Works

§. 1. Gaius his death contrived.

THIS madness of Gaius could not last long, it was so mad and it was so violent, and he could not expect a dry and timely death himself, which had brought an untimely and bloody to so many hundreds. He began a Consulship this year with Cn. Sentius, but it was soon out of date, as he was himself, but he not so soon as the people desired, as he had deserved, and some had compassed, had their plot but taken effect. One or two conspiracies had been contrived against him before this, but had failed in the success, and he escaped to do more mischief still. But now a design is in undertaking, that will run the business to the full, and men are entered into the combination, that have mettle, and want not fortune. These were Cassius Chaereas and Cornelius Sabinus that contrived in chief, and they entertained many others into the conspiracy with them, as Callistus and Eparchus, Regulus and Minutianus. While the plot was in hatching, Gaius gave an extraordinary offense and disgust unto the people, which hastened and ripened it the more, upon his own head. There were solemn sports kept now in the City, at which time it was the custom that if the people asked a boon, the Emperor did freely grant it. Now therefore they begged that he would ease their taxes, and release somewhat of the grievous impositions under which they groaned. But he was so far from granting, that he caused many of the petitioners to be slain, hastening his own death by theirs, and condemning himself by their condemnation. For what now remains thought the conspirators, but a speedy course, when neither his own reason, nor their petitions, nor their Countries custom can any whit move him to goodness, nor divert him from his cruelties? Besides this general quarrel of their Country, some of them had their peculiar heart-burnings against him for particular abuse: As Minutianus for the death of his friend Lepidus and for fear of his own life: but Cassius Chereas for divers affronts and disgraces, which the Tyrant not only used but loved to put upon him above other men. He was Tribune of the Praetorian band, or as it were Captain of the guard, and a man as valiant, as that place required or any whatsoever. Yet was it the senseless and inconsiderate Tyrants delight and continual custom, to jeer him with the tau • ts of Cowardice or Eff • m • nacy. Whensoever he came to him to ask of him a word or ticket for the Watch, he would give him Venus or Priapus: when he offered him his hand to kiss, he would frame it into an obscene form, and so hold it to him: And that which might make him odious to others, he caused him to be the wracker and tormentor of delinquents, himself standing by, that he might use no mercy for fear; and yet when he had cruelly and miserably torn and rent the poor wretches, would the spiteful Prince speak pitifully to them, bemoan the extremity, condole their condition, and sometimes give them rewards, thus turning the detestation of all the cruelty upon the head of Chereas only: such things as these set the abused man all of a fire for revenge, that was hot enough already for the common cause, and he wanteth nothing to end his own disgrace and his Countries misery, but partners and opportunity. He therefore first assaieth Cle •••• the chief commander of the soldiery, and Papinius the chief Querry or Squire of the Emperors body, with feeling words and forcible arguments to draw them into the same design with himself of freeing the Common wealth from the common misery, and themselves from the common guilt that lay upon them, not only for not redressing, but also for promoting it. For Gaius, saith he, indeed commandeth such cruelties, but we are the men that execute them, he guilty in word only, but we in action. Whilst we obey his bloodiness we encourage it, and the weapons that our offices have put into our hands, for our Country, we use only against it: forwarding that cruelty which when it wanteth further objects will not stop to fall upon ourselves. Come let us at the last right our Country and our own consciences: and give an end to those butcheries which we promote by our obedience, and of which we are doubly guilty, because we execute them, and because we avenge them not. With these or such expressions as these, did Chereas easily bend these men to his opinion, who were in the same guilt, danger and misery with him: But Clemens, whether for cowardice or variableness of his disposition, fell suddenly off again, and persisted not either in resolution or in secrecy, but began to divulge the conspiracy all abroad: Now therefore was it time for Chereas to hasten his enterprize, or it would be too late: such undertakings as these will not brook long delays, especially when any one of the faction beginneth to run out, and leak. He therefore speedily addresseth himself to Sabinus, and to Minutianus, though a kinsman to Gaius, and prevaileth with them both, to be of the same mind and action with him: and all of them having men ready for this exploit do but wait for an opportunity to bring it to effect.

§. 2. The manner of his death.

Chereas afraid to lose any time, thought several times to have thrown the Tyrant headlong from an high place which he used to stand in in the Capitol, to throw and s • atter money to the people, but he was withheld partly by his own judgment, which doubted whether the fall would kill him or no, and partly by the advise of his friends, which persuaded him to hold till a solemn festival which was now coming on, in which they might have better access in a mixed crowd and multitude.

This time was come, and three days of the festival, and of the shows were past before opportunity would serve their turn: On the fourth and last of the solemnity which must be the day or none, and this was the ninth of the Calends of February or January the three and twenty, Chereas provideth his confederates for the expedition both for mettle and weapons. In the morning betime, people of all conditions flock to the place of the shows and solemnity to get them places, disposing of themselves where they could, so that men and women, bond and free, noble and base sat mixedly together, and happy was he that could get a place no matter where. At last comes Cain's, way forced for him through the crowd, all eyes upon him, but theirs especially that meant him mischief. His first beginning of that days solemnity was with sacrifice, with the blood whereof when the clothes of Asprenas a Senator were accidentally bedaubed, it afforded matter of laughter to the Emperor, but it proved a fatal omen to himself. After his sacrifice he took his place with the Nobles about him, and the plays began: one of them was a Mimick acting that part which Neoptolemus did at the slaughter of King Priamus: Another, of one or more actors that seemed to vomit blood, so that the stage was even bloody over; and his sports read his destiny, himself being presently to substantiate in his own person, what these did but personate and represent of others. Having sitten a spectator of these his own Omens till towards one a clock, and indifferent whether to go to dinner or no, his stomach being undisposed through his yesterdays gluttony; Asprenas a partner in the plot, sitting near him, persuaded him for his refreshment to go to the Bath, and so to Dinner, and then to the Plays and shows again. Gaius giving notice of his rising, the company bussles to make him room, the conspirators pretending officiousness, helped to keep off the crowd and people; when he was come from among the multitude, he took not the open and ordinary way to the Palace, but a back and by way toward the Bath: There was he met and accoasted by Chereas, who came to him as the custom was to demand the word: which when he gave him with his accustomed scorn, and disgracefulness, Chereas drew and flew upon him, with these words, Hoc age, and smote him sore into the collar bone: upon the wound Caesar neither cried out nor resisted, but sought to have slipped away. Then was he entertained by Sabinus with the like courtesy of a blow or stab, so that by this time the great Lion is gotten down, and then the rest of the confederacy fly all in upon him, everyone with his slash, that there he lieth mangled with few or no less than thirty wounds.

§. 3. The sequel.

A pleasant spectacle was this to the overpressed Common wealth, but there must be some more trouble before she can enjoy the pleasure. Such storms as these, though they come suddenly, and without expectation, yet are they not so suddenly, pasted and calmed again.

The German Soldiers were the first that had notice of the Princes death, and they are the only men that will avenge it: Men not only conditioned like himself, in barbarousness and headlong cruelty, but also in love with those conditions, because they found acceptance and reward with him. These men upon the report, rise up in revenge, and in searching for the murderers of Caesar, you must expect some innocence will be murdered. They first light upon Asprenas, a man that indeed had a finger in the business, but it is like it is more than they knew, yet howsoever he must pay for it because he cometh in their way, and so the shedding of his own blood answereth the Omen that he had but even now by the blood of the sacrifice. Next cometh Barbarus Norhanus to handling, because next to hand, and after him Anteius whose curiosity was his destiny, for coming to look upon the corps of the slain Tyrant, he was made a corps himself: When the rumor of what had passed came into the Theatre, it moved different passions according to their different affections. Some could not believe the news it was so good, others would not, because it was displeasing, hoping better, than that they had lost so great a patron of their unruliness and sporting. But when the Soldiers came in thither after the rumor, with the heads of Asprenas, Norbanus and Anteius in their hands, then imagine what case they were all in there, expecting to be all involved in the same fatal end, by the same fatal fury, though they were not of the same opinion and affection to the fact that had lately passed. But this fear and fury was with as much speed as wit, and indeed were both finely calmed and removed by one Aruntius; for coming in among them in a mourning weed, as if for Gaius, he plainly, and dolefully, and assuredly averred that he was dead. One would have thought that this should have increased the raging of the Soldiers far more than before, but it had the clean contrary effect, as his policy had wittily foreseen. For when they knew certainly that he was dead, of whom they expected a reward for this their outrage in his quarrel, and when they considered what the people might do now he was dead, who so hated him while he was alive, they sheathed their swords and their fury together, and withdrew themselves from the Theatre, and the people's fear from the people fairly and quietly both at once. By a carriage of as much valor as this was of ingenuity, did Valerius Asiatic • s calm the tumult of the people in the market place, for when there was no other language, but, who is it, and who is it that hath killed Caesar? he steppeth into some place above the people, and boldly cried I would it had been I, and with his boldness daunted the mutiny, and amazed their anger.

§. 4. Dissention about the Government.

The hearts of the people were pretty well settled about the death of the Prince, but their minds not so well about the manner of the future Government. The Senate being assembled in the Capitol were divided about this great matter, whether the Commonwealth should return to its old Democracy, or to its latter Monarchy again; some remembering the tyrannies used by the two latter Monarchs, abhorred the thought of that Government any longer: Others considering that it were better to be under one Tyrant, than under many, were as much against Democracy; and yet if they might have a Monarch, which they desired, they were yet to seek who should be he. Sentius the Consul was vehement for the former choice, and might have well been suspected for affecting some kind of Monarchy for the present himself, for he was chief Governor alone, but that his earnestness to reduce the state to its former rule stopped the mouth of any such prejudice. Thus rose the Court without any determination, and no less was the City divided in opinion. And indeed it was a very hard task that they had in hand, to resolve for futurity what might prove the best, being to take a gentle medium betwixt their too much liberty and too little.

§. 5. Claudius.

Whilst they were thus in doubt and agitation, and better able to resolve what they would not have, than what they would, fortune seemed to offer them an umpirage and determination, winding an acceptance of a Monarch into their hearts before they were aware. Claudius an uncle of the Tyrant that now lay dead, hearing the tumult and hubbub that the Palace was in, and how the matter went with Caligula, he crept into an obscure hole to hide himself, not much guilty indeed of any other cause of such fear, but only because he was so near allied to the man so hated and now slain. When lo Gratus a common Soldier searching about, whether for a prey or for a conspirator, spieth his feet lying out of his skulking hole, and draws him out to see who it was; here might a stander by have laughed to have seen the different passions of Claudius and the Soldier meet together in one like and uniform action. Claudius, ready to kneel to the Soldier to beg for his life, and the Soldier already kneeling to Claudius to reverence his person. For being drawn out and brought into the light, and his face known by him and who he was, he presently shows him all reverence and homage, and crieth out An Emperor, an Emperor; with this cry they bring him out to some more of their fellows, who getting him on their shoulders bring him into their Garrison, the people as he went pitying him, as going unto execution. There he lodged that night, and you may suppose that he slept but little, being so divided betwixt hope and fear. The Consul and Senate the next day hearing what was done, send to him advise him to submit to their Government, and not to disturb the State with a Monarchy again, which had been so burdensome and tedious to it so long: which if he should go about to do they would oppose him to their utmost strength, and doubted not the assistance of the God's in this their vindication of their liberty. Verrannius and Brachus, their two Legates upon this message, delivered their errand with as much moving Rhetoric and entreaty as they could invent, beseeching him with all the vehemency they could, not to distemper the Republic again by affecting and aspiring the Monarchy, which was now in a hopeful possibility of settling her tranquility and liberty to her own content. But the sight of the strength and forwardness of the Soldiers that were about him, made them to strain their Oratory one key higher than it may be they had either commission for at their coming forth, or any thanks for at their return. For they besought him that if he would needs have the Empire, that he would rather receive it from the hands of the Senate than of the Soldiers, and make an entry to his Government by consent and approval and not by violence.

Claudius, howsoever his mind stood, gave a gentle answer, either dissembling till he could be sure to have his own party good, or indeed rather forced upon this pursuit than propense, and though affecting the Majesty of the Empire, yet not patient of the trouble.

§. 6. Caesonia and her child slain.

There let us leave him to study, as far as his fear and the Soldiers tumult would suffer him, what to resolve upon as best to be done, or if he were resolved already, then how to do it: And let us a little step aside to the corps of Gaius, and there we shall see some partners with him in his death, which had better relation to it than Asprenas and the other that we saw slain before: Chereas not thinking it enough for the common safety, and the accomplishment of his design, that Gaius was dead alone, unless so much also of him were cut off with him, as was in Caesonia his wife and her and his little child, he sendeth one Lupus one of the tribunes upon this execution, that nothing might remain of Caligula, but his putrefied memory. Some were of opinion that Caesonia had been his persuasive and provocation to his mischiefs either by charms, or exhortations, or both; others thought, that she used her utmost endeavors to have reduced him to a better mind, but could not prevail: But were it the one or the other, were she good or bad, it is all one to Chereas, she was Gaius his wife, and so must needs die for the desert of her actions, if she were naught, and though she were otherwise, yet for the due of her relation. Lupus findeth her tumbling upon the ground with the corps, all besmeared with his blood and her own tears: She conceiving his errand by his very person, boldly invites him to accomplish what he came about, which he did accordingly, and withal slew the little child upon the heap: And so their lieth the greatest Prince and Princess under Heaven, a spectacle of misery and majesty tied up together, and to be lamented in regard of these two, howsoever but justly rewarded in regard of their deserts.

§. 7. Claudius made Emperor.

That rule and Monarchy that the Soldiers would have tumbled upon Claudius they cared not how, Agrippa the King of whom we had mention a good while ago folded it as it were upon him fairly and smoothly, that it both lay more easy for him himself, and less wrinkled and rugged to the eyes of others. For first coming privately to Claudius whilst he somewhat fluctuated in opinion, and was ready to have yielded to the Senates propositions, he settled him in a contrary resolution, persuading him by no means to forsake or relinquish that fair apprehension and seisure of the dominion that was offered him. Then cometh he as craftily into the Senate as if he had been a mere stranger to what was in hand, and there asketh how the matter went between them and Claudius; when they ingenuously laid all the business before him, and demanded his counsel and advise in those affairs: He subtle enough for his own ends, and neither regarding their liberty, nor Claudius his Monarchy so much in the matter as his own security in his Kingdom, maketh fair weather to them, and professeth with all solemnity to serve them in their designs to the utmost of his power. But when it came to the vote what must be done, and the resolution was that they must take up arms, and arm their servants, and compass that with the sword that they could not do with persuasions; then Agrippa thought it was time to work or never. He therefore puts them in mind of the strength of the Soldiers that had proclaimed Claudius, and of their forces but weak, few, and utterly unexpert: that to hazard a war was to hazard their State, and therefore he would advise them to tender to Claudius propositions of accommodation, and if they were so pleased, he himself would be the agent. It is agreed upon, and he sent upon this employment, which how he would perform it is easy to guess, by looking upon his own condition in which he now stood. For in the life of Gaius it was conceived that his evil counsel had very much forwarded the others cruelty and mischievousness, and therefore if the Senate be masters of their desires, he can little expect to be master anymore of his Kingdom, but if with all his officiousness and trotting up and down he can help Claudius to the Monarchy, he is sure he hath then holpen himself to the Royalty. It was therefore not an oversight in that grave and discreet great Council that they employed such a man as this in their occasions, who, a far dimmer eye of judgment than any of theirs would easily perceive, would be against them: but it was their discreet evasion with their honor, when finding themselves too weak to deal it out by force of Arms, they came to a noble reference, by the motion and meditation of so great a Prince.

When Agrippa cometh to Claudius he is now more urgent than before, that he stand to his challenge, because he had now groped the mind and strength of the Senate: and he prevaileth with him so far that the Soldiers go to the Senate house, and there demand a confirmation of their choice. It was now come to it in the Council, that they were resolved to choose one Monarch, for they saw the Soldiers would so have it, but now the question was who that must be; some were for one, some for another; but the conspirators against Gaius were against Claudius howsoever: This division had like to have caused another tumult, but the end of all was, that the power and fear of the Soldiers prevailed, and the Senate was glad to accept him for their Prince whom they durst not refuse.

§. 8. His demeanor at his beginning.

Agrippae had persuaded him to deal gently with the Senate, but he either persuaded not or prevailed not with him for the like towards the conspirators of his nephews death. Chereas and Sabinus the slayers of Gaius, and Lupus the Executioner of Caesonia and her child were not like the Senate, either persuaded by reasons, or affrighted by forces to accept of Claudius, or to owe him homage, but they boldly and resolutely gainsay his election even to the death. Claudius therefore causeth Chereas to be slain, and Lupus with him, which doom they underwent with different demeanors, Chereas stoutly, but Lupus weeping, Chereas at one blow, for he met death half the way, but Lupus at many, for he shrunk it all he could. But Sabinus, foolhardy as he was, when Claudius had granted him his pardon, and not only so but also restored him to his former honors, he disdaining to be singled from his fellow conspirators in their end anymore than in their design, fell upon his own sword and died. Such a beginning did the new made Emperor make into his Empire, mingling severity and clemency together in the censure of offenders of the same knot, that he might also mingle fear and love in the hearts of the people. This Claudius was the son of Drusus the son of Livia, a man dull and diseased even from his childhood, and for that brought up most in the converse with women or nurses: hence his effeminacy and luxuriousness at all times, and his readiness to be led away by the counsel of women at some. He was now about fifty years of age when he began to reign, at the very ripeness of all the discretion he had, but that it was often blasted with fearfulness, drunkenness and wicked counsel. When he was set quietly in the Throne, the first thing he did was to get the two days in which the agitation was about the change of the Government, quite out of memory, and for that end he made an Act of Oblivion of all things that had passed either in Words or Actions of all that time: yet had he not wrought his own security so far, but that he caused all that came near him to be searched for weapons, and while he sat at any meal, he had a strong guard about him. For the motion that had been so lately and so strongly carried for the abolition of Monarchy, and the other which proposed others thereto when Monarchy was agreed upon, and would have excluded him, had taken such an impression upon him, that he reputed no safety in his holding of the Royalty, but by that strong hand and power by which he had gotten it. Yet tried he fair and gentle dealing though he durst not trust it: Those from whom he had received any affront, in the days of Tiberius and Caligula (for sometimes in those days to abuse Claudius, was to curry favor) he freely pardoned if he found them guilty of no other crime, but if he did he paid them then for all together. The unjust fines of Gaius he remitted, his illegal decrees he revoked, his innocents imprisoned he released, and his causeless banished he called home.

The poisons which he had prepared for the Nobles, and a list of their names for whom they were prepared, being found in the Palace, though Gaius had pretended to have burnt them, he shown publicly to the Senate and then burnt them indeed. He forbad any one to adore him or to sacrifice to him, he restrained the great and loud acclamations that were used to be made to the Emperor, and carried himself with such sweetness and moderation, that happy had the Republic been in the continuance of the Monarchy, had he been so happy as to have continued in this his first demeanor. But his wicked Empress Messallina, and her wicked consorts first provoked him to mischief, and his too much delight in the bloody sports did by degrees habituate him unto cruelty. He had recalled Julia and Agrippina the two sisters of Gaius out of banishment, whither they had been sent by their own Brother after he had deflowered them, and he restored them to their Estates and Revenues again. But Messallina stomacking that Julia did her not honor and homage enough, and envying her beauty, and being jealous of her privacy with Claudius, she caused her to be banished again, and in a short time she compassed her death.

These were but ominous beginnings, when Caesar's love to his own niece was cause enough to work her ruin, but was not strong enough to stand between her and the fury of his own wife: And it did but fatally presage what mischief her wretched counsels would work the cowardice and indiscretion of her husband to, when their first effect was upon one so near allied: Nor did cruelty and bloodiness enter thus only in at his ears, by the suggestion of his cursed wife, but the like it did also at his eyes, by his frequent and delightsome beholding of the bloody sports: that growing by degrees to be his delight to act, which had grown by degrees also to be his delight to see. Sometimes beasts with beasts, as twelve Camels and Horses at one time, and 300 Bears, and 300 African wild beasts at the same: sometimes beasts with men, and sometimes men with men, and at all times hideous bloodshed, that he that can look upon such barbarousness and slaughter with content, it may be suspected that he in time will grow to act the like with the same delight.

§. 1. The name of Christian.

THE Jews and Gentiles being now since the calling of Cornelius knit up together into one Church, they are this year tied up into the rosie and glorious knot of the same name and Epithet, the name of Christian: A new name which the Lord himself did give them, as we may well understand that prophesy, Esa. 65. 15. that the two distinguishing names of Jews and Heathen might no more continue the ancient distance that was betwixt them, but that that and all differences arising therefrom might be buried under this sweet and lovely denomination given equally to them both. The current of the story hitherto hath fairly and plainly led this occurrence to this year, as the Reader himself will confess upon the trace of the History, and he will be confirmed in it, when he seeth the next year following to be the year of the famine, which next followeth in relation in St. Luke to this that we have in hand, Act. 11. 26, 27, 28.

By what names the Professors of the Gospel were called before this time, it is plain in Scripture. Among themselves they were called Disciples, Believers, The Church, Devout men, Brethren; But among the unbelieving Jews, by this sole common and scornful title of The sect of the Nazarites. Epiphanius hath found out a strange name for them not to be found elsewhere, nor to be warranted anywhere, and that is the name of Jessaeans.

Before they were called Christians (saith he) they were called Jessaei; either from Jesse the father of David, from whom the Virgin Mary and Christ by her descended, or from Jesu the proper name of our Savior. Which thou shalt find in the books of Philo, namely in that which he wrote 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . In which treating of their Policy, Praises and monasteries which are about the Marish Marian (commonly called Mareotis) he speaketh of none others than of Christians. Of the same opinion in regard of the men themselves, are divers others, both the Fathers, and later writers; though they differ in regard of the name. No Romanist but he takes it for granted, that Philo in that book (that is meant by Epiphanius, though he either title it not right, or else couch two books under one title,) speaketh of Christian Monks, and from thence who of them doth not plead the antiquity of a Monastic life, so confidently, that he shall be but laughed to scorn among them that shall deny it? They build indeed upon the Ipse Dixit of some of the Fathers to the same purpose, besides the likeness of those men in Philo to the Romish Monks, that such a thing as this is not altogether to be passed over, but something to be examined▪ since it seemeth to carry in itself so great antiquity and weightiness.

Eusebius therefore in his Ecclesiastical History delivereth such a matter as tradition. They say (saith he) that Mark being first sent in Egypt, preached the Gospel there which he also penned, and first founded the Churches of Alexandria, where so great a multitude of believing men and women grew up, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a most Philosophical and strict course, that Philo himself vouchsafed to write of their converse, meetings, feastings, and all their demeanor: And for this his writing of them, He is reckoned by us (saith Jerome) amongst the Ecclesiastical writers, because writing concerning the first Church of Mark the Evangelist, he breaketh out into the praises of our men: relating that they are not only there but also in many other Provinces, and calling their dwellings Monasteries. Of the same mind with these Fathers, are Cedrenus Nicephorus, Sixtus Senensis, Bellarmine, Possevine and others; which last cited Jesuit is not contented to be satisfied with this opinion himself, but he revileth the Magdeburgenses, and all others with them, that are not of the same opinion with him. For the examining of which, before we do believe it, we may part their position into these two quaeres. First, Whether Mark the Evangelist had founded the Church at Alexandria before Philo wrote that book. And secondly whether those men about Alexandria reported of by Philo, were Christians at all yea or no.

First then look upon Philo and upon his age, and you shall find that the last year when he was in Embassy at Rome, he was ancient, and older than any of the other Commissioners that were joined with him, for so he saith of himself: Caesar speaking affably to them when they first came before him, the standers by thought their matter would go well with them, But I (saith he) that seemed to outstrip the others in years and judgment, &c. and then from him look at the time when Mark is brought by the Ecclesiastical Historians first into Egypt and Alexandria. Eusebius, (for we will content ourselves with him only) hath placed this at the third of Claudius, in these words, Marcus Evangelista interpres Petri, Aegypto & Alexandriae Christum annunciat. And then is Philo four years older than before. To both which add what time would be taken up after Marks preaching before his converts could be disposed into so settled a form of buildings, constitutions and exercises, and then let indifferency censure, whether Philo that was so old so long before, should write his two books of the Esseni, and the Therapeutae after all this. But because we will not build upon this alone, let us for the resolution of our second Quaere, character out these men that are so highly esteemed for the patterns of all Monasticks, and that in Philo's own words and description.

§. 1. The Therapeutae.

To this purpose doth Philo describe these Therapeutae of his times: which howsoever they are taken for Christians by divers as was said before, yet it is so plain by divers passages in Philo's Charactering of them that they were no Christians, but Jewish sectaries, that it is even needless to determinate it: let the reader but consider that it is a Jew that commends their devotion, that he himself imitates their manner of expounding the Scriptures by allegories, that he saith they had many commentaries of their predecessors to that tenor, that they were superstitious about the number seven, as he himself is not a little, and if there were no other arguments to prove that they were only a Sect of the Jews, these were enow.

§. 2. The affairs of the Jews in Alexandria, and Babylonia.

The death of Gaius was an allay to the troubles of the Jews both in Judea and Alexandria, and the proclamation of Claudius which we shall hear of the next year, was their utter cessation for the present, but so it was not in Babylonia. The terror and trouble that had seized Judea, about the statue of Caesar, was removed, and extinct with the removal, and extinction of Caesar himself, so were the pressures of them in Alexandria mitigated much from what they were before, though their commotions and troubling continued still in an equal measure. For whereas before the displeasure of the Emperor lay so heavy upon them that they neither could nor durst stand out in their own defense, when that burden is now removed they gather heart and metal, and now though the Greeks and they be continually at daggers drawn, yet now it is upon equal terms, and they dare strike as well as the other. But in Babylonia and thereabout, their miseries is but now a brewing, and an equal strait is preparing for them, as had been to either of the other, though it began with some smiling of a seeming happiness, and the sunshine of present prosperity. The bloodhound of vengeance was to hunt this Nation, and not to be taken off till it was destroyed: and therefore when it giveth off the quest in one place, it takes it in another, and leaveth not their footing till it had left them no footing at all.

Those Jews whose Tragedy we have seen acted already found their own misery, though they sought it not, and how much more shall they that we are now to bring upon the scene that sought and wooed it with their utmost pains.

§. 1. The rebellion of some Jews.

There were in Neardaa (the residence and University of the Jews in Babylonia ) two brethren named Asinaeus and Anilaeus, or in their proper language Chasinai, and Chanilai. These two their Mother (their Father being dead) had put to a trade and to a Master, for the making of sails or other tackle for ships. The sturdy youths having one day given their Master some offense, and he them some blows, did take the matter in such high scorn and disdain, that they resolve not only to overrun their Master, but indeed to run over all Mastership whatsoever. They therefore getting away all the Arms their Masters house would afford, betake themselves to a strong place in an Island of Euphrates, and there publish and proclaim their rebellious resolution. Young men flock in to them apace, men of the same desperate minds and fortunes, and after building some Castles in the air of future expectations, they begin to build a Fort in the Isle for their present security and rendevouz. They then command the neighbor Towns to pay them Tribute, which the numerousness and resolution of the Commanders made them that they durst not disobey. The Governor of Babylonia thinking to quel this growing evil before it should be too strong, cometh secretly upon them on the Sabbath day, thinking to involve them in their own superstition into the trap that he had prepared for them. But the furious youths were not so over-religious as to be killed in devotion, nor did they prize the Sabbath above their own lives, but for all it was that day they are resolved to fight, and they fight resolvedly, and kill and rout and soil the forces that made no other account but of victory.

Artabanus King of Parthia hearing of the power of this newborn Army, and the resolution of those upstart Captains, and considering how advantageous it might be for his own affairs, to have them sure and firm unto himself, he sendeth for the two Brethren with assurance of their safety: whereupon they come to him, and are Royally and bravely entertained by him: and when Abdagasis the General of his Army would have slain Asinaeus treacherously, the King forbad him, sent Asinaeus home with rich gifts and the Government of Babylonia committed to him: There he grew greater and greater in power and honor: and stood in high repute both with the Babylonians and the Parthians, and had all Mesopotamia at his command. And thus continued these Brethren in pomp and height for fifteen years together: till a miscarriage of Anilaeus began to cloud and eclipse their prosperity: For Anilaeus having slain a Parthian Peer that he might enjoy his Lady, and she when she was now his wife, using her ancient Idolatry as in her first husbands days, this became a double offense to his chiefest friends, namely, for that he had married an Heathen, and for that she continued still in her Idolatry: They seriously admonish Anilaeus of the matter, but he slew one of the chiefest of them for his home-reproof and admonition. Therefore the rest address themselves to Asinaeus, and demand the vindication of their native Laws and Religion: he rebuketh his Brother Anilaeus, and is therefore poisoned by the Parthian Lady, because that her husband might be from under rebuke, and might be commander of all. He being now so indeed, first invadeth the Country of Mithridates, son in Law to Artabanus, and forrageth that, and by a surprisal getteth Mithridates prisoner, yet sendeth him home again to his own possessions, having hardly delivered him from his Soldiers fury that they did not kill him: Mithridates sensible of the disgrace of his usage (for they had set him naked upon an Ass,) and instigated by the haughty and revengeful spirit of his wife, raiseth what force he can get, and giveth Anilaeus battle and routeth him. But Anilaeus himself escaping, and recruiting an Army of dissolute and resolute fellows again, he beginneth to spoil some Towns of the Babylonians, but the Babylonians finding a fit opportunity, fall upon Anilaeus and his troop, and slew many of them, and Anilaeus himself among the rest: This bridle and curb of the Jews, which had lain so long and so heavy upon the Babylonians being now taken off, they begin now to rise up and to curb and oppress the Jews: who for their safety flee to Seleucia: and there they reside quietly for the space of five years, but in the sixth year, a hot Plague driving the rest of them that had stayed behind at Babylon, into Seleucia also, providence did as it were bring them all thither together to execution: for a quarrel being first between the Greeks and Syrians that dwelt in that City, and the Syrians getting the better through the help of the Jews, at last Greeks and Syrians join both together against the Jews, and destroy fifty thousand of them: And this was a second notable vengeance that hath ovetaken that Nation since the murder of the Lord of Life.

§. Paul's rapture into the third Heaven.

Although it be not mentioned in this Chapter that Paul went up to Jerusalem, but was sent only with provisions to the poor brethren in Judea: yet have we also proved before, that at this journey he had his trance in the Temple, Acts 22. 17. and in that trance he was wrapped up into the third Heaven. The story of which he himself relateth, 2 Cor. 12. 2. I knew a man in Christ above fourteen years ago, whether in the body I cannot tell, &c. And there he relateth also the story of the messenger of Satan, buffeting him, and himself praying, and God giving him a gracious answer: all which we shall explain, by God's permission, in another place.

In this trance God bids him get out of Jerusalem, and gives him commission to go preach among the Gentiles, Acts 22. 18, 21. And so he returneth from Jerusalem to Antioch, where we shall have him the next year.

§. 2. Peter not this year at Rome.

This year the Romanists have brought Peter to Rome, and made this the first year or beginning of his Episcopacy there. For thus Baronius, That Peter came to Rome this second year of Claudius the Emperor, it is the common Opinion of all men. And to this purpose he alledgeth Eusebius his Chronicle, and Jerome de scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, and concludeth that others have written the same things concerning the time, that there can be no doubt left of it.

It may be tolerated to insist a little the more largely upon the examination of this opinion, not for that it is of any such great import in its own nature, as for that it is made of so great by them for their own advantage. For were it granted that Peter was Bishop of Rome, and that he went thither in this year, yet what great matter were there in this, in common sense and reason? But because unreasonable men have from hence, or upon this foundation built the supremacy of the Pope, the great delusion of the world, let the same common sense and reason equally and impartially judge of the probability or improbability of this thing, in these two parts into which this tenet doth fall of itself.

• 1. Whether it be probable that Peter was Bishop of Rome at all.
• 2. Whether it be possible that he could come thither this year according as they themselves have laid his progress, and that he should set up an Episcopacy there.

Weigh the first by these;

First, Peter was Minister of the Circumcision, why then should he go settle himself to live and die among the uncircumcised? He might indeed have preached to the uncircumcised as he travailed up and down, as Paul did to the circumcised, being the Minister of the uncircumcision, but to take up his abode and residence, and there to settle, to live and die among them; was a thing neither probable in the eyes of other men, nor justifiable in him himself.

Secondly, If Peter were at Rome in the sense and extent that the Romanists will have it, then hath the Scripture omitted one of the greatest points of salvation that belongeth to Christianity: For how many main points of Faith hath Popery drawn out of this one conclusion, that Peter was Bishop of Rome; as the Primacy of the Pope, the infallibility of his Chair, his absolute power of binding and loosing, no salvation out of the Church of Rome, and divers other things, which all hang upon the Pin forenamed: And it is utterly incredible; 1. That the Holy Ghost that wrote the Scriptures for man's salvation, should not express or mention a thing that containeth so many points of salvation. 2. That Luke that undertook to write the Acts of the Apostles, should omit this one act of Peter, which is made of more consequence than all the actions of all the Apostles beside. It is above all belief, that he that would tell of Phillips being at Azotus, and going to Cesarea, Chap. 8. 40. Saul's going to Tarsus, Chap. 9. 30. And Barnabas his going thither to him, and divers other things of small import, in comparison, should omit the greatest and most material, and of the infinitest import that ever mortal man's journey was (for to that height is the journey of Peter to Rome now come) if there had ever been such a thing at all.

Thirdly, It is as incredible, that Paul sending salutations to so many in Rome, and again from so many there, should omit to have named Peter at one time or other if he had been there. What was become of Peter in these reciprocal kindnesses and salutations of the Saints one to another; was he a sleep, or was he sullen, or what shall we make of him, or was he not indeed at Rome at all?

But not to insist upon this question whether Peter were at Rome at all, which hath been proved negatively by many Authors, and by many undeniable Arguments; let us look a little upon this foundation of his being there, which hath been laid, namely, his coming thither this year, which is the second thing to be taken into consideration.

And about this point, there have been divers simple Ignoramus's in former time, who so they held this first Article of the Roman Creed, That Peter was Bishop of Rome five and twenty years, and died in the last year of Nero, and so believed as the Church believed, they never cared to bring the head and heels together, or to observe how the times agreed, but have easily swallowed this camel of senseless computation, that Peter went from the Council of Jerusalem, Acts 15. to Rome, and there sat Bishop five and twenty years, which expired in the last of Nero; whereas, betwixt the Council at Jerusalem, and the last of Nero there were but twenty years in all, if there were so many: But nimbler wits, that cannot be caught in so plain and apparent a trap as this, have found out a quainter and more curious date from which to begin the Chair of Peter at Rome than this, and that is from the Story in the twelfth of the Acts of the Apostles. Where Peter being apprehended by Herod after his murder of James the great, and being delivered by an Angel, and having acquainted the Disciples with his delivery, they being together in John Marks house, he is said, to depart to another place, which they say, (and you must believe it, or they will take it very ill) was to Rome, and this was (say they) the second year of Claudius. A long journey believe it, to run to Rome, to avoid danger at Jerusalem: and Rome but a mad place to set up an Episcopacy in at this time, as hath been plain in the preceding, and will be also in the subsequent story of it. But that we may see, if not the impossibility, yet the utter improbability of that his journey in this second of Claudius, if that were the journey in the twelfth of the Acts, it will not be impertinent to insert a story out of Josephus concerning Agrippa's return from Rome to Jerusalem, where he slew James, and imprisoned Peter.

§. Herod Agrippa his coming to Jerusalem.

CLAUDIUS the Emperor having attained the Empire as we have seen, the more easily and readily by the mediation and agitating of Agrippa, he would requite him like an Emperor for that his service: and therefore he confirmed to him by Charter, that Kingdom in which he had been inthroned by Gaius, adding also Judea and Samaria, which had belonged to his Grandfather Herod (from hence it may seem that he took that name) and Abilene, and the Region near it, and appertaining to it in Lebanon, which had belonged to Lysanias. He caused also the Articles of a League betwixt himself and the King, to be cut in brass, and to be set up in the midst of the Forum.

There was now some sedition and civil hostility in Alexandria; for the Jews having been suppressed and oppressed by the Greeks, all the time of Gaius, began after his death to stand in their own defense, and to rise up against those that had opposed them. Claudius by Letter commands the Governor of Egypt to quel the tumult: and at the request of Agrippa, and of Herod King of Chalcis, he sendeth forth an Edict into Syria and Alexandria in behalf and favor of the Jews. And another Decree he sent also through the rest of the Roman Empire, to the same tenor, and for the benefit of the same people, beginning with these his Titles, Tiberius Claudius Caesar, Augustus, Germanicus, Pont. Maximus. Trib. Pleb. or Tribunitiae Potestatis Consul designatus II. or second time Consul, and so it goes on.

By these decrees (saith Josephus ) being thus sent to Alexandria, and through the whole Empire, Claudius declared what opinion he had of the Jews: And presently he sent away Agrippa to manage his Kingdom, with enlarged Honors, and wrote to the Governors of the Provinces, and to the Magistrates to favor him. And he, as it befitted a man that had had happy success, returned with speed. And coming to Jerusalem, he performed or offered Thanks-Offerings, omitting nothing that was enjoined by the Law: Wherefore he caused many Nazarites to be shaven, and the golden Chain which was given him by Gaius, weighing equally with the iron chain that had bound his Royal hands, he hung up in the consecrate Court over the Treasury, for a memorial of his adversity, and for a witness of his better fortune. Thus Agrippa having performed rightly this his service to God, he removed Theophilus the son of Ananus from the High Priesthood, and conferred the honor upon Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras, thus Josephus Antiq. l. 19. c. 4.

§. Peter not imprisoned in the second year of Claudius.

To which let us join some of St. Luke's text in the twelfth of the Acts, and then let us make use of both together. Now about that time (saith he) Herod the King stretcked forth his hands to vex certain of the Church; and he killed James the brother of John with the sword. And because he saw it pleased the Jews, he proceeded further to take Peter; then were the days of unleavened bread.

Now let the Reader observe in either story one special circumstance of time, as in Josephus, That Claudius was now second time Consul: and in St. Luke, that James was slain before Easter; and then let him cast whether it were possible, at the least probable, that so many things should be done and intercede between the beginning of January, when Claudius entered his Consulship, and Easter, as in these Stories must intercede, if Peter were imprisoned at the Easter of this year; yea though it fell the latest or furthest in the year that ever Easter yet fell. For, for Claudius to make his decree, and disperse it: for Agrippa to provide for his journey, and part from his friends in Rome: for him to travail from Rome to Jerusalem, to perform his Sacrifices and Ceremonies there, to seek to lay hold upon certain of the Church, to light upon James, and to kill him, and then to apprehend and imprison Peter, and all this betwixt Claudius his entry of his Consulship in January, and Easter, is a thing so incredible (especially to him that considereth how slowly great bodies move, as Kings and Emperors in their actions) as that it seemeth next impossible. For it cannot be imagined that this decree for the Jews was the first thing that Claudius did after he was made Consul, or that he fell upon that work in the very beginning of January; for matters of the City and of Italy one would think should take up the first thoughts of the Consuls, when they entered into that Office, and not of Jerusalem and Alexandria so many hundred of miles distant: and matters of the Romans themselves, and not of the Jews a despised Nation: But grant that on the very first day he set pen to paper for that decree, on the second dispersed it, and on the third dismissed Agrippa, yet must so great a Prince have some preparation for so great a journey, he must have some time to part with so great acquaintance; it was strange if he waited not some time for a convenient wind, and he must take up some reasonable time after he is shipped, before he land in Judea. After his landing some time was required for such a King in his own Kingdom to prepare for his journey by Land to Jerusalem, some for his settling there; some for his Sacrifices, and performances of the Rites of the Law mentioned; and all these before the apprehension of James, and that no man knows how long before Easter. Let indifferency judge, whether all these things were possible to be done in that space of time; and then let it censure of the matter in hand.

To the eviction of this opinion, that Peter went to Rome, and there began his Episcopacy the second year of Claudius, Romanists themselves may be produced that do gainsay it; as Salmeron on the twelfth of the Acts, who holds that he went thither in Claudius his fourth, and he produceth Comestor, Nauclerus, and Petrus de natalibus of the same opinion with him.

So likewise Simeon the Metaphrast, though he bring Peter from Jerusalem this year for fear of Herod, and lead him through many places, ordaining Churches and making Bishops, yet in conclusion he mentioneth not one word of Rome, but bringeth him to Jerusalem again at Passover next. Hereupon Surius, or at least his Marginist, and Baronius are ready to give him the lie; and though they both allege him, and applaud him while he serveth their own humor, yet here they fly in his face, and tell him he is beside the cushion, because he is beside their opinion, and saith not what they would have him say.

Upon consideration of what hath been said before, we have put over the death of James to the year next following, as not seeing it possible to have fallen out this year before Easter, all circumstances being well considered: and accordingly have we referred thither, as the order requireth, the imprisonment of Peter, and his fleeing for his life, or retiring for some other cause, which the Romanists will have to have been to Rome; and there will we take it into some examination again.

§. Paul's rapture into the third Heaven.

Although it be not mentioned in this Chapter that Paul went up to Jerusalem, but was sent only with provisions to the poor brethren in Judea: yet have we also proved before, that at this journey he had his trance in the Temple, Acts 22. 17. and in that trance he was wrapped up into the third Heaven. The story of which he himself relateth, 2 Cor. 12. 2. I knew a man in Christ above fourteen years ago, whether in the body I cannot tell, &c. And there he relateth also the story of the messenger of Satan, buffeting him, and himself praying, and God giving him a gracious answer: all which we shall explain, by God's permission, in another place.

In this trance God bids him get out of Jerusalem, and gives him commission to go preach among the Gentiles, Acts 22. 18, 21. And so he returneth from Jerusalem to Antioch, where we shall have him the next year.

§. 2. Peter not this year at Rome.

This year the Romanists have brought Peter to Rome, and made this the first year or beginning of his Episcopacy there. For thus Baronius, That Peter came to Rome this second year of Claudius the Emperor, it is the common Opinion of all men. And to this purpose he alledgeth Eusebius his Chronicle, and Jerome de scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, and concludeth that others have written the same things concerning the time, that there can be no doubt left of it.

It may be tolerated to insist a little the more largely upon the examination of this opinion, not for that it is of any such great import in its own nature, as for that it is made of so great by them for their own advantage. For were it granted that Peter was Bishop of Rome, and that he went thither in this year, yet what great matter were there in this, in common sense and reason? But because unreasonable men have from hence, or upon this foundation built the supremacy of the Pope, the great delusion of the world, let the same common sense and reason equally and impartially judge of the probability or improbability of this thing, in these two parts into which this tenet doth fall of itself.

• 1. Whether it be probable that Peter was Bishop of Rome at all.
• 2. Whether it be possible that he could come thither this year according as they themselves have laid his progress, and that he should set up an Episcopacy there.

Weigh the first by these;

First, Peter was Minister of the Circumcision, why then should he go settle himself to live and die among the uncircumcised? He might indeed have preached to the uncircumcised as he travailed up and down, as Paul did to the circumcised, being the Minister of the uncircumcision, but to take up his abode and residence, and there to settle, to live and die among them; was a thing neither probable in the eyes of other men, nor justifiable in him himself.

Secondly, If Peter were at Rome in the sense and extent that the Romanists will have it, then hath the Scripture omitted one of the greatest points of salvation that belongeth to Christianity: For how many main points of Faith hath Popery drawn out of this one conclusion, that Peter was Bishop of Rome; as the Primacy of the Pope, the infallibility of his Chair, his absolute power of binding and loosing, no salvation out of the Church of Rome, and divers other things, which all hang upon the Pin forenamed: And it is utterly incredible; 1. That the Holy Ghost that wrote the Scriptures for man's salvation, should not express or mention a thing that containeth so many points of salvation. 2. That Luke that undertook to write the Acts of the Apostles, should omit this one act of Peter, which is made of more consequence than all the actions of all the Apostles beside. It is above all belief, that he that would tell of Phillips being at Azotus, and going to Cesarea, Chap. 8. 40. Saul's going to Tarsus, Chap. 9. 30. And Barnabas his going thither to him, and divers other things of small import, in comparison, should omit the greatest and most material, and of the infinitest import that ever mortal man's journey was (for to that height is the journey of Peter to Rome now come) if there had ever been such a thing at all.

Thirdly, It is as incredible, that Paul sending salutations to so many in Rome, and again from so many there, should omit to have named Peter at one time or other if he had been there. What was become of Peter in these reciprocal kindnesses and salutations of the Saints one to another; was he a sleep, or was he sullen, or what shall we make of him, or was he not indeed at Rome at all?

But not to insist upon this question whether Peter were at Rome at all, which hath been proved negatively by many Authors, and by many undeniable Arguments; let us look a little upon this foundation of his being there, which hath been laid, namely, his coming thither this year, which is the second thing to be taken into consideration.

And about this point, there have been divers simple Ignoramus's in former time, who so they held this first Article of the Roman Creed, That Peter was Bishop of Rome five and twenty years, and died in the last year of Nero, and so believed as the Church believed, they never cared to bring the head and heels together, or to observe how the times agreed, but have easily swallowed this camel of senseless computation, that Peter went from the Council of Jerusalem, Acts 15. to Rome, and there sat Bishop five and twenty years, which expired in the last of Nero; whereas, betwixt the Council at Jerusalem, and the last of Nero there were but twenty years in all, if there were so many: But nimbler wits, that cannot be caught in so plain and apparent a trap as this, have found out a quainter and more curious date from which to begin the Chair of Peter at Rome than this, and that is from the Story in the twelfth of the Acts of the Apostles. Where Peter being apprehended by Herod after his murder of James the great, and being delivered by an Angel, and having acquainted the Disciples with his delivery, they being together in John Marks house, he is said, to depart to another place, which they say, (and you must believe it, or they will take it very ill) was to Rome, and this was (say they) the second year of Claudius. A long journey believe it, to run to Rome, to avoid danger at Jerusalem: and Rome but a mad place to set up an Episcopacy in at this time, as hath been plain in the preceding, and will be also in the subsequent story of it. But that we may see, if not the impossibility, yet the utter improbability of that his journey in this second of Claudius, if that were the journey in the twelfth of the Acts, it will not be impertinent to insert a story out of Josephus concerning Agrippa's return from Rome to Jerusalem, where he slew James, and imprisoned Peter.

§. Herod Agrippa his coming to Jerusalem.

CLAUDIUS the Emperor having attained the Empire as we have seen, the more easily and readily by the mediation and agitating of Agrippa, he would requite him like an Emperor for that his service: and therefore he confirmed to him by Charter, that Kingdom in which he had been inthroned by Gaius, adding also Judea and Samaria, which had belonged to his Grandfather Herod (from hence it may seem that he took that name) and Abilene, and the Region near it, and appertaining to it in Lebanon, which had belonged to Lysanias. He caused also the Articles of a League betwixt himself and the King, to be cut in brass, and to be set up in the midst of the Forum.

There was now some sedition and civil hostility in Alexandria; for the Jews having been suppressed and oppressed by the Greeks, all the time of Gaius, began after his death to stand in their own defense, and to rise up against those that had opposed them. Claudius by Letter commands the Governor of Egypt to quel the tumult: and at the request of Agrippa, and of Herod King of Chalcis, he sendeth forth an Edict into Syria and Alexandria in behalf and favor of the Jews. And another Decree he sent also through the rest of the Roman Empire, to the same tenor, and for the benefit of the same people, beginning with these his Titles, Tiberius Claudius Caesar, Augustus, Germanicus, Pont. Maximus. Trib. Pleb. or Tribunitiae Potestatis Consul designatus II. or second time Consul, and so it goes on.

By these decrees (saith Josephus ) being thus sent to Alexandria, and through the whole Empire, Claudius declared what opinion he had of the Jews: And presently he sent away Agrippa to manage his Kingdom, with enlarged Honors, and wrote to the Governors of the Provinces, and to the Magistrates to favor him. And he, as it befitted a man that had had happy success, returned with speed. And coming to Jerusalem, he performed or offered Thanks-Offerings, omitting nothing that was enjoined by the Law: Wherefore he caused many Nazarites to be shaven, and the golden Chain which was given him by Gaius, weighing equally with the iron chain that had bound his Royal hands, he hung up in the consecrate Court over the Treasury, for a memorial of his adversity, and for a witness of his better fortune. Thus Agrippa having performed rightly this his service to God, he removed Theophilus the son of Ananus from the High Priesthood, and conferred the honor upon Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras, thus Josephus Antiq. l. 19. c. 4.

§. Peter not imprisoned in the second year of Claudius.

To which let us join some of St. Luke's text in the twelfth of the Acts, and then let us make use of both together. Now about that time (saith he) Herod the King stretcked forth his hands to vex certain of the Church; and he killed James the brother of John with the sword. And because he saw it pleased the Jews, he proceeded further to take Peter; then were the days of unleavened bread.

Now let the Reader observe in either story one special circumstance of time, as in Josephus, That Claudius was now second time Consul: and in St. Luke, that James was slain before Easter; and then let him cast whether it were possible, at the least probable, that so many things should be done and intercede between the beginning of January, when Claudius entered his Consulship, and Easter, as in these Stories must intercede, if Peter were imprisoned at the Easter of this year; yea though it fell the latest or furthest in the year that ever Easter yet fell. For, for Claudius to make his decree, and disperse it: for Agrippa to provide for his journey, and part from his friends in Rome: for him to travail from Rome to Jerusalem, to perform his Sacrifices and Ceremonies there, to seek to lay hold upon certain of the Church, to light upon James, and to kill him, and then to apprehend and imprison Peter, and all this betwixt Claudius his entry of his Consulship in January, and Easter, is a thing so incredible (especially to him that considereth how slowly great bodies move, as Kings and Emperors in their actions) as that it seemeth next impossible. For it cannot be imagined that this decree for the Jews was the first thing that Claudius did after he was made Consul, or that he fell upon that work in the very beginning of January; for matters of the City and of Italy one would think should take up the first thoughts of the Consuls, when they entered into that Office, and not of Jerusalem and Alexandria so many hundred of miles distant: and matters of the Romans themselves, and not of the Jews a despised Nation: But grant that on the very first day he set pen to paper for that decree, on the second dispersed it, and on the third dismissed Agrippa, yet must so great a Prince have some preparation for so great a journey, he must have some time to part with so great acquaintance; it was strange if he waited not some time for a convenient wind, and he must take up some reasonable time after he is shipped, before he land in Judea. After his landing some time was required for such a King in his own Kingdom to prepare for his journey by Land to Jerusalem, some for his settling there; some for his Sacrifices, and performances of the Rites of the Law mentioned; and all these before the apprehension of James, and that no man knows how long before Easter. Let indifferency judge, whether all these things were possible to be done in that space of time; and then let it censure of the matter in hand.

To the eviction of this opinion, that Peter went to Rome, and there began his Episcopacy the second year of Claudius, Romanists themselves may be produced that do gainsay it; as Salmeron on the twelfth of the Acts, who holds that he went thither in Claudius his fourth, and he produceth Comestor, Nauclerus, and Petrus de natalibus of the same opinion with him.

So likewise Simeon the Metaphrast, though he bring Peter from Jerusalem this year for fear of Herod, and lead him through many places, ordaining Churches and making Bishops, yet in conclusion he mentioneth not one word of Rome, but bringeth him to Jerusalem again at Passover next. Hereupon Surius, or at least his Marginist, and Baronius are ready to give him the lie; and though they both allege him, and applaud him while he serveth their own humor, yet here they fly in his face, and tell him he is beside the cushion, because he is beside their opinion, and saith not what they would have him say.

Upon consideration of what hath been said before, we have put over the death of James to the year next following, as not seeing it possible to have fallen out this year before Easter, all circumstances being well considered: and accordingly have we referred thither, as the order requireth, the imprisonment of Peter, and his fleeing for his life, or retiring for some other cause, which the Romanists will have to have been to Rome; and there will we take it into some examination again.

§. 1. The Martyrdom of James the great.

WE are now come to the time of Great James his death. For Agrippa coming the last year into Judea, as we saw from Josephus, and it not being probable that he should do this exploit before Easter, as the circumstances told us; we may justly take this year for its proper time and place. Now about that time (saith St. Luke) Herod the King (the Syriac addeth who is called Agrippa) stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the Jews; and he killed James the brother of John with the sword. The first words, About that time, relate to what went before in the preceding Chapter, verse. 28. and meaneth in the days of Claudius Caesar. Now what should be the incentive of the spleen of Agrippa against the Church, is not specified: it may well be supposed it proceeded from that his Ceremoniousness and strict observance of Mosaic Rites, which is mentioned by Josephus: Concerning the Martyrdom of James under this his spleen, we will content ourselves with the words of the Text, He killed James the brother of John with the sword; accounting all other additional circumstances which may be found in officious Authors to be nothing else but gilded legends, and fond inventions: As that mentioned by Eusebius out of Cleniens his Hypotyposeon, concerning his accuser, that seeing his constancy to the death, confessed the faith, and was martyred with him. That by Epiphanius that he lived and died a Virgin: and that by Surius (who is the bell-weather for old winter tales,) that telleth, That his body after his martyrdom was shipped by Ctesiphon and his fellow-Bishops for Spain; that the Ship in six days was directed thither without Pilot or Compass, but only by the influence of the Corps that it carried. That at the landing the body was taken up into the air, and carried near the place of its burial, twelve miles off. That Ctesiphon and his fellows wer • led to it by an Angel: And more such trash, that it is but labor lost, either to read or mention.

§. 2. The Apostles Creed.

The Creed was made upon this occasion (saith Rabanus Ma •… s) as our Ancestors have delivered unto us. The Disciples after the Ascension of our Savior being inflamed with the Holy Ghost, &c. And being charged by the Lord to go to all Nations for the preaching of the Gospel, when they are to part one from another, they first make a common platform among themselves for their future preaching. Lest being severed in place, divers and different things should be preached to those that were invited to the faith of Christ. Being therefore together in one place, and filled with the Holy Ghost, they compose a short platform for their preaching, conferring together what they thought. And this they appoint to be given to them that believe, and to be called Symbolum, &c. Thus he, and very many others with him, conceiving that the Apostles supplied not only the matter of the Doctrine contained in the Creed, but the very form and words also.

For Peter said, say they, I believe in God the Father Almighty.

John, The maker of Heaven and Earth.

James, And I believe in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord.

Andrew, Which was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary.

Philip, Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead and buried.

Thomas, He descended into Hell: the third day he rose again from the dead.

Bartholomew, He ascended into Heaven: sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty.

Matthew, From thence shall he come to judge both the quick and the dead.

James the son of Alpheus, I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Catholic Church.

Simon Zealots, The communion of Saints, the forgiveness of sins.

Judas the brother of James, The resurrection of the flesh.

Matthias, The life everlasting. Amen.

Thus the hundred and fifteenth Sermon de Tempore, that goeth under the name of Agustine: but apparent that it is not his, by this, that here is reckoned the descent into Hell, which in his book de Fide & Symbolo is quite omitted.

Now were this Tradition as true as it is punctual, it would readily plead for its own place in Chronology, namely, about this time at which we now are, before James his death, for he gave in his symbolum (according to this tradition) among the rest. But that this opinion of the Apostles casting in everyone his parcel, is of no validity, but a presumptuous and false surmise, may be evinced by these Arguments.

First, Because the title of The Catholic Church, is neither used in any of the Apostles writings, nor is it likely that it came into use till after the Apostles days, when the Church was dispersed into all parts of the earth.

Secondly, Because the Article He descended into Hell, is not owned or acknowledged at all by the Nicene Creed, nor by any of the ancientest Fathers next the Apostles times, in their reckoning up of the Articles of the Creed, as see instances in abundance in Polanus his Syntagma, lib. 6. cap. 21.

Thirdly, If the matter and words of the Creed had been from the Apostles themselves, why is it not then Canonical Scripture as well as any of the sacred Writ?

Fourthly, In the giving in of their several Symbols or parcels, after the manner opinionated before, there is so great disproportion and inequality, some giving so much, and some so little, that it maketh the contribution itself to be very suspicious.

Fifthly, The Summary Collection of the points of Christian Religion taught by the Apostles, and delivered by them to others to teach by, consisteth of two heads, Faith and Love, 2 Tim. 1. 13. But the Creed consisted of faith only. I rather think therefore, saith Mr. Perkins, that it is called the Apostles Creed, because it doth summarily contain the chief and principal Points of Religion, handled and propounded in the Doctrine of the Apostles; and because the points of the Creed are conformable and agreeable to their Doctrine and Writings.

§. 3. Traditions.

With their framing of the Creed before their parting, hath Baronius joined also their delivery of Traditions. Sicut symbolo, saith he, ita etiam aliis absque Scriptura traditionibus Ecclesiae imperitis, diviserunt sibi ad quas singuli proficiscerentur orbis terrae provincias. Having thus imparted the Creed, and also traditions without Scripture to the Church, they parted among themselves what Country everyone of them should go unto.

These Traditions the Council of Trent divideth into those which were received by the Apostles from the mouth of Christ; or delivered from hand to hand, from the Apostles to our times; the Holy Ghost dictating them unto them. And these those Fathers hold of equal authority with the Scriptures, and the Council curseth them that shall willingly and knowingly contemn them. And well do they deserve it, if they did but certainly and assuredly know that they came from such hands. Bellarmine hath stretched the name and piece of Traditions to one tainterhook higher. For Traditions, saith he, are Divine, Apostolical and Ecclesiastical. Divine, are those which were received from Christ himself teaching his Apostles, and yet are not to be found in the Scriptures; such are those which concern the matter and form of the Sacraments. Apostolical are those which were instituted by the Apostles, not without the assistance of the Holy Ghost, and yet are not to be found in their Epistles. Ecclesiastical traditions are properly called certain old customs, begun either by Prelates, or by people, which by little and little by the tacit consent of the people obtained the power of a Law. Under these heads, especially under the two first, hath he placed these particulars The perpetual Virginity of Mary, the number of the Canonical books, Baptizing of Infants, blessing the water before, bidding them renounce Satan and his works, signing them with the sign of the cross, anointing them with oil, not re-baptizing after Heretics, Lent, Ember week, inferior Orders in the Church, worshipping of Images, &c. To which others add, The oblation of the Sacrament of the Altar, Invocation of Saints, Prayer for the dead, the Primacy, Confirmation, Orders, Matrimony, Penance, extreme Unction, Merits, necessity of Satisfaction, Auricular Confession, &c. Into which controversy not to enter, concerning the thing itself, which so many grave and learned pens have handled sufficiently, reckoned by Bellarmine, though with small good will, in his entry upon this question; let but reason and indifferency censure, concerning that which is more proper to this discourse, namely, the time of delivering these Traditions, whether this or any other: And here in the first place let the Reader but consider that at this time, there was no more of the New Testament written, than the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, if so be that those also were written at this time. And then let him judge how senseless a thing it is to speak of delivering unwritten Traditions to the Church, when almost all the New Testament was yet to be written. Or take it at the Council at Jerusalem, which was divers years hence, when all the Apostles were all together, and giving rules to the Church, or take it at Paul's apprehension at Jerusalem, when imagine all the Apostles to be together again, and even at either of those times, will the same absurdity follow still for no more of the New Testament was written, or very little more than now. And then how ridiculous doth it appear, That the Apostles should offer to give rules to the Church by unwritten Tradition, when they had all their Epistles for rules of the Church yet to write: If they would leave the Church to be regulated by unwritten Traditions, why should they write after? And if they would have her regulated by their writings, why should they give her unwritten Traditions before? A quick wit will nimbly answer, that they left her such Traditions as were not to be expressed in their writings, but let an honest conscience and an unprejudicate judgment censure whether this will abide the test, yea or no. For is it within any compass of likelihood that these Apostles did know what things Paul would not write of in his Epistles, that they should deliver such things beforehand for Tradition, when as yet they hardly knew whether he was to be an Apostle of the Gentiles or no, when they did not know whether he would write any Epistles or no, much less did they know what Epistles he would write? Appello conscientiam, and so much for Traditions.

§. Peters imprisonment and delivery.

James his death was seconded by Peters imprisonment, but his time for martyrdom was not yet come as was the others. Agrippa having laid hold upon him, deferred his execution till after the Passover, either because he would not defile that holy feast with effusion of human blood, or because he would afflict Peter the more, and give the Jews the greater content by his long restraint and strait imprisonment, or rather because he feared a tumult if he should have slain him in that concourse of people as was there at Passover time. Thus lay he guarded, with four quaternions, or (as the Syriac hath it▪) with sixteen Soldiers, which as it seemeth watched him by course, for the four watches of the night, two close by him and two at the gate. Besides these two and two successive jaylors, he was bound with two chains, and if some say true, his two keepers were tied for the more sureness in the same chains with him. Happy men were they sure, that had so great interest in these happy chains, which if you dare believe Surius, had the virtue to work Miracles, to diffuse Grace, to procure Holiness, to heal Diseases, to affright the Devil and to defend Christians. They were preserved, saith he, by some of Herod's servants that believed, and in process of time laid up for a sacred relique at Constantinople, and there either he or they lie.

That very night that preceded Peters intended execution, he being fast asleep between his keepers, is waked, loosed and delivered by an Angel. Baronius maketh a great matter of it that the whole Church▪ prayed for Peter whilst he was in prison, and since the like is not related to have been done by them for any other, he will needs from hence infer his primacy, the whole flock praying for her universal Pastor, whereas the reasons of this expression are apparent to be only these two. First, To show that the Church was praying for him whilst he was sleeping, for after he had taken a part of his first sleep, this night he cometh to the house of John Mark, and they are there still out of their beds and at prayer. Secondly, Because the fruit of their prayers were shown in his delivery. There is no doubt but constant prayers were made for James by the whole Church whilst he was in prison as well as for Peter, but so much is not expressed, because the story could not answer that relation with relation of his delivery: And Atheism and profaneness would have been ready to have scoffed, that the whole Church should have prayed in vain.

The Angel, and Peter (thus loosed) pass two watches, and then come to the iron gate; there are some that hold these watches to be two prisons, and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be taken as it were passively for places where men are kept, and that Peter was in a Gaol within these two, as in the worst, basest and surest place, and that all were closed with a gate of Iron. But others hold these watches to be guards of men, and that the prison was without the City, between or within the two outmost walls, but in these things it is not material to insist for determination. The latter is far the more probable, both in regard of the signification of the Greek word, and that Josephus mentioneth three walls about Jerusalem, and divers towers in every wall, as also in regard of the greater heightening of the miracle, in that Peter escapeth, not only his own sixteen men's watch, at the prison door, but also two watches more at the two walls gates, and the second which was the Iron gate gave them free passage of its own accord.

Peter being cleared of the danger, and left of the Angel, betaketh himself to the house of Mary the mother of John Mark, where when Rhoda upon his knocking and speech averred constantly it was Peter, the whole company there assembled conclude that it was his Angel. Here is some ambiguity about their thus concluding. Some understand it of his tutelary Angel, and from hence would strongly plead the opinion that every man hath his proper and allotted Angel to attend him.

But first, we sometimes read of one Angel attending many men.

Secondly, Sometimes of many Angels attending one man.

But thirdly, If the matter may be agitated by reason, if a singular Angel be destined to the attendance of every singular man, what doth that Angel do till his man be born, especially what did all the Angels but Adams and Eves and a few more for many hundreds of years, till the world was full? Others therefore understand it of a messenger, which the Disciples supposed Peter had sent to them upon some errand. But this opinion is easily confuted by Rhoda's owning of Peters voice. There is yet a third opinion as much unwarrantable as either of these; That the Disciples concluded that an Angel by this knocking and voice came to give them notice of Peters death to be near at hand, and that therefore they call him his Angel, and that it was sometimes so used that one Saint should know of another's death by such revelations. The Jews indeed in their writings make frequent mention of Samael the Angel of death, but they call him so for inflicting it, and not for foretelling it: And we have some examples indeed in the Ecclesiastical history of one man knowing of another's death by such revelations and apparitions as these: but because those stories are very dubitable in themselves, and that the Scripture is utterly without any such precedent, this interpretation is but utterly groundless and unwarrantable. The most proper and most easy meaning therefore of those words of the Disciples, It is his Angel, seemeth to be, that they took it for some Angel that had assumed Peters shape or stood at the gate in his resemblance.

The place whither he went is not to be known, because not revealed by Scripture. As for his going to Rome, which is the gloss that Papists set upon this place, it is a thing senseless and ridiculous, as was touched before, and might be shown at large were it worth the labor. I should as soon nominate Antioch for the place whither he went at this time, as any other place at a far distance: For I cannot imagine any time when he and Paul should meet at Antioch, and Paul reprove him, Gal. 2. 11. so likely as this time: for it is most probable that Peter being put to flee for his life, would get out of the territories of Herod for his safety: now there was no place more likely for his safety than in Antioch, where not only the distance of place might preserve him, but the new born Church would seek to secure him.

Th •… s of this Herod Agrippa after his coming from Rome to Jerusalem and the man •… s death are largely described by Josephus, and therefore we will trace them in 〈…〉 in our Jewish Story.

§. 1. Some Acts of Claudius this year.

THE Roman year was now taken almost wholly up with sacrifices and holy days, even as it is at this day, to the great hindrance of the people in their employments and occasions, therefore Claudius being now Consul abrogated abundance of these days and solemnities, and contracted those that he let remain into as narrow compass as was possible: Many things that Gaius had foolishly given away, he remanded, and many again that he had wickedly wronged he repaired: He brought Lycia under servitude, because in a tumult they had slain some Romans, and he joined it to Pamphylia: and disfranchised a Lycian Ambassador that came to treat about the business, because he could not speak Latin, saying, That it was not fit that he should be a Roman that understood not the Roman tongue: and many others he disfranchased for other causes, yet on the contrary was he most lavish, he, Messalina and his and her favorites in conferring the Roman freedom and other offices for money, insomuch that he was glad to give an account of it in an oration in Campus Martius. He exhibited some sword plays this year in the Camp.

§. 2. The abominable whoredoms and actions of Messalina the Empress.

She lived in continual lust and uncleanness: and was not content to do so herself, but she forced divers other women to the same course: Nay she caused some women to commit adultery even in the very sight of their own husbands: And those that consented to her villainy she honored and rewarded, and those that did not, she hated and sought to destroy: These her detestable carriages she kept long unknown from Claudius, providing him lasses for his bed, while she took whom she thought good to hers: and killing and taking out of the way, whomsoever she suspected likely to tell Claudius. So slew she Catonius Justus, to prevent his telling of tales: and the two Julia's upon other occasions.

A Roman Knight was also this year executed as for some conspiracy against the Emperor.

§. 3. An expedition into England.

This year did Aulus Plautius with much ado lead an Army into Britain: For one Bericus, who had been expelled thence for sedition, had persuaded Claudius to send an Army over: But hardly would the Soldiers be gotten out of Gaul over thither, they being incensed and taking it ill that they should go fight even out of the world: Narcissus being sent by Claudius to the Army, made a speech to them which exasperated them the more, in so much that they made the outery of Jo Saturnialia: or All Masters, and were ready to make head, but at last they willingly followed Plautius: He parted his army into three parts, because that if they were repelled and opposed in one place, they might land in another: They had some trouble in their passage, through cross winds, but they took heart and bare it out, and the rather because a bright light or flame ran from the East toward the West even that way that they were to go: they entered the Island without opposition: for the Britain's suspected not their coming: but when they were now entered and they not ready to withstand them, they ran into the woods and bogs, hoping to weary out the Romans with following and seeking them, and so to cause them to return without doing anymore.

It cost Plautius a great deal of toil accordingly to find them out, which at last he did, and overcame first Cataratacus and then Togodumnus the two sons of Cynobellinus, who himself was but lately dead.

These fleeing, he took into homage part of the Boduni, who were subject to the Catuellani, for the Britain's were now subject to divers Kings. He leaving a Garrison there, marched on till he came to a river, which the Britain's thought he could not have passed without a bridge, and therefore they encamped carelessly on the other side: But Plautius sent over some Germane Soldiers, who were accustomed to swim over Rivers, and they suddenly assault the enemy, but wounded not the men, but only their horses that should have drawn their Chariots, and so spoiled and undid the Riders. Then sent he over Flavius Vespasian, who was afterwards Emperor, and Sabinus his brother, who passing the River slew many of the enemies on a sudden: yet did not the rest flee but gave battle the next day, and the fortune of the fight was doubtful till C. Sidius Geta, being in danger to be taken, did so stoutly behave himself, that he got the victory, and triumphal honors, though he were not Consul.

Then did the Britain's betake themselves to the Thames towards the place where it falls into the Sea and flows high, and they easily get over, knowing the convenientest places: but the Romans following them were in danger: when the Germans had again swum the River, and others had passed at a bridge above, they fell upon the Britain's on all parts, and made a great slaughter: but in pursuit of them they fell into some marishes, and so lost many of their men.

Upon this mishap, and because the Britain's were exceedingly exasperated for the death of Togodumnus, and made still greater preparations for war, Plautius proceeded no further, but garrisoning those places that he had gotten, he sends for Claudius: for so he had been commanded to do if he came to a pinch.

Claudius receiving the tidings, prepares for the expedition, and among many other things brings divers Elephants along with him, and coming to his army at the Thames, and passing the River he fights a pitched battle and obtains the victory, and takes in Camalodunum the chief City of Cynobellinus; disarms the Britain's, leaves them that were conquered to be governed, and the rest to be conquered by Plautius, and so goes for Rome, where the Senate gives him the title of Britanni • us, appoints triumphs and Statues for him, and honors for Messalina.

§. 3. A Whorish trick of Messalina.

Little did she either deserve either honor or respect, but fear and flattery regard not desert. Among her various and continual adulteries, she cast her eyes of lust upon one Mnester, an Actor or Player, a man that had been very intimate with Gaius, and never the better to be thought of for that. This man she solicits to her bed, with words promises and gifts, but prevails not with him, not for any honesty that was in the man, but for fear of the displeasure of Claudius: When the shameless strumpet could not prevail with all her solicitations, she goeth to Claudius, and desires him to command Mnester to do what she would have him: which Claudius did, not knowing what he commanded. And then did Mnester adulterate the Empress so freely from fear of Claudius, that he thought it had been the Emperors express mind he should so do. And by divers other men did Messalina practice the very same project. And to that impudency did she grow in her whoredom with this Mnester, that when the Senate had commanded that all the brass coin that bare Gaius his Image should be melted, and this in detestation of Gaius, she caused pictures of Mnester to be made of it.

§. 1. Agrippa his actions at Jerusalem after his return from Rome.

AGRIPPA returned the last year to Jerusalem, where as we observed and saw before, he performed much ceremoniousness, and changed the High priest, slew James and imprisoned Peter. Besides these things he remitted a tribute to the men of Jerusalem, for their kindness in entertaining of him: he obtained the letters of Petronius to the men of Dor for the removal of Caesar's statue, which some seditious men had set up in their Synagogue: He removed Cantharas from the High priest again, and placed Matthias in his stead. He imprisoned Silas the Master of his Horse for his free discourse concerning his service done to him in the time of his calamity and poverty, but on his birth day festival he enlarged him again, where he continuing still in the same freedom of speech, he imprisoned him again. He began to fortify Jerusalem, and to make it exceeding strong, but Marsus (the present Governor of Syria in steed of Petronius ) got letters from Claudius to stop his work, as suspicious towards innovation. He was exceedingty observant of his Countries Laws, and much care and cost he bestowed on sacrifices, yet was he challenged by one Simon that took on him to be a teacher, for an unholy man and one unfit to come into the Temple: which Simon he sent for to Cesarea, where he questioned with him about the words, and dissuaded him without punishment but with a reward.

He built sumptuous things in Berytus, as a Theater, Amphitheater, Baths, Porches, and such like magnificences, and set 700 and 700 condemned men to fight together for pastime, and so destroyed them. From thence he went to Tiberias of Galilee whither divers Kings came to him to visit: And so did Marsus also the Governor of Syria; but he seeing so many Kings together with him (for they were five) he suspected the matter as tending to innovation, and therefore he commanded them home. Herod after this went down to Cesarea, and there he made sports and shows in honor of Caesar; and on the second day being most gorgeously appareled, and the Sun shining very bright upon his bright clothing, his flatterers saluted him for a god, and cried out to him; Be merciful unto us, hitherto have we feared thee as a man, but henceforward we will acknowledge thee to be of a nature more excellent than mortal frailty can attain unto.