Annotations on the New Testament

Annotations on the Revelations. Chap. II.

[ a] V. 2. Say they are Apostles ] Who these Pseud-Apostles were that this Church of Ephesus had tried and found liars, may perhaps be reasonably affirmed out of the stories of those times. Gaius in Eusebius l. 3. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sets down the story of Cerinthus the leader of an heresy, that he pretended Revelations, written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by some great Apostle, and related 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 prodigious narrations, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as shown him by Angels, and then delivered his doctrines of a temporal kingdom of Christ after the Resurrection, and that men should in Jerusalem live again, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , serve lusts and pleasures, and spend the space of a thousand years 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as in a nuptial festivity. The same doth Dionysius Alexandrinus in his second book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 set down, speaking of Cerinthus and his followers and their doctrine, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that Christ's kingdom should be an earthly one, and (agreeable to his fancy who was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a very carnal man and lover of the body ) that it should consist in the satisfying of the panch and lust, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in meats, drinks and marriages, and to that purpose (that there might be the more plenty of these) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in feasts, and sacrifices, and killing of beasts or victims. And Irenaeus lib. 1. goes farther, mentioning some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , doctrines of filthiness not fit to be named, which he taught his disciples. And this, it seems, in Asia, and 'tis very probable in Ephesus itself, of which we now speak. For that John after his return from banishment lived there, we find affirmed by Clemens in his narration of him transcribed by Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. l. 3. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And that he going into a Bath on a time, and finding Cerinthus to be there, leaped back, and went out, not enduring to be under the same roof with him, for fear, as he said, that it should fall, when such an enemy of Christianity as Cerinthus was in it, is the affirmation of Irenaeus, l. 3. out of a tradition of Polycarp: see Euseb. l. 3. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And two circumstances more to our present purpose will be observable in that Author: First, that the Nicolaitans here mentioned to be hated by this Church, v. 6. did rise immediately after Cerinthus and his follower • , ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , faith Eusebius ) and are therefore set down immediately after them in the course of his History, c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Secondly, that Dionysius Alexandrinus comes to take him in, in his discourse on occasion of this very book, the Revelation, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , faith Eusebius, having expounded some parts of the Revelation out of an ancient tradition. Whether this were the place of the Revelation which he so expounded, I cannot affirm; but of this I am sure, that he and his followers, pretending to have received their Revelations from some prime Apostle, and affirming the prodigies he spake of to be shown him by Angels, may well be said to say they are Apostles (that is, to have commission from heaven for their doctrines) when assuredly they were not such. And that the Church of Ephesus was not deceived by him, but found out and rejected his errors, appears by S. John avoiding him in that place, as one that was so known an enemy of the truth, that he speaks to all that were with him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Let us not come near this vile person; which is an interpretation of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here in this verse, their not enduring these vile carnal Gospellers, but separating from them.

[ b] V. 4. Hast left thy first love ] The phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is to be rendered, thou hast remitted, or abated, thy first love; for so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies (being applied to things of this nature) remission of degrees of anything, as that is contrary to intension of them. Master Brightman 's fancy on the word is very observable (and from thence it will be easy to judge of the solidity of the grounds on which he proceeds in his interpretations). Everyone of the Churches, saith he, hath such a name given it as will declare its whole condition, as it were by marks written in the forehead. Thus, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , thou hast remitted, doth sufficiently teach what the Spirit considered in this city, viz. that 'twas Ephesus, as it were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , omission, &c. from whence he presently gathers that by Ephesus is meant the whole Primitive Church till Constantine 's days. Thus pitifully slight are the marks and characters by which he passeth his judgment, and on which he founds his interpretations. For besides that Ephesus is the name of a city and Church known in the Scripture, and doth as punctually signify that, and nothing but that, as London signifies London, (and it may be as reasonable to say that the Epistle of Paul to the Ephesians had a particular aspect on the whole Church till Constantine, as that this part of S. Johns Epistle to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus belongs to it) the allusion of aphecas, (for that is the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) to Ephesus, is as remote in found as one could well imagine; but then in signification much more, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying desire or appetite, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 remission or loosing. Now for the other part of this phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 'tis here not the love or care of the Bishop toward the flock, as Master Brightman would have it, but the great love toward Christ, which first was in them (not their first love as that signifies the object of it, Christ; for the leaving or utter forsaking of him were not reconcilable with the other commendations which are here given of them, particularly, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , thou hast patience, at the present, thou perseverest still in the Christian faith: but it is) their first zeal and fervency of love toward Christ (see Mat. 24. 12.) which it seems was in process of time much remitted in the Christians of that Church. This love, when it is perfect, casteth out fear; he that hath it, will make no scruple to die, or undergo any danger for Christ: And thus had this Church formerly behaved themselves toward Christ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 v. 3. they had endured, and passed through difficulties, and not fainted. But now it seems they were fallen into a great and dangerous remissness in this particular; of which therefore if they repent not, they are threatened with removal of their Candlestick. What this remissness was, may perhaps be guessed by what we see prophesied of by Christ, Mat. 24 12. & by what we find affirmed of the Gnostics (and among them of a famous leader, Basilides ) who, we know by S. Paul's Epistles, had crept at that time into the Churches, particularly into that of Ephesus. Now of their many doctrines and opinions, this one is by Eusebius (and before him by Origen l. 6. contra Cels. ) distinctly mentioned 1. 4. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that it was an indifferent thing, and no sin to eat things offered to Idols, and confidently to abjure the faith in times of persecution. This is clearly, though sarcastically, set down by Lucian, or whosoever was the writer of Philopatris, scoffing at the Christians of his time, under the persecutor Trajane, in that Dialogue. There Triephon, that goes for the Christian, first endeavors to convert Critias to his religion: and as in that Dialogue it appears that the Christians talked much of the approach of ruin to the Roman Army and greatness (which might make Triephon so well pleased with his profession, and so forward to invite others to it, as to a party that would soon be very prosperous) so at length in the close of the Dialogue, when Cleolaus brings them news of the Romans good successes in Persia, and Assyria; and Egypt, and Scythia, which fell out about the fifteenth of Trajane, then Triephon would speak no more of Christianity, but, as an Apostate or desertor, betakes himself to the unkno •• God at Athens, and joines with Critias in that worship, as that which was likely to yield him most safety, and then laughs at the Christians, and gives them leave to say what they please, flatter themselves with their imaginary hopes; but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the Proverbial speech, he considers them not, looks no more after them. To this also the Emperor Adrian 's Epistle seems to refer, which is set down by Vopiscus out of Phlegon, where speaking of the great levity of Egypt (in reference, I suppose, to these heretical Christians in those parts, followers of Simon Magus, Basilides, &c. whom, under the title of Samaritae, he distinguishes from Christians) that it was light, pendulous, flying from one side to the other upon every slight report; he after expresseth it distinctly, Those that worship Serapis are Christians, and those who call themselves Bishops of Christ are devoted to Serapis: and again, The very Patriarch, (that is, either some High priest of the Jews, or some Gnostic Pseudo-Patriarch of Alexandria, or some venerable grave man among them) when he comes into Egypt, is by some (that is, by the heathen officers) forced to worship Serapis, for fear of persecution from them, and by others (that is, the Christians) to worship Christ. Adding in fine, that they have one God, whom Christians, and Jews, and all, even the Gentiles, worship. This doctrine of the Gnostics had, it seems, gotten into other Churches; for to it the Apostle distinctly speaks (at least as far as belongs to the first part of it, which generally was attended with the other, the eating of Idol-sacrifices being designed by them to avoid the persecution of the Pagans, as well as the other of renouncing the faith was to avoid the persecution of the Jews) • Cor. 8. 1. and thereupon it is that he speaks of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 knowledge so much, v. 1, 2. 7, 10, 11. and opposes to 〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , charity or love, v. 1. this love of Christ, the thing which now we speak of, and bid them take heed how they use their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Christian liberty, upon which they grounded the indifferency of doing thus. And 〈◊〉 this ground, and in this sense of loving the Lord Jesus Christ, it is, I suppose, that ch. 16. 21. he pronounceth anathema in the highest degree against him that loves not our Lord Jesus Christ, viz. him that renounces him in time of temptation. For as for want of inward love, not expressed in some such scandalous act, that cannot come under the Churches censure, nor be fit matter for an anathema. And so Phil. 3. 18. he mentions them under the title of the enemies of the cross of Christ (mentioned also by Polycarp in his Epistle to them, p. 23.) that is, those that were not at all for the suffering of persecution for the faith, (the other part of that doctrine of theirs) whose end, saith he, is destruction, their God their belly, (by which they are again described Rom. 16. 18.) minding earthly things, (and, it seems, nothing else) and therefore would not lose any of them for the profession of Christ. And in many passages in the Epistle to the Ephesians, it appears, by his fortifying them against the deceits of these Gnostics, that they were a creeping into that Church also. And particularly c. 5. where not only the prohibition of all the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , all that abominable filthiness, was by the Apostle set down on purpose, in opposition to the doctrine and practice of the Gnostics, v. 3, 4, 5, 6. (as appears by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , let no man deceive you with vain words, persuading you, as the Gnostics did, that this was part of Christian liberty, and but an indifferent thing also) but particularly his close of salutation to all those that love the Lord Jesus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , so as not to be corrupted by any of the baits and seductions of those evil times, in opposition, as I suppose, to the Gnostics in two particulars; both in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , incorruption or purity, contrary to their filthy doctrines and practices called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 corruptions, and in that fervent sincere love of Christ which they wanted, being, as he saith, lovers of lusts more then lovers of God, 2. Tim. 3. 4. And so again in his commanding them to walk in love, c. 5. v. 2. which he expresses by the example of Christ's love, which made him sacrifice his life for us, by that means showing what love it was that needed stirring up in them, even that which the Gnostics professed to have none of, and which here, through their infusions, the Ephesians are said much to have remitted, viz. that sincere love to Christ ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , love without hypocrisy, commended to the Romans, c. 12. 9. in reflection on the Gnostics also among them, as many other passages in the latter part of that Epistle, ch. 13. 1. in respect of their doctrines of liberty, and v. 13. of their luxury and uncleanness ) which would make them that have it perfectly, to lay down, that is, venture their lives for Christ, and put off all fear of persecution. According to which it is that S. John, in his first Epistle, defining that perfect love to Christ which is required of us, saith, that it consists in having 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , confidence and courage to confess Christ in the day of Judgment, that is, when by so doing we come to be accused before, or condemned by persecutors to death itself, and that again it casts out fear, v. 18. and that this is necessary to that confessing of Christ, v. 15. of which the same thing is there affirmed (viz. that he that doth so, abideth in God, and God in him) which is affirmed of continuing in love, v. 16. which place, as it was meant by the Apostle directly against this doctrine of the Gnostics, concerning the lawfulness and indifferentnesse of not suffering for Christ, and abjuring him in case of persecution and is so made use of by Tertullian against these very men, Adv. Gnost. c. 12. and De fuga in persecutione c. 9. so was it by that Apostle directly designed to these Asiaticks, who were his care or charge ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, in Asia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith Eusebius l. 3. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and that he died in this Ephesus, the principal part of this his charge, see the Epistle of Polycrates then Bishop there) that Epistle of his being addressed as a defensative against the Gnostics that were creeping in among them. And so was S. Peters also to the same Asiaticks, who from the point of uncleanness, and contemning of superiors, which were two parts of the Gnostics character, 1 Pet. 2. 12, 13. proceeds to this of suffering for Christ v. 19, &c. and c. 3. 15, 17. and 4. 16. the disliking of which, and not thinking themselves obliged to it, was another part: and so 2 Pet. 2. where he describes these very heretics, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 false teachers, bringing in villanous base heresies, v. 1, 3. and which he foretells them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should come among them, he saith they are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , such as deny and renounce the Lord that bought them, that is, deny ( hrist in time of persecution, counting that an indifferent thing, and thinking themselves Christians for all this, (for otherwise they would have been censured by the Apostles as more then false teachers, perfect Apostates, and not heretics only) and making it one of their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or doctrines of liberty which they labored to bring into the Church. The same is said of them again, Jude 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , there are certain men crept in—ungodly men, turning the grace of God into lasciviousness, which is clearly spoken of the Gnostics and their followers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ,&c. that deny and renounce our only Master and Lord Jesus Christ. The very same is noted of these Gnostics in the Epistle to the Galatians, c. 6. 12. who would make them to be circumcised only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that they might not be persecuted for the cross of Christ, that is, by the Jews. And accordingly this doctrine and practice of the Gnostics was so taken up by the other following heretics of those first times, that Eusebius speaking of some of the confuters of Montanus, and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the heretics about Phrygia, and setting down the words of a principal one of them, he saith first, that he had a combat with some of them in that very Church of Galatia; and then among other things he observes of them, that when all other Christians were persecuted either by Jews or Heathens, not one of them either 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , was persecuted by the Jews or killed by the Heathens. Which was a special intimation of this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of compliance among these heretics and all that sprang from them. To the same pertains again that of the Hebrews, c. 10. 25. who forsook the assemblies, and that sure for fear of persecutions; and there they are said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to draw back, (in opposition to the just man's living by faith) v. 38. and so have need of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 patience, perseverance, v. 36. and are exhorted to take heed of apostasy, c. 3. 12. By all this it is clear what is meant by the Ephesians remitting their first love, that is, receiving some infusions of this Gnostic doctrine, which consisted in an opposition to Christ 's doctrine of confessing the truth, especially before persecutors of it, (and is expressed by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cowardice and unfaithfullnesse, Rev. 21. 8. attended there with all the filthy practices of the Gnostics ) in a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or courageous espousing of his cause; which courage having formerly been in this Church, was now remitted, not only through some weakness, but, it seems, by imbibing this doctrine, which made it an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or indifferent thing even to forswear Christ, rather then die for him: and yet did these conceive themselves to continue Christians for all this, and so indeed were, so far as believing in Christ, but they were not so far advanced as to that greater pitch of love that expressed itself in confessing him when that doctrine was persecuted among men. To this I conceive S. Paul refers, when in the qualification of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Tit. 2. 2. he adds not only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , healthy or sound in the faith, in opposition to heretical doctrines of those times, but also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in love and patience, in opposition to the practices of these Gnostics, who did not love Christ so well as to persevere in confessing him, or to suffer any thing for him. What is thus observed of the Gnostics doctrine and infusions against confessing in time of persecution, is by Epiphanius affirmed also of one of Elxai in the 6 ^th of Trajans 's reign, who, saith he, affirmed it to be no sin to abjure the faith in time of persecution, so it were retained in the heart. From these saith he, came the Helkesaitae in after-times, mentioned not only by Epiphanius, but also by Eusebius Hist. l. 6. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . out of Origen upon Psal. 82. who sets it down for one of their doctrines, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that it is an indifferent thing to deny Christ: that he that thinks aright, may in time of distress deny with the tongue, so he do not with the heart. The same is also by Tertullian in Scorpiaco affirmed of Prodicus and the Adamites, Nonesse palam confitendum Christum, nec pro eo subeundum martyrium, that Christ must not be openly confessed, nor martyrdom suffered for him.

[ c] V. 6. Deeds of the Nicolaitans ] This Church of Ephesus, though infected with one doctrine of the Gnostics, (see Note b.) was not, it seems, in any considerable manner defiled with their other carnal infusion, against which S. Paul had fortified them, Ephes. 5. 3, 11, 12. and this is here expressed by the Spirits testimony of them, that they hate the deeds of the Nicolaitans. Who these Nicolaitans were, may appear by Eusebius Eccl. Hist. • 3. c. 29. out of Climens Alex. l. 3. Strom. thus Nicolas the Deacon mentioned in the Acts, having a beautiful wife, was by the Apostles (after Christ's ascension) reproached and upbraided that he was jealous of her, whereupon he brought out his wife before all men, and gave any that would leave to marry her, saying, that this was agreeable to that saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that men ought to abuse the flesh. The same is affirmed by Irenaeus l. r. c. 27. Others which followed him, and laid hold of this action and speech of his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , simply and without examination of the meaning of it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith Clemens, commit all kind of filthiness upon this score, without any kind of shame. This speech used by Nicolas, and so abused by his followers, is by Eusebius said to be the saying of Matthias, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that we must fight with the flesh and abuse it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and not allowing it anything for pleasure, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , increase the soul by faith and Christian knowledge. And this, saith he, was Nicolas 's meaning in the use of those words; and his bringing forth his wife, of whom he was said to be jealous, was, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a disdaining of all that carnal pleasure or desire, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a containing from those pleasures that are so desired by men. An argument of the truth of which, saith he, was this, that he never used any other woman but his wife; and having children by her, they all remained perpetual virgins. Which relation of his concerning the person of Nicolas, be it true or no, 'tis yet clear that his followers, which are by Eusebius said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to enter on his heresy, and here are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nicolaitans, were guilty of all abominable, shameless uncleanness, and called that the abusing of the flesh, and so made a Christian duty of the most abominable sin, and put off all shame and reverence in the acting of it.

[ d] V. 8. Church in Smyrna ] The strangeness of Mr. Brightman 's interpretations will here again appear, so far from being the speaking of God by him (as he pretends) that it is manifest that anything that any man's fancy could represent to him, (or incline him to wish that it were the meaning of a part of this prophecy) might as commodiously be affixed to it, as that to which 'tis here applied. For first, saith he, it must observed that Smyrna is northward from Ephesus, and Pergamos from Smyrna, and thence he concludes that this order similem Ecclesiae progressum proculdubio monstrat, doth without all doubt show the like progress of the Church, still farther from the sun, the fountain of light, that is, from the first purity to greater darkness, till at last it comes to Pergamos, the utmost Northern point, and then turns back again toward the South. What the progress of the Church hath been, from greater to lesser purity, need not be disputed; but that any such degeneration was noted by the situation of Smyrna toward Ephesus is so far from being proculdubio, far from all doubt, that 'tis certainly a fancy of the writers own brain, without all ground imaginable in this vision, which doth not at all take notice of this situation, or descend in the least degree to such minute considerations. After this, his second observation is, that Smyrna signifies myrrh, and that sweet and grateful to God: which being so contrary to the former observation of degeneration to greater impurity, noted thereby, it may well be expected that the artifice of accommodating it to his purpose must be very strange; and so it is: for, saith he, Though in the outward show that Church was more deformed then the other, wanting the splendor and ornament of the due polity, or Church-government, in which respect the Northern situation agrees to it; yet the ardent love of the godly, who valiantly contended for the truth in that state of deformity, raised up to God a most sweet savor. Thus easy is it for a licentious fancy to transform any thing into anything, even into the most contrary shape, to make the sweet myrrh denote the most ungrateful, corrupt state of the Church, because, forsooth, there were some in it sweet and grateful. But I demand, Were those pious defenders of the truth denoted by Smyrna, or not? If they were, then was it most unjust to affirm that the degeneration from the primitive purity was noted by it: if they were not, then is it a gross deceit to render this reason of this denomination; the same directly as if he should say, that the Church of that age which he refers to was impute and corrupt, and that was expressly signified by the name, which signifies the greatest purity and acceptableness to God.

[ e] V. 9. Say they are Jews ] Those that here are said to say that they are Jews, when they are indeed the Synagogue of Satan, might probably enough be thought the followers of Helxai in Epiphanius haer. 19. of whom he saith that he was a Jew by birth, and of Jewish opinions, and joined himself to the Heretics of that party, but did not live according to the Law. But because this Helxai was of a later beginning then the matter and persons spoken of in this prophecy seem to be, and because such men as he, when they did arise, (I mean, Heretics of all sorts, in those times) did join together in that great heresy of the Gnostics, we must not fasten this part of this Vision upon any such inconsiderable person as Helxai, but resolve that the men here spoken of are directly the Gnostics, who, that they might not be persecuted by the Jews, made men circumcise themselves, which was directly the pretending that they were as good Jews as any, Circumcision being a mark of the Proselytes of justice, and supposing the observation of the whole Law (of these see Gal. 6. 12. and Note b. on this Chapter) but were not really observers of the Mosaical Law, Gal. 6. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for they do not themselves keep the Law (perhaps were not themselves circumcised; for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may belong to the whole complexum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and not to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 only, thus, they that make others to be circumcised, are not circumcised themselves, do not themselves keep the Law) but only do 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as he there saith, make a fair appearance, make advantage to themselves, to avoid the fury of the Jewish zealots, by causing others to be circumcised. And of these it is that Ignatius speaks Ep. ad Philadelph. when he warns them not to learn Judaism 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of those that are not circumcised. Now why these that thus pretend to be Jews are here called the synagogue of Satan, is clear, viz. because their heresy was made up of all filthiness and abominable carnality, which is intimated in many places of the Scripture by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. all words to denote these defiled practices of theirs; and set down distinctly by Epiphanius and others, but are too unsavory to be here described. How commodiously these are by M. Brightman affirmed to be the Arians, pretending to be the purest Christians, when they are not, (representing the purest Christians by the Jews, which were their greatest enemies and persecutors) I shall not here endeavor to examine.

[ f] V. 10. Cast some of you into prison ] This persecution here foretold seems to have fallen out in the time of the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius Verus, commonly called Philosophus, and Lucius Verus his brother, assumed by him into the Empire anno 161. who reigned near twe •• y years. In his time (as it appears by Eusebius l. 4. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna there) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , very great persecutions disturbed Asia. Of this persecution 'tis remarkable that it fell very heavy on this Church of Smyrna, and that Polycarpus was martyred in it, being till that time (at the age of 86.) Bishop of this Church, which therefore wrote a full narration of it to the other Churches in that famous Epistle of theirs recorded by Eusebius, and set out lately at London by the Archbishop of Armagh. Before him many others were martyred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , with all kind of punishments and tortures, set down to the life in that Epistle. But of Polycarpus the story is most large, and may there be viewed, out of which three things only I shall mention, in order to the explicating of this place: first, That he himself received a Vision a little before it, and saw in his sleep his pillow whereon he lay on a sudden set on fire and consumed, and as soon as he waked, told those which were near him, that he should 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , be burnt for Christ, which signifies this martyrdom of this Angel of the Church of Smyrna (this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the persecutors called him, the doctor of Asia, the father of the Christians ) to have been so considerable a passage of the Divine economy, that it was thought fit to be matter of a Vision to him, and so might also well be to S. John at this time: And not only this in a dream, but, as he was a going to the stake, a voice was heard by many bystanders, coming from heaven, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Polycarpus, be strong and valiant. The second thing is, That this death of his was the quenching of those flames, the ending of that Emperors persecution against the Christians, who 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith the Epistle, he did as 'twere seal up by his martyrdom, and so give a conclusion to, the persecution: which, I suppose, is the meaning of the time of ten days here set down for the affliction, noting some determinate (not very long) time in that Princes reign, wherein it should last, and then be quieted again. The third thing is, That not only upon Polycarpus, but upon many others, (particularly on Germanicus ) great persuasions were used by the Heathens to make them renounce their faith and save their lives, which is the meaning of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that you may be tempted: and although some (as Quintus a Phrygian ) were overcome with these temptations, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. yet great multitudes continued constant and faithful unto death, and so were rewarded with this crown of life, that is, the honor of Martyrdom first, and then the bliss.

[ g] V. 12. Pergamos ] That by Pergamos is here meant the Christian Church from Gratian, An. Chr. 380. to the year 1300. is the fancy of Mr. Brightman, somewhat about the proportion of the rest of his interpretations. For, for this his only ground of affirming is, that Smyrna was distant from Ephesus but 320 furlongs, but Pergamos from Smyrna a greater space, about 540 furlongs. But to see how fancy rules this interpreter, and not any rule of proportion. For supposing that these distances of these cities had any mysterious signification in them (whereas they are not so much as taken notice of in the Visions) yet when the 320 furlongs had been set to denote no longer space then from Constantine to Gratian, that is, not above sixty years, what appearance or pretence of reason can there be, that the addition of 220, furlongs to that number, which wants a third part to be double to the former, should improve that 60 into 920 years, which is almost sixteen times as much as that former? But more wonderful it is, that having proceeded by this rule of proportion, wherein 540 furlongs, that is, about 68 English miles, should signify the space of 900 years, yet afterwards the 80 English miles, whereby Thyatira was distant from Pergamos, should signify but 220 years: the unproportionablenesse of which being discerned by him, was sure the reason that he there chose to set down that space in English miles, whereas the former had been set down by furlongs, the eighth part of a mile, that so the greater number of those in one place, then of miles in the other, might amuse the Reader, and keep him from taking notice of the unproportionablenesse.

[ h] V. 13. Satan's seat ] This throne of Satan surely signifies the power of Satan, exercised in their idolatrous worships and sacrifices. Thus, saith Surius, there was a Temple of Diana at Pergamos at this time. And in the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , where Antipas 's Martyrdom is commemorated, though there be not mention of this Temple, yet there is of the Idol worshippers and their sacrifices, of the Devils ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) that were worship'd among them, and did then acknowledge themselves 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to inhabit and reside in that place, and receive 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the sacrifices that were brought them, and, in a word, of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the old religion of the Grecians that was amongst them, with which Christianity began now to be Competitour. To all this Metaphrastes adds the great barbarity and professed in justice of that place, whose Citizens, saith he, took themselves to be just, and valiant, and good, (interpreted it a special piece of virtue) if they did but accuse a Christian, or bring him to his martyrdom. By other Authors it appears that Aesculapius had a Temple there, and Andreas Caesareensis saith of it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that it was fuller of Idols then all Asia beside.

[ i] Ib. Antipas ] The story of Antipas 's sufferings in the reign of Domitian is set down completely by the Menology April 11. That he was contemporary with the Apostles, ordained Bishop of the ( Asiatic ) Church about Pergamos, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that in his very old age, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he fed and ruled the flock in all godliness, and was therefore apprehended by the Idolaters, the Devils that were worship'd among them, appearing to them and telling them, that they could not dwell there, nor receive the sacrifices which were brought them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but that they were driven away by Antipas. Hereupon he was carried before the Prefect, who endeavored to persuade him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that the old religion of the Gentiles was more venerable, that Christianity was but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , newly sprang, received by few, and so not so venerable as the Grecian worship. To which he opposed the story of Cain, and in him the antiquiquity of impiety, Which yet sure, said he, was not fit for godly men to set before them for an example. Whereby the Prefect being enraged put him into a brazen bull, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , wherein praising the mercy and power of God, and giving him thanks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for what he was thought worthy to suffer for him, &c. he was there scalded to death; and to him this inscription is set in a distich,

Thou art, O Antipas, set to wrestle with a bull, which could scald, but was not able to gore thee. As for Mr. Brightman 's wanton fancy of this name Antipas, that it doth denote that the Martyrs of that age, to which he refers that part of the Vision, should be Antipapae, or Antipopes, it is too vain to be seriously repeated or considered.

[ k] V. 17. Hidden Manna ] Manna, that bread that came down from heaven among the Israelites, was so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , praeparavit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , bread ready to eat, sent down to them from heaven, in the phrase of the Book of Wisdom. By this may fitly be denoted all the inward comfort and refreshment and sustenance of souls which God affords Christians in this life, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him, 1 Cor. 2. 9. and particularly the inward joy that ariseth from the practice of Christian virtues, which carry with them a blessedness in this life, especially of confessing and suffering for Christ; and that is here said to be bestowed upon the Conqueror, that is, on him that holds out, falls not away to eating of the Idol-feasts, which they that did, and by that means promised themselves advantage and safety, are said by Eusebius (speaking of those times) to have failed of those very advantages they looked for, being put to death by the persecutors under pretence of some other cause, as guilty of homicide, &c. and so to have perished without all comfort or hope, of which the faithful Confessors were so full. A notable testimony we have of this in Eusebius l. 5. c. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. there was a strange disposal of divine providence observable at that time (speaking of Polycarp 's Martyrdom:) For they that, when they were apprehended, denied Christ, were yet imprisoned as Christians, and there kept as murderers and abominable persons, and so were doubly miserable above others, whose afflictions were alleviated, saith he, by the joy of suffering for Christ, by the hope of God's promises, by their love to Christ, and the Spirit of the Father; which all together make up the Manna here spoken of. And this is fitly here called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hidden or secret, because it is enjoyed in the heart of the Christian only.

[ l] Ib. White stone ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies properly calculus, a stone, such as they used in popular Judicatures or Elections, the custom being to give their votes in either of these by such stones. These were either white or black; the white was a token of absolution or approbation, the black of condemnation or rejection. Agreeably hereunto, as there were Judges in the Agones, so there were calculi too, by which the Victors reward was assigned to him, a white stone noting it, and the Victors name with the value of the prize written on it. That these are here referred to, appears by the phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to him that overcometh will I give, noting that reward which the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 did adjudge to them whom they approved of, viz. to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , approved and conquerors, as it is in the Oracle,

Christ will be sure to give them their due rewards, and will crown those that are approved. Accordingly the Roman Caesar's in their games, which were in some kind imitations of the Grecians, had their tesserae ligneae, which they threw among the people, with the name of Corn, or Plate, or Servants, or Garments written on them, which being caught by any, and carried to such an Officer, brought him that, whatsoever it was, which was written on it. And so Aristides the Orator saith, he received 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from Aesculapius. See Canter. Novar. Lect. l. 5. c. 21. And this reward is here said to be a new name, that is, the name of Christ on this white stone, noting the reward of perseverance in Christianity to belong to him of whom 'tis here said, that 'tis an honor and dignity that no man can judge the advantages of but he that hath received it; as amongst us, he that draws in a Lotterie hath in the paper (answerable to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here) which he draws the name of the prize which belongs to him, and that he so draws, that no man but himself knows what it is. Thus c. 19. 12. speaking of Christ 's victory over his enemies by bringing some to Christianity, and destroying others, it is first said, that he hath many crowns upon his head, each of those being a testimony of a victory over some kingdom: and then to the same purpose it follows, he hath a name that no man knows but himself, that is, such a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or white stone, or counter, on which his name is written, by which he is to receive his reward, which according to this custom here may be looked on and seen by himself, but by nobody else without his permission. And what that reward was, is after set down in that place, v. 16. (under the title of his name) to be King of Kings, &c. that is, for the Princes of the world to be converted to Christianity.

[ m] V. 18. Thyatira ] That Thyatira is the name of a City then in being really, appears from Act. 16. 14. As for Mr. Brightman 's fancy that the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a young or new-born daughter, and so notes the growing piety of the Church from the year 1300 to 1520, which, saith he, as a young child, grows till it comes to perfection; this may go in the number of his profound inventions, of which he would persuade the Readers that they are the dictates of the holy Ghost, which was somewhat necessary to be pretended, there being so little show of sense or reason in them.

[ n] V. 20. Jezebel ] The heresy of the Gnostics is here described by Jezebel, and the destruction thereof here set down v. 22. It began in Simon Magus: see Euseb. l. 2. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He, saith he, seeing Philip 's miracles, and pretending faith in Christ, so far as to obtain Baptism from him, set up 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a most polluted abominable heresy. Then c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . he did many magical miracles by help of the Devil 's working in him, and was counted a God in Rome in Claudius 's time, and was generally worship'd by the Samaritans, and by some few 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in other nations (whether Judea or Galilee, or in other places where the Jews were dispersed) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as a chief, or first, or prime God. This was the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as the ancient MSS. have it, see Act. 8. 10.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the power of God, called the great power, that is, the supreme Divine power, (see 2 Thess. 2. 4.) To him was joined a famous whore of Tyre, and she was styled his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , his first conception. Now those that followed this Sect of his, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. pretending the Christian Religion, so famous for temperance and purity of life, thinking to keep free from idolatry, which by receiving Christianity they had forsaken, by the treachery of his heresy were brought to it again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , falling down before images and pictures of Simon and Helena, and doing them worship with incense and sacrifices, &c. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the more secret and mysterious practices of these men, they are such, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he that first hears them will be amazed, or, as they themselves speak ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) stricken into astonishment, the things which are practiced among them being so full ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) of true horror, and ecstasy, and madness, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that not only they cannot be delivered in writing, but even that they cannot be spoken by any sober men for the excess of filthiness, and actions not to be uttered (see Eph. 5. 12.) for, as he concludes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Whatsoever can be thought on as more abominable then all uncleanness, that is much exceeded and overcome by this detestable heresy of men which deceive and defile miserable women, laden with all kinds of sins. Which is the very phrase by which they are expressed 2 Tim. 3. 6. Of these again we have the same Author speaking in Adrian 's time, l. 4. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that the Devil instead of persecutions used other engines against Christianity or the Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , wicked men and sorcerers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the instruments of destroying souls, and ministers of corruption or perdition, who, being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , sorcerers and deceivers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and being called Christians, and so conceived to have entertained and to teach those doctrines, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lead those Christians that are ensnared by them into the abyss, or depth, of perdition, and withal deter all that have not received the faith from embracing it, by seeing what such men, that are called Christians, practice. A next successor of this Simon, or that took up his heresy and improved it, was Menander, of whom Eusebius relates the story, l. 3. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . as we have elsewhere set it down; and his conclusion is, that 'twas the Devils design 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by these sorcerers, pretending to be Christians, to defame the mystery of godliness, and so root out the Christian doctrines of the Church, of the immortality of the soul, and resurrection of the dead. After these came into the Church also Cerinthus (see Euseb. l. 3. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .) as great a pretender to authority, revelations by Angels, working of miracles, and withal as great an instrument to Satan, in advancing of lusts and Idol-worships, as any. Add unto these the Nicolaitans, formerly described at large Note c. (see Eusebius l. 3. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .) and then Saturninus and Basilides, which divided Menander 's heresy, or improved his beginnings, between them, and set up, one in Syria, and the other in Egypt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 schools of impious heresies (see Eusebius l. 4. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .) and contemporary to them Carpoorates (see Euseb. l. 4. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .) the father of another sort of the Gnostics who surpassed all the former, bringing into public Simon 's sorceries, and professing, by way of acknowledged doctrine, the practice of all uncleannesses, as necessary to all that would arrive to the perfection of their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or religion, and that there was no other way to escape the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , earthly rulers, as they called them, but by paying them their dues by this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , doing such things as are not to be spoken. And these, saith he, the Devil used for ministers, when persecution was at an end, to deceive and seduce some, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and miserably to captivate, or emancipate, them to perdition, and to give the Gentiles that believed not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , much matter of reproach against the word of God, the fame of these being spread everywhere to the reproach of Christians. These particulars set down by Eusebius thus by way of story, but very much more by Irenaeus, Epiphanius and Tertullian, that have written against these Heretics ex proposito, may suffice to give light to the interpretation of this part of the Vision. As for the destruction of these, though in one place Eusebius say that some of the spawn and followers of them remained until his time (and though it be clear by Tertullian 's books against the Gnostics, that some of these Heretics continued some space in the Church) yet in another place he saith that they were suddenly and remarkably extinguished and brought to nothing, that is, very much brought down by the hand of God upon them. Now this heresy of the Gnostics, having not any one acknowledged author whose name it owns, but being a colluvies of all the Heresies then abroad, made up of Simon Magus, Menander, Basilides, Carpocrates, Corinthus, and the rest, is described in this Book by several names of the most odious persons in the Old Testament, which arrogated much to themselves. Thus before 'tis called the doctrine of Balaam, as also by S. Peter and S. Jude; and now here described by Jezebel, that is, a proud, imperious, painted woman, persecutor of the Prophet Elijah, very zealous for Idolatry, guilty of the blood of Naboth, and so full of all abominable wickedness, (which is a fit character of their doctrine and practices) and this person moreover supposed to arrogate to herself (that which Jezebel did not) the honor and title of a Prophetess, that is, pretending to divinity and revelation from God, a deep mysterious understanding of Scripture, and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 depths of God, 1 Cor. 2. 10. beyond all others, and from thence grounding the particular matters of this heresy (though they were indeed but the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 depths of Satan, v. 24.) and calling it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 knowledge, as pretending all the followers of this heresy to be prime special Christians of great perfection, for to such only is that title applied by Clemens Alexand. 'It is true indeed that Epiphanius (and out of him others) refers this title of Jezebel to those women-heretics which followed Montanus, and took upon them to be Prophetesses, about Commodus 's reign, Priscilla, Maximilla and Quintilla, under the pretence of Revelations spreading many monstrous heresies (of Montanius 's being the Paraclete ) which, saith he, were in this Church of Thyatira not long after S. John's time. But because the Text refers to the known doctrine, and particularly the uncleanness of the Gnostics, and because the heresy of the Montanists was not a licentious heresy, but rather of too much strictness, and thereby seduced Tertullian to it, and lastly, because Helena that went along with Simon Magus was a woman more capable of this title, therefore I cannot adhere to that interpretation. But without defining (that which is somewhat obscure) what City this of Thyatira was (one of that name being placed by Strabo in Mysia, another by Stephanus in Lydia, another by Pliny in Ionia, who also mentions a whole Island of that name) I shall rather interpret the heresy (which is here said to be permitted in that Church) of that known, unclean sink of men, the Gnostics (described v. 14. in the same manner as here) that so over-run Asia, then leave it to anymore uncertain subject to be applied to.

[ o] V. 26. Unto the end ] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the end, may appear not only by what hath been oft said of it, that it notes the end of the Jews Commonwealth, (see Mat. 24. Note c. d.) but by the parallel phrase that here goes before, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 until the time wherein I shall come. For that the coming of Christ notes that notable destruction of his enemies, the Jewish crucifiers of Christ, and persecutors of Christians, hath been often showed, (see Mat. 24. b.) By comparing of these two phrases together, the sense of this whole passage will be discoverable. To those in this Church of Thyatira, and the other cities under this Metropolis, which had not fallen off to the Gnostic-heresy, he gives no other counsel for the present, till this time come of destroying the Jewish persecutors and Judaizing Gnostics, but that they continue as they are, do as they do, hold fast what they have already, ver. 25. And he that shall do so, that is, continue thus constant against all temptations of either sort, the offer of immunity from persecutions on one side, and the carnalities on the other, and so overcome, and keep Christ's works, keep fast to the Faith, till that long expected period, here is an honorable promise made to him, as the reward of this his constancy and perseverance; When that end comes, and Gnostics and Jews be destroyed, and so peace and purity restored to the Church, then these constant Christians shall be employed by Christ to propagate the Gospel to those who have not yet received it: and this is expressed by Christ's giving him power over the Nations, even as he received of, or from, his Father. For first, it must be observed, that those words in the former part of ver. 27. taken out of the second Psalm, must be read in a parenthesis, and so the end of v. 26. and the latter part of v. 27. will connect together, thus, To him will I give power over the Nations, even as I received, that is, as I received from my Father. What this signifies, is apparent from John 20. 21. As my Father sent me, so send I you. The same commission that Christ had from his Father he gives to his twelve Apostles, that is, authority to govern the Church after him. This authority is here the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 power. And as the Apostles had this power for their time, and some others derivatively from them, and those that so derived it may yet be said truly, though not immediately, to have received it from Christ; so here they that are made Bishops in the Church after the Apostles, receive this power from Christ, and he is truly and properly said to give it them. And as the Apostles power and commission was first to plant, then to govern Churches; so here the power that is promised these persevering Christians of this Church, is to preach the Gospel▪ and propagate it farther then it was yet received, and having converted, then to govern Churches; and these being now made up, not (as before) of Jews dispersed and their Proselytes, but of Gentile-Idolaters that should now flock in to the Faith of Christ, the converting them, and (having planted Churches) ruling, as Bishops, among them, is that which is here styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , power over the Gentiles. And then to these are accommodated those words out of the second Psalm, And he shall feed them (so the Septuagint reads, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 feed, from the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pavit, as a pastor feeds his flock, though now the Hebrew copies have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 shall break, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fregit ) with a rod of iron, as the Potters vessels are broken, that is, shall begin with the exercise of Regal (instead of Pastoral) power, bring some to repentance, and then destroy the rest, and by conjoining of these two means, (both the instruments of his power, the one of his spiritual power, in subduing souls to the faith, the other of his secular power, in acting vengeance on the rebellious and obdurate) expulse heathenism, and plant Christianity in the place. For it must be remembered, first, what is the ground of this figurative expression, feed with a rod of iron, viz. an elegant variation from the custom of Pastors; they feed their sheep, and need no more then a rod or staff to manage their whole flock, but the pastor that comes to feed any heathen nation with the spiritual food of the pure word of God, must come with aids of power, strike their hearts, and powerfully convince them of sin, bring them to contrition, and really destroy those that will not by the preaching of the Gospel be thus convinced: This is to feed them with a Scepter, an iron rod, an exercise of Regal rather then pastoral power, a powerful work, first of grace, and then of vengeance, both necessary to reduce an heathen nation to Christianity. And secondly, that those words were first to be verified of Christ himself, in subduing the Gentiles to the Faith; and then as his power given him by his Father, is by him communicated to others, so this prophecy is appliable to others also. Thus is the phrase used c. 12. 5. of the Church established at Rome, of which it is there foretold that it shall be very powerful and efficacious in converting many to the Faith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , it shall feed all the Nations, (in a larger manner then here is said of Thyatira, where the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all is omitted) that is, propagate the Faith very far. And because this conversion of them to the faith consists in their repentance, and forsaking of their Gentiles-sins, and rendering future obedience to the faith of Christ, and because repentance is in Scripture expressed figuratively by breaking and shivering of the heart, Psal. 51. 17. which we ordinarily style contrition, and because that contrition, if it be sincere, excludes all turning again to the forsaken sins, and that cannot better be expressed then by the breaking of a pot or earthen vessel, which when 'tis broken can by no art be made whole again, as pots of silver or other metal may by being melted again; therefore this coming in of Converts to the Faith is rhetorically described, both in the Psalm and here, by breaking men as a Potters vessels are broken. Thus saith Chrysostom T. 6. p. 855. l. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the words of the Psalm must be understood, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he speaks of the faithful, &c. All which being thus far cleared to be the meaning of these two verses, 26, and 27. that they that were then (at the writing of this Epistle ) but members of the Church of Thyatira, should after prove eminent propagators of the Gospel, and Bishops of their Gentile-converts, there will be little doubt but the 28. verse, And I will give to him the morning star, (that is, to him that hath the power given him, v. 27.) is thus to be interpreted also. The morning star 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the Greek for the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the star of the morning, and it is sometimes called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the star that brings light, ushers in the Sun, 2 Pet. 1. 19. sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Rev. 22. 16. the bright and morning star, and sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the East, or day-spring, Luk. 1. 78. And though every of these in all those places signify Christ, in respect of his light and luster; yet it is certain that in other respects other things may be represented by it: so in Isaiah the King of Babylon is called Lucifer, Son of the morning, in respect of his power or spendor above other Kings: and so 'tis possible it may here note some eminent Prince or Nation, that the Church of Thyatira, that is, the constant Orthodox pure Christians in that Church, should propagate the faith to, when the heretical Gnostic professors there were finally destroyed. That that is the meaning of Christ's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I will give unto him, may appear by what hath been said of the phrase of God's giving unto Christ, Joh. 6. Note d. giving unto him for an inheritance or possession, from Psal. 2. 8. which being applied and communicated here by Christ to men, as it is there by God to Christ, will denote the conversion of them to the Faith by the preaching of those men, commissioned by Christ. Thus the phrase I will give is used c. 3. 9. I will give them of the Synagogue, that is, as followeth, I will make them that they shall come and worship before thy feet, that is, they shall be subdued unto thee. And seeing this phrase is here also taken out of that second Psalm, as the former of ruling them with the rod of iron, &c. it is not improbable that from thence it may be explained. There it is said to Christ, I will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession; the former part whereof is here, v. 26. giving him power over the Nations, and then why may not this be parallel to the latter part? The utmost parts of earth, are the extreme points, East and West, and the morning star may properly signify one of these, the East, in respect of the point wherein it is wont to arise and usher in the Sun, and so is styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Luk. 1. the East, or day-spring. And then their converting the Gentiles of the Eastern Nations to Christianity, propagating the Faith over the East, much farther, after those times of persecution were over, may very probably be the meaning of this verse.

Annotations on Chap. III.

[ a] V. 1. Sardis ] That Sardis is the first reformed Church, in the Antitype, that of Germany, begun at Wittemberg by Luther, An. Dom. 1517. is the affirmation of M. Brightman: but without any other proof, but either that Sardis is more southerly then Thyatira, and so, according to his fancy, must have more of the life of truth in it; or because there is no mention here of Balaam and Jezebel (which he had resolved must signify the doctrines of Christian Rome ) the absence of which must signify to him a breaking off from the Roman communion; or that she had a name to be living, but was dead, which, saith he, must refer to the doctrine of Consubstantiation among the Lutherans, an argument that they were hugely amiss, and spiritually dead after that reformation. But, alas, how far are these from being marks in the forehead, or the writing an Epistle to Germany by name, which in his Epistle he pomised to show us? This were a strange rate of interpreting of dreams, which no Oneirocritick would allow of, but a much stranger of explaining of Prophecies. The same course hath he taken in the other two remaining Churches: Philadelphia must needs be the Helvetian, Swedish, Genevan, French, Dutch, Scotch reformed Churches; but no reason for it again, but that the city of Philadelphia was yet farther south then Sardis, and so must needs signify some increase of reformation; and secondly, that the name of Jezebel was not in it; and thirdly, that the word Philadelphia, signifying brotherly love, cannot be applied to any but this pattern of all piety (to which the Author had so much kindness) the Church of Helvetia and Geneva, &c. And the reformed Church of England must be the Church of Laodicea, not from any denotation in the name, or characters in the forehead (which he promised to all in his Epistle, and attempted to show in the former of them) but only because Episcopacy was here retained, and so was a mixture of cold with that of heat in the purity of the doctrine, and consequently is the lukewarm Church which is here found fault with. How easily any favourer of Episcopal Government might apply this reason to any reformed Church that hath cast out Bishops, and say that they were warm in respect of Primitive purity of doctrine, but cold in respect of a government which is contrary to the Primitive, and consequently that Geneva itself were Laodicea, is obvious to every man. And yet after this manner do his groundless loose interpretations proceed, which in each of these seven Churches I have pointed at, to give the Reader a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or taste, of the interpretations of this man, whose licentious fancy and love of change hath assisted him to make them, and whose authority among many, & the opinion of the Apostolicalness of his writings hath holpen him to seduce & blind so many. Having given the Reader this view of so many severals, I shall not hereafter give myself that scope, but in the ensuing prophecies leave him to be judged of by any who shall be at leisure to consult him.

[ b] V. 5. Book of life ] This book wherein names are said to be written, and from thence blotted out sometimes, is here used by analogy with Registers in cities containing the names of all citizens, and from which rebels and desertors were blotted out. Censores populi aevitates, soboles, familias censento, Let the Censors set down, or register, all men's ages, children, families, saith Tully de Leg. 3. These were at Athens called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . See ch. 13. 8. and c. 20. 12. where this book of life is distinguished from the books which were the records of what was done, (such as are mentioned Esth. 6. 1, 2.) out of which it seems the records are brought, by which the wicked are judged 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 according to their wicked works, which are there recorded, from which certainly it is that any man's name is blotted out of this book of life, or is not found written in it. And so S. Chrysostom and the ancients understand this book of life to be that in which, according to their qualifications and demeanors in their lives, and especially at their hour of death, men are said to be written or blotted out. See Luk. 10. 20. and Note on Phil. 4. a.

[ c] V. 14. True witness ] The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a witness is in this book, and since in the ordinary use of the Church, set to signify one that for the testifying the truth of God lays down his life. And he that doth thus, as he is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 faithful to God, who hath employed him, so is he 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 true (in the sense that on the Gospels we have oft given of that word,) one that deserves to be believed: and both these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , faithful and true, are the just rendering of the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is here expressed by Amen, a word which comes from the root 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which in Hiphil signifies credidit, believing, but in the Noun, fidus, fidelis, verus, and fide dignus, faithful, or worthy of belief. This title then of Amen, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , faithful and true witness, is here bestowed on Christ, who to testify the message or doctrine (which he brought) to come from heaven, laid down his life. And therefore the Church-writers, which have sorted the Martyrs of the Church into several ranks or forms, and given them distinct titles accordingly, to Stephen that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the first martyr of the Church, to the rest of the Apostles, Bishops and Ecclesiastical persons, that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sacred martyrs, to the great or noble men that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 noble martyrs, to the virgins and women that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fair martyrs, to the common people of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 holy martyrs, have reserved unto Christ the title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the great witness, or Martyr.

[ d] V. 15. Neither cold nor hot ] All that is here said of this Church of Laodicea seemeth very intelligible by applying to them that one part of the doctrine of the Gnostics, that seems to have gotten in among them (though not those other carnal villainies) viz. that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an indifferent thing, perfectly lawful, to renounce Christ in time of persecution. This is clearly 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 the lukewarmness here, which is a middle indifferent temper between being Christians and no Christians, and instead of that God commends to them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 refined gold fetched out of the fire, that is directly the crown of Martyrdom (contrary to that mixture and allay of drosle that is now in them) and the white or shining garments, the ensign and character of the Martyrs everywhere in this book. And for their saying that they are rich, &c. and not knowing that they are wretched, &c. this is again the mark of those Gnostics, which had such great ungrounded opinions of their own perfections. A physical discourse on this place may be seen in Valesius Sac. phil. c. 90.

Annotations on the Revelation. Chap. IV.

[ a] V. 1. I looked ] The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here is not to be taken in the ordinary notion of seeing, looking or beholding, but in that (so solemn among the Prophets) of the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from whence their prophecies are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vision, and each prophet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Seer; and so 'tis generally taken in this book, and is best explained by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I was in the Spirit, ch. 1. 10. This joined here with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denotes either a distant matter or a distant Vision from the former, and having no Accusative case after to restrain it, it is a general title belonging to the whole passage after it, as far as that Vision goes: For it hath formerly been said, that these Visions were delivered at several times (see the Praemonition. ) At what distance or space one from another, or in what order distinctly they were received, it is uncertain, save only that they were not before Claudius, nor after Domitian. But for the completion, there is no necessity that that should begin at the end of the completion of the former, that is, that the destruction of the Jews here represented in this Vision should not commence till after the judgment threatened ch. 2. 3. to the Churches; (as it might be conceived to do if the whole book were but one continued Vision) it being very possible that that which should first come to pass, might by God be chosen to be matter of a second Vision, nay that the same thing might be severally represented by God, and so made the matter of several Visions.

[ b] V. 2. One sat on the throne ] Who this person is which is here, in Vision, brought in sitting upon the throne, will be best understood by those that sit upon the four and twenty thrones round about him, ver. 4. That God the Father coming to judgment, and his saints as assessors about him, are meant by the representation, there is no doubt: The whole question is, who they are which are here used to represent and signify these. And it might be thought to be the head of the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, or some other Consistory, which thus sat in council, the head in the midst, in a chair or throne, and the members, chief Priests, Elders, and Doctors of the Law, on each side of him, in so many chairs also: But the number of the assessors here will not then agree to it, there being then 70 persons in the Sanhedrim, and 23 in the lesser Consistories. And though perhaps the Elders in the Sanhedrim made up that number of 24, yet there were chief Priests, and Doctors of the Law, which sat in the Sanhedrim as well as they. But if we apply it to the Christian Church, which hath much of likeness with (and seems to have been copied out from) that pattern of the Jewish Sanhedrim, but differs from it in some less weighty, inconsiderable circumstances, (such is the number of assessors) then it will accord very well. And the first constitution of this Church being at Jerusalem, and that place being nearly concerned in the judicature which is here represented, and James, the first Bishop there, being by them put to death, and that a special ingredient in their destruction (saith Josephus and Eusebius ) that place will in all probability be the scene of this representation, and the Christian Bishop thereof will be he that here sitteth upon the throne or Bishop's chair; this Bishop sitting in council, (as Act. 15. we know he was) and with him the Apostles (those that were at Jerusalem ) and the Bishops of all Judea, the Bishop of Jerusalem, as of the Metropolis of all Judea, sitting in the middle chair, or seat, or throne, that of the greatest dignity, which belonged to James, and thereupon the determination of the Council was delivered by him, Act. 15. 19.

[ c] V. 4. Round about the throne ] The meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , round about the throne, will probably be discerned by the ancient manner of sitting in Council or Consistory among the Jews first, and afterward among Christians. A representation we have of it, Dan. 7. 9. (from which place this here seems to be taken, as many other things in this, out of that prophecy) I beheld till the seats, or thrones, were pitched, (not thrown down, as we read, but pitched or set; ) donec throni positi sunt, saith the Vulgar, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , say the Seventy, and Theodotion; and the Chaldee word is the same that is used by the Chaldee Paraphrase, Jer. 1. 15. for the setting of thrones, where the Hebrew hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the Seventy, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they shall set everyone his throne: and then it follows, and the ancient of the days did sit, placing him in the midst of the other thrones, as the father or head of the Consistory, and the judgment was set, v. 10. that is, the whole Sanhedrim, the rest of the Elders, &c. seated on those thrones round about, or on each side of the head, or Prince of the Consistory, and the books were opened, preparative to the judicature. So in like manner in the Christian Church, where the Bishop and his Presbyters in any lesser city, and the Metropolitan and his bishops in the Metropolis, are thus placed; the Presbyters, or the Bishops, sitting at the East end of the Church in the form of a semicircle, and the Bishop, or Metropolitan, in a chair or throne of some eminence in the midst of the Presbyters or Bishops seats, with those on each side of him and then the Deacons attending or waiting on them. So in Ignatius 's Epistle to the Magnesians we find, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (as the Laurentian copy now rightly reads it, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the printed Copies were wont to have it) with your most reverend Bishop, and the spiritual crown of the Presbyterie; noting the Presbyters sitting on each side of the Bishop in the fashion of a crown, not of a full circle; for a crown was not so anciently, but a large semicircle with two ends, by which 'twas put over and tied about the head, and accordingly the Constellation in heaven so called is not a whole or complete circle. And thus in the Apostol. Constit. l. 2. we have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the crown of the Church, that is, the Bishops and Presbyters in Consistory. And indeed this manner of sitting in an half-circle was but the same with their accubitus or lying at meat in an half-round, called Sigma, from the old fashion of that letter, C; where the most honorable place was that in the middle, as some learned men have collected from 1 Sam. 20. 25. The King sat upon his seat, as at other times, even upon his seat by the wall; where supposing the form of sitting to be semicircular, the seat by the wall will be necessarily the middle of the circle. And thus in the Apost. Constit. l. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Let the Bishops seat, or throne, be placed in the midst, and on each side of him let the Presby • erie sit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and let the Deacons stand by. And so Greg. Nazianzen a Bishop in his dream describes himself sitting in the midst and his Presbyters in chairs on each hand of him. And in Theodoret Eccl. Hist. l. 5. c. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the middle seat is the Bishops chair; and the way propounded to compose the difference between Paulinus and Miletius is, to set the Gospel in that middle seat, and they 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to sit on each side. And the Author of the Ecclesiastic Hierarchy c. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Bishop is placed in the midst, not of the Altar, but of that part of the Church which was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which what it is will best appear by the Scholiast on Nazianzen 's first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signify the whle Church, but the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the nave signifies the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in which the divine table of the mysteries, or communion-table, is placed: by which it appears, both that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the whole space within the Sept, and not only the Altar or Table therein, and also that the Bishops being seated in the midst of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the taking his place at the upper end of the Church, within the Sept, with the Presbyters on each side of him; which is also the way of interpreting and understanding all that is said in the ancient Writers and Liturgies, of encompassing the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, of the Bishop and Presbyters sitting in a semicircle at the upper end of the Chancel. Which is also the reason, why in Ignatius (Ep. ad Ephes. ) being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , within the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , signifies living obediently to the Bishop and his Consistory in all things, and assembling with them in the public service of God in the Church.

[ d] V. 4. Four and twenty Elders ] Having seen what was meant by him that sitteth on the highest or middle throne, God in the thing signified, but the Bishop of Jerusalem in the representation, it will presently follow that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elders on the thrones round about him are those which sat in Council with this Bishop, in the same manner as, Act. 15. we find the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elders mentioned. That those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elders signified the Bishops of Judea (not the Presbyters, as we now call them, of that one city) hath been said Note on Act. 11. b. For indeed it no way appears that at that time there were any such Presbyters, (as soon after, and now we have) any middle order between the singular Bishop in each Church, and the Deacons attending on him: And beside it is said of every of these, that he had on his head a golden crown, parallel to that of Joshua the High-priest, Zach. 6. 11. that is, a golden mitre, such as the High Priest had under the Law, called indifferently a crown, and a mitre, which cannot belong to inferior Presbyters, but doth fitly represent the power of rulers, that is Bishops in the Church, without attributing any thing of regality to them. And therefore in all probability they must signify here the Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Metropolis of all Judea, and all the Bishops of that Province sitting in Council with him. Otherwise, the manner of sitting being the same of the Presbyters of each city (where there were such) about their Bishop, and of the Bishops of the Province about their Metropolitan (see Note c.) it might as properly be applied to Presbyters as to Bishops. Now for the number of twenty four, that, I suppose, was exactly the number of the Bishops of Judea at that time, all beside the Metropolitan Bishop of Jerusalem, (answerable to the number of the heads of the courses of the Priests, 1 Chron. 24. who seem, as such, to have been taken into the Sanhedrim ) though the records of those times being obscure afford no demonstration of this circumstance.

[ e] V. 5. Seven spirits ] The seven spirits of God here are the ministering spirits, or Angels, (see Note on ch. 1. b.) that attend and wait upon God as apparitors, or serjeants, or officers to attend the judicature, to cite and bring malefactors before it, and are represented here by the seven Deacons in the Church of Jerusalem, attending on the Bishop, Act. 6. but those like lamps of fire burning, in respect of the glory and brightness wherein Angels are wont to appear.

[ f] V. 6. In the midst of the throne ] That which is here said of the placing of the living creatures 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the middle of the throne, and round about the throne, may, I suppose, be thus most commodiously explained, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the midst of the throne shall signify at the former part, that which is most visible to the company; so to be set 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the midst, Act. 4. 7. is in a conspicuous place, all one with before them, Act. 22. 30. and being called forth, Act. 24. 2. and in like manner to stand up in the midst, Act. 1. 15. is, so as he may be seen and heard best by all that are present: And then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , about, which must needs be opposite to that, will signify behind, or at the hinder part, and so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , about, will straight appear to be all one with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at the back, or behind, (see Note i.) Which being granted, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the midst will necessarily denote the two foremost points of the chair or throne, where two of the living creatures are placed, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 about the two hindmost, and so all the four living creatures will be disposed of, at each corner one. Others, I see, have conceived the two which are here said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the middle of the throne, to have been placed one before, and the other behind (and consequently the two that are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 about, to be one on each side:) but this cannot well be imagined without incommodating the judge, before whom he stands, unless one be placed upon the steps of ascent to the throne, and so below the space on which the throne was set; which cannot probably be yielded, because the throne and this place where this living creature would be placed, would not then make up one space, as it seems to do, ch. 5. 6. where the lamb is said to be in the midst of the throne, and of the four living creatures, supposing all these to make up but one space. But howsoever this be, this placing of the living creatures so near the throne, doth by the way make it appear, that this representation here refers not (as might be thought) to the encamping of Israel about the Ark, Num. 2. because here the four living creatures are set close to the throne, and (as appears chap. 5. 6.) nearer then the four and twen •• Elders; whereas the standards in Numbers are appointed to be pitched far off, c. 2. 2. the Tribe of Levi immediately environing the Tabernacle, and the camps environing that, v. 17.

[ g] Ib. Four beasts ] Who these four living creatures were in this representation, may, in proportion and analogy with what hath ben said, be conjectured also. And to that purpose it may be observed, that they are both here, v. 9, and 10. and c. 5. 6. set betwixt him that sat upon the throne, and the four and twenty Elders, which may probably conclude them to be four Apostles, who will be acknowledged to be superior to the Bishops of Judea, and may also in some sense be conceived inferior, in that Council of Jerusalem, to James, advanced to be Bishop, that is, supreme ruler there, (at least to be there in another capacity then he was, as transcendent persons, accordingly standing about the throne, and not as regular members of the assembly.) For thus saith Clemens, Hypotypos. l. 5. Peter, James and John chose James the brother of the Lord Bishop of Jerusalem, (where Ruffinus reads, Episcopus Apostolorum, Bishop of the Apostles; ) and though they three were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Christ preferred and more honored then all the rest of the twelve, yet did they not contend one with another for this dignity, but unanimously conferred it on James the Just, who is therefore in Scripture oft called an Apostle (see Note on Gal. 2. f.) Now that Apostles are meant by these living creatures, and also who those four Apostles were, may appear by comparing this Council or judicature here represented with the Council of Jerusalem, Act. 15. There it is certain that the Bishop James presided, v. 13. together with the Elders or Bishops of Judea, v. 6. and then besides and before these Elders are mentioned 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Apostles, ver. 2, 4, 6. and Peter is one of them, v. 6. and (though not there named) John also, Gal. 2. 9. (his brother James, that was wont to • be there, being before this put to death, Act. 12. 2.) And so there are two of them; and why may not Paul and Barnabas ( separated before that time to Apostolacy, c. 13. 2.) certainly present in this Council, be the other two? That any other Apostle was then there doth not appear, and 'tis evident that these four were, and from them, and the Elders jointly, are these decrees sent to the Churches of Syria and Silicia, v. 23. The learned H. Grotius, I perceive, hath fallen very near upon this conjecture, only he hath placed James the brother of the Lord (that is, the Bishop himself, which cannot be imagined) instead of John, and Matthew instead of Barnabas, upon no other reason but because Matthew is found to have continued long in Judea. But referring the matter, as the representation here doth, to a Council at Jerusalem, it will be most fit to pitch on those four who were (in that one Scripture-Council) there present. And if it be objected that Paul and Barnabas were sent thither from Antioch