Works

THE PREFACE.

I AM not unsensible this Second Volume may lie under some prejudice, as Translations, and Posthumous pieces usually do; which have not the last polishing of the Authors own Hand, nor his consent to make them Public. Therefore to prevent any too hasty censures, and to give this Book the advantage of a fair light, and thereby to justify what hath been done in sending it abroad to bear its fellow company, is the chief design of this Preface. And here I am to account for two things, according to the two Parts that this Volume consists of. The former is the Translation of the Horae Hebraicae: and the second, the Publishing of the Sermons.

I. For the former, it cannot be denied, that a Translation labors under the same disadvantage, that the Copy of a good Picture doth, which seldom reacheth to the Truth and Perfection of the Original. And it needs not be said, that among those fatal things, such as, Epitomies, willful Interpolations, ignorant and careless Transcriptions, and the like; whereby the Books of the Ancients, especially Ecclesiastical Writers, have suffered no small damages; unskillful Translations have contributed their share: damages rather to be deplored, than ever to be redressed. But as to the present Translation I have this to apologize for, if not to justify, it: That seeing these Latin pieces were the very 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the last result and perfection of our Authors long and elaborate Oriental Studies, the very marrow and compendium of all his Rabbinical Learning; and since that great knowledge he had attained in that way is in these Latin Exercitations maturely, and after many years pensive thoughts, digested, and reduced to be admirably subservient to the Evangelical Doctrine, and by a peculiarly divine skill he hath made the Rabbies, more bitter enemies than whom the Gospel never had, to be the best Interpreters of it; it was thought pity, that his Countrymen should be deprived of these his last and best labors; and seemed somewhat unjust, that Strangers, and the Learned only, should reap the benefit of them. Besides, it is to be considered, how much a right understanding of the four Evangelists, and the Acts of the Apostles, which contain the History of the great Founder of our Religion, and his holy Institution, would contribute to the burying of unhappy differences, which have arisen in a great measure from mistaken Interpretations of matters in those Books, and to the furthering peace and unity among us; and how highly all, that call themselves Christians, are concerned to attain to the true sense and meaning of the Holy Scriptures, on which our Faith and Hope is built; and lastly, that these our Authors labors administer such considerable help to us herein; it was resolved so small an impediment, as the Latin Tongue, should not obstruct so great a Good.

I hope there will be no occasion to accuse the Translation for any defect of care or faithfulness, or skill; but rather that it may merit some approbation upon all those accounts. The work of a Translator chiefly consists in carrying along with him the sense of the Author, and, as much as another Language will allow, the very air of his expression; that he may be known, and discovered, though he wear the dress and habit of another Nation. I trust, those who undertook this employment, will be found to have duly attended to both. I will not be so confident, as to vouch it so absolutely free of all mistake, as if the Translators had been inspired by the Author himself: it being morally impossible in a Work of that critical nature, and considerable length, not to make a stumble or a slip. It will satisfy reasonable Men, I hope, if the errors are but few, and the Work be generally accompanied with a commendable diligence. The judicious Reader will not like our pains the less, that we have not much regarded curious and smooth Language. For none will look for a fine and florid style in a Translator, who is bound up to follow close his Author; and considering that he that presumes to vary too freely from his words, tis a great venture, but he varies often from his sense too. And indeed affectation of soft words and handsome periods would have been a Vice here; for it would have made the Author look unlike himself, whose style was generally rough and neglected, his mind being more taken up about sense, and inquiry after truth, than those things. And therefore, I hope, none will place this among the blemishes of the Translation. If the words be easy and intelligible and naturally expressive of the sense, the more plain and unaffected the better.

I will advance a step further in behalf of this English Translation: there are some things in it that may give it the advantage even of the Latin Exercitations themselves. Namely, that they are all with a diligent and careful Eye revised and corrected in abundance of places, besides what the Errata directed to. The Addenda Printed at the end of the Horae upon S. Luke, and S. John, are here reduced to their proper places in the body of the Book, excepting one passage only, which was neglected I know not how, but now Printed at the end of this Preface. The Annotations upon the eleventh Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, ignorantly and carelessly thrust in among the Exercitations upon the Acts of the Apostles, are placed where they ought to stand. The Quotations out of the Rabbins and other Authors are everywhere cast out of the Text into the Margin; (yet with references to direct to each allegation;) that so the Reading might be the more smooth, and continued without break or interruption. And whereas much Hebrew and Greek was frequently cited, and not seldom left in those more hidden Languages without any Interpretation, (the Author supposing his Readers learned Men, and able to understand those Languages) in this Edition, intended for the use of the more unlearned, those citations everywhere are Translated, as well as the Latin Text. Which was very necessary to be done, when the illustration of the matter, and oftentimes the strength and sense of the whole sentence or subject treated of, depended upon those very phrases and sentences so Translated. And for the better illustration of the Authors elaborate searches after the true situation of Jerusalem, and many other Towns and Places of the Holy Land, almost wholly lost long since in their rubbish, and for the benefit of the Studious, we have procured two Maps to be delineated exactly according to the Authors judgment and conjectures, the one of the City of Jerusalem, and the other of the Land of Canaan. To the later of which is adjoined a Table of the Names of the Towns and Places (which are not a few) wherein the Doctor differed from the Ordinary Chorographers. Also, whereas in the Chorographical Decad before S. Mark, there were two small Schemes, the one of the Asphaltites, and the other of the Sea of Gennesaret, together with the Countries adjacent, very coursly described; insomuch that our Author is fain to apologize for one, that he was extra limites, Out of his own bounds, when he did it; and for the other, that it was rudis Delineatio, A rough and homely draught: both these are in this Edition Printed off from Copper Plates, carefully and exactly cut, that they might be rendered the more graceful and acceptable to the beholders. And this shall be sufficient to have spoken of that, which makes up the First part of this Volume.

II. We proceed to his Pulpit Discourses; never before now made Public anymore than in the Auditories, where they were Preached. Of which that the Reader may have a full and true account, I shall, First, Give him the reason of Publishing them. Secondly, What things in them may probably be obnoxious to exception or censure, I shall endeavor either to Justify, or at least to make some fair Apology for. Thirdly, For the satisfaction of the Reader, and for the justification of myself, I will show, what course and method I have observed, and what care and diligence I have taken in them.

First, These Sermons were thought fit to be sent abroad, partly, that as the World had been made acquainted with his abilities, as a learned Man, so it might not be ignorant of his Parts, as he was a Man in Holy Orders, and a Preacher of the Gospel; and partly, that the Lovers of Dr. Lightfoot might not be deprived of so considerable a part of his Labors. But chiefly, because generally his Sermons had somewhat peculiar, and extraordinary in them. For there appears a more than ordinary piercing and inward search into the subjects which are handled; notions and observations more curious, and unusal, and out of the common road; and abundance of difficult places of Scripture both of the Old and New Testament satisfactorily explained: and all these proceeding from the Authors long and unwearied Study of the Holy Scriptures, and his admirable dexterity and happiness in resolving knotty Texts. It would be endless to give Instances; and better it is to leave this to the Readers own Observation, as he goes along.

Secondly, Of the objections, that will be made against these Discourses, the most obvious is, that things that were said before in some other parts of these Works are repeated here. But to this I answer, that scarcely one instance can be given, wherein the same matters are barely repeated again (unless it be en passant ) without some considerable addition, or improvement, or correction, or variety. It is true, many Texts are here explained and treated of, that had been touched in the Exercitations, or some other of the Writings: but with the great advantage of much light and illustration. For such things as had been more briefly or obscurely handled before, the Author takes liberty to pursue more freely and at large in his Discourses. It was an iniquity of the Press, that our Author often complained of, that nothing would vend in those times, wherein he Published his Writings, but what was Pamphlet, or small pieces. Hereupon he was forced, in what ever he Published, to use great conciseness and brevity. Whereby, no question, he suppressed many notions, that otherwise might have been well worthy the Public. And those things he did Publish, contracted obscurity oftentimes by an affected, or rather forced, shortness. Against this evil these Sermons afford some remedy. For here he allows himself the liberty of expatiating and enlarging, as he seeth good. And if any man will take but the pains to compare any particular notions of his formerly Published with the same, as they are managed in these Sermons, he will find them not only illustrated, but improved also. To give an instance or two instead of more.

In an Assise Sermon, Preached Anno 1664. his Discourse was upon some part of the History of the Woman taken in adultery, Joh. VIII. Upon which he hath some Learned and ingenious Glosses in his Talmudic Exercitations upon the place. But in that Sermon they receive much advantage by several things there added; which probably, through his Study of brevity in compliance with the Printer, he then omitted. As, 1. In that Sermon he furnisheth us with an Argument, to persuade that this Story is Canonical, from that very thing, for which some were apt to reject it, viz. from that seemingly odd act of our Savior, in stooping down, and writing upon the pavement of the Temple: it being so agreeable to the practice prescribed, Numb. V. for trial of the Wife suspected of adultery. Nor had the thing, saith he there, ever been disputed, if the story itself had been searched to the bottom, for then it would of its self have vindicated its own authority to be Evangelical and Divine. 2. Here also you have his conjecture (which you meet not with in the Exercitations) that this Woman probably was taken in the adulterous act in the very Temple itself; and his reason for that conjecture. And, 3. In his Exercitations at verse. 3. he saith, there are some reasons that do persuade, that these Scribes and Pharisees, that brought this Woman to Christ, were Elders of the Sanhedrim: but what these particular reasons were, he is silent in. But if we have recourse to that Sermon, he will tell you there what they are. Namely, 1. Because Matth. XXIII. 2. the Evangelist useth the expression of the Scribes and Pharisees for the Sanhedrim. And, 2. From those words of Christ to the Woman, Hath no man condemned thee? Which seem to imply, that those that brought her had power to judge and condemn her.

To give one instance more. In the Handful of Gleanings upon Exod. Sect. XLIX. he treats of the manner of giving forth the Oracle of Urim and Thummim; and so he does also in his Sermon upon Judge. XX. 27, 28. but with this variety: there he relates it to be by an Audible Voice from the Lord, from off the Propitiatory: and this being heard by the Priest was told to the people. But here he corrects his former thoughts, telling us, it was by no heavenly Voice, but that God presently inspired the High Priest with the Spirit of Prophesy: and by that he resolved the doubt and question put to God by the people. Which we may conclude to be his last and ripest thoughts in that matter. I need not particularize any other passages in these Sermons, where notions, mentioned elsewhere in the Authors Books, are repeated with no small advantage. And where they are not so, they are either wholly left out, where it might be done, without making a chasm, and break in the thread of the discourse; or where it could not without that inconvenience, they are only mentioned briefly, & in transitu.

Perhaps some few passages may be censured as seeming to reflect upon the Doctrine or practice of our Church. But to this I answer, That they only seem to do so. And if the Reader will but calmly and deliberately view those passages again, he will find, that they may admit of a very fair construction; and the most that they speak is against placing the sum of Religion in Ceremonies and outward Formalities, or the needless multiplying of them; not against a sober and intelligent use of the Rites of the Church, as they are appointed to be used for the preserving decency and order, and promoting edification. And he is very severe, that will not overlook some things, and pass a favorable construction upon others, considering the times wherein our Author lived, and what Doctrines then prevailed, and carried away many good, though unwary, Men, as with a strong, and scarcely to be resisted torrent. And allowance may the more reasonably be given to some few things, seemingly obnoxious to censure, for the sake of many others: which do greatly inculcate peace, and conformity, and the Authority of the Church, and decry separation from the National, established Church. I instance only in that excellent Sermon Preached in the late unhappy times in a public Audience, upon John X. 22. Where the argument of our Savior's holding communion with the Jewish Church in the public exercise of Religion is so fully and incomparably managed; that it was within these few years almost resolved to be made public by itself for the use and information of our Dissenters: which if read and considered by them with a candid and unprejudiced mind, would certainly set them clear of their scruples, and bring them with abundance of satisfaction into the bosom and Communion of our Church. And beside that, in his Sermon upon Jude, verse. 12. he discourseth against Praying by the Spirit, and Enthusiastical pretences to revelation. In that upon Luke. XI. 2. He argues most excellenty for set Forms of Prayer, and particularly for the use of the Lord's Prayer, that was at that time ready to be quite justled out of God's Worship. And it was observable at that time, that the Doctor ended both his Prayers, both before and after that Sermon, with the Lord's Prayer. In that Sermon speaking about casting away Religious usages, because abused, he hath these remarkable words, Now I cannot but think how wild it is, to reject a good thing in its self, because another hath used it evilly. This is just as if a Man should cut down Vines to avoid drunkenness. How subject is he, that makes it all his Religion to run from superstition, to run he knows not whither? And again, in the same Sermon, I know not what reformers should more study, than to observe how near Christ complied with things used in the Jewish religious practice, and civil converse, that were lawful. Once more, in his Discourse upon 1 Cor. XIV. 26. towards the conclusion, he propounds two things to be considered by them, who scrupled at the Religious exercise of singing Psalms, because it is nowhere commanded to sing after that manner, and with those circumstances, that we do. 1. That there is no plain grounds, why to refrain, but most plain, why to sing. 2. Where a duty is commanded, and a scruple ariseth from some circumstance, it is safer to go with the command, than from it. The reason I have selected these passages is, to show how our Author stood affected to the Church. And indeed by these, and many other expressions, that are scattered in his Sermons, we may plainly see, that peaceableness, and keeping Communion with the Church was his great principle: and that his great aim in the late times was to keep up the honor of the public Ordinances, and the public Ministry in reputation; and to maintain the necessity of good Works against Antinomianism, and the divine Authority and sufficiency of the Scriptures, and the necessity of human Learning in the Clergy against Enthusiasm, then the great prevailing Errors. And I make no doubt, that by such means and Doctrines as these, the blessing of God accompanying, our Author did very good service to Religion and Truth then, and did educate and train up young Students in the University, and other Christians, his Auditors, into a readier and more cheerful conformity to our present Church.

In a word, All his Sermons breath a true Spirit of piety and inward goodness, and an entire desire to be instrumental to the right understanding of the Holy Scriptures for the propagation of God's glory, and the building up of Christians in real substantial piety, and true saving knowledge. And they carry a plain, easy, unaffected strain of humble Oratory, condescending to the meanest capacity; and which hath something peculiar in it to raise attention, and to make a wonderful impression upon the affections; I mean, by offering frequently something new and surprizing, and intermixing sudden Apostrophes, and affectionate and close Interrogations.

And now in the last place, I must account for myself and for what I have done in the publishing these discourses. Mr. John Duckfield, Rector of Aspeden in Hertfordshire, the Authors Son in Law, and one of his Executors, (to whom the World is in the first place beholden for permitting them to be made public) kindly imparted to me the deceased learned Mans scattered Papers and MSS. and among the rest, his Sermon-notes. From the love and honor I had to his memory and his Learning, I diligently set myself to the perusal of them: and being not a little pleased with many of the Notes, I resolved to select a few out of a great many: with a design to let them see the light with the other Works of the Doctor, that were then reprinting: thinking it pity that the World should lose many excellent Notions (as they seemed to me) and Expositions of hard places of Scripture, that were dispersed up and down in those Notes: and that at least some of his pains in the Pulpit, as well as in his Study, might be preserved to posterity. I have transcribed them as I found them; neither contracting, but where the same matters that were in other Sermons, were repeated, or in the closes of them, where the practical Improvements were somewhat large and long: nor adding, unless in these cases; either where references were made to Texts of Scripture, which I have writ out at large, a thing necessary for the clearer understanding of the tenor and contexture of the discourse: or where any Hebrew, Greek or Latin occurred, which I have translated for the benefit of Vulgar Readers. Indeed in some few places I have left the Hebrew words without any interpretation, as I found them, not well knowing what to make of them, either through mine own ignorance, or the Authors mistake in his hasty writing. I was sometime in a hesitation, whether to leave them wholly out, or to insert them, as I found them writ in the MSS. The later of which I resolved to do, that they might lie open to the conjecture of the more Learned; and that nothing might be presented maimed, but as entire as might be. To give one instance, in the Sermon upon Luke XI. 2. not far from the end we meet with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whether or no it be a mistake of the Authors pen, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The curses against Heretics, which the Jews used to add to their Prayers. Lastly, in some discourses written in very short notes, and with some &cs, I have been forced to insert words now and then, to supply and make the sense complete. This I was sensible was a very nice and tender point: and therefore I used not only all faithfulness and the best skill I had, but diligently consulted other Notes, where the same notions were more fully set down, and have sometimes supplied myself from thence. But otherwise I have chosen rather to leave some places imperfect, than to fill up by mine own bare conjecture. The Sermons of this sort are those generally that bear the antienter date: but towards the later end of his life, the Notes were more fully and fairly written; The Doctor probably not daring then to trust to his memory so much as he had done in his younger days. The Discourse upon Luke XI. 2. and that upon Matth. XXVIII. 19. are of this kind. Which however I have used my best care and caution to copy so at least, as to render the main lines of the discourses clear, yet I am afraid the Reader will want many things to make them speak out the full sense and meaning of the Author. Which indeed is great pity; because they are of those Sermons, that have some great strokes in them: and the fame of them is still fresh in the memory of many now alive, that heard them Preached at S. Mary's in Cambridge. The later of which, viz. that which treats of Baptism, confirmed a late Reverend and very Learned Divine of the Church of England in the Doctrine of Infant-baptism, who, as himself confessed, was not well reconciled to it. But upon the hearing those Sermons (for they were two, though they stand now digested into one continued Discourse) sent a letter expressive of great thanks to our Author for them, and acknowledged, that he had settled him more in the Orthodox Doctrine, than all his reading upon that subject ever before had, and earnestly desired the favor of a Copy of them, which was accordingly sent him from the Doctor.

And here is a proper place to beg the Readers excuse, if he meet sometimes with gaps and breaks, and passages that are not so perfect and full as it were to be wished: and to beseech him to pardon many things in these Discourses; as that some break off abruptly; and that the style of others are so plain and homely, being transcribed out of his own rough papers, not polished and smoothed, reviewed and embellished for the sight of the public; but intended only as his own private remembrancers, when he Preached them.

As to the ranking and disposing them, I have not been very curious; only placing the Occasional Sermons first; and to each I have added the place where they were delivered, and the time when. But to the other I have neither mentioned place nor date; neither of which seeming much material. But if any be desirous to know, they were preached either at Eli, where his dignity was, or at Munden, where his Parsonage: most of them between the year 1660, many between 1670, and the time of his death. And so his maturest and ripest thoughts and judgment.

At the end of the Sermon upon Matth. XXVIII. 19. I have adjoined some few notes of another Preached at Aspeden, seemingly out of its due place. The reason I did so was, because it treated of the same subject, and might as an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , serve to make the former discourse complete; and that what was omitted in the one might be supplied from the other.

The MS. Sermon upon 2 Sam. XIX. 29. hath neither mention of place where, nor date when preached. The reason, I suppose, was, becausehe either distrusted his own thoughts, or was loath to disclose them, when they ran counter to the general current of Expositors. And so it is exposed to the Readers view.

In the Sermon upon the Prophet slain by a Lion, at the beginning the Author propounds several difficulties in and about this story, which he might be expected to have resolved: but he doth not in any of those notes, that have come to my hands, though probably they were assoiled by him in others; but they cannot be retrieved. And so we must be thankful for what we have, and be contented in the want of the rest.

And that nothing might be wanting to render both Parts of this Book the more complete and useful, there are four distinct Tables subjoined, compiled with commendable pains and accuracy. And if the preparing these, and the Maps, and some other things, hath somewhat retarded the Publication hereof, the Reader will, I trust, the more readily pardon it, seeing it hath been only to render the whole Work the more complete and serviceable.

And thus I have given some account of this Volume. It needs none to commend it: both the Author and the Design do sufficiently commend themselves: the Author being a Person of known Worth and Learning; and whose name is celebrated not only within the narrow limits of our own Country, but also among Forainers; who have his Works in so great value, that they are now Printing them all, as I hear, in the Latin and in the French Tongues: and the Design great and noble, viz. To explain the Holy Scriptures, the great Pandect of our Faith and Religion, and to promote Truth and Goodness.

And now nothing remains, but to beseech God to grant a good success to the Labors of this Reverend and Learned Man: that Men's minds being more freed from ignorance and prejudice, and instructed in a right understanding of the Word of God, the blessed effects thereof may be Piety and Peace. That Men may better know and practice their duty to God and their Neighbor, to the Church, in whose bosom they were born, and to their Prince, under whose happy and peaceable influence they dwell.

The Reader is desired to add this at the end of the Hebrew Exercitations upon the Evangelist S. John, which by an oversight was omitted in its place.

PAge 545. line 37. After, He burnt it and said, &c. add, And let that he well considered in Siphra , where a Dispute is had upon those words, Levite. VI. 27. If the blood of the sacrifice for sin be sprinkled upon a garment, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 When the discourse is of a garment, I would understand it of nothing but a garment: Whence is to be added 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The skin, when it is pulled off. The Text saith, Upon whatsoever the blood shall be sprinkled, ye shall wash. Perhaps therefore one may add the skin, before it is pulled off. The Text saith, A garment: As a garment, that is capable of uncleanness, so whatsoever is capable of uncleanness. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Except the skin before it be pulled off. They are the words of R. Judah. Mark, the skin as yet cleaving to the beasts back, and not flayed off, is not capable of uncleanness.

THE PREFACE.

A MONG all those, who have either published their own Chorographical Tables of the Land Canaan, or have corrected others, you can hardly find any, that have consulted with the Writers of the Talmud in this matter. Whereas certainly their Consent is by no means in this case to be despised, if indeed it be not rather especially to be regarded.

For, besides that they, above all other men, do most curiously inquire of the affairs and of the places of that Land, all the Doctors of the Mishnah, and the Gemarists also of Jerusalem were inhabitants and dwellers there: and not a few also of those of Babylon well viewed it; Eye witnesses; and who, (any Reader being Judge) could not but have beyond all others a most familiar knowledge of that Land, dwelling in it: and not only so, but being such as thought themselves bound by a religious necessity to inquire after the Situation and Nature of the places in that Land, and to trace them out with an exact search and curiosity.

Let Reason therefore determine, whether they above all others are either justly or prudently cast aside in the business of Chorography? Whether among all the means used for the correcting and polishing this, the means that the Talmud affords should with any merit or equity be only refused? Why the Jewish Chorography of the Jewish Country should not be admitted? Certainly it is unjust, out of prejudice to reject, or out of ignorance not to entertain those things, which either might yield us the Profit of the Chorography of that Land, or stir up no unprofitable search into it. If a man would engrave Maps of Palestine, surely it is very fit, that he should together with others consult those Authors, as being the nearest witnesses, inhabiters of the Country; and such who most studiously and most religiously describe it. And though you esteem them not worthy of credit, because they are Jews, yet certainly they are worthy of examination, and may have leave to relate, as they are Chorographers.

When in the reading of these Writers, I collected all those things, which I met with relating hitherto, and compared them with the Maps and Tracts already published, I plainly saw, if my eyes deceived me not, that very many things might be fetched and drawn out of these Authors, which might correct the Maps; very many things, which might discover places unknown; very many, which might fix those that were uncertain; very many, which might illustrate those that were certain; and infinite things, which might some way or other hold out a light to Chorography. And if any dextrous and happy Artist, versed in the Talmudic writings, and skilled in Chorography, would undertake a task and work of this nature, I should expect from such a hand a more polite and correct Map, and a more full, plain, and certain description of the Lands of Israel, than any the Christian World hath yet seen.

We are far from daring to enter upon such a thing. Nor is our Hand sufficiently taught for so great a Work, or indeed teachable. That only, which we have attempted in the following Century, was this, that by some instance we might a little demonstrate those things, which we speak concerning the Writers of the Talmud: and that some specimen might be set before our eyes, whereby the Reader may judge of their study, style, use, benefit in the thing propounded. Nor did we think it the part of Modesty, to burden the Reader with too much of those things, which perhaps are of dubious acceptation with him; nor the part of prudence, to expose and commit together at once all that we have to one wind and fortune.

CHAP. I. The Division of the land.

T HE Jewish Writers divide the whole World into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The land of Israel, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Without the land: that is, the Countries of the Heathen. Both which phrases the Book of the Gospel owns: The land of Israel, Matth. II. 20. And it calls the Heathen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , those that are without, 1 Cor. V. 13. 1 Tim. III. 7. &c. And sometimes the unbelieving Jews themselves, as Mark IV. II.

They distinguish all the People of the World into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Israelites, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Nations of the World. The Book of the Gospel owns that Phrase also. Mat. VI. 32. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . After all these things do the Gentiles or Nations seek. Which in Luke XII. 30. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Nations of the World. Hence the word World is most commonly used for the Gentiles, Joh. III. 16, 17. 1 Joh. II. 2, &c.

Somewhere a distinction is made into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The land (of Israel) and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The region of the Sea, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And every foreign Region is called the Region of the Sea, except Babylon. They are the words of Rabbi Solomon. Which nevertheless fall under the censure of R. Nissin. It is something hard, saith he, to reckon every country, which is out of the land, to be the Region of the Sea: for then under that name would be included all the neighbouring places, and which are as it were swallowed up by the land. They say therefore, that the more remote places are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Region of the Sea. But neither does this please me. For there is no need of so great a distance, to make any place to be called, The Region of the Sea, &c. But it is spoken in relation to the Western coast of the land of Israel. On which side there are no (Heathen) Cities near, and swallowed up by the Land. But the Sea sets the bounds; but it doth not set the bounds on other sides, &c. The sense therefore of R. Solomon, when he saith, that every Region, without the Land is the Region of the Sea, comes to this, that Every Region which is like to that Region, is so called.

Heathen Cities were on that Western Coast; but seeing they lay within the ancient bounds of the Land, namely, the Lip of the Mediterranean Sea, they could not so properly be said to be Without the Land, as those which were altogether Without the limits. Those Cities and that Country therefore are called by a peculiar title 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, the Coast or Country by the Mediterranean Sea. Which title all other Cities of the like condition underwent also, wheresoever seated within the bounds of the land. Examples will not be wanting as we go along.

They commonly define the Land of Israel under a double notion: to wit, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which they possessed who went up out of Egypt; and that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which they possessed, who went up out of Babylon. This was in very many places circumscribed within narrower limits than that, not only by reason Samaria was rejected and shut out, but also, because certain portions were cut off, (and they neither a few, nor small) which became the Possessions of those that went up out of Egypt: but under the second Temple had passed into the possessions of the Heathen.

Now they were upon this account the more exact in observing their bounds, distinguishing this Land by known bounds both from all others, and in some places, as it were from itself; because they decreed that very many mysteries of their religion were to be handled nowhere but within these limits. For besides the rites of that Dispensation, which the holy Scripture doth openly and evidently fix to that land, such as Sacrifices, Passovers, the Priesthood, and other appoyntments of that nature (which are commonly, and not improperly called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Statutes appendant to that Land ) very many others also are circumscribed within the same borders by the Fathers of the Traditions.

The Land of Israel, say they, above all others lands, is sanctified by ten holinesses. And what is the holiness of it? Out of it they bring the Sheaf, and the first fruits, and the two Loaves. And they do not so out of any other Land.

The Law of beheading the Cow doth not take place anywhere, but in the Land of Israel, and beyond Jordan.

They do not appoint or determine concerning the New Moons, nor do they intercalate the year anywhere but in the Land of Israel: as it is said, The Law shall go forth out of Zion.

They do not prefer to Eldership out of the Land of Israel: no, not although they that do prefer have themselves been preferred within the Land.

And that I heap not together more, they do in a manner circumscribe the Holy Spirit himself within the limits of that Land. For Shechina, say they, dwells not upon any out of the Land. Compare Act. X 45.

The Land, which the Jews that came up out of Babylon possess, They divide after this manner.

There are three Lands (or Countries 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) Judea, the Land beyond Jordan, and Gallilee. And each of those have three Countries. Those we shall take notice of in their places. To this received division our Savior hath respect, when sending his Disciples to preach to the lost Sheep of Israel, he excludes Samaria, Mat. X. 5. Which according to the Condition of the Nation, was not merely Heathen, nor was it truly Israel. It was not Heathen; For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Land of Samaria is reckoned clean, and the gathering together of its Waters clean, and its dwellings clean, and its paths clean. Which the Jewish curiosity would by no means pronounce of a Heathen Land. But as to many other things, they made no difference between them and the Gentiles.

The Jewish Doctors do indeed particularly apply that Division of the three Countries in the place alleged, to the tradition and Canon concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but yet they do everywhere retain the same, wheresoever they treat of the Division of the Land of Israel. What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 means you may learn from the Authors of the Gloss upon the place. Breifly it was this. In the seventh year they might eat of the fruits laid up in their storehouses, so long as some fruit of that kind hung upon the tree in that Country. But when they could no more find them upon the trees, they were to cast out those which they had gathered, and laid up at home, and not to eat of them as they did before.

CHAP. II. The Talmudic girdle of the Land under the second Temple taken out of the Jerusalem Sheviith. fol. 36. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ibid. Col. 4.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. unto 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What all these things mean, I cannot so much as conjecture, yea, nor can I scarce conjecture what the meanings is of some of them. Neither is there any Oedipus at hand, nor Shinx herself to explain and unriddle them. The Talmudists are silent from making any Comments here, nor have we the advantage of any other Commentator. We must therefore act here according to the uncertain instruction of nods and winks; and that either by saying nothing, or by mere conjecture, since that the mind of the Authors is either altogether unknown, or it is wholly doubtful, whether it be known or no. Expect not, that I go from street to street to knock at all the gates of these places: it will be enough, if we can scrape out in what regions these places lie, and are able to guess at what points of the Heaven they are disposed. We will at present take in hand only the first and last clause of this place quoted; which may have some tendency towards our entrance into our present busiuess. The rest (if there be any we can attain unto) we shall handle in their proper places.

These, say they are the bounds of the Land of Israel, which they possessed that came up out of Babylon.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Division, or Part, of the Walls of the Tower Sid. Nor dare I confidently to assert that this is spoken of the Tower of Strato, or Cesarea: nor yet do I know to what it may more fitly be applied. We observe in its place that that Tower is called by the Talmudists 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Tower Sir: which by how very little a point it differs from this word, and how very apt it is by want of care in writing to be confounded with it, the eye of any reader is witness. It may happily confirm this conjecture that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the name Aco, so soon follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 only coming between. Concerning which we have nothing to say, if that which we meet with in the Writers of the Babylonian Talmud, may not have any place here. They say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : which by the Glosser is rendered, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Go in the lowest way, below the mountains, and they will protect you from showers and rain. Hence therefore it may be supposed, that the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth denote some way at the foot of some mountainous place, which was as it were the dividing line between the Land of Israel, and Without the Land. Perhaps at the foot of Mount Carmel. But we do not assert it. We had rather profess silence or ignorance, then by a light conjecture either to deceive others or be deceived ourselves.

These places, concerning which the Talmudists here treat, are of a different Condition from those which were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The region of the Sea. For those places were certain towns here and there on this sea coast and elsewhere; which were indeed inhabited by Heathens, and so could not properly be reckoned the land of Israel, yet they were such, as between which and the utmost bounds of the Land was again the Land of Israel. But these places, which we are now handling, are those which were the utmost bounds, and beyond which were no places at all, but what was reckoned the Land of the Heathen: the Phoenicians, Syrians, or other Gentiles possessing all that Coast thence forward unto the shore of the Mediterranean Sea.

We cannot also pass by those things that are said by the Gemarists in the very same page, from whence the Scheme before mentioned is taken. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. You see Isles in the Sea, and if a line were drawn from the Mountains of Amana to the River of Egypt, whatsoever is within the line belongs to the Land of Israel, whatsoever is without the line is without the Land. After the same manner speaks the Targum of Jerusalem upon Numb. XXXIV. 4. And their Western bounds shall be the great Sea, and the Isles of it. Isles? What Isles? Let the Authors of the Maps well weigh these passages.

CHAP. III. A great part of South Judea cut off under the second Temple. Jewish Idumea.

THE Talmudic Girdle ends, as you see, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cadesh, Barnea, & Askalon. Hence it cannot but be observed, that these two places are placed as it were in parallel, and whatsoever space lies between Askelon and the River of Egypt is excluded, to wit LIV miles. And one might indeed almost see some footsteps of that exclusion under the first Temple, in that very common expression, From Dan even to Bearsheba.

This Country that was excluded was something barren. The Talmudists speak thus of it; That Tract, which lies in Gerariku [Gerar] is ill to dwell in. How far? To the River of Egypt. And Srabo thus, The Country, which follows Gaza, is barren, and sandy, &c.

It was anciently inhabited by the Avites, namely, from Gaza to the River of Egypt. The Avims dwelt in Hazerim, Deut. II. 23. Hazar is a word of most frequent mention in that Southern Land, Hazar-Addar, Hazar-Gaddah, Hazar-Shua, Hazar-Susah, &c. And it seems to denote some champion plain, and level lying between the Mountains. Hence the habitation of the Avites is called Hazerim; who are numbered with the Philistines, but yet by themselves, Jos. XIII. 3. For see there, how the holy text promising to number five Nations only, numbers six.

This excluded portion is passed into the name of Idumea. Hence Pliny: Presently from the rising up of the Lake Sirbon begins Idumea and Palestine. Nor that alone, but another very great part of Judea. Hence the Sea of Sodom, is said by Diodorus Siculus to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : about the middle of Idumea. And in Josephus, and the Book of the Macabees we find very many places mentioned under the name of Idumea, which were almost in the very middle of Judea. For example sake, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He came even to the Gadari, and the plains of Idumea, and Azotus, and Jamnia. And again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. And Judas and his brethren left not off fighting with the Idumeans: but fell upon them everywhere: and taking the City Chebron, &c. and the City Marissa, &c. And having come unto Azotus, &c. And more to this purpose may be read here and there. So that distinction may be made, between Idumea the greater and the less. Simon of Gerasa, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : overran the Towns along the Mountanous Country, &c. And the overran Acrabatene, and the parts as far as Idumea the great. And there is mention of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Idumea called the Upper. With these passages compare Mark, Chap. III. ver. 8.

Whilst the Jews were absent from their own Country, enduring the Seventy years bondage in Babylon, it is easy to be believed, that their ancient enemies, the Edomites, and that were so from the very first original of them, had invaded their possessions, as much as they could, and had fixed their roots in that country especially, which was nearest their own: but at length by the powerful arms of the Maccabees, and the Asmoneans they were either rooted out, or constrained to embrace Judaism. So Josephus speaks of Hyrcanus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Hyrcanus takes Ador and Marissa cities of Idumea: and having subdued all the Idumeans suffered them to remain in the Country, on condition they were willing to be circumcised, and to use thei Jewish Laws. And they out of a desire of their own Country underwent circumcision, and conformed to the same course of life with the Jews. Hence there became a mingled generation in that Country between Jew and Edomite; and the name of the place was mingled also, and called both Judmea and Judea. And Palestine was divided into five Countries, Idumea, Judea, Samaria, Galilee, and the Country beyond Jordan.

CHAP. IV. The Seven Seas according to the Talmudists, and the four Rivers compassing the Land.

SEven Seas, say they, and four Rivers compass the Land of Israel. I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The great Sea, or the Mediterranean. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sea of Tiberias. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sea of Sodom. IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lake of Samocho. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 VII. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 These four last are otherwise writ in the Jerusalem Talmud: to wit, thus, IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 VII. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the Babylonian Talmud, thus: IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 VII. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The three first named among the seven are sufficiently known, and there is no doubt of the fourth. Only the three Names of it are not to be passed by.

IV. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sibbethaean. The word seems to be derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Bush. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which seems to sound the same thing; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thorns among the Targumists are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Because that Lake having no great depth, but very much dried in the Summer time, was grown over with thorns and bushes. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from whence the common name Samochonitis, the letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being changed in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Perhaps the Sandy Sea. Which fits very well to the Lake of Sirbon, joining the Commentary of Didorus Siculus. For he relates, that that Lake for the most part is so covered with sand, that it hath often deceived and supplanted travelers, yea whole armies, thinking it to be firm Land.

VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 We have nothing to say of this, besides this observation, that since it is also called by the same Gemarists 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Gutteral 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to be melted into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; which is not unusual to the Dialect of the Nation, so to smooth and soften Gutteral letters. It is also called by the Babylonians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ which among the Talmudists does sometimes signify Rushy, or Sedgy. But what this Sea is, we know not. However we do not forget the Cendevian Lake: but whether that be to be numbered among our Catalogue, we doubt upon this reason, because on the same Coast lies the great Sea.

VII. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sea of Apamia. The Jerusalem Writers in both places, when they speak of that Sea, add these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. The Sea of Apamia is the same with the Sea of Chamatz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Dicletinus caused it to be made by Rivers gathered together. It was therefore of a latter date. Concerning it see the sixty eighth Chapter.

After these Seas mentioned by the Talmudists, hear also no lean story of theirs concerning the fish. R. Chaninah bar R. Abhu said, seven hundred kinds of clean fish, and eight hundred kind of clean locusts, and of birds an infinite number, travailed with Israel into Babylon, and returned when Israel returned, except the fish 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 But how did the fish travail? R. Honna bar Joseph saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They travailed by the way of the deep, and by the deep they came back. Surely it requires a Jewish invention, (which is able to frame anything out of anything) to trace a way either by any Sea, or by any River, through which fish might swim out of the Palestine into Babylon. By the same art they bring Jonah in the belly of the Whale out of the Phaenician Sea into the Red Sea.

That indeed is somewhat hard, yet not to be doubted of what is said, 2 Chron. VIII. 18. concerning Hiram sending ships to Solomon into the Red Sea. What? Ships to come from Tyre into the Red Sea? Which way sailed they? It is answered, He sent such Tyrian Ships, which had much and long traded before in the Red Sea, to accompany Solomon's Fleet. To this belongs that, that is said there likewise, (and in 1 Kings IX. 27.) that he sent Seamen, that had knowledge of the Sea; that is, knowledge of that Sea: and they probably not such who had never yet adventured themselves into the Red-Sea, but had experience of it before, and were not ignorant of the Ophir Voyage.

The four Rivers for the compassing of the Land, they say, are I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jordan, that is sufficiently known. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jarmoch. In Pliny, Hieramax. Gaddara, saith he, Hieramax flowing before it. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kirmion. IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pigah. Concerning which thus the Aruch. Kirmion is a River in the way to Damascus, and is the same with Amnah. Pigah is Pharphar. And Jarmoch is also a River in the way to Damascus. And the Talmudists: The Waters of Kirmon and Pigah are not fit (to sprinkle the unclean) because they are muddy waters. The waters also of Jordan, and the waters of Jarmoch are not fit, because they are mixed waters, (that is, as the Gloss speaks) mixed with the waters of other Rivers, which they receive with in themselves.

To the seven Seas, concerning which we have spoken, those things which are said by Midras Tillin do refer. I have created seven Seas, saith the Lord, but out of them all I have chosen none, but the Sea of Genesareth. And of the river of Amana, of which the Aruch speaks, mention is made in the Targum upon Cant. IV. 8. They that dwell upon the river Amana shall offer thee a gift, &c.

CHAP. V. The Sea of Sodom, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

THE bounds of Judea on both sides are the Sea; the Western bounds is the Mediterranean, the Eastern the dead Sea, or the Sea of Sodom. This the Jewish Writers everywhere call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which you may not so properly interpret here. The Salt Sea, as the bituminous Sea. In which sense 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 word for word, Sodom's Salt, but properly, Sodom's bitumen, doth very frequently occur among them. The use of it was in the holy incense. They mingled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bitumen, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Amber of Jordan, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an herb known to few, with the spices that made that Incense.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Lake Asphaltitis is distant from Jerusalem three hundred furlongs. About eight and thirty miles.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It is extended in length five hundred, and eighty furlongs. Seventy two miles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . In breadth an hundred and fifty furlongs. Eighteen miles.

Pliny speaks thus of it: In length it is more than an hundred miles: in its greatest breadth it makes five and twenty, in its least six. What agreement is there between these two? I suppose Josephus does not comprehend within his measure the tongue of the Sea, of which mention is made, Jos. XV. 2. and defines the breadth as it was generally everywhere diffused. Concerning its distance from Jerusalem Selinus also speaks: In a long retreat from Jerusalem (saith he) a sad bay oppresseth itself, which that it was struck from Heaven, the ground black and dissolved into ashes, testifies. There were two Towns there, one named Sodom, the other Gomorrhah. But that distance was not directly Southward, but by a very long declination Eastward.

The Talmudists devote to the Sea of Sodom, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 anything that is destined to rejection and cursing, and that by no means is to be used.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let him devote the use of such a thing to the bituminous Sea. Let the price of an oblation for sin, the owner whereof is dead depart 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into the salt Sea.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Proselyte Aquila divided the Inheritance with his brother a Gentile, and devoted the use and benefit of it to the Salt Sea. Of three Doctors one saith, that he devoted the monies of Idolatry into the Salt Sea. Hence is that allusion, Revel. XX. 14. And death and hell were cast into the Lake of fire.

It doth not please me, that Sodom in the Maps is placed in the Northern bounds of the Asphaltites, when it seems rather to be placed in the Southern extremity of it, For,

I. The bounds of the Land are thus defined by Moses, Gen. X. 19. The borders of the Canaanites were from Sidon (on the North) unto Gaza, (on the South) as thou goest forward, or until thou comest to Sodom. Are not the bounds here bent from Gaza to the furthest term opposite to it on the East?

II. Josephus in the description of the Asphaltites, which we quoted a little above hath these words, The length of it is five hundred and eighty furlongs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : And it is stretched out as far as Zoar of Arabia. Note that the furthest coast of the extension of it southward, is to Zoar. But now Zrar was not far distant from Sodom, when Lot with his Company got thither before the rising of the Sun, Gen. XIX. 23. It is written, say the Gemarists, the Sun was risen upon the earth, when Lot entered into Sodom. Now Sodom was four miles from Zoar.

The Maps show you Zoar and Lots Cave in Judea at the Nothern Coast almost of the Asphaltites. By what authority I do not apprehend. The Talmudists indeed do mention a certain Zoar, which they also call, The City of Palms. There is a story, say they, of some Levites, who travailed to Zoar, the City of Palms: and one of them fell sick, whom they brought to an Inn, and there he died. But I should sooner believe that there were two Zoars, then I should believe, that the Father of the Moabites were not conceived and born near Zoar of the Land of Moab. See Isaiah XV. 5.

Concerning the age of Sodom, when it perished, See the places in the Margin, and weigh them well.

CHAP. VI. The Coast of the Asphaltites. The Essenes. Engedi.

ON the Western shore (of the Asphaltites) dwell the Essenes; whom persons guilty of any crimes fly from on every side. A Nation it is that lives alone, and of all other Nations in the whole World most to be admired, they are without any woman, all lust banished, &c. Below these was the Town Engadda, the next to Jerusalem for fruitfulness, and Groves of Palm-trees, now another burying place. From thence stands Massada, a Castel in a rock, and this Castel not far from the Asphaltites.

Solinus, Pliny's shadow, speaks the like things. The Essenes possess the inner parts of Judea, which look to the West. The Town Engadda lay beneath the Essenes, but it is now destroyed. But its glory for the famous groves that are there doth still endure: and in regard of its most lofty woods of Palms it hath received no disparagement either by age or war. The Castle Massada is the bounds of Judea.

We are looking for the places, not the Men. We might otherwise begin the history of the Essenes from those words, Judge. I. 16. And the sons of the Kenite, Moses father in Law, went out of the City of Palms with the sons of Judah into the deserts of Judah. From these we suppose came the Rechabites, and from their stock, or Example the Essenes. Which if it be true, we make this an argument of the ill placing of Engedi in the Maps, being set too much towards the North, when it ought to have been placed towards the utmost Southern coasts.

If the Essenes were the same with the Kenites in seat and place, and the Kenites dwelt beyond Arad Southward, or indeed even with Arad, which is asserted in the Text alleged; and if below these were Engedi, which is also asserted by the Authors cited; certainly then the Maps have laid it a long way distant from its own proper place, too much Northward. View them, and think of these things. To which we also add this.

The Southern borders of the land, Ezek. XLVII. 19. (the very same which are mentioned Numb. XXXIV. and Jos. XV.) are thus declared, The Southern coast Southward from Tamar to the waters of Meriba in Cadesh, &c. But now Tamar and Engedi are the same, 2 Chron. XX. 2. Nor have we any reason, why we should seek another Tamar elsewhere. Certainly the Chaldee Paraphrast, and R. S. I • r • hi, and Kim • hi following him, have rendered Tamar in Ezekiel Jericho. But upon what reason? For how, I beseech you, was it possible, that Jericho should be the bounds of the South-land, when it was the utmost bounds of Judea Northward. It was this without all doubt drove them to that version of the word, because Jericho is called the City of Palms, and Tamar signifies a Palm; since Engedi would not give place to Jericho one inch in regard of the glory of Palm-Groves.

Whether Tadmor, 1 King. IX. 18. be the same with this our Tamar, and whether Tadmor in the Talmudists be the same with that Tadmor, we leave to the Reader to consider. We produce these few things concerning it, which are related by them, for the sake of such consideration.

They receive Proselytes from those of Cardya, and Tadmor. Rab. Abhu in the name of R. Jochanan saith, The Tradition asserts that the Proselytes of Tadmor are fit to enter into the Congregation. It was said a little before; Haggai the Prophet taught these three lessons. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Rival of a daughter (of a Priest) may be married by a Priest. The Moabites and Ammonites ought to tithe the poor's tithe the seventh year. And the Proselytes of Tadmor are fit to enter into the Congregation.

This story is recited in the Jerusalem Mishna. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Mary of Tadmor having part of the blood sprinkled upon her (whereby she was to be purified) heard in that very juncture of time, that her daughter was dead, &c. But the Babylonian calls her 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Tarmod. From the place Tarmud, saith the Gloss. ( The Tarmudeans 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , are said by those of the Babylonian Talmud to be certain poor people, who got themselves a livelihood by gathering up wood, and selling it.)

R. Jochanan said, Blessed is he, who shall see the destruction of Tadmor. For she communicated in the destruction of the first and second Temple. In the destruction of the first she brought eighty thousand archers: and so she did in the destruction of the second.

CHAP. VII. Cadesh. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And that double. Enquiry is made, whether the doubling it in the Maps is well done.

THE Readers of the Eastern Interpreters will observe, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cadesh is rendered by all 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rekam, or in a sound very near it. In the Chaldee it is Rekam: in the Syriac, Rekem: in the Arabic, Rakim. And Cadesh Barnea in Onkelos is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Jonathan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (from which words compared we may observe how the guttural 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is melted.) In the Targum of Jerusalem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : in the Gemarists 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

There are two places noted by the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rekam in the very bounds of the land, to wit, the Southern, and Eastern: that is a double Cadesh.

I. Of Cadesh, or Rekam in the South part there is no doubt.

II. Of it in the Eastern part there is this mention. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . From Rekam to the East, and Rekam is as the East: that is, R. Nissim interpreting. Rekam itself is reckoned for the East of the World, (that is for the land of the Heathen) not for the land of Israel. Behold! a Rekam, or a Cadesh, also on the East. But the Maps have feigned to themselves another Cadesh, besides Barnea, and this Eastern Rekam; whither they think the people of Israel came in the fortieth year of their travail, Numb. XX. These, we suppose, were some of the reasons, whereby the Authors of them were drawn to it.

I. Because Cadesh Barnea was in the desert of Paran, Numb. XII. 16. & XIV. 1. But the Cadesh, whither they came the fortieth year was in the desert of Zin, Numb. XX. 1. I answer, The searchers of the land departing from Cadesh Barnea, are said also to go out of the deserts of Zin, Numb. XIII. 21. Paran was the general name of that dreadful desert: Zin only one part of it.

II. In Cadesh Barnea they encamped many days, Deut. I. 46. But in that Cadesh, concerning which mention is made, Numb. XX. there was not provision sufficient, whereby they might be sustained one day. For they complain, that it was a place altogether destitute of seed, Figs, Vines, and Pomegranates, Numb. XX. 5. which they did not at all complain of, while they remained in Cadesh Barnea. I answer, Omitting, that wheresoever they encamped, they were fed by Manna; the Complaint arose among them, not so much of the place itself, as of the ill boding and prejudice, as I may so say, of the place: because from the barrenness of this place they prejudged of the like barrenness of that land, into which they were to enter, and the Porch as it were of which was Cadesh Barnea. When they came hither first, now thirty eight years before, Ye came to the Mountain of the Amorites, saith Moses, which the Lord giveth you, Deut. I. 20, 21. Is it so? (think they with themselves) Does the first entrance of the land of promise promise no better? There is little hope of the land itself, if the beginnings of it are such. It is convenient therefore, that we send before us spies, who may bring us word, whether it is of so great account, that we should tire and hazard ourselves by going to that soil, whose first appearance is so horrid and desperate. And hence was that unhappy argument before their eyes, by the inducement of which the whole multitude by so unanimous a Vote concluded and resolved against the land. And since now after so much time passed, they are come back to the same place, they think, distrust, and complain of the same things.

III. In Cadesh Barnea they had a supply of water; in Cadesh, whether they came the fortieth year, there was no water, Numb. XX. &c. I answer, They drunk, when they first came to Cadesh Barnea, of the Rock, which followed them, (1 Cor. X. 2.) which dried up when they were now ready to enter into the land. If you ask, why had those rivers that followed them dried up as soon as they came at Cadesh Barnea, which before had not dried up when they came thither: then I ask also, why had they dried up when they came to another Cadesh?

IV. Concerning the Cadesh, whither they came the last year of their travail, it is said, that the City was in the utmost bounds of the land of Edom: and therefore they desire leave of the King to pass through the land of Edom, Numb. XX. 16, 17. I answer, Nothing at all hinders, but these things may be spoke of Cadesh Barnea, which laying contiguous to the Mountain of the Amorites, that is, to Mountanous Judea, shown so great an Army an access, and promised it; only that access was winding and very difficult to be passed. They desire therefore a more level way of the King of Edom, but obtain it not.

V. Perhaps that which chiefly moved them was this, that supposing one Cadesh only, to wit Barnea, it will be scarce possible not to confound the Encampings of Israel in the wilderness, and their movings from place to place. I answer, There will be the same easiness of ordering them, if you do but reduce the sixth and seventh verses of Deut. X. into a true sense, and into agreement with Numb. XXXIII. from verse. 31. to verse. 41. which is not hard to do. But let these things suffice for the present to have spoke besides our scope. That that Cadesh, to which they came in the fortieth year (which is called Meribah, Numb. XX. 13.) is the same with Cadesh Barnea is clear enough from hence, that Meribah in Cadesh is assigned for the Southern border of the land, Ezek. XLVII. 19. Which border of old was Cadesh Barnea, Numb. XXXIV. 4. Jos. XV. 3.

CHAP. VIII. The River of Egypt, Rhinocorura. The lake of Sirbon.

PLINY writes, From Pelusium are the Intrenchments of Chabrias: Mount Casius: The Temple of Jupiter Casius. The Tomb of Pompey the great. Ostracine. Arabia is bounded sixty five miles from Pelusium. Soon after begins Idumea and Palestine from the rising up of the Sirbon lake. Either my eyes deceive me, while I read these things, or Mount Casius lies nearer Pelusium, than the lake of Sirbon. The Maps have ill placed the Sirbon between Mount Casius and Pelusium.

Sirbon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 implies Burning; the name of the lake being derived from its nature, which is firy and bituminous. It is described by Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and others, whom you may look upon. A lake like to that of Sodom, and perhaps was of the like fate and original; to wit, an Example of divine indignation. What if it be the monument of that dreadful Earthquake in the days of Uzziah, Amoz I. 1. Zech. XIV. 5? When God contended also in fire, Amoz VII. 4. So that some Cities perished after the manner of Sodom and Gomorrhah, Amos IV. 11. Esa. I. 9.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The furthest border of the land of Israel Southward is not Nile in Egypt, but Shihor in the way to Egypt, Jos. XIII. 3. Jer. II. 18. In the seventy Interpreters it is Rhinocorura; for they render that in Esa. XXVII. 12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unto the stream of Egypt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unto Rhinocorura. Of which place and name, derived from the cutting of nostrils, see Diodorus Siculus, lib. I.

CHAP. IX. A sight of Judea.

IN Judea is the Mountanous Country, the Plain, and the Vale. What is the mountainous Country of Judea? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , It is the Kings mountain. The Plain of it is the Plain of the South. The Vale is from Engedi to Jericho. The Plain of Lydda is as the Plain of the South: and its mountainous Country is as the Kings mountainous Country 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. From Beth-horon to the Sea is one circumjacent region. Rabbi Jochanan saith, Yet it hath a mountainous part, a plain, and a vale. From Beth-horon to Emmaus is mountainous, from Emmaus to Lydda is plain, from Lydda to the Sea is valley.

Judea is not divided amiss into four parts. Namely, Into the Country, which formerly was the Philistines, which takes up the Western part. To this joins on the East the mountainous Country of Judea, which is also called, The Kings mount. To the mountainous Country on the East joins a plain, a Country more low and level than the mountains, which nevertheless here and there hath its hills. Hence is that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. A valley lying between mountains is reckoned with the mountains, and mountains in a valley are numbered with the valley. To the plain Eastwardly joins a valley, lower than the plain, namely the coast of the Sea of Sodom, and at length of Jordan.

The land of Benjamin in like manner, which is numbered with Judea, in respect of its superficies was of the same nature; which although 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , it was a portion of the narrowest limits by reason of the goodness of the soil, yet had its mountainous part, its plain, and vale: and that not only towards Lydda, and the great Sea, but towards Jericho and