Annotations on the New Testament

Annotations on Chap. XII.

[ a] V. 1. Clothed with the Sun, and —] What notion is here to be affixed to the Sun and Moon, may thus most probably be resolved: The Sun being the Spring and fullness of light, communicating to all, but needing not to receive light from any, may fitly represent the Christian religion, as that contains the doctrines of perfect purity, not only external, but of the heart, and is an addition of perfection to all the laws that had formerly been given to men. And then the Moon being a fainter light, and proverbially noted for mutability, it may well signify the imperfect, and accordingly mutable economy of the Mosaical Law. That the Moon is under this woman's feet, may signify that the Church • noted by this woman clothed with the Sun, that is, the Christian Church, had now cast off that yoke of the Mosaical observances. Others have applied it to the use that Christian religion makes of the Law and Prophets, as a footstool to rest upon in some degree. But the phrase under the feet, rather implies that of bringing low, destroying, then making use of it; as when the enemies are put under the feet, or made the footstool, it notes them to be subdued. And so the Mosaical economy was at this time solemnly laid aside by the Christians, and the Nation and Temple destroyed in the former Visions.

[ b] V. 4. His tail ] Supposing the great red Dragon, v. 3. to signify the Devil, (see Note d.) the only question is, what is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 his tail. To this purpose it must be observed, that the serpents power of hurting lies principally in his head; and therefore] as it is of them observed, that they do all they can to preserve their head, as that wherein they are most nearly concerned, so the punishment that by God is threatened Satan in the shape of a serpent, Gen. 3. 15. is, that the seed of the woman shall bruise his head, that is, shall over-power and master him: And accordingly here the Roman Imperial power, by means of which the Devil is able to kill and persecute Christians, is expressed by the heads of the Dragon, v. 3. And then the tail being most distant from the head, and here mentioned distinctly from the seven heads, and that which here follows of drawing the stars, that is, corrupting the Christians, attributed distinctly to the tail, as that which succeeds ch. 13. 1. to the heads; it will follow, that the tail of the serpent shall most reasonably have a peculiar notion, & signify his policy & subtlety, which is the engine by which he works, before he proceeds to use his power, or when his power or force cannot prevail. And of this sort the Instruments ordinarily are Magicians and Sorcerers, and false Prophets, that by deceits seduce and corrupt men: and none more eminently deserved this title then Simon and his followers, First, in respect of the prodigies that he made show of; Secondly, by his doctrine of compliances, which offered all men ways of escaping persecutions, whether from the Jews or Gentiles, by determining it lawful to deny Christ, and offer sacrifices to Idols; Thirdly, by gratifying all their carnal desires, and giving them liberty for all uncleanness. From whence it is that Cyril of Jerusalem calls Simon by this title, so proper to this place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the prime Dragon of wickedness, or wicked Dragon. And so this is most proper to this part of the Ecclesiastic story of those first times, that as soon as the wheat was anywhere sown, the enemy sowed his darnel also; where ever Christianity was planted, the Gnostics infusions followed, to spoil and destroy it: and so it was at Rome, and that peculiarly at this point of time here noted in this Vision, before the Imperial edicts for the persecuting of the Christians came out. For these, we know, followed the destruction of Simon, (see Note b.) and are the subject of the next Chapter.

[ c] V. 6. Woman fled into the wilderness ] The time of the woman's flying into the wilderness, that is, of the banishing of the Christians from Rome, is known in story to have been in the tenth of Nero, at which time having fired the City, he imputed it unto the Christians. That he did it himself is affirmed clearly by Suetonius, in Ner. c. 38. quasi offensus deformitate veterum aedificiorum, & angustiis flexurisque vicorum, incendit urbem; & incendium ex turre Moecenatiana prospectans, loetus flammae, ut aiebat, pulchritudine, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ilii in illo suo scenico habitu decantavit, Not liking the unbeautifulnesse of the ancient buildings, nor the narrowness and turnings of the streets, he set the city on fire, and there burnt all that was sacred and precious in the city, and looking on the fire from a tower, and delighted, as he said, with the beauty of the flame, sang in his scenical habit the taking of Troy. Thus again we find in Xiphilin out of Dio. But for this the Christians were accused by him, and cruelly punished, faith Taci • us Annal. l. 15, and that writer, being an hater of the Christians, is pleased to think them guilty, and falsely affirms, that some of them confessed the fact, whilst not only in the general reputation of all men that then lived, of other writers that wrote of those times, but by the confession of Tacitus himself, Nero was acknowledged the author of it, who meant to have the honor of building a new city, and calling it by his own name by this means. However, the Persecution of the Christians began by this pretence, was by Nero's edicts the next year improved and advanced to so high a pitch, that Christianity was quite interdicted the Roman Empire. So saith Sulpicius Severus; N • que ullâ re Nero efficiebat quin ab eo jussum incendium putaretur; igitur vertit invidiam in Christianos, actaeque in innoxios crudelissimae quaestiones, quin & novae mortes excogitatae—Hoc initio in Christianos saeviri coeptum, post etiam datis legibus religio vetabatur, palámque edict is proposit is Christianum esse non licebat, Nero could by no means persuade men but that the city was burnt by his command; whereupon he diverted the envy of it on the Christians, and appointed cruel torments for the examining them, and invented new kinds of death. On this beginning the persecution brake out against the Christians, and after it the religion was prohibited by Laws, and public edicts made that no man might be a Christian. And this is it which is here meant by the woman's flying into the wilderness, and accordingly is by Tertullian called the first persecution; because though the Christians as such suffered before in Claudius's time, yet that was not by any Imperial edict, but only by tumults, when the heathen people were incited by the malicicus Jews. For as we read Act. 18. the Proconsul Gallio would be no Judge in such matters, but drave the Jews from the Judgment-seat. And this was toward the latter end of Claudius, after Claudius had commanded all Jews to depart from Rome: In which banishment of the Jews some Christians might suffer occasionally, and S. John be banished into Patmos; but there was as yet no Edict against them as Christians, at the least none for the putting of them to death, as the plea of S. Paul before Felix and Festus, his appeal to Caesar, (which was at the beginning of Nero ) make it plain. And accordingly we find, that when S. Paul came to Rome, Act. 28. he preached there 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , with all boldness or publicness, and was not forbidden. And at the writing of his Epistle to the Romans, their faith, saith he, was famous in all the world, Rom. 1. and he had oft desired to come to them, Rom. 15. 22. and that for many years, v. 23. And all this in Claudius 's time, before his going to Rome, which argues also that this woman was not yet fled, that is, banished, into the wilderness. And therefore of Nero it is Tertullian 's phrase, that he first dedicated persecution, & primum Neronem in hanc sectam ferociisse, Nero was the first Emperor that persecuted Christian Religion.

[ d] V. 9. Great Dragon ] The Hebrews call Satan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the old serpent: so again, c. 20. 2. And the casting him out at this time is the prospering of the Christian faith, consequent to this discomfiture of Simon Magus, and the manifestation of the power of Christ. So faith Arnobius 1. 2. Non distulerunt res patrias linquere, & veritati coalescere Christianae: viderunt enim currum Simonis, &c. They delayed not to leave all their worldly possessions, and to cleave to Christianity (which was now under interdict:) For they saw Simon's chariot and fiery horse dispelled by the breath of Saint Peter's mouth, &c. And as by this means the Heathens were converted to the faith, by seeing the power of Peter, so were the Gnostics discomfited, seeing their leader Simon destroyed.

[ e] V. 10. Accused them] The accusation that Satan brings against sincere Christians appears by his dealing with Job c. 1. 9, 11. to be to this effect, that they are Hypocrites, and will only serve God as long as he protects and defends them. This it hereby appears that Satan looks on, as the charge of all others most for his turn to bring against men, and therefore that which he most desires to have truly said of them. Now the chief doctrine of the sect of the Gnostics, the followers of this Simon, (who is called the first-born of Satan) was this, that in time of persecution it is lawful to deny and forswear Christ (which was the very thing that the Devil laid to Job's charge,) and consequently all that were by him seduced into that doctrine, Satan might justly accuse before God day and night, as really guilty of that accusation. But when the doctrine of the Guosticks and the professors of it were now cast out of the Church, then this is here truly said, that the accuser of the brethren, that is, of Christians, is cast out; that is, Satan can no longer with any justice accuse the Christian Church, or, if he do, he is found to be a false accuser.

[ f] V. 16. The earth helped the woman ] The solemn notation of Judea by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the land, hath often been taken notice, of, and is very pertinent to this place, the seditions that were raised there about this time of Nero's reign diverting the malice designed against the Christians: and the same continued all the time of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian and Titus: and in all this space the Romans being wholly taken up about the Jews, the heathen Emperors did nothing against the Christians, till Domitian comes, who is the subject of the Vision in the next Chapter.

Annotations on Chap. XIII.

[ a] V. 1. The name of blasphemy ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 name of blasphemy literally signifies such a title as cannot be assumed or owned without blasphemy. Now blasphemy is committed two ways, either by speaking contumeliously of the true God, or giving divine honor to any else: which is also the taking that honor which is due to him alone, and bestowing it upon others, and so as contrary to his being acknowledged the one God, as the using him reproachfully is to his being God. And therefore it is that Paul and Barnabas having divine honors attributed to them at Lystra, they rent their clothes, Act. 14. 14. in the same manner as was usual among them when any man was heard to blaspheme, signifying thereby, that sacrificing to any creature is direct blasphemy against the Creator. Now what this title of blasphemy was, which is here referred to, is specified by S. Jerome Qu. II. ad Algas. Aeterna cùm dicitur quae temporalis •• st, nomen est blasphemy, The city Rome was called the Eternal city, (So Ausonius Gallus,

which to be attributed to anything which had a beginning and shall certainly have an end, is a name of blasphemy. So in the same words Prosper, Aeterna cùm dicitur quae temporalis est, utique nomen est blasphemy, cùm mortals, licet reges, in ea dic antur Divi, eisque suppli • es dicunt, Numini vestro, altaribus vestris, perennitati vestrae, &c. For that which is temporal to be called eternal, is the name of blasphemy, when their Kings though mortal are called gods, and their suppliants address to them in this style, To your Deity, your altars, your eternity, &c. See ch. 17. Note a. But beside this, (and what Athenaeus says of it l. 1. where he enstyles it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Rome the Celestial, or heavenly city ) it appears by many ancient Roman coins (set down by Goltzius in Thesauro ) that Rome was called a Goddess, there being many such inscriptions, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Rome a Goddess. Accordingly the people of Smyrna built a Temple to it, saith Tacitus hist. l. 3. and other Provinces used the like flattery, erected Temples, appointed Priests to the Goddess Rome; and at last Adrian raised a stately Temple, and called it Templum Romae & Augustorum, the Temple of Rome and of the Emperors (that is, dedicated to them, as to gods) saith Dio in Adriano. And accordingly this idolatry or blasphemy is taxed by Prudentius,

Rome is worship'd by sacrifice, after the manner of a Goddess, and they adore the Name of the city as a deity. And to this it is agreeable that many other Copies read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 names of blasphemy in the Plural, more such blasphemous titles beside that of urbs Aeterna, the Eternal city, that one of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Goddess, and the erecting Temples to it, containing all imaginable blasphemies in it.

[ b] V. 3. One of his heads ] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , One of the heads, will be judged, first, by the notion of head; secondly, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one. The head is the uppermost part of a man, and so proverbially signifies anything that is most eminent or conspicuous; and so here, v. 1. the seven heads are most probably the seven hills on which Rome was built. Then for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that (for want of degrees of comparison in the Hebrew language) is by an Hebraism, oft taken for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the first, as Mat. 28. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (not one, but) the first of the week. Both these concur to apply this phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to the Capitol at Rome, to which it belongs so properly and characteristically. For first, the word Capitol cerntainly comes from Caput, and head; and Livy renders the reason for it, that a man's head being found in that place where that was after built, ( Caput Toli, the head of Tolus, saith Arnobius ) the Oracle answered, Eo loco caput summámque imperii fore, that the head and top of the Empire should be there. Secondly, In this place was the Temple of Jupiter, called therefore Jupiter Capitolinus; and he being the first or chief of the gods, the place where his Temple stood may well be the principal of the heads of this city. Now that this head is here said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , slaughtered or smitten to death, this clearly belongs to the burning of the Capitol; which fell out twice about these times. First, It was set afire by those that accompanied Sabinus and Domitian thither, and who were there besieged by Vitellius's soldiers, a little before the death of Vitellius; whose successor Vespasian, being returned out of Judea, and having committed the war against the Jews to his son Titus, in the very next year (at which time the Temple at Jerusalem was burnt) re-built the Capitol most sumptuously, and restored Jupiter's Temple in it: Which as it was a kind of recovery of Rome from a mortal disease (expressed by a coin of Vespasian's, inscribed Roma resurges, Rome thou shalt rise again) so it was looked on as a great expression of the wrath of God against the Jews, that at that time not only their Temple was burnt, but that other of Jupiter at Rome permitted to be re-built, and at Jerusalem heathen sacrifices offered in the Temple of God by the Roman soldiers, and all God's, Priests ferch'd out of their caves or hiding-places, and killed by Titus 's command. O this re-edifying the Capitol see Tacitus hist. l. 4. And to this the words here would commodiously enough be appliable. But besides this, there was a second wounding of this first head, another burning of the Capitol, in Titus's reign, which was by lightning, and so esteemed to be sent from heaven. And this is more proper to this point of time, to which this Vision belongs, and being done as • from heaven might from thence be more fitly objected to Idolatry, as a deadly wound to that worship of Jupiter. And this was so sumptuously repaired by Domitian (whose time is the subject of the Vision in this chapter) that Martial makes Jupiter indebted to him for it,

what can Jupiter pay thee for his Temple in the Capitol? And on this 'tis said that the whole earth wondered after the beast. Where by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the whole earth or land, the Roman Territories are most probably meant (see Note k.) which are to Rome as all Palestine (so often called by that style, the land ) to Jerusalem; and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wondering behind, or after, the beast, signifies their great veneration (wrought in them by this means) to the Idol-Worship, which is farther expressed by their worshipping the Dragon, that is, the Devil, v. 2. called the old serpent, c. 12. 9. and the Devil and Satan, a Dragon being but a flying serpent, by which the Devil hath always been represented. Who being here looked on as the maintainer of the heathen worship, he is adored and applauded greatly; and that farther expressed by their saying. Who is like unto the beast? who can fight with him? that is, No man or God is able to oppose this Idol-worship professed in the Capitol, or resist the power by which it is upheld.

[ c] V. 5. A mouth speaking great things, and blasphemies ] One special testimoney of the Heathens blasphemy against God upon occasion of the Romans victories over the Jews, is that of Cicero pro Flacco, speaking of the Jews, Illa gens, quàm chara diis immortalibus esset, docuit, quod est victa, quod elocata, quod servit, That nation hath taught us how dear they are to the immortal gods by their being conquered, and subjected by the Romans to a King of their sending thither. This hath been thought fit by a learned man to be brought to the illustrating of this place, though indeed it belong to it only by way of accommodation, as a proof how apt the Romans prosperity and conquests over Judea were to make them blaspheme God; not that this speech can belong to the point of time now spoken of, being delivered long before by Cicero. Dionysius Alexandrinus in Eusebius l. 7. c. 10. applies it to Valerian 255. years after Christ, who (by the instigation of the chief of the Magicians in Egypt. commanding him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to kill and persecute the pure and holy men, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. as those that hindered their enchantments ) became a great enemy of the Church. The like is again related of Diocletian, that upon a response of Apollo from Delphi, that the just upon earth hindered him from speaking truth, he fell on persecuting the Christians: see Eusebius De vita Const. l. 2. c. 49, 50. But that which is more pertinent to the times whereof, I conceive, the Vision speaks, is Domitian's styling himself Dominus & Deus noster, and forbidding ne scripto quidem ac sermon cujusquam appellaretur aliter, that any, whether in words or writing, should call him otherwise, and appointing his statues of gold and silver to be set up in the Capitol, and his professing his contempt of thunder and lightning. See Suetonius in his life, c. 13.

[ d] Ib. Continue forty and two months ] That which is read in some Copies, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to wage war forty two months, that is, three years and an half, is in other the best and ancientest Copies (without 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. and then that is to spend or stay so many months. Thus the King's MS. hath it: and so in Eusebius Eccl. Hist. l. 7. c. 10. Dionysius Alexandrinus citing this place reads it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (or, as another reading of Eusebius hath it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , power was given him forty two months. And then to stay so many months is to live so long; which was puncturally true of Domitian, who began his persecution in the thirteenth, and died in the sixteenth year of his reign. And so this is directly answerable to the space wherein Antiochus had vexed the Jews, Dan. 7. 24. (see Eissebius Eccl. Hist. l. 3. c. 13.) and so is fit to be expressed in the same form of words, as we see it is.

[ e] V. 8. Names are not written in the book of life of the Lamb slain ] That the words here should not be read thus, the Lamb slain from the beginning of the world, (though it be perfectly true that Christ was in the designation and decree of god so slain from the beginning ) but thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whose names were not written from the foundation of the world, (that is, were never written) in the book of life of the Lamb that was slain, may sufficiently appear by comparing this expression here with c. 17. 8. where the words are, whose names are not written in the book of life from the foundation of the world. Now some difference there is betwixt the book of life of the Lamb slain here, & the book of life in the place. There the book of life signifies the register of all the good Christians on earth, such as at that time, when their names are said to be written in it, are true believers; but the book of life of the Lamb that was slain signifies peculiarly the register or catalogue of confessors, such as already have, or are now about to venture their lives for the confession of Christ, to take up his cross and follow him, and so are conformable to this image of Christ, this of the Paschal lamb (by which he was anciently represented) the sacrificed, crucified Savior. And so these men of the land, that is, the Jews here that worship the beast, the Gnostics, that to avoid persecution go to their Idol-feasts or sacrifices, are justly thus described, they whose names, from the foundation of the world, have not been written in this book of life of the slain lamb, or in the slain lamb's book of life.

[ f] V. 10. Leadeth into captivity ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is to gather together a captivity, that is, a number of Captives, as he that undertakes to bring them back out of their Captivity, to be their Captain, and lead them against their Conqueror that hath taken them, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to gather to war, c. 16. 14, 16. and 20. 8. and as the word gathering is particularly applied to Captives, and so used by the Psalmist, Gather us, O Lord, from among the people, &c. Psal. 106. 47. having in the former verse mentioned 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , those that had carried them captive, which concludes the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 us there to be the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Captivity here (in like manner as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 circumcision is the Jews which were circumcised, and many the like) just as the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 gather together is all one with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 gathering. This is after farther expressed by killing with the sword, that is, making violent resistance and opposition against the persecuting Emperors; which for a Christian to do is quite contrary to the faith and patience of the Saints, which consists in suffering, not in resisting, in having their names written in the slain lambs book of life (see Note d.) not in the military list of those that will fight against their lawful Superiors rather then suffer under them. Now as God hath in the fifth Commandment of the Decalogue commanded obedience, and (in the Psalmist, and in the Sermon on the mount ) meekness, with the promise of temporal blessings; so here doth he deter from resistance or rebellion, even against persecuting Emperors, by denouncing of temporal judgments of an higher nature then those which by that means any man desireth or attempteth to avoid. He that goeth about to deliver those conquered Captives out of the Emperors hands, out of his oppressions or persecutions, shall do them no good, but shall himself be justly punished by him, by the righteous judgment of God, who loves not thus to be assisted (any more than Christ by S. Peter 's sword) against his enemies, but denounces (as there in the Gospel, so here) perishing by the sword against him that thus useth the sword against a lawful Superior, though acting wickedly against Christ or Christianity. And so the only Christian weapons against persecuting Princes are demonstrated to be Patience and Faith, enduring meekly what comes from them, and referring our cause to God only. And by these means (so necessary for every Christian to observe, v. 9.) hath Christianity ever flourished, & by none other.

[ g] V. 11. Another beast ] What this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 other, or second, beast signified in this Vision, is determinable by the consequents (v. 13, 14.) thus far, that it must denote someone or more Sorcerers or Magicians, to whom it is peculiar to do the great wonders, to make fire come down from heaven, v. 13. to deceive by means of those miracles which he hath power to do before the beast. Of this therefore so signally set down there can be no place of question, nor consequently that these sorcerers were Heathens, being by the Devil made use of to support and advance Heathenism and Idolatry. This appears 1. by his speaking like the Dragon, that is, the Devil (see Note b.) 2 ^dly , by his exercising all the power of the first beast before him, that is, assisting of the heathen worship, v. 1. whose deadly wound was cured, that is, which was newly restored to a flourishing condition again by Domitian 's re-edifying of the Capitol, (see Note b.) 3 ^dly , by his commanding to make an image to the beast, v. 4. (which must be again the advancing of heathen worship) and so the giving breath to the image, as shall anon appear. It is therefore most reasonable to interpret this second beast of Apollonius Tyaneus, that did such feats at this point of time, and was the person whose life is so solemnly written by Philostratus, and his miracles by Hierocles compared with and preferred before Christ's, that he cannot be looked on as a person too mean to be thus represented in this Vision. But this not so as to confine it to his person, (for Christ himself is oft not the person of Christ, but he and his followers, the Christians together) but to comprehend also the Magicians, Sorcerers, Augurs, heathen Priests, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that divined by the entrails of beasts, flying of birds, the whole sort and profession of these. For that it belongs not to Simon Magus, and his followers, Menander and Basilides, &c. (though they were all Sorcerers) appears, 1. because Simon was worshipped in time of Claudius; and though in Nero 's reign he came a second time to Rome, yet he was then worsted and destroyed by the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul, and the Christian religion advanced by that means, not Heathenism, as here it is; and 2 ^dly , the contexture of these Visions, & other characters in the former part of this chapter, determine this of the second beast to Domitian 's and not to Nero 's time: and for Menander and Basilides, &c. they kept & taught in Palestine, Egypt and Syria, whereas this second beast must have a larger influence, & that particularly on heathen Rome, and the heathen worship there, denoted by the first beast, whose deadly wound had been cured. And for the confirming of this interpretation, it is to be observed (what is most evident) that this second beast, and the false prophet, c. 19, 20. had the same design. For as here the second beast doth his miracles before the first, v. 12. & commands to make an image to the beast, v. 14. & causeth them to take the mark of the beast upon them, v. 16. so there the false prophet had done his signs before the beast, by which he had deceived those that received the mark of the beast, and worshipped his image. And that there the false prophet signifies the heathen diviners, that foretold out of the Oracles of the Sibyls, &c. will appear c. 16. 13, 14. (Note g.) This being thus evinced, that this whole sort of deceivers (who by their arts were serviceable to the confirmation of heathen Idolatry) are denoted & represented by the second beast, the several phrases in this Vision & parts of the representation will be very intelligible; as will appear in the following Notes.

[ h] Ib. Two horns ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 horns in the Scripture most commonly signify power or strength, because the horns of beasts being their weapons, their power of defending themselves, or hurting others, doth most properly consist in them: see Note on Luk. 1. n. And though it be here the horns of a lamb, which is no strong or formidable beast, yet still the horns of the lamb, or sheep, are the only strength which that creature hath, and horns cannot properly signify anything else but strength. As for the whole phrase here, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , two horns like unto ( a or) the lamb, it must be interpreted by analogy with what we read ch. 5. 6. There Christ having been slain, & risen again, & install'd in his regal power, is represented by a lamb having seven horns, which are the denotation of his several branches of power, useful to him for the subduing his enemies: And so here of this second beast it is said, that it hath two horns like the lamb, that is, this lamb before described, ch. 5. in like manner as the beasts speaking 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as the Dragon, refers to the Dragon, v. 2, 4. And though the demonstrative article 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be not prefixed, yet that is so ordinarily left out in all Writers, when it must be retained in the sense, that no objection can be drawn from thence. This then being thus far clear, it remains only to inquire what acts of power are here meant by the two horns. And 1. it must be resolved that they are two such as are like two of Christ's; for that is concluded from the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , like the lamb. Of which number as the power of miracles and of prophecy are certainly two, so there is great reason here from the Context to resolve these to be the two that are here meant. For it being already cleared, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 horns signify powers, two powers are here named distinctly in the following verses; first, the power of working signs; ver. 14. secondly, of giving breath to the image of the beast, ver. 15. For that is the denotation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in those two (and very ordinary in other) places, It was given to him, that is, Power was given to him, or he had power (see Luk. 1. Note p.) Now the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signs doth acknowledgedly denote miracles; and so it is specified, ver. 13. He dth great signs, so that he makes fire come down from heaven, &c. and so that is the first horn of this second beast, the Magicians and Sorcerers power of working some prodigies, like unto those that Christ the lamb (himself, and in his Apostles afterwards) had wrought, resembling them, but not truly such, false, deceitful miracles. And for the power of giving breath to the image of the beast, that is expressed in the next words to be the enabling the image of the beast to speak, which clearly denotes the receiving responses from the Devil, or the Devils giving of Oracles, foretelling things to come; which is another imitation of what the Lamb or Christ had done, who left the power of prophecy in his Church after his Ascension, as he saith of the Paraclete, he shall show you things to come, and as S. Paul saith Ephes. 4. 11. that for the founding and confirming a Church, Christ gave some Apostles, some Prophets, &c.

[ i] V. 13. Maketh fire come down —] The first of these horns or powers, being showed to be the power of miracles wrought by the Magicians through the power of the Devil, contains under it all the deceitful wonders wrought by Sorcerers in those times; and the strangest of all these that were by any of them pretended to, was this of making fire descend from heaven, in imitation of Elias, as Jannes and Jambres did by their magic some miracles after Moses. And this is particularly related by Philostratus of Apollonius Tyaneus l. 5. c. 5. that he called down fire from heaven. And this is a signal evidence that these Sorcerers were this second beast.

[ k] V. 14. Make an image to the beast ] The design of these Sorcerers to advance Heathenism by that means, and to oppose Christianity, and the successfulnesse of their attempt, so far as to incense the Emperors against the Christians, and to engage them to favor and encourage Heathenism or Idolatry, is sufficiently known in story, and appears by that book of Hierocles, (to which we have Eusebius 's answer, though the book itself be not extant) wherein he compares Christ and Apollonius, the Evangelists the writers of Christ's story and Philostratus the writer of Apollonius 's life, and prefers Apollonius and Philostratus very much before the other. And this is the meaning of ver. 12. he did all the power of the first beast before him, that is, he confirmed men in the belief and practice of all the heathen worship which was then a-foot; and as it follows, makes all the inhabitants of the land, that is, the generality of the Roman Empire, to worship the first beast, whose wound had been cured, that is, to continue those heathen worships of Jupiter Capitolinus, and the like, which seemed to have been shaken by the burning, but were settled again by the re-edifying of the capitol. And not only so, but, as here 'tis added, he saith to the inhabitants of the land, that is, commands them, , 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to make an image to the beast which hath the stroke of the sword, and lived. That that beast which hath the stroke of the sword, and yet lived, is the beast v. 1. one of whose heads was wounded to death, and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mortal wound (all one here with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 stroke of the sword ) was cured, is manifest; and that hath been cleared to denote the heathen worship, as it then stood at Rome, the prime part of which was the worship of Jupiter Capitolinus. The only difficulty then is, what is the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 image of this beast. And first, it may signify the inventing and introducing of some other heathen worships or temples besides those, yet agreeable and like unto those which they had already: And to that sense may be applied what we read of Domitian, his adding of new Deities, and erecting Flavia templa, Flavios Sacerdotes, of which saith Martial l. 8. Epigr. 80.

Sic nova dum condis, renovas, Auguste, priora,

Debentur que sunt, quaeque fuere tibi. Whilst he built new temples, and re-edified the former, both were to be acknowledged due to him, what now are, and where were before. But there is one objection against this interpretation, viz. that as this second beast (Sorcery, or the Magicians,) is said at the beginning of the verse to deceive those that dwell on the land, so this beast saith to the inhabitants of the land 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that they should make the image. And there is no reason to think that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the inhabitants of the land should denote Domitian the Emperor. What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies we have oft explained, not the earth, but the land, that is, the whole region or dominion; and that to be defined by the Context. While the discourse was about the Jews, there it signified constantly Judea, and the rest of the Tetrarchies, all Palestine; and now in this chapter (see Note b.) the discourse is about the Romans, it must by analogy signify the whole Roman Empire, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the world, which sometimes signifies Palestine, elsewhere signifies the Roman Empire (see Note on Mat. 24. e.) And consequently 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the inhabitants on the land will signify ver. 7 and here the Princes and people of the other regions, within the compass of the Roman Dominion; and then most probably the meaning of the verse will be that by the deceits of these Magicians, Apollonius, &c. (who, as Philostratus makes it evident, went about all the regions, and did their wonders, and drew men after them) the people of all those countries were persuaded to admit the like worships (and build the like Temples) to those in the Capitol at Rome, which may be meant by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to wonder after the beast (see Note b.) that is, to receive universally the worship of Jupiter, and to build Temples to him. As for the conceit, that Achilles 's ghost, which Apollonius in Philostratus is said to have raised, should be the image of the beast here, or that the image of Apollonius himself, which his scholars appointed to be worshipped, should be it, there are many inconveniences which lie against either of those interpretations. This which we have set down is the most simple, and agreeable to the Context.

[ l] V. 15. Life ] That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies breath, not life, is sufficiently known, and consequently, to give breath must be to enable to speak, as it here follows; and to give this to the image of the beast in the notion of that forementioned, Note k.) must signify to devise arts by which Oracles were now given, or the Devils raised to give Responses in those other places where these Roman worships had been received. That the Oracles at Cumae, at Dodona, at Delphi, in all Boeotia, and in most other places, were become dumb before this time, is acknowledged by all heathen writers: and Plutarch 's discourses of that subject are very considerable to show the influence that the Christian faith had on this, & how Idol-worship lost much of its reputation by this means. These Augurs then and heathen Priests, as they did undertake to divine by looking into entrails of sacrifices, & by many other ways, so did they contrive the delivering of Oracles in new places, as in Pontus, by Aesculapius, and the like, as may be seen in Lucian 's Pseudomantis. This practice continued public as long as the Emperors continued Pagan, and afterwards more privately: But about the time to which this Vision belongs, that is, in the reign of Domitian (as also of Trajan and Adrian ) upon the great defection of Oracles, the Devil in these his agents was most active to repair the loss by setting up new Impostures in this kind; and this as a branch or effect of that Prophetick power signified by the second horn (of this second beast) like unto the lamp, ) ver. 11. and to this must be applied that in the end of that verse, subjoined immediately to the mention of the two horns, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the second beast spake (that is, these Augurs prophesied, or delivered Oracles,) as the Dragon; First, Wickedly and cruelly, for the advancing of Satan's kingdom, as when by this means they stirred up the Emperor and his Officers against the Christians. See Lucian in Pseudomant. concerning Alexander the Magician. And so • aith Baronius An. 272. §. 20. the Gentile-Priests did out of the Oracles of the Sibyls incense the Emperors against the Christians. Secondly, Cunningly, doubtfully, giving their Responses in obscure forms, veiling their predictions in equivocal speeches, as the Devil, that knows some futures, and guesseth at others, is wisely and politically wont to do. The former of these seems chiefly to be meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as the Dragon, because in this v. 15. after the Image of the beast speaking, is immediately added, and cause that as many as would not worship the image of the beast should be killed. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[ m] V. 16. A mark in their right hand ] The giving 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 marks in the right hand or forehead was ordinary in Syria and the neighbor countries, not as a brand or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as it is among others, by way of punishment; see Gal. 6. 17.) but as a note of servants, or to discriminate the servants of one Master from another. These marks were either in their right hands (or arms, or wrists, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 oft signifies, and not only the hand, which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , see Mar. 7. Note a.) or in their foreheads: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith Julian, marks of soldiers are in their hands or wrists; and Lucian De dea Syr. hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be marked on the wrists. So that to cause all to receive this mark, is to force all to the receiving these Idol-worships; and the way of forcing them is specified ver. 17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that no man might buy or sell, that would not; that is, incensing the Emperor and his Officers in the provinces to make interdicts against Christian assemblies, and to proceed severely and capitally against all that used any but these heathen Idol-worships. This whole passage seems to allude to the tyranny of Ptolemaeus Philopator upon the Jews in the thread of the Maccabees, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — He made an edict to bring disgrace upon the nation, and upon a tower joining to the court he erected a pillar, and engraved on it, that no man should enter, but those who sacrificed after the heathen manner to their gods, and that all the Jews should be forced to be enrolled & put in a servile condition, and that those that were enrolled should be marked also with fire upon their body with Bacchus's Ensign, an Ivieleafe. Which passage seems to be taken notice of by the Author of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , who speaks of Ptolemaeus Philopator marking men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , with Ivy-leaves. All which we see signifies the marking them out as servants with the ensign of their heathen god Bacchus, as here with the mark of the beast, that is, of Idol-worship.

[ n] V. 17. Name of the beast] Beside the mark of the beast, here is mentioned the name of the beast, and the number of the name, which are in like manner to be received on their wrists, or foreheads, as the mark was; for so the construction carries it, He causeth all 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that he may give them a mark, ver. 16. And that no man should buy or sell, save he that had the mark, or the name, or the number of the name, Where, as their having a mark given them is all one with receiving and having it, so the having the name, and number of the name of the beast, must be all one with their receiving it. And then this will signify no more then the several ways whereby servants or worshippers of the heathen Idols were initiated, or received, and discriminated from others; First, by a mark or ensign of that God whose worship it was, an Ivy-leaf for Bacchus (from whence they were called thyrfigeri, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) and the like; Secondly, by the name of the God engraved on them, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Apollo, Bacchus, &c. and therefore, c. 14. v. 11. we have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which must there best be rendered, the engraving of his name; Thirdly, by numeral letters, which make up the same sum that the name of the God makes, which is but a mystical or cabalistical way of having the name understood by them that use it, but not easily understood by any man else. Of these Servius on Virgil makes frequent mention: And Martianus Capella mentions XN as the mystical name of the Sun, that is, the number of the name. And an example of this manner of describing a God, even Christ himself, hath been set down from the Sibylline Oracles, Note on 1 Pet. 4. f. Having gone thus far, it is now observable that these four phrases, worshipping the image of the beast, ver. 15. having the mark of the beast, having the name of the beast, having the number of the name of the beast, are all here used in the same matter, (as things commanded under severe interdicts, either capital punishment, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that they may be killed, that do it not, or expulsion from human society, that they may not buy or sell, but be discommuned) and perhaps thus differently expressed to set down the several degrees of complying with Heathenism, that the persecutions brought Christians to, known and mentioned by the ancients, that is, the several species of the Lapsi; first, Apostatae, Apostates, that openly renounced the Christian religion; secondly, Sacrificati, they that sacrificed to Idols-gods; thirdly, Thurificati, they that burnt incense to them; fourthly, Libellatici, they that received tickets to acknowledge that they had done so, though they had not; which being, in respect of the scandal of it, and by way of interpretation, all one with having sacrificed, may properly by expressed by receiving the number of the beasts name which is in effect all one with receiving his name, or mark.

[ o] V. 18. Here is wisdom ] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , here is wisdom, signifies, is somewhat uncertain. It may refer to God; Herein is wisdom shown, that as the heathen Priests veil the names of their gods in secret numbers, so God hath here set down in cypher the name of that heathen god whose worship is by these Edicts prescribed. And then that which follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , let him that hath understanding count, or reckon, will be no more then. Let him that knows what belongs to mystical expressions of names by numbers take notice of this number now given him, and he shall find how it fits the event. But it is also possible that the phrase, here is wisdom, may refer only to man: 'It is an act of special wisdom to do it: and then to that sense will be agreeable what follows, Let him that hath understanding cast the account; where again the wisdom and understanding may either signify skill and sagacity to find out the meaning of this mystery, or else prudence to manage it wisely, that it shall bring no danger upon him, it being that which was not fit publicly to be discovered, but if any man had the skill to discern it, he would, if he were wise, reckon it to himself, and say nothing, not discover that openly which might bring danger or persecution along with it. To this purpose 'tis observable, that in the first ages of the Church (which were most likely to have understood and given us light in it) they made no conjectures about it; and 'tis Irenaeus's saying, that if in his time it were fit publicly to be declared, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , It would have been declared by him that saw the Revelation, for that was but a little while ago, almost in our age, about the end of Domitian's reign. Intimating, that the reason of S. John's not discovering it as somewhat proper to those times, that is, surely, because somebody that lived in his time, or was suddenly to come, was concerned in it. It will now, at this distance of so many hundred years, be more difficult for us to find it out, and less advantageous to afflict our minds in the search of it. That conceit of Irenaeus, that the number is to be found out by the Greek account of letters, hath been taken for the rule by which the work must be wrought, and so the Greek Alphabet hath had all the applications made to it to expound this riddle: Whereas first these kind of Airthmetical mysteries were not ordinary among the Greeks of that age; and secondly, the Greeks had anciently another way of numbering, beside that of the letters of the Alphabet in their order, viz. by six letters only taken out of the Alphabet, which did comprehend all numbers: And who knows whether that be not the way of numbering by which the operation is to be wrought? And thirdly, it is much more probable, that S. John had respect to the Hebrew custom of finding out mysteries in the number of letters, that being very usual among the Rabbin's of that age, under the name of Ghematria, which was a mysterious and abstruse art; and, in their account, a special depth of wisdom among them. Whatever this number is, 'tis somewhat, which as a note of discrimination, is imposed, v. 16, on all men of that time and place, whereof that Vision treats, and which some had upon them, v. 17. was received by some, ch. 14. 11. and not received by others, ch. 20. 4. All this and much more might be said, to demonstrate it unreasonable to take any pains in finding out the precise name, whereof this of 666 is the numeral expression. The sense of the verse and the whole passage is clear without it, that the heathen Priests, and Augurs, and Sorcerers, should incense the Emperor against the Christians in all the Provinces, and cause them to make Edicts of great severity against all that did not some way comply with their heathen worships. And I shall not trou • le the Reader with any (as more scrupulous, so) uncertain enquiries.

Annotations on Chap. XIV.

[ a] V. 1. I looked, and lo a lamb —] The sum of this ensuing Vision, and the propriety of it to this part of the story, is here fit to be set down as preparative to the interpretation of it: and it is this; The state of heathen Rome being set down in the former chapter, as it was in Domitian 's time, that time of persecuting of Christianity, and reviving of Heathenism (that had lost a little of its luster) here is now a general view given of all that is more largely set down in the 16, 17, 18. chapters, that is, of all from Domitian to Constantine, or the prediction in gross of what is there particularly executed; just as the sixth chapter was the representation of the several degrees by which the Jews Polity came to its dissolution, and the premising in short what was afterwards to be acted on the Jews in the following chapters. And as there the total destruction of the Jewish state is chiefly insisted on, from v. 12. to the end, so here in this, the period of the Roman idolatrous power, and the destruction thereof by an immense effusion of blood is described, from v. 14. to the end; but preparatory to that, a description of the pure, constant, Primitive Christians, in the first five verses; an Angel declaring happy tidings to the whole Christian Church for the time to come, and requiring them to walk in a religious fear, and to give glory to God, because he would now appear and judge their persecutors, v. 6, 7. Then another Angel foretelling the destruction of heathen Rome, v. 8. and another, the bitter punishments and utter ruin of apostatizing, complying Christians, v. 9, 10, 11. then a declaration from heaven, that most sore persecutions should fall upon the Church immediately before this happy change, so that they should be happy who were well dead, and were come to enjoy their reward, and not left to undergo so sore a trial, v. 13. And this to point at the time of persecution under Diocletian, Maximian Herculius, Maximian Armentarius, Maximinus, Maxentius, Licinius, which was long and most sharp.

[ b] V. 6. Everlasting Gospel ] That the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies good news, and by a figure only is appropriated to the Gospel, (as being most eminently such) is sufficiently known. And therefore here in all probability it must be taken in the native sense, and denote simply good tidings. And what they are, appears ver. 7. where the words of this good news are, The day of God's judgments are come, the former words fear God, and give him praise, being the preface to it. Which though they are a sad proclamation of judgment, and ill news to the impenitent, yet they are a special piece of good news to the pious, constant confessors, that fear God, and confess and give him praise, that is, courageously confess him, whatsoever the danger be, (for so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to praise God, signifies 1 pet. 4. 16.) Now for the addition of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that sure must signify this good news to be such, as not only the present but future ages were concerned in. Thus was this (here mentioned) the freeing of the Christian Church from public universal persecution of the heathen power, which was to be afforded at the time pointed at in this Vision, that is, at the fall of Babylon, v. 8. For after that the heathen persecution was taken off by Constantine, there never came any such universal persecution, but that in one place or other Christians have had the benefit and liberty of assemblies. And though it cannot absolutely be affirmed, that there can never come such universal persecution, yet in that this flourishing estate hath continued the thousand years, c. 20. 11. it may well carry the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the everlasting good news, in proportion to what we read of the punishment of the heathen persecutors, whose smoke, is said to endure forever and ever, Rev. 19. 3. That the devil shall be let loose again, after this everlasting good news, is affirmed, c. 20. 7. But then not Babylon (whose destruction here is the subject of this good news ) but God and Magog shall encompass the camp of the Saints, and the beloved city, c. 20. 9. And though Gog and Magog in the Ottoman family hath overran that part of the Church, yet in other places, to which the Roman power did never extend, that loss is repaired by the accession of Christian Princes that reign in Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Poland, Russia, &c. so that still it may be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the largest sense, as good news concerning all future time, as when Daniel prophesies that the Saints of the most High shall possess the kingdom forever and ever, c. 7. 18.

[ c] V. 8. Babylon is fallen ] That by Babylon heathen Rome is signified in these Visions, shall be showed at large, Note on c. 18. a. Here only it will be observable, First, why it is called the city, the great, (for so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is best rendered) viz. first, in respect of her dominion, see c. 17. 18. that great city which reigneth over the Kings of the earth; and accordingly it was generally known by that title of Urbs Dominatrix, Regno superba, Sanctorum debellatrix, &c. the Imperial city, Proud of her dominion, the subduer and destroyer of the Saints.

in Rutilius Numatian. the beautiful Queen of thy world. So in Cicero 'tis Lux orbis terrarum, the light of the world; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Marcianus Heracleota, the common star of the whole world; Regina & Domina in Julius Frontinus, the Queen and Ruler of the world. Secondly, for the large circuit of the city, to which purpose this testimony of Athenaeus is worth observing, lib. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , If I should reckon the cities that are numbered in Rome that heaven-city of the Romans, not only one day would fail me, but as many days as make up a year, the number of them is so great. Secondly, why this title of Babylon is here adapted to it, viz. to keep a special decorum, observable in these Visions, in representing the Christian Church by the ancient Jewish. This is observable in many lesser particulars, but most eminently in this description of her Persecutors. There were three most remarkable calamities that fell upon the seed of Israel; The bondage in Egypt, the Captivity in Babylon, the Persecution of Antiochus. And the like is prophesied in this book to befall Christians. First, Miseries by Jewish persecution, and therefore Jerusalem is called Egypt, Rev. 11. 8. The second by Roman Idolatry, which is therefore called Babylon here, and c. 17. and c. 18. And the third, when the Devil is let loose, by Gog and Magog, Rev. 20. 8. which are most perfectly parallel to Antiochus, (see the Paraphrase there.) And there is little reason of doubting but these allusions were intended, and there is great decorum and method therein, which ought to be carefully attended.

[ d] V. 10. The wine of the wrath— ] That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are all one, that they both promiscuously signify those intoxicating poisoning mixtures which were put into wine, hath been showed in Note on Mat. 27. f. And agreeably to that notion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is applied in this chapter to signify two things, abominable sin, and intolerable punishment. The former of them in the 8th verse is joined with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fornication, and 'tis the same in effect which it would be if the words had been 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a myrrthate (bitter poisonous) cup of fornication. Then for punishment 'tis here used ver. 10. being spoken of God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not as if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signified wrath, (anymore then the same word could signify so v. 8. where 'tis applied to Fornication) but again as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are all one, and as they signify all those poisonous bitter mixtures put into wine; and so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is God's myrrhate cup of punishments, which he there threatens to pour out on them, expressed again in that that follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , mixed unmix'd; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being the word to signify wine not mingled with water, merum, strong wine, or red wine, (as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is rendered 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unimix'd, psal. 75. 9. signifies) and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mixed with these inebriating spices, meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which the Septuagint in that place of the Psalmist, Psal. 75. 9. express by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , full of mixture: and then both these put thus together are very proper to express the cup of malediction (see Note on Mat. 27. f.) and consequently the curses and fierce punishments of God. Thus c. 16. 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the bitter wine of his wrath, not the wine of the anger of his wrath. Many the like phrases we find scatrered in Authors; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Eustathius; a cup of bitterness; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Manasseh, a cup of destruction; and again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a cup of afflictions above brim full, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a bitter cup of the taste of wormwood; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Nicetas Choniata. See Gaulmin on Eustathius, p. 35.

[ e] V. 13. From henceforth ] The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (be it so read, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in two words) signifies, saith Euthymius, within a short time, not long after, quickly: see Note on Mat. 23. 39. and Mat. 26. 64. In both which (as here) the ancient Latin reads amode, within a while. This verse belongs to that which went immediately before, v. 12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , here is the patience of the Saints, to signify a time of persecution (see ch. 13. 10.) And to that nothing can be more proper then this, that they are to be accounted happiest that die soonest, that within a while are taken out of this life, from having their part in the evil to come, Isa. 57. 1. So Eccl. 4. upon mention of the oppressors and strength on their side, and the no comforter, v. 1. it follows, wherefore I praised the dead which are already dead, &c. v. 2. And to this belongs the answer of the Spirit in the words following, they shall have rest from their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, from those persecutions which attend them here, (see Note on Heb. 3. c. 3.) and which only death can give them an end of.

[ f] V. 14. A golden crown ] That the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 golden crown is an ensign of Regal power, is sufficiently known, and little doubt but here it is so, denoting that which in the New Testament is oft expressed by the style of the Kingdom of God, or Christ, the destroying and subduing of his enemies, it being the special part of the Kings office, debellare superbos, to subdue all that hold out against him. And as by the golden crown this regal office of Christ is here expressed, so by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , sharp sickle, the approach of that exercise of it; the sickle referring to the ripe harvest, when the reapers come armed to cut down the corn, and sharpness denoting the preparedness of this instrument for that work, and withal the swiftness and universality of the excision, cutting the whole field down together. And the destruction of the Romans (that is, of the heathen part of that people) is here fitly represented by it. So in the Gospel, in the Parable of the wheat and darnel, the harvest was the time of the excision of the Jews. So Jer. 51. 33. Yset a little while and the time of her harvest shall come, that is, of judgments and excision, before expressed by, It is time to thresh her, to which reaping is preparative. And whereas in this chapter there are two sickles, one to cut down the corn, another the clusters of grapes, both these sorts of harvests are to be seen, Joel 3. 13. and both for judgments on a people; Put ye in the sickle, for the harvest is ripe: Come, get ye down, for the press is full, the fats overflow, for wickedness is great. And the reason of the phrase is clear, because God's judgments being attendants and rewards of the sins of men, when the measure of their sins is filled up, they are then like to a field of ripe corn in time of harvest, fit to be reaped, ready for God's vengeance to fall on them; or again to bunches or clusters of grapes ready for the wine-press. And so here at the point of time, represented in this part of the Vision (the time of Diocletian) the sins of heathen Rome were fully ripe, ready for the vengeance of God, when their rage had continued a sharp persecution for ten years without intermission, and pillars were erected to Diocletian, as trophies that he had abolished Christianity, and enlarged Paganism. See Baronius Anno Dom. 304. §. 8.

[ g] V. 18. Power over fire ] The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Altar here being that whereon the beasts were offered, and those beasts to be burnt with fire, and that fire being a denotation of the wrath and vengeance of God against the wicked, this Angel coming from the Altar, and having power over fire, is consequently a minister or executioner of God's wrath upon the wicked impenitents, who are those beasts to be sacrificed to God, to be destroyed before him.

[ h] V. 20. A thousand and six hundred furlongs ] That the thousand and six hundred furlongs here do refer to the bounds or extent of Judea, is the opinion of the Learned H. Grotius; and his proof for it is, because S. Jerome, which had lived in those parts, and examined it very accurately, affirms that Judea was in length an 160 miles, which, accounting every mile to contain ten Greek stadia, or furlongs, amounts to 1600 furlongs. But if it be first adverted that the wine-press is here said to be trodden without the city, and the blood to have extended to this space of 1600 furlongs; secondly, that Jerusalem was in the midst of the country, and consequently that from thence to the utmost bounds of it the space will be but half so much as is the longitude of all Judea; this conjecture will not be so agreeable to this place. And therefore it will be more proper, and accordant to the Context, which speaks not of Judea, but of Rome, to apply it to the adjacent Regions about Rome, to represent the bloodiness of the wars, and many battails that should in the times of Maximinus, Licinius and Maxentius, lie so very heavily upon those countries, which were parts of the Roman Empire, that they cannot be better expressed then by the blood coming to the horse-bridles, a vast effusion of blood among the Romans.

Annotations on Chap. XV.

[ a] V. 5. Temple of the Tabernacle ] What is here literally meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ordinarily rendered the Temple of the tabernacle of the testimony, may thus be collected; The tabernacle of the testimony clearly signifies that tabernacle among the Israelites in Moses's time before the building of the Temple, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the tabernacle of meeting, Exod. 27. 21. and elsewhere the tabernacle of the testimony, Act. 7. 44. because God was there pleased to exhibit himself, and give testimony of his presence, Act. 27. 22. In that there were two regions; the first called the Sanctuary, the second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Oracle, the Holy of Holies: and this is here and ver. 6. called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and so again ch. 16. 1, and 17. not as that signifies the whole Temple, but a part of the Tabernacle, viz. the Holy place, or Holy of Holies. What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 elsewhere signifies, see Note on Act. 19. e. and Rev. 14. c. out of the Scholiast on Nazianzen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . who distinguishes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Christian Church from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the two latter, saith he, signify 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the whole Temple or Church, but the former the place where the Communion-table stands, which being divided from the rest of the Choir, is to that as the Holy of Holies to the Sanctuary. And in this sense of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it is that Psal. 82. 2. the vulgar Latin, and from thence the English in our Liturgy, read Temple, where the Hebrew have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and from thence our Bibles read Oracle. From this place God promises to speak to Moses of all things which he would give him in command to the people of Israel, Exod. 25. 23. And accordingly this opening of this holy place, or this Holy of Holies in this tabernacle of the Testimony, is a representation of God's revealing his will as from the Oracle concernning heathen Rome; and so straight the seven Angels came out from thence, habited like the High-priest (who alone was permitted to go into the Holy of Holies in the Temple) and as executioners of this decree have the seven plagues, or blows, or Judgments, v. 6. that is, come ready to act a complete destruction, such as was before meant by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seven thunders in the Vision about the Jews, ch. 10. Note a.

Annotations on Chap. XVI.

[ a] V. 2. Upon the earth ] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the earth or land, and the sea, and the rivers and fountains of waters, v. 2, 3, 4. may appear by v. 1. where the Angels are appointed to pour out their vials upon the earth or land. That in all reason signifies the Roman Empire, the thing represented in these Visions, as before it signified the nation and people of the Jews (chap. 7. Note b.) And there is no reason to affix any nice critical notation to either of these single, that the land, v. 2. should signify severally, and so the sea, v. 3. and the rivers, v. 4. but to take all together for that which was meant by the land, v. 1. for so the series here requires, where the Angels, that were commanded to pour out their vials on the earth, pour them out upon these three, evidently noting these three to be the distribution of that one, and so all one with it. So ch. 14. 7. God is described as the Creator of the heaven, and earth, and sea, and fountains of waters, where all those latter three are set to denote that which is elsewhere ordinarily called the earth, and no more, in opposition to heaven, that is, this inferior, terrestrial globe, and all in it. To this may be added, that when the judgments are represented to fall upon Judea, some are said to fall on the land, others on the sea, others on the trees, c. 7. not necessarily signifying such a separation of the judgments, some on this, some on that part, but the whole nation together, on which all those judgments fell; and this indeed agreeable to what we read of the judgments that fell on Egypt, where though some of them were caused by the signs that Moses wrought upon the land, Exod. 8. 16. others by smiting of the waters, streams, rivers and ponds, and all their gathering together of waters, Exod. 7. 19. and so again ch. 8. 5. yet 'tis manifest that the judgments thus produced by every of these, (each smiting of his rod there being proportionable to the pouring out of a vial here) fell indifferently on the whole land, and not one judgment on one part, another on another: And so sure is it to be understood in this place. Many judgments were to be poured out up • n the Roman Empire, and by all of them together the whole heathen part of it destroyed. This consideration makes it unnecessary farther to inquire into the productions of the several Vials▪ what each of them distinctly signified, it being sufficient that each of them notes some kind of destruction; and the number of seven being a perfect number, the seven Angels, and their seven vials, and their seven effusions signify utter destruction, and not necessarily anymore, unless it be this, that it was not all at once, but by several degrees and several sorts of judgments, those that ordinarily bring destructions upon provoking people, that have filled up the measure of their iniquities, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , infectious diseases, famines and wars: and that these in a very remarkable manner fell upon the Roman Empire about these times, appears as by all histories Ecclesiastical and profane, so especially by S. Austin in his first books De civ. Dei, written on purpose to defend Christian religion from that charge which was laid upon it, that it brought down all judgments upon the Empire. Which being false, as it was urged by the Heathens to the prejudice of Christianity, viz. that the Judgments came for that sin of permitting Christianity in the Empire, and contempt of their Idol-worships; so was it most true, that for the Heathens standing out and persecuting the Christian faith, most heavy wasting judgments were come upon them. Of the three first Vials it may be yet further noted, that they may have a peculiar aspect on the plagues of Egypt: the first, that of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the evil and grievous boil, that is, infectious, and very painful, will be answerable to the boil breaking out upon man and beast through all the land, Exod. 9. 9. and signify some infectious disease, plague and pestilente, which we know breaks out in boils. So likewise the second and the third, the sea becoming as blood, ver. 3. and the rivers and fountains becoming as blood, ver. 4. are answerable to Moses 's stretching out his hand and smiting upon the waters of Egypt, their streams, and their rivers, and their ponds, and all their pools, or collections of water, upon which they became blood, Exod. 7. 19, 20. Now for these three the histories of those times are very remarkable, viz. for the great pestilences, and horrible effusions of blood. That which Herodian tells us of Commodus's reign, will sufficiently qualify that for the time of the pouring out of these three vials. At that time, saith he, l. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a very great pestilence reigned over all Italy, but especially in the city of Rome (and Dio tells us, that there died above two thousand a day in the city ) and a vast number both of beasts and men perished thereby. And so this may be commodiously the pouring out the vial upon the earth, belonging not only to the city of Rome, but to all Italy, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the land was wont to signify not only Jerusalem, but all Judea. Hereupon the Emperor was persuaded to remove to Laurentum, so called from the grove of bay-trees there, the smell whereof the Physicians thought useful against the plague. And in like manner they prescribed sweet unguents and odors to anoint their ears and noses, to keep out or overcome the pestilential vapor. But nevertheless, saith he, the disease daily increased, and swept away a multitude of men and beasts. As for the blood that was then spilled, the same Author gives us a large story; Cleander, saith he a servant of the Emperors, bought out of Phrygia, and grown up with him from his youth, and advanced to greatest offices in court and army, aspired to the Empire; To that purpose bought up a vast quantity of corn (which caused a great famine also at Rome ) thinking thereby in time of need to oblige the citizens and soldiers, and to gain them all to his party. But the event was contrary; for the famine raging, and the cause of it being visible, all the citizens run out of the city to the Emperor, requiring this Encloser to be put to death. Cleander by his power keeping them from the Emperor (whose voluptuousness made this easy for him to do) sends out the Emperor's forces armed and hors'd against them, which made an huge slaughter among them, and in driving them into the city gates, by their horses and swords, saith he, meeting with foot-men unarm'd, they killed a great part of the people. Which when they that were in the city understood, they got to the top of the houses, and with stones and tiles threw at the soldiers, and by this means put them to flight, and in the pursuit beating them off from their horses, killed great multitudes of them: and this continued very cruelly for some time. And the appeasing of this cost a great deal more blood, the Emperor causing Cleander to be put to death, and his sons after him, and then a great many more, saith he, not daring to confide in anybody. To which that author immediately adds the many prodigies which followed at that time, and the burning down of the Temple of Peace; which beside that it was the treasury of a great part of the wealth of the city, and was accompanied with the burning of a great deal more of the buildings of the city, and among them of the Temple of Vest • , the fire continuing for many days, till rain from heaven put it out, (which made them impute the whole matter to the anger of the gods) be • ides all this, I say, it was by all then looked on as a presage of great wars, which, saith he, accordingly followed. And so in this one passage of story in that Author we have the interpretation of these three vials. As great a plague as ever hath been read of, to be suitable to the first; and a great deal of killing both in the sedition, and by the cruelty of the Emperor, and by the fire, and by the wars that followed, (wherein the whole region, and not only the city of Rome was concerned) answerable to the two latter, the sea, that is, the multitude of the city, and the rivers and springs of waters, the other provinces and cities become blood. But beside these under Commodus, there was store of the like judgments in the following Emperors times, until Constantine: A very great Pestilence under Gallus, another under Gallienus, both described by Zozimus; another at the end of Decius, on occasion of which S. Cyprian wrote his book of Mortality. And in Maximinus 's time, saith Eusebius, whilst he and his armies were sore distressed by a war with the Armenians, the rest of the inhabitants of the cities were grievously devoured with famint and pestilence, infinite numbers dying in the cities, more in the countries and villages, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the numbers of husbandmen which had formerly been very great, were almost all of them swept away by famine and pestilence▪ saith Eusebius Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 8. And for wars and • ffusion of blood and slaughters, the histories are all along full of them, and need not be here recited.

[ b] V. 5. And shall be ] Instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he that shall be the Copies generally read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That is answerable to the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pitiful and merciful, as that is more then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 justice or righteousness, as hath oft been said. And so it is fitly superadded here to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thou art just or righteous, preceding. That the justice of God, here acknowledged in these vengeances on heathen Rome, denotes his punitive justice, there is no doubt, and accordingly follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , because thou hast judged these. Where the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to denote the persons neutrally set down, the inhabitants of the Empire, which are here supposed to be judged, that is, justly punished, and of whom it follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because they have shed the blood of thy saints and prophets, that is, of the Christians, and those that by their preaching would have wrought reformation among them, and so did act as Prophets, and had the portion of Prophets, were resisted and slain by them. But besides this punitive justice expressed by these judgments, there was also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pity, compassion to the persecuted Christians, whose sufferings were abated and taken off by this means. Thus 'tis often to be observed in Eusebius 's story, particularly at the end of the great slaughters, and famine, and plague in Maximinus 's time, l. 9. c. 8. (mentioned Note a.) Hereupon, saith he, God, the defender of Christians, having showed his wrath and indignation against all mortals for their persecuting us, restored the pleasant and bright splendor of his providence toward us, so that from that time peace and light, with the great admiration of all, shined out and was revealed to us that sat in darkness before, showing us that God hath the oversight of our affairs continually, chastising and afflicting us for a time, but after he hath disciplined us sufficiently, appearing favorable and propitious to us again.

[ c] V. 8. With fire ] If 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by fire were here literally to be understood, many completions there would be of it, by great fires, in the city of Rome especially, within the space referred to by this Vision. One remarkable one hath been mentioned in Commodus 's time, Note a, out of Herodian l. 1. falling on the Temple of Peace, and at length coming to the Temple of Vesta, and burning many great houses, and so continuing for many days, till the rain from heaven put it out, and so by the heathens, saith he, conceived to be begun also, as it was ended, by the gods without human means. And this being such, coming from heaven, not from any lower cause, may the more probably belong to this place, where the Sun is said to have power given it to scorch men with fire, the Sun in the firmament, the great fire of the world, being commodiously enough said to scorch them, or to set them on fire (so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies) who were burnt by fire from heaven. But it is not improbable that the Suns scorching of men, denoted ordinarily by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , may signify that scorching and drying up the fruits of the earth from whence a death proceeds, and so be here set to express a famine: so 'tis said of the seed on the stony ground, that as soon as it sprang up, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it was scorched, and, as it follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 withered away. And many such dearths there were in the stories of those times. A most eminent one in Maximinus's time, mentioned by Eusebius l. 9. c. 8. Some, saith he, for the least bit of victuals, parting with that which was most precious to them: one measure of corn sold for two thousand five hundred Atticks: some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a little time selling all their possessions to buy bread: others eating grass, and therewith poisonous herbs. Noble women going out of the city to the country to beg bread: Others staggering and falling down in the streets, and howling out for one bit of bread, and able to speak no word but that they were famished. And at length the dogs raving for hunger, and falling upon the men, in their own defense they fell on killing and eating dogs. As sad a description of raging famine as hath been read of, save in time of sieges. Another famine there was in Commodus 's time (mentioned from Herodian Note a.) which put the whole city into a sedition, but that not comparable to this, and caused by Cleander 's in • atiate covetousness and ambition, more then the scorching of the Sun. That which here follows, as the effect of this famine, that they blasphemed the name of God, may most probably be the heathens railing at the Christians, as the cause of all their evils; for so the ancients observe of them, that whenever plague or famine befell them, presently they cried out, Christiani ad leones, Let the Christians be put to death, as the authors of their miseries. An eminent place we have to this purpose in Arnobius l. 10. where naming the very judgments which are here expressed by the foregoing Vials, pestilences, wars, and dearths or famines, he saith of the heathens, that when these befell them, they presently cried out that since Christians began to be in the world, terrarum Orbem periisse, the whole world was destroyed, and all mankind afflicted with all sorts of evils: and S. Cyprian in that known place ad Demetrain. That many wars break out, that plagues and famines, that the earth is kept long without any rain, nobis imputari, 'tis by the heathens imputed to us Christians.

[ d] V. 10. Seat of the beast ] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the throne, or seat, of the beast signifies, may thus be gathered; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the beast signifies Idol-worship, c. 13. 1. and as the throne of that may signify the place where it resides, so it may signify also that which sustains and supports it, a seat being that which sustains and holds up from falling that which rests upon it. This was the power of the Roman Empire, the strength and dignity thereof, to which so great a part of the world was subjected, and which it made use of to maintain the Idol-worship against Christianity. And so the throne of the beast is expounded in the next words by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Kingdom or Empire of Rome. Now that which is here said to befall the Empire by the pouring out of the fifth vial is that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 darkened, that is, lost much of its splendor which before it enjoyed, which belongs clearly to the incursions of the Barbarians, Persians, Goths, Almans, &c. about these times which are here described, as everywhere appears in story. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pain that here follows, it is the great grief and anxiety that it cost them to contend and secure themselves from these Barbarians, who being so contemptible in the eyes of the Romans, it was matter of great indignation to them to be thus infested by them, as Egypt by flies and lice. And whereas, v. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 boils are joined with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pains, I suppose those boils may again refer to that plague of Egypt, (as the darkening of the Kingdom plainly doth) and denote the effects of the Barbarians incursions: as the boils, Exod. 9. 9. were produced by scattering ashes of the furnace toward heaven, to which the inroads of those Barbarians in respect of their multitudes might fitly be resembled. And then their blaspheming of the God of heaven, is their railing at Christ and Christianity, as that which in the heathens opinion brought all these evils upon them. See Salvian De provid. and Note c.

[ e] V. 12. Euphrates ] That it is agreeable to the calling of Rome Babylon (see Note on c. 18. a.) to set Euphrates, the River that belongs to Babylon, to signify Tiber that belongs to Rome, hath been formerly showed, c. 9. Note e. And that it so signifies here, there is little doubt. From hence it follows, that the drying up of Euphrates, being an allusion to the history of Cyrus, prophetically set down Jer. 50. 38. and drought is upon her waters, and they shall be dried up, and c. 51. where is mention of the drying up her sea, and making her springs dry, v. 36. it must in reason be interpreted thereby. There in the taking of Babylon, Cyrus turned away the river Euphrates, and entered the city through the channel thereof. (See Orosius l. 11. c. 6.) And so the drying of the river being the preparative to the taking the city, and the making that weak and accessible which otherwise was impregnable, this phrase of drying up the water of Euphrates is thought commodious to be made use of, to express the weakening of the strength of Roms, and making it conquerable, or, as it here follows, that the way of the Kings—might be prepared. To prepare a way we know is to remove difficulties and obstructions, to level and plain a passage, and that in the Prophets expressed by exalting valleys, and bringing hills low, and plaining the rough places. And when rivers or waters are in the way, then the drying them up, is preparing the way, making them passable. And so the fitting the city of Rome for conquest by Constantine and his sons (who are here called Kings from the rising of the Sun, see Note f.) is the full interpretation of drying up Euphrates, that the way of the Kings might be prepared. Of this the history is clear in Eusebius Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 9. (and so in Zozimus also) that Maxentius having fastened himself in Rome (out of which he went not himself, having no confidence in the love and fidelity of the people) he fortified every place and region and city with armies for guards, and had a thousand troops of soldiers to lie in ambush in every part of Italy, and the rest of his dominions where the enemy was likely to come: These sure were the obstructions, or difficulties, in Constantine 's way to Rome, which are here to be dried up, or removed; and accordingly it follows in the history, that Constantine being assisted by God set upon his first, and second, and third army, and overcame them all; and possessing himself of the greatest part of Italy, came close up to Rome. And so 'tis visible what this drying up the river, by which their way was prepared, signifies, the subduing those armies in Italy, so that now nothing withheld his passage from Rome; which is here looked on as a very great thing, proportionable to Cyrus 's turning the river Euphrates, and entering Babylon through the channel of it. But there was yet one difficulty more to be conquered, before Constantine could enter Rome. For his only design being to deliver the Romans from the tyranny of Maxentius, and not to do any hurt, but rather bring relief to the inhabitants of the city, there was now no way to reconcile this difficulty, whilst Maxentius remained fortified in the city. And therefore in God's wonderful providence it was so disposed, that Maxentius and all his party came out of Rome, but instead of joining battle with Constantine, fled from him immediately; and having formerly built a treacherous bridge over Tiber, on design to draw Constantine 's army over it, and so by the failing of the bridge to drown them, Maxentius himself and his forces are forced that way, and drowned in the pit which they had prepared for others, and himself and his life-guard were the first that thus perished. This so signal a destruction Eusebius thinks fit to compare to the Israelites victory over Pharaoh in the Red sea, and saith it was according to the prediction of the divine oracles in all probability referring to this Vision here. The conclusion of it was, that this being done, Constantine came Conqueror to Rome, where without any opposition he was received by young and old, Senators and Nobles, and all the people of Rome, with cheerful countenances and joyous acclamations, as the preserver and benefactor of them all; and commanding the sign of the cross to be set on the right hand of his statue, he affixed these words in Latin, H • c salutari signo, veraci fortitudinis indicio, civitatem nostram jugo Tyranni ereptam liberavi, et S. P. Q. R. liberatum prisco splendori & claritatirestitui, By this salvifick sign, the true expression of fortitude, I have freed our city, and delivered it from the tyrants yoke, and have restored the Senate and people of Rome to their ancient splendor and brightness. And in like manner the Senate dedicated to him a triumphal arch, Liberatori urbis, fundatori quictis, To the deliverer of the city, and founder of their peace, as may be seen in Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen and others. And so this was a farther completion of this prophecy, and a last part of the drying up Euphrates, (parallel to that of the drying up of the Red sea before the Israelites ) and preparing Constantine 's peaceable entrance into the city.

[ f] Ib. Kings of the east —] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from the rising of the Sun, signifies, may be resolved by these two considerations; first, that the Kings or Magi that came to worship Christ, soon after his birth, whilst Herod designed the killing of him, are said to come 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the rising of the Sun, Mat. 2. 1. And agreeably to that, Constantine and his sons, which had given up their names to the Christian faith, and were promoters of it whilst Maxentius persecuted it, may be thus in Prophetick style fitly described by the Kings from the rising of the Sun. Secondly, Christ himself is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the rising Sun (see Note on Luc. 1. 5.) and so seems to be called here, c. 7. 2. where the Angel ascending from the East is one sent immediately by Christ; and then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings from the rising of the Sun may be a very fit phrase to express Christian Kings. And it is to be observed, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings, in this Book, is not confined to the Emperors or supreme Governors, but is more loosely used for Commanders, all in authority (see Note g. and c. 11. Note.) and so may in the Plural be appliable to Constantine and his sons, and the Christian Commanders under him.

[ g] V. 13. Unclean Spirits ] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 unclean spirits may in part be resolved by Eusebius in the story of Maxentius, Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 9. where the first thing that he saith of him, is, that he relied on Magical arts in this whole matter, and thereupon kept himself up close in Rome, and would not go out of it. So again De vita Constant. l. 1. c. 30. At last he f • ll to Magic and Sorcery; sometimes cut up women great with child, sometimes ripped up the bowels of tender infants, sometimes killed lions, all to divine thereby: He often used wicked adjurations to raise up Devils, saith he, by whose help he might avert the violence of the war from him, hoping that they would help him to the victory. Now these impure spirits are here said to be three, but the Kings MS. wants that word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 three. If we read it without three, then it is already explained, that he made use of Magic and Augury. But if the word three be retained, then either may it signify that he betook himself wholly to these arts, (the number of three, as of seven, having oft no other importance in it but to signify a great deal) or else peculiarly these three sorts; first, Augury, or divination by entrails; secondly, Calling up of devils, (both particularly mentioned by Eusebius ) and thirdly, the use of the Sibylline Oracles, which the Roman Sorcerers and Diviners generally dealt in, and Maxentius made use of; see Zozimus l. 2. Of these it is farther said, that they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as frogs, referring to those creatures brought forth upon Egypt by the Magicians at Pharaohs command, Exod. 8. 7. Of which, as it is known that they are impure creatures, breeding and dwelling in the mire, and so these impure spirits or arts are fitly compared to them; so it is also observable, how useless and unprofitable they are, they croak, but do nothing else, and so they fitly resemble these Magical arts, which made a great noise, but never brought him the least advantage, but rather hastened his ruin, by relying on them. Then these frogs are said to come out of the mouth of the Dragon, and the beast, and the false prophet: which again, if the word three be not retained, will conclude these Magical arts, which he made use of, to proceed promiscuously from these three; but if the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 three be retained, then it will be proper to confine the responses of the devils, when they were raised by him, to the first of the three, those that came out of • the mouth of the Dragon, for that is everywhere the Devils title in this Book, (see Note on c. 12. d. and 13. b.) and the devils being (as was said) raised by Maxentius to direct and assist him, the first of these frogs is said to have come out of the devils mouth immediately. Secondly, the art of divining by entrails, and to that purpose killing of women and children as well as beasts, being directly a piece of Heathenism, confined to their Augurs and Priests; the second of these frogs is said to have come out of the mouth of the Beast, that is, Idol worship, so called, c. 13. 1. the Priests being the mouth thereof. Thirdly, the heathen Prophets undertaking to fetch grounds of their predictions most frequently from the Books of the Sibyls, such fragments thereof as were remaining among them; the third frog is said to come out of the mouth of the false prophet, that is, of the College of diviners, which thus by study in those Oracles undertook to foretell things to come. And of all these it is said, that they did signs, either by foretelling sometimes things that came to pass, which gave them authority among men, or else by showing some deceitful wonders: and that they went out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , upon, or to, the Kings of the whole world, that is, to Maxentius the Emperor, and his Commanders under him, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings in the Plural, (see Note f.) and incited them to the war of the great day of God, that is, to fight with Constantine, that instrument of God's to bring in Christianity into the Empire.

[ h] V. 16. Armageddon ] What Armageddon, which is here said to be an Hebrew word, signifies, or of what composition it is, is a matter of some question. The Learned H. Grotius conceives it to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the mount of meeting, to note the place and battle where the armies met, viz. on Constantine's side 90000 foot and 8000 horse, of Germans, Gauls and Britons, on Maxentius's side 170000 foot, and 18000 horse, of