Font or Baptistery on the other side, stood Piety in the midst, Baptism being on purpose designed to initiate, and engage us to piety, and by God's grace to enable us to perform it, and the service of God in the assembly, the prayers and the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and Christian instruction designed so too, for the confirming our vows of new life, and to instruct us farther in our duty, and to bring down more grace for the performance of it. What is added of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (not twelve manner of fruits, but) twelve fruits, is taken from Ezekiel also, ch. 47. 12. and is not to be applied to any set number of several virtues, as some would have it, but to the constant continual production of them, not at a few, but at all seasons; for so the year being the measure of all time, bearing fruit as oft as there be months in the year, must needs signify the continual, constant fruitfulness of it. And this was much for the honor of the tree, few trees bearing above once a year, few in the winter, but this every month in the year; and so the fitter to denote Christian piety, to which our Baptism engageth us, and our living in the Church confirms that engagement on us, and both to continue to serve God in holiness and righteousness all the days of our lives.

[ d] Ib. The leaves of the tree ] The leaves of a tree that beareth fruit are of use to guard and preserve the fruit; and besides they are many of them medicinal; and so both in Ezekiel and here they are said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for healing or medicine. That which is most probably here meant by these leaves of this tree of life, is the outward visibleness and exemplarinesse of piety, which accompanies the fruits of it. This in single persons is only the shining of their light before men, which is of great use to attract others (even the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , if that signify the Gentiles, unbelievers here) to Christianity, who see their good works; whereas the scandalous sins of Christians are apt to aliene and deter others from that profession. But in a Church these leaves may signify more also, the public and frequent assembling for the service and worship of God, and the Canons and exercise of strict discipline, &c. And that these latter, of the discipline and censures of the Church, are meant by these leaves, may be collected not only by the usefulness of them to the preserving works of piety in a Church, (as leaves are for preserving the fruit,) and secondly, by the propriety of them in order to cutting of the diseases of men's souls, the reforming of lapsed sinners, which may here be expressed by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for healing;