Works

§ 1. Gaius still cruel.

THE beginning of this year Gaius was Consul, but held that place only for a month or thereabouts, and then resigned for six months more to his partner Apronius, and after those six months Sabinius Maximus took the place. A policy above his reach, howsoever he came to it, to shake the chief Magistracy by so often changes, that his own power might stand the surer. Both in his Consulship, and after it, he behaved himself after his wonted manner of barbarousness and cruelty, but that now he began to add one vice more to his cruelty in bloodiness, namely intolerable covetousness and oppression. Now, saith Dion, was nothing but slaughter: For many of the Nobles were condemned, many perished by the Sword-plays, and many imprisoned by the late Emperor Tiberius, were drawn to execution. Now did he bend himself to cross the people, and the people being thoroughly incensed began to cross him. The main causes of this his displeasure (guess how weighty) were such as these: Because they came not to the Plays and Shows so constantly, and at such constant times as he had appointed: because sometimes when they came, they liked such sports as he liked not, & contra: And because they once extolling him, called him by the title of young Augustus. For such occasions as these (behold the madness of a man self-willed) he brake out into all cruelty, slaying many at the Theater for the one fault, and many as they went home for the other, and many at their own homes, or otherwhere for a third. And now was his rage grown so high, that he wished that all the City had but one head, that he might strike it off at one blow; and bewailed his times, for that they had not been enfamoused with some notable misery of the Roman State, as was the reign of Augustus with the overthrow of Varus and his Army in Germany; and the reign of Tiberius with the slaughter of above twenty thousand men by the fall of an Amphitheater at Fidenae. And that we may take a full view of his cruel words and actions here together, (the Reader I hope will not be punctual in expecting an exact order of time in this disorder of conditions) his common resolution against the people always was, Let them hate me and spare not, so that they fear me. But what was his anger think you, when his very feasts and embraces of his minions were mixed with cruelty? he used to have men tortured in his presence as he sat at meat, mingling his sauce as it were with innocents blood. At a great feast to which he had invited the two Consuls, he suddenly fell out into an extreme laughter, and upon demand of his reason, his answer was, Because he had power to take away their two heads whensoever he pleased. And whensoever he was kissing the neck of his wife or paramour, he would constantly add these words, but cruelly amorous, This neck, as fair as it is, when I command shall be cut off. Such was his jesting; and as for his eranest, I suppose you will easily believe, that it was proportionable. Whereas hitherto, he had been very free and lavish of his tongue in dispraising Tiberius, and not only had not checked, but also countenanced, and taken delight in those that spake ill of him, as well as he; he now turneth his tune, and breaketh out as fluently into his commendations: pleading that he himself had liberty to say what he list, but accusing those that had assumed the like liberty, when as no such thing belonged to them. Then did he cause a list or catalogue to be read of those that had been executed and put to death under Tiberius; laying withal the death of the most of them to the charge of the Senate, and accused some for accusing them, others for witnessing against them, and all, for condemning them. These things he alleged out of those books which in the beginning of his reign and in the time of his seeming goodness, he professed that he had burnt: and after a most bitter and terrible speech now made among them in the Senate, and reviving an act of treason for speaking against the Prince, he suddenly departed out of the Senate and the City. In what case the Senate and the people were, that were guilty of either words or actions, that he had charged them with all, it is readily guessed, but how they shall come off, and what they shall do to escape, is not easily to be resolved. Their presentest help is to fawn and speak fair, and that course they take, praising him infinitely at their next meeting, for his justice and piousness, and giving him as infinite thanks that he suffered them to live, and decreeing that sacrifices should be offered annually to his clemency on that very day that those charges were published against so many, seeking to appease his senseless and foolish anger by as senseless and foolish a pacification. But how little they could sacrifice, or pray or praise him into any better mind than he hath been in hitherto, you shall see by the sequel.

§ 2. An inhuman Cruelty.

Among the many cruelties of this monster, the murder of Esius Proculus may bear some bell, because he slew him for nothing but only for this, for that he was such an one as God had made him. This man was the goodliest man of person and shape in all the City, insomuch that he was commonly called Colosseros, for his extraordinary properness and stature: One day as he sat a spectator upon the scaffolds, of the bloody sports below, Gaius commanded him suddenly to be put down among the combatants, and there to fight for his life. When he had had a trial with two several men and came off victorious, the inhuman Tyrant caused him speedily to be bound, and arrayed in tatters and rags to be led about the City, shown to the women, and then slain. So much of beast had this monster in him that he could not endure the goodliness of a man.

§ 3. Gaius his Luxury, Lavishness and prodigality.

Thus bestial was he towards men, and no less was he in another kind towards women. This appeared in the deflowering of his own sisters, and adulterating the most of the noble Ladies of the City. He was his own Pimp, and purveyer for his lust, with this open and hideous way of brothelry. He would invite the great men and their Ladies to supper, and as the women passed by him in way of salutation he would earnestly and leisurely view them, mercantium more, saith my Author, as they do that are to buy anything, and if any matron for modesty held down her head, he would lift it up, that he might have his full survey: she that pleased him, he took into a retiring room and adulterated: and presently would he bring her forth again, and tell openly whether she had given him content or no. Nor was he content with this choice and variety of women neither, but that he might be beastly in every kind, he abstained not from the abomination of Sodomy with men. But let us stay no longer upon him in this his filthiness, but trace him a little in his more tolerable vices of fantastickness and prodigality. He seemed to affect a singularity in these three things, singing, working and spending, according to the uncontroledness of his will, the vastness of his command, and the hugeness of his revenue. He invented new manner of bathings, and prodigious kinds of meats and feasts; he would disolve most rich and precious Jewels in Vinegar, and then drink them off. And because he doubted, as it seemeth, that he could not wast his treasure fast enough with such tricks as these, he would stand upon a Tower divers days together, and fling great sums of money among the people. To all which ways of lavishing and expensiveness, he joined monstrous works and machinations, which shown at once, his folly in their undertaking, and the vastness of his power in their performance: As levelling mountains to even the plain, and in other places filling up the plain to equal mountains; sometimes causing rocks of flint to be cut through, to make a passage: and sometimes foundations of houses or walls to be laid in the bottom of the Sea, bringing soil and rubbish to fill up the place and to make it firm ground: ambitious to bring to pass seeming impossibilities, and cruelly hasty in the accomplishing of what he undertook, punishing the slacking of the work with certain death.

§ 4. His strange Bridge and Ships.

In the list of these his vanities, and ungodly ways of spending, let his bridge between Puteoli and Bauli, come in the first place, or else you do it some injury. These two places were about three miles and a half distant, an arm of the Sea of that breath, severing them, and lying between. The ambition of the vain Emperor was to ride on horseback and in his chariot between these two places: What his fancy or Frenzy rather, was, that stirred up such a humor in him, is diversely related, and it is no great matter to inquire after it. Some say it was, that he might terrify Germany and Britain against whom he intended hostility, with the very rumor of so great a work: others, that he might intimate, or rather excel Xerxes, who made a bridge of Ships over the Hellespont. But the rumor of it at Court, where his mind was likeliest to be best known, was, that he did it in confutation of a prediction of Thrasillus, who had told Tiberius, that Gaius should no more rule then ride over the bay of Baiae on hoseback. Dion guesseth this to have been his reason, that whereas the Senate upon their fear and fawning mentioned before, had decreed an Ovation for him, or a kind of triumphant riding on horseback, he thought it too poor a thing to ride so by land, and therefore invented this trick of his own vain head, to ride so by Sea. For this purpose, all the ships that could be got were sent for in, and when they were not enough, others were made and so they all were set two and two linked together till they made a bridge of that three miles and an half long: Then caused he an infinite number of workmen to carry on earth, and make a causey like the Apion road over all those ships from the continent to the Island. (If this were not a Pontifex Romanus with a witness, let all men judge.) When his dear bought way was thus prepared, he prepares for it and for his Phantastick journey over it: His garb in which he would ride was this: He put a breast plate on, which he said had been Alexanders, and over that a rich purple robe, then his sword and buckler, and an oaken garland about his head: and having sacrificed to Neptune and to the other God's, and even to the Deity Envy, lest the bridge should miscarry, he sets forth on horseback with a great troop of armed men attending him, and takes his strange and idle voyage. When he had ridden thus one day on horseback, he returns the next day in his Chariot, with an infinite train of his friends in Coaches, of Soldiers in arms, and of the common people lookers on, and among others of state Darius an hostage of Parthia attended his Chariot; when he had done this great exploit, of walking, riding and coaching so many miles upon the Sea, he getteth up into a Desk, which was made upon this new-found bridge on purpose, and there maketh a solemn speech in commendation of this his great attempt, and of the soldiers and workmens pains and care about it; And when he had done he bestowed a large munificence among them. And the rest of that day and the night that followed, he spent in feasting and banqueting in banqueting houses that he had made purposely upon his bridge, because he would make the Sea a perfect road. Into these houses he had brought fresh water in Pipes from the shore to serve the occasions of this nights feast, if he will suffer one to call it night: For he that had turned the Sea into a Coach-way, was ambitious also to turn night into day; that in him might be shown at once both how foolish he may prove that hath once let go the reins of reason, and how boundless that folly is when it is backed with power. The ships that made the bridge were set in manner of a crescent, and so went the rode: upon it he caused a great number of fires to be made, and so upon the mountains all about, that what had been his Coach-way by day was now at night become his Amphitheater. But it is strange that we hear of no murder of all this while among all this madness, for if Gaius be not cruel he is not Caligula. After this his entertainment of his friends and of the company, he suddenly • ast a great multitude of them into the Sea, and when they laid hold of rudders or anything that might succor and save their lives, he caused them to be thrust away and so they perished.

Answerable to the vanities of this his bridge, had he also Ships and Frigots to sail in for his own recreation, in which were baths, vineyards and orchards that sailed with him, that is upon his bridge he went over the Sea by land, so in his ships when he went by Sea, the land went with him.

§ 5. His Covetousness.

It is not so much wonder that these courses wasted the Emperors treasures, as it is how they have held out so long: And now that all his wealth is emptied, and gone, he can find as strange and unheard of means to fetch in more as he had found out to consume the old. He now began to accuse, condemn and execute apace, that he might be dealing with their goods in confiscation. So died Clavisius, Sabinus, Titius Rusus, and Junius Priscus, for no other real fault but only for being rich. But why should I reckon them by one and one, when at one clap he condemned forty men together, and when he came into his Chamber he bragged to Caesonia his darling Lemman, Behold how much I have done in the time that thou art taking a nap at noon! but this feat of condemning would not bring in money fast enough, therefore as there were more ways of spending than one, so must there also be of getting. He inventeth new taxes and payments, strange exactions and imposts, suffering nothing to pass in common use, but it must bring some tribute unto his treasures. He sat a rate to be paid him out of all meat that was eaten, a rate out of every suit or action for debt, a rate out of the porters gains, nay a rate out the whores hire. He made men that were already free of the City to buy their freedom again, and many that had named him for their heir when they should die, he poisoned, that he might inherit their estate sooner: And these his exploits he used not only in Rome, but when money was scarce there, he went into France and Spain and set up the same trade of polling there: He sold the Jewels, the goods, and the very servants of his condemned sisters; nay the very Jewels of the Crown, as the royal robes and ornaments of Antony, Augustus, Julia, Antonia, and others of the princely bloody. And to conclude all in one, he set up a stews in his own Palace, and had women there of all sorts and sizes, and his panders went about to fetch in whoremaster customers: and all this was done, because it was for the Emperors profit. He also made the Palace a common dicing house, and himself was the master gaimster; cogging, cheating, lying, forswearing, and doing anything to make himself a gainer. Having once left another to play his game, and being gone down into the court of the place, he saw two rich Knights passing by, and caused them suddenly to be apprehended, and their goods to be confiscated, and returned to his game again, bragging that he had had an exceeding good throw. Another time at play, wanting money to maintain his stake, he went down and caused divers rich Nobles to be slain, and returned presently again▪ saying, You sit here playing for a few pence, and I since I went, have gotten six hundred thousand sesterces.

As he thus cruelly murdered many, only for their goods, so also did he many others upon other spleens: as Lentulus Getulicus, because he was beloved of the Soldiers: Lepidus because he had adulterated his sisters, when he had done with them himself, and he caused Agrippina one of them to carry his bones in an urn in her bosom to Rome. A poor serving man for filching a silver plate off the cubboard, he caused to have his hands cut off, and hung about his neck, and to be led up and down with a Crier before him proclaiming his offense. Seneca was condemned by him for being too eloquent, or more eloquent than himself, (for that he could not endure in any) but he escaped through the entreaty of one of Gaius his Lemmans. But Domitius Afer deserved to scape indeed who overcame him with silence, and mastered the Tyrant by being mastered. For being a man of renowned and incomparable eloquence, and now under accusation, Gaius had strained the utmost of his own Rhetoric to frame a speech to confound him, both in his cause and in his Oratory. Domitius (when the Emperor looked that he would have answered him with the same height of Rhetoric again, and had he done so, it had cost him his life) sat mute, and took upon him to be amazed at so admirable and infinite fluency, and instead of pleading his own cause, he rehearsed his Oration word by word, seeming to be so ravished with that eloquence that he forgot and neglected his own life. And then cast he himself at the Tyrants feet, and begged for mercy, avowing that he dreaded him more as an Orator than as Caesar. The Lion grows mild upon this fawning, and turns his malice and spleen into pride and vain glory, rejoicing that he had so overcome Domitius in eloquence, whereas Domitius had more cause to rejoice that he had so overcome him by silence.

§ 1. Herod and Herodias before the Emperor.

WE are now to present to Gaius as bloody a woman as he was a man: Herodias, that hath committed as much murder in taking away but one man's life, John the Baptist, as he hath done in all his: And when these two are met together, two Princes of the greatest cruelty and bloodiness that either sex could then afford, are met together. You may remember that not long since we left Her and her Herod (for husband I may not call him) shipped for Rome to purchase, if possible, the Emperors good respect, and with that, an augmentation of their dignity and dominion. Agrippa, knowing of this their journey, and suspecting that as it began in envy and emulation to him, so would it terminate, if they could compass it, to his disadvantage, he sendeth his servant Fortunatus after them with letters to the Emperor, either because himself was not yet at leisure to come, or in policy trying how his letters would speed and be entertained before he ventured his own person. At Baiae they all met before Caesar, and Agrippa 's complaint by writing meeteth theirs by word of mouth. He layeth to Herod's charge, confederacy with Sejanus at Rome and with Artabanus in Parthia, and an armory and magazine at his own home, sufficient to furnish seven thousand men, all which laid together could not but breed a just suspicion of his revolting. Herod not being able upon questioning, to deny the last thing that he was charged withal about his arms, gave Gaius presumption to conclude the truth of all the other: whereupon he adjudgeth him to perpetual banishment to Lions in France: and thus (thank Herodias ) by his looking for a greater dignity and honor, he lost that which he had already.

Caesar would have spared Herodias for Agrippa 's sake as being his sister, but she refused the courtesy, and chose to suffer the same fortune with her husband; and but very justly neither, for she had brought him to it. And she could not in civility refuse to take part with him in his misery, as he had done with her in her folly, that had caused it; both their estates, dignities and dominions Gaius bestoweth upon Agrippa to their greater vexation; and so we leave them going to Lions, there to think, and repent too late, how wholesome the counsel was that was given them by the Baptist and that they took it not.

§ 2. The Alexandrian Jews still perplexed.

And now let us return from Rome to Alexandria, where the last year we left the Jews in so extreme misery and distress, and now it is to be suspected we shall find them in the same still. Being so oppressed, plundered and massacred by Flaccus as we have heard, their utmost refuge is to petition to the Emperor, but a miserable refuge you must needs think it will prove when they cannot do it but by Flaccus his permission and assistance. When they made this motion and request to him (foolish men to expect such courtesy from their greatest enemy) he taketh on him to approve of their intention, promiseth to speed their petition the best he could, but when he had it, pretending to have sent it away, he keepeth and suppresseth it, and answered neither his promise nor their expectation, either in hast or in assisting. Thus do the poor Jews lie waiting in uncertain hopes but in certain misery, looking for some comfortable answer from Rome to their petition, which is still at Alexandria. But at last comes their old friend and countreyman Agrippa to Rome with the old grudge in his bosom against Flaccus for his base usage of him at his last being there, and he promotes their cause to Caesar with the best excuses he can make for them, and with some bitter accusing of their enemy the Govenour.

§ 3. Flaccus his downfall.

Whether it were the prevalency of Agrippa 's letters with the Emperor, or the divine vengeance upon this unjust and murderous Governor, or both, or some other conjoined, Gaius ere long sent Bassus a Centurion, with his band into Alexandria, to apprehend Flaccus: He stole in by night into the City, lest his approach (had it been detected) should have bred commotion, and meeting with a Soldier in the dark, and inquiring for the chief Captain, that he might acquaint him with the cause of his coming, and obtain his assistance with his Soldiers if there should be any resistance, he was informed that Flaccus and he were both at supper with Stephanio one of the Freemen of Tiberius. Thither he getteth with all secrecy, and scouting before the house, he sendeth in one of his Soldiers habited in the garb of a Servingman, that he might the more safely thrust in among the Servitors to see what store of company was there, and when he heard by him that it was but small, he bursteth in with his men and apprehendeth him. I leave to the Reader to imagine the contrary operation that this sudden action had with Flaccus and with the Jews. It was now the time of the feast of Tabernacles with them, but the feast was intermitted because of their common misery, but now somewhat solaced by the event of this feast of Flaccus. He is hurried away to Rome in the beginning of winter, and there tried, and condemned to perpetual banishmen • 〈…〉 Isle of Andros, where what became of him you shall hear the next year.

§ 4. The Jews of Alexandria still distressed.

Flaccus the Jews enemies at Alexandria, they are thus happily rid of, but a worse, if worse may be, springeth, as it were out of his corruption at Rome. Helicon a Servant of Tiberius whilst he lived, and now of Gaius, a fit man for such a master, the more to ingratiate himself into the Princes favor (yet had he it already in no ordinary measure) bendeth himself with the utmost of his Rhetoric and Eloquence, skill and flattery to traduce the people and Religion of the Jews, and to make them odious, and himself the more acceptable to the Emperor. The envious Alexandrians having by their Ambassadors espied this advantage, do spur him forward who needed no incitation: with great presents and greater promises they urge him on to prosecute that malicious accusation that he had begun: which he performed accordingly, with a renewed impetuousness, added to his present spleen by his future expectation, and present fee. The miserable Jews thus betrayed, lie under distress and under the Emperors displeasure for a season, and could not learn from whence it proceeded: But at last they address a number of petitioners to Rome to make their peace with Helicon, if possible, and to make an humble remonstrance to the Emperor of their state and grievances, and a petition for some remedy and redress. Their Legation and Ambassy they indeed presented not to the Prince till the next year, yet since Philo saith that they took their voyage in the very depth and middle of winter, it was not unproper to mention their preparation and setting forth, this year, and you shall hear of their business, and the success of it, when the next year comes in.

§. They spake unto the Grecians.

Gr. To the Hellenists: This word is not opposed to the word Jews in the preceding verse, but it is a part of the same story: for that telleth of their preaching to the Jews in Phenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch; and this telleth of the fruit of their Ministry to the Jews in Antioch, that it was to the conversion of many of them. That showeth that they came to Antioch, and preached to Jews only, this showeth who they were that came to Antioch, and how they preached to the Hellenists, which must be understood in the same sense with the former: But he calleth them Hellenists, because they were Jews of the Corporation or enfranchisment of the City, for Antioch was a Syrogrecian City.

He himself was an Hellenist, being a man of Cyprus; and he was to be a fellow helper to the Apostle of the Gentiles for their conversion: and therefore he a very fit man to go to this Gentile City, who coming thither and seeing a great conversion of all sorts of people, Gentiles as well as Jews, he goeth over to Tarsus to seek the Doctor of the Gentiles, to bring him over thither to a work agreeable to that his function, to preach to the Gentiles.

§. 1. Troubles at Jamnia.

THE troubles and miseries of the Jews are now drawing to the heart of their State, and this year are got into their own Land, and drawing near Jerusalem itself. And the poor Alexandrian Jews Commissioners, that the last year set forward for Rome, and in the beginning of this year are gotten thither, to petition for redress of their own calamities, do there receive tidings of worse miseries coming towards all their Nation. The original and occasion was from Capito a gatherer of Tribute for the Romans in Judea. This man coming into that Office and Country a very poor man: and (as no other can be expected from men of so base and mean quality put into so high places) having pilled and polled all before him, to raise and to mend his fortunes; and being now grown rich, and being afraid to be accused of the Jews to Caesar, for his injustice and oppression, he thinks it the safest way to prevent that, to get some occasion against them, that he might accuse them, and cry thief first. In Jamnia therefore where he resided, there was mixture of Inhabitants, very many Jews, and not a few Strangers, or Gentiles. Hereupon Capito secretly contriveth, That these strangers should set up an Altar in the City to Gaius, who as they heard, would be worshipped for a God. This both he and they knew that the Jews would never endure, as being a most notorious violation of their Law; but would oppose the matter, and so should he have cause and accusation enough against them to Caesar, for despising of his Majesty, and contemning his Godhead. Accordingly did the cursed plot take effect: for suddenly and unexpectedly an Altar is built and erected in the City, the Jews as soon as they hear and see the business, they rise generally and pull it down. Their enemies that had built it, run to Capito, who indeed had had the chief hand in the design, and complain of the indignity: He not thinking it enough to take recognisance of the business himself, by Letters acquaints the Emperor with the affront, for so he sets it forth; and well he knew the Emperor would be ready enough to second him to do mischief to the Jews according to his desire.

§. 2. Troubles at Jerusalem and elsewhere throughout Judea. Gaius his Image to be set up in the Temple to be Worshipped.

Gaius having received this intelligence from Capito, which he had mingled with all kind of gall and vinegar of exasperation and evil language against the Jews, and being himself already irreconcilably incensed and bent against them; partly through mischievous incendiaries and accusations, and chiefly because they only were cross to his deifying and impious Worship; he now determineth a course against them, which should strike at the very root, and bring them either to bend or break. He dispatcheth therefore a message to Petronius the Governor of Judea; that instead of the Altar of stone which the Jews had pulled down at Jamnia, he should without fail set up a Golden Coloss or an Image of the Emperor in the Temple at Jerusalem: and that this design might receive no hindrance by opposition, he charged that he should send for part of the Army from Euphrates that lay there for the guard of the East; that if the Jews would quietly receive the statue it was well, and if they would not, they must be forced to it, whether they would or no. What must the Jews do now at such a pinch? Nay, what must Petronius? If he disobey what he is commanded, he hazardeth his own ruin; if he perform it, he ruineth a whole Nation: The Jews will be ready to die before they will admit of such an Idol; and Petronius is not like to escape, if he bring them not to admit of it. In this strait between affection to himself, and to a whole people, he useth the best accommodation that the present necessity would afford: namely, not to decline the injunction for his own safety, but to delay it as much as may be for the safety of the Jews: that in the space while the image was leisurely making the one party might possibly be brought to comply, either the Emperor upon consideration to lay his resolution down, or the Jews upon persuasion to lay down their resoluteness. He appointeth the Image to be wrought at Zidon, whence on the one hand, less offense might accrue to the Jews, and on the other some satisfaction might come to the Emperor, he hearing by Passengers that the work was in hand, and they seeing the gentleness of Petronius that would not work it in their own Country.

Tydings of this lamentable and heavy design could not be long kept from the Jews, nor they upon the tidings long from Petronius. To him they come into Phenicia, men and women, young and old, of all sorts and conditions an innumerable multitude, with tears in their eyes, and bitter cries in their mouths, that either he would surcease the enterprise that was in hand, or take their lives before they saw the performance of such abomination. Petronius threatens, speaks fair, urgeth, persuadeth, but all to no purpose, they tendering their necks rather to the execution, than enduring to • ear of such violation of their Religion. In the end they obtain this favor of the gentle Governor, that he will not proceed in this impious work, till he or they, or both have sued to Caesar, by petition to surcease the design, and to remit of his resolution. And so return the Jews to their home and harvest, with some contentment in speeding so well at the present, and in some hope to speed better for the future. Josephus here telleth a story of a miraculous and sudden shower that fell as Petronius and the Jews were thus parleying together, whereas there had been no rain of a long time before, and no sign at all of any rain instantly before this fell: God (as he would have it) seconding this their request with this wonder, and using this argument for the moving of Petronius to back theirs.

§. 3. Petronius his Letter to the Emperor.

The gentle Governor failed not of his promise, nor of the trust the Jews had reposed in him, but though it may breed his own smart, he addresseth a message to the Emperor in their behalf, and useth the utmost of his persuasive skill and faculty in it. He layeth before him that the prosecution of his commanded and intended enterprise, would be the destruction of a whole Nation, the loss of a fair and goodly Tribute and Revenue, the impairing of the Roman strength and honor, the prejudice of his Majesty's journey into Alexandria, which he intended ere long to take: That they were already grown desperate, and began to neglect their harvest and occasions, whereby a certain famine would follow upon the Land, and a disadvantage to the Countries round about: with other Arguments of the same nature, sensible, strong, and persuasive, had not the Emperor been wedded to his own senseless will, and bewitched and led away with destructive counsel. Two caitives he had about him that continually suggested evil to him against the Jews, as if for either ear one, Helicon an Egyptian mentioned before, and Apelles an Ascalonite, such another as he. These were ever adding spurs to his malice against that Nation, which was in its full carreer already, and blowing those coals which it was impossible to quench. Wretched men that they were, that sought to rear their fortunes upon others ruins, and to cement estates with other men's blood. Such instruments it pleased God to use for the scourging of that ungracious and condemned Nation, and having done the work by them that he had appointed, he cast these rods into the fire, Apelles being tortured by Gaius, whom he had indoctrinated to cruelty, and Helicon slain by Claudius, the Emperor that succeeded in Gaius his room.

§. 4. Agrippa his mediation for the Jews.

King Agrippa the Jews old friend and Advocate is now at Rome, and ready in affection, as well as in place, upon these heavy tidings to intercede for his people, and to do them good, if it be possible for any good to be done. Josephus and Philo do again differ about the relation of this his undertaking of a meditation, as they do almost in everything that they relate jointly, in one circumstance or other. Josephus saith that Agrippa hearing of this misery of his people, invited Gaius to a most sumptuous and extraordinary banquet; using to his cost such a preparative to his fairer and better aggress and accoasting the Tyrant upon a matter of so great import: That Gaius at the banquet offered him a boon, whatsoever he should desire, expecting he would desire some great Revenue: but that Agrippa requested nothing but the liberty of his people in their Religion, and the removal of that fear that now lay upon them by the Image preparing. That Gaius, overcome by so honest and unexpected a petition condescended to his desire, and was well apaid and pacified, till Petronius his Letter came to him after this, and then was he all of a fury and ragedness again. But Philo thus, That the intelligence from Petronius was come to him before Agrippa began to mediate: That Agrippa coming as at other times to attend the Emperor, was so cast down and daunted at the terror of his looks, and thunder of his words against the Jews, that he fell down in a swoon, in which he lay till the next day. Then he addresseth a Letter to him in his people's behalf, so powerful and pithy, that Gaius betwixt anger and calmness, betwixt commending Agrippa, and being displeased with him, at the last granteth it to Agrippa as a special boon, that the dedication of his Image should not go forward: and to such a purpose he writeth to Petronius; but withal mingling mischief with this his mitigation, he giveth order that if any one would set up his Image, or dedicate his statue in any Town or City of Judea, (Jerusalem excepted) it should not be opposed, but the opposer should be suddenly and severely punished. A politick and a deadly plot to involve the Nation in an insurrection and rebellion: For the enemies of the Jews would be ready to be erecting such offenses; not so much for the honor of Caesar, as for spite of the Jews, and the Jews would be as ready to oppose them to the hazard of their lives, because they abhorred Idols for themselves, and not for the place; and the Tyrant would be as ready as either to take this opportunity of their insurrection, to entangle them in a destructive War. But the time of their final desolation was not yet come, and so it pleased God that none of their enemies were active at this time in this kind; nor when he set awork a Coloss to be made for him in Rome, intending from thence to convey it secretly into the Temple at Jerusalem, it took effect according to his impious design and desire, but came to nothing and the intention quashed, either by his death, which fell out the beginning of the next year, or by some other stop and hindrance.

§. 5. Flaccus Avilius in banishment and his end.

The last year we brought Flaccus to the Isle of Andros, and now let us land him there. When he came within ken of Land, he burst out into tears and lamentation, comparing that place in his pensive thoughts with Italy and Egypt, and his deplorable condition of life upon which he was now to enter, with the pomp and prosperity in which he had lived in those two places of his education and Authority. Being landed, his pensiveness increased the more, by how much he was now nearer to that misery which his thoughts presaged. His demeanor in this his banishment; if Philo have not set it forth with more Rhetoric than truth, was full of horror and amazedness: avoiding the society of men, running up and down the woods, tearing his hair, tormenting himself, and sometimes rising out of his sleep at midnight, and running abroad, and he would look up towards Heaven and cry out in a lamentable note. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . O King of God's and men, thou art not therefore careless of the Nation of the Jews.

Thus did he spin out a miserable life for certain months, till Caesar cut his woeful thread in two. For the Tyrant lying awake one night and could not sleep, among other thoughts that came into his mischievous mind, he considered how happily retired those men lived that were banished: they wanting nothing, and enjoying all things in enjoying themselves. The cruel caitif from these thoughts of their estate, began to envy it, and accounting their banishment rather a pleasure than a punishment, he gave charge the next morning that they should all be slain. Under this doom fell Flaccus, one of the first in the Tyrants thoughts, because one of the first in his displeasure. Executioners are sent for his dispatch, whose errand he knew as soon as he saw them, and from them he flies as soon as he knew them. But it is in vain to flee, and it is too late, for they and vengeance have soon over taken him, and with many wounds have put him to death.

§. 6. The Ambassadors of the Alexandrian Jews before the Emperor.

The miseries of the Alexandrian Jews could find no remedy, while the source from whence they flowed, was not stopped, but overflowed them continually. The wellhead of this their mischief was double: The spiteful counsel that was given the Emperor against them by others; and the endless rancor that he bare to them himself. To stop the current, and inundation of the calamity that overwhelmed them continually from these two puddle springs, they can find no better, or more feasable means and way than to send some men of their own Nation to Rome, to atone, intercede and mediate for them. We left them upon their journey the last year, three in number, as saith Josephus, but five, as Philo, who was one of them himself: and now let us trace them to Rome, and see how they speed.

The first sight of the Emperor was in Campus Martius, who saluted them friendly, and promised to give them hearing with a great deal of speed, and it was hoped by the most of them with a great deal of favor, but it proved far otherwise. For he shortly went out of the City down to Puteoli by the Sea, and they follow him thither. There they first hear the tidings of the state of Judea under Petronius, and of Caesar's Image that was preparing. From Puteoli they follow him to Rome again, and there being admitted to audience, he with a terrible and grinning countenance first asked them; What? Are you that people that of all others scorn my Deity, but had rather worship your nameless God? And then scornfully lifting his hands up to Heaven, he named the name Jehovah. At this all the company of the malignant party rejoiced, as accounting they had got the day. But when the Jews began to excuse and answer for themselves, he flung away, and frisked from room to room, they following him all this while: At last, after some chiding at somewhat that he disliked in the rooms, and appointing how he would have it mended; he asked them, How comes it to pass that you forbear to eat Swines flesh? Here the company laughed out again: and as the Jews began to answer, he angerly interposed thus, I would fain know what are those privileges of your City, tha • you challenge? When they began to speak, he frisked away into another room. Shortly he cometh to them again in a milder manner: And now, saith he, what say you? And when they began to lay open their matter to him, away flings he into another room again. At last, coming again more mildly still, These men seem to me, saith he, not so evil, as miserable, which cannot be persuaded that I am a god; And so he bad them to depart. And thus concluded this great scene of expectation, for ought that we can find further in Philo. But whether this was the very end of the matter, or it proceeded further, but that the relation of it is failing in Philo, is hard to decide. It seemeth by him that this was the end of their conference with the Tyrant, but it appeareth withal, that they presented him with some Palinodia, or recantation, which is perished and gone. Eusebius speaketh of five Books written by Philo, about the calamities of the Jews, and the madness of Gaius, whereof we have but two extant at this time, that against Flaccus, and that about the Embassy to Gaius, and the other three seem to be the Palinodia, or it to be some part of them.

§. 7. Apion.

Among the five, or three Ambassadors of a side, (as Josephus and Philo differ in their number) the most renowned in their contrary and differing kinds were Apion the Greek, and Philo the Jew; the others are wholly nameless, and their memory extinct, but these two have left a perpetuation of theirs behind them by their writings.

Apion was an Egyptian, born in the utmost borders thereof in a place called Oasis, but feigned himself for an Alexandrian. A man given to the Grecian studies of Philosophy, but with more vainglory than solidity. He not contented, to have been a personal accuser of the Jews to Gaius in that their Embassy, wrote also bitterly against them in his Egyptian History, to disgrace them to posterity. Of which Josephus that wrote two books in answer of him giveth this censure. That some things that he had written were like to what others had written before, other things very cold, some calumnious, and some very unlearned. And the end and death of this blackmouthed railer he describeth thus, To me it seemeth, that he was justly punished for his blasphemies, even against his own Country laws, for he was circumcised of necessity, having an ulcer about his privities, and being nothing helped by the cutting or circumcising, but putrifying with miserable pains, he died, Contr. Apion. lib. 2.

§. 8. Philo the Jew.

Philo was a Jew by Nation, and Alexandrian by birth: by line, of the kindred of the Priests; and by family, the brother of Alexander Alabarcha. His education was in learning, and that mixed, according to his original and residence, of the Jews and of the Greeks: his proof was according to his education, versed in the learning of both the Nations, and not inferior to the most learned in either: From this mixture of his knowledge, proceeded the quaintness of his style and writing; explaining Divinity by Philosophy, or rather forcing Philosopy out of Divinity, that he spoiled the one, and did not much mend the other. Hence his Allegories which did not only obscure the clear Text, but also much soil the Theology of succeeding times. His language is sweet, smooth, and easy, and Athens itself is not more elegant and Athenian. For attaining to the Greek in Alexandria, partly naturally, (that being a Grecian City) and partly by study, (as not native Grecians used to do) he by a mixture of these two together, came to the very Apex and perfection of the language, in copiousness of words, and in choice. His style is always fluent, and indeed often to superfluity, dilating his expressions sometimes so copious, that he is rather prodigal of words, than liberal, and showeth what he could say if the cause required, b • saying so much, when there is little or no cause at all. And to give him his character for this, in short, He is more a Philosopher than a Scripture man in heart, and more a Rhetorician than a Philosopher in tongue. His manner of writing is more ingenious than solid, and seemeth rather to draw the subject whereon he writeth whither his fancy pleaseth, than to follow it whither the nature and inclination of it doth incline. Hence his allegorizing of whatsoever cometh to his hand, and his peremptory confidence in whatsoever he doth allegorize, insomuch that sometimes he persuadeth himself that he speaketh mysteries, as pag 89. and sometimes he checketh the Scripture, if it speak not as he would have it▪ as pag. 100.

How too many of the Fathers in the Primitive Church followed him in this his vein, it is too well known, to the loss of too much time, both in their writing and in our reading. Whether it were because he was the first that wrote upon the Bible, or rather because he was the first that wrote in this strain, whose writings came unto their hands, that brought him into credit with Christian Writers, he was so far followed by too many, that while they would explain Scripture, they did but intricate it, and hazarded to lose the truth of the story, under the cloud of the Allegory. The Jews have a strain of writing upon the Scripture, that flieth in a higher region than the writings of Christians, as is apparent to him that shall read their Authors. Now Philo being a Jew, and naturally affecting like them to soar in a high place, and being by his education in the Grecian wisdom more Philosophical than the Jews usually were, and by inclination much affected with that learning, he soareth the Jewish pitch with his Grecian wings, and attaineth to a place in which none had flown in before (unless the Therapeutae, of whom hereafter) writing in a strain that none had used before, and which too many, or at least many too much used after; of his many strange and mysterious matters that he findeth out in his vein of allegorizing, let the Reader taste but some.

As see what he saith of the invisible Word of God, pag. 5. and pag. 24. & 169. & 152.

How he is a Pythagorean for numbers, pag. 8. and pag. 15, 16, 31. where he is even bewitched with the number Seven; and pag. 32, 33. as the Therapeutae were 695. from whom he seemeth to have sucked in his Divinity.

Pag. 9. He accounteth the Stars to presage future things; whom in pag. 12. he almost calleth intelligible Creatures, pag. 168. and immortal Spirits, pag. 222.

Pag. 12. He seemeth to think that God had some Coadjutors in man's Creation.

Pag. 15. God honored the seventh day, and called it holy; for it is festival not to one people or region only, but to all: which is worthy to be called the festivity of the people, and the nativity of the world.

Pag. 43. He distinguished betwixt Adam formed and made, earthly and heavenly.

Pag. 57. He teacheth strange Doctrine, which followeth more copiously, p. 61. about two natures created in man, good and bad.

Pag. 68. Observe his temperance when his list.

Pag. 86. He believeth that his soul had sometime her raptures, and taught him strange, profound, and unknown speculations, as there she doth concerning the Trinity, and in pag. 89. He thinketh he talketh mysteries.

Pag. 94. Faith the most acceptable Sacrifice; an unexpected confession from a Jew.

Pag. 100. He checketh Joseph the Patriarch for impropriety of speech, and he will teach him how to speak.

Pag. 102. Speaking of the death of Moses, he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. He is not gathered, or added, fainting or failing, as men had done before, for he admitted not either of addition or defection, but he is translated or passeth away by the Authority of that efficient word by which the universe was made.

Pag. 122. He is again very unmannerly and uncivil with Joseph, and so is he again in pag. 152. he had rather lose his friend than his jest, and censure so great a Patriarch than miss his Allegory.

That Aaron used imposition of hands upon Moses, pag. 126.

Pag. 127. That Abel slain yet liveth, as Heb. 11.

Pag. 152. God like a Shepherd and King governeth all things in the world by right and equity, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Setting over them his upright word, which is his first begotten Son, who taketh the care of this sacred herd, like the Deputy of some great King.

Pag. 161. He showeth his learning is the great Encyclica.

Pag. 168. He calleth Angels Genii and Heroes, according to the Greeks, and holdeth that they were created in the air, but in the superior part of it near the Sky, and fly up and down there, pag. 221, 222.

Pag. 170. His Allegories make him impious, and he counteth the story of Paradise to be but foolery, if it be taken literal.

Pag. 180. He talketh a Rabinical tale about the invention of Music.

He constantly followeth the LXX, as appeareth, pag. 160, 179, 218, 245, 255.

Pag. 190. He maketh God and his wisdom, as it were father and mother, of whom the world was generate, but not humano more.

Ibid. He readeth that place, Prov. 8. 22. The Lord created me the first of his works. For saith he, it was necessary that all things that came to generation, should be younger than the mother and nurse of all things.

Pag. 191. He is very uncivil with Jethro.

Pag. 205. He holdeth Lots wife to have been turned into a stone.

Pag. 206. He was in the Theater at a play.

Pag. 213. He holdeth Isaac weaned at seven years old. And mentioneth certain Dialogues made by himself, personating Isaac and Ishmael. He calleth cap. 32. of Deuteronomy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Canticum majus, according to the Rabbins phrase: so likewise pag. 179.

Pag. 214. Jacob praying for Joseph saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It is very questionable where this speech is to be found.

Pag. 223. The spirit of God is an immortal knowledge.

Pag. 232. He treateth de Printogenito, & secundogenito Dei: that is, of his Word and the World.

Pag. 234. He holdeth freewill, but it is in comparison of the actions of men with the effects of Plants and Bruits.

Pag. 241. He is fallen out with Joseph again.

Pag. 251. He telleth a fable, how all Birds and Beasts spake the same Language, and understood one another; but that their Tongue was confounded because they petitioned that they might never grow old, but renew their youth as the Serpent doth, who is the basest of them.

But this is more than enough for a taste: we shall conclude this Character with that Apophthegme that came from him when Gaius was in a rage against him and his fellow▪ Commissioners, How ought we to cheer up, saith he, though Gaius be angry at us in words, seeing in his deeds he even opposeth God? Josephus relateth it, Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 10.

§. 1. Gaius still foolish and cruel.

THIS year did Gaius make an expedition to the Ocean, as if he would have passed over into Britain: but the greatest exploit that he did was, that first he went a little upon the Sea, and then returning, he gave a signal to his Soldiers, that they should fall to battle, which was nothing else but that they should gather cockles and shells upon the shore, and so he returned with these goodly spoils, and brought them to Rome in a foolish triumph, as if he had conquered the Ocean: being come into the City he had like to have slain all the Senate, because they had not decreed divine honors and worship to him: But he became reconciled to them again upon this occasion: Protogenes his bloodhound (that used to carry his two Books, or Black-bills, the one whereof he called a Sword, and the other a Dagger; in which Books he enrolled whom he destined to death or punishment) he coming one day into the Court, and being saluted and fawned upon by all the Senate, was among them all saluted by Scribonius Proculus. Upon whom looking with a grim and displeased countenance, What, saith he, dost thou salute me, that hatest so deadly the Emperor my Master? Whereupon the rest of the Senators arose, came upon him and pulled him in pieces. With this piece of service so well suiting with the Tyrants humor, he was so well pleased, that he said they had now regained his favor again. Under his cruelty this year perished by name, Ptolemy the son of King Juba, because he was rich: Cassius Becillinus for no crime at all: and Capito his father, because he could not endure to look upon his sons death. Flattery delivered L. Vitellius our late Governor of Syria; and it was much to appease such a Lion, but that it was a flattery without parallel.

§. 2. Gaius profane.

The blasphemous Atheist continued still in his detestable Deity, being what God he would when he would, and changing his Godship with the change of his cloths: sometimes a male Deity, sometime a female, sometime a God of one fashion, sometime of another. Sometime he was Jupiter, sometime Juno, sometimes Mars, sometimes Venus, sometime Neptune, or Appollo, or Hercules, and sometimes Diana: and thus whilst he would be anything, he was nothing, and under the garb of so many gods he was indeed nothing but Devil: He built a Temple for himself in Rome, and made himself a room in the Capitol, that he might (as he said) converse with Jupiter. But it seems Jupiter and he fell out, for he removed his own mansion, and built himself a Temple in the Palace, because he thought that if Jupiter and he shared in the same Temple, Jupiter would have the upper hand, and the more repute.

Therefore that his own Deity might have room enough, he built this new Temple; and that he might be sure to get equal worship with Jupiter, he intended to set up the statue of Jupiter Olympius there, but pictured directly after his own Image; so that it must have been Jupiter's statue, but Gaius his picture; Jupiturs trunk, but Gaius his head and face; but this fine design came to nothing, and was clean spoiled, for the Ship that went for this statue was spoiled with lightning; and there was a great laughing always heard, whensoever any one went about to meddle with the picture, to forward the business; and truly it was as fit an Omen, as likely could have been invented for it. When this invention thus failed him, he found out a new trick, to get part of the Temple of Castor and Pollux for himself, and joined it to the Palace; and he so contrived the matter, that his entrance was just in the middle between those two gods: and therefore he called them his Porters, and himself he styled the Dialis: and his dear Caesonia, and his uncle Claudius, and divers of the richer sort he ordained to be his Priests, and got a good sum of money of everyone of them for their Office; nay he would be a Priest unto himself, and which best suited with him in such a function, he admitted his Horse to be fellow Priest with him; and because he would be a right Jupiter indeed, he would have his tricks to imitate thunder and lightning, and he would ever be defying Jupiter in Homers speech, Either take me away, or I will take thee. And thus was his Palace parted into a senseless contrariety, one part to be a Temple, and another part a common Stews; in one, Gaius to be adored as a god, in another, Gaius to play the Beast, deflowering Virgins, violating Boys, adulterating Matrons, exacting and extracting Money from all; and using to tumble himself in heaps of Money which he had so gotten.

§. They spake unto the Grecians.

Gr. To the Hellenists: This word is not opposed to the word Jews in the preceding verse, but it is a part of the same story: for that telleth of their preaching to the Jews in Phenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch; and this telleth of the fruit of their Ministry to the Jews in Antioch, that it was to the conversion of many of them. That showeth that they came to Antioch, and preached to Jews only, this showeth who they were that came to Antioch, and how they preached to the Hellenists, which must be understood in the same sense with the former: But he calleth them Hellenists, because they were Jews of the Corporation or enfranchisment of the City, for Antioch was a Syrogrecian City.

He himself was an Hellenist, being a man of Cyprus; and he was to be a fellow helper to the Apostle of the Gentiles for their conversion: and therefore he a very fit man to go to this Gentile City, who coming thither and seeing a great conversion of all sorts of people, Gentiles as well as Jews, he goeth over to Tarsus to seek the Doctor of the Gentiles, to bring him over thither to a work agreeable to that his function, to preach to the Gentiles.

§. 1. Troubles at Jamnia.

THE troubles and miseries of the Jews are now drawing to the heart of their State, and this year are got into their own Land, and drawing near Jerusalem itself. And the poor Alexandrian Jews Commissioners, that the last year set forward for Rome, and in the beginning of this year are gotten thither, to petition for redress of their own calamities, do there receive tidings of worse miseries coming towards all their Nation. The original and occasion was from Capito a gatherer of Tribute for the Romans in Judea. This man coming into that Office and Country a very poor man: and (as no other can be expected from men of so base and mean quality put into so high places) having pilled and polled all before him, to raise and to mend his fortunes; and being now grown rich, and being afraid to be accused of the Jews to Caesar, for his injustice and oppression, he thinks it the safest way to prevent that, to get some occasion against them, that he might accuse them, and cry thief first. In Jamnia therefore where he resided, there was mixture of Inhabitants, very many Jews, and not a few Strangers, or Gentiles. Hereupon Capito secretly contriveth, That these strangers should set up an Altar in the City to Gaius, who as they heard, would be worshipped for a God. This both he and they knew that the Jews would never endure, as being a most notorious violation of their Law; but would oppose the matter, and so should he have cause and accusation enough against them to Caesar, for despising of his Majesty, and contemning his Godhead. Accordingly did the cursed plot take effect: for suddenly and unexpectedly an Altar is built and erected in the City, the Jews as soon as they hear and see the business, they rise generally and pull it down. Their enemies that had built it, run to Capito, who indeed had had the chief hand in the design, and complain of the indignity: He not thinking it enough to take recognisance of the business himself, by Letters acquaints the Emperor with the affront, for so he sets it forth; and well he knew the Emperor would be ready enough to second him to do mischief to the Jews according to his desire.

§. 2. Troubles at Jerusalem and elsewhere throughout Judea. Gaius his Image to be set up in the Temple to be Worshipped.

Gaius having received this intelligence from Capito, which he had mingled with all kind of gall and vinegar of exasperation and evil language against the Jews, and being himself already irreconcilably incensed and bent against them; partly through mischievous incendiaries and accusations, and chiefly because they only were cross to his deifying and impious Worship; he now determineth a course against them, which should strike at the very root, and bring them either to bend or break. He dispatcheth therefore a message to Petronius the Governor of Judea; that instead of the Altar of stone which the Jews had pulled down at Jamnia, he should without fail set up a Golden Coloss or an Image of the Emperor in the Temple at Jerusalem: and that this design might receive no hindrance by opposition, he charged that he should send for part of the Army from Euphrates that lay there for the guard of the East; that if the Jews would quietly receive the statue it was well, and if they would not, they must be forced to it, whether they would or no. What must the Jews do now at such a pinch? Nay, what must Petronius? If he disobey what he is commanded, he hazardeth his own ruin; if he perform it, he ruineth a whole Nation: The Jews will be ready to die before they will admit of such an Idol; and Petronius is not like to escape, if he bring them not to admit of it. In this strait between affection to himself, and to a whole people, he useth the best accommodation that the present necessity would afford: namely, not to decline the injunction for his own safety, but to delay it as much as may be for the safety of the Jews: that in the space while the image was leisurely making the one party might possibly be brought to comply, either the Emperor upon consideration to lay his resolution down, or the Jews upon persuasion to lay down their resoluteness. He appointeth the Image to be wrought at Zidon, whence on the one hand, less offense might accrue to the Jews, and on the other some satisfaction might come to the Emperor, he hearing by Passengers that the work was in hand, and they seeing the gentleness of Petronius that would not work it in their own Country.

Tydings of this lamentable and heavy design could not be long kept from the Jews, nor they upon the tidings long from Petronius. To him they come into Phenicia, men and women, young and old, of all sorts and conditions an innumerable multitude, with tears in their eyes, and bitter cries in their mouths, that either he would surcease the enterprise that was in hand, or take their lives before they saw the performance of such abomination. Petronius threatens, speaks fair, urgeth, persuadeth, but all to no purpose, they tendering their necks rather to the execution, than enduring to • ear of such violation of their Religion. In the end they obtain this favor of the gentle Governor, that he will not proceed in this impious work, till he or they, or both have sued to Caesar, by petition to surcease the design, and to remit of his resolution. And so return the Jews to their home and harvest, with some contentment in speeding so well at the present, and in some hope to speed better for the future. Josephus here telleth a story of a miraculous and sudden shower that fell as Petronius and the Jews were thus parleying together, whereas there had been no rain of a long time before, and no sign at all of any rain instantly before this fell: God (as he would have it) seconding this their request with this wonder, and using this argument for the moving of Petronius to back theirs.

§. 3. Petronius his Letter to the Emperor.

The gentle Governor failed not of his promise, nor of the trust the Jews had reposed in him, but though it may breed his own smart, he addresseth a message to the Emperor in their behalf, and useth the utmost of his persuasive skill and faculty in it. He layeth before him that the prosecution of his commanded and intended enterprise, would be the destruction of a whole Nation, the loss of a fair and goodly Tribute and Revenue, the impairing of the Roman strength and honor, the prejudice of his Majesty's journey into Alexandria, which he intended ere long to take: That they were already grown desperate, and began to neglect their harvest and occasions, whereby a certain famine would follow upon the Land, and a disadvantage to the Countries round about: with other Arguments of the same nature, sensible, strong, and persuasive, had not the Emperor been wedded to his own senseless will, and bewitched and led away with destructive counsel. Two caitives he had about him that continually suggested evil to him against the Jews, as if for either ear one, Helicon an Egyptian mentioned before, and Apelles an Ascalonite, such another as he. These were ever adding spurs to his malice against that Nation, which was in its full carreer already, and blowing those coals which it was impossible to quench. Wretched men that they were, that sought to rear their fortunes upon others ruins, and to cement estates with other men's blood. Such instruments it pleased God to use for the scourging of that ungracious and condemned Nation, and having done the work by them that he had appointed, he cast these rods into the fire, Apelles being tortured by Gaius, whom he had indoctrinated to cruelty, and Helicon slain by Claudius, the Emperor that succeeded in Gaius his room.

§. 4. Agrippa his mediation for the Jews.

King Agrippa the Jews old friend and Advocate is now at Rome, and ready in affection, as well as in place, upon these heavy tidings to intercede for his people, and to do them good, if it be possible for any good to be done. Josephus and Philo do again differ about the relation of this his undertaking of a meditation, as they do almost in everything that they relate jointly, in one circumstance or other. Josephus saith that Agrippa hearing of this misery of his people, invited Gaius to a most sumptuous and extraordinary banquet; using to his cost such a preparative to his fairer and better aggress and accoasting the Tyrant upon a matter of so great import: That Gaius at the banquet offered him a boon, whatsoever he should desire, expecting he would desire some great Revenue: but that Agrippa requested nothing but the liberty of his people in their Religion, and the removal of that fear that now lay upon them by the Image preparing. That Gaius, overcome by so honest and unexpected a petition condescended to his desire, and was well apaid and pacified, till Petronius his Letter came to him after this, and then was he all of a fury and ragedness again. But Philo thus, That the intelligence from Petronius was come to him before Agrippa began to mediate: That Agrippa coming as at other times to attend the Emperor, was so cast down and daunted at the terror of his looks, and thunder of his words against the Jews, that he fell down in a swoon, in which he lay till the next day. Then he addresseth a Letter to him in his people's behalf, so powerful and pithy, that Gaius betwixt anger and calmness, betwixt commending Agrippa, and being displeased with him, at the last granteth it to Agrippa as a special boon, that the dedication of his Image should not go forward: and to such a purpose he writeth to Petronius; but withal mingling mischief with this his mitigation, he giveth order that if any one would set up his Image, or dedicate his statue in any Town or City of Judea, (Jerusalem excepted) it should not be opposed, but the opposer should be suddenly and severely punished. A politick and a deadly plot to involve the Nation in an insurrection and rebellion: For the enemies of the Jews would be ready to be erecting such offenses; not so much for the honor of Caesar, as for spite of the Jews, and the Jews would be as ready to oppose them to the hazard of their lives, because they abhorred Idols for themselves, and not for the place; and the Tyrant would be as ready as either to take this opportunity of their insurrection, to entangle them in a destructive War. But the time of their final desolation was not yet come, and so it pleased God that none of their enemies were active at this time in this kind; nor when he set awork a Coloss to be made for him in Rome, intending from thence to convey it secretly into the Temple at Jerusalem, it took effect according to his impious design and desire, but came to nothing and the intention quashed, either by his death, which fell out the beginning of the next year, or by some other stop and hindrance.

§. 5. Flaccus Avilius in banishment and his end.

The last year we brought Flaccus to the Isle of Andros, and now let us land him there. When he came within ken of Land, he burst out into tears and lamentation, comparing that place in his pensive thoughts with Italy and Egypt, and his deplorable condition of life upon which he was now to enter, with the pomp and prosperity in which he had lived in those two places of his education and Authority. Being landed, his pensiveness increased the more, by how much he was now nearer to that misery which his thoughts presaged. His demeanor in this his banishment; if Philo have not set it forth with more Rhetoric than truth, was full of horror and amazedness: avoiding the society of men, running up and down the woods, tearing his hair, tormenting himself, and sometimes rising out of his sleep at midnight, and running abroad, and he would look up towards Heaven and cry out in a lamentable note. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . O King of God's and men, thou art not therefore careless of the Nation of the Jews.

Thus did he spin out a miserable life for certain months, till Caesar cut his woeful thread in two. For the Tyrant lying awake one night and could not sleep, among other thoughts that came into his mischievous mind, he considered how happily retired those men lived that were banished: they wanting nothing, and enjoying all things in enjoying themselves. The cruel caitif from these thoughts of their estate, began to envy it, and accounting their banishment rather a pleasure than a punishment, he gave charge the next morning that they should all be slain. Under this doom fell Flaccus, one of the first in the Tyrants thoughts, because one of the first in his displeasure. Executioners are sent for his dispatch, whose errand he knew as soon as he saw them, and from them he flies as soon as he knew them. But it is in vain to flee, and it is too late, for they and vengeance have soon over taken him, and with many wounds have put him to death.

§. 6. The Ambassadors of the Alexandrian Jews before the Emperor.

The miseries of the Alexandrian Jews could find no remedy, while the source from whence they flowed, was not stopped, but overflowed them continually. The wellhead of this their mischief was double: The spiteful counsel that was given the Emperor against them by others; and the endless rancor that he bare to them himself. To stop the current, and inundation of the calamity that overwhelmed them continually from these two puddle springs, they can find no better, or more feasable means and way than to send some men of their own Nation to Rome, to atone, intercede and mediate for them. We left them upon their journey the last year, three in number, as saith Josephus, but five, as Philo, who was one of them himself: and now let us trace them to Rome, and see how they speed.

The first sight of the Emperor was in Campus Martius, who saluted them friendly, and promised to give them hearing with a great deal of speed, and it was hoped by the most of them with a great deal of favor, but it proved far otherwise. For he shortly went out of the City down to Puteoli by the Sea, and they follow him thither. There they first hear the tidings of the state of Judea under Petronius, and of Caesar's Image that was preparing. From Puteoli they follow him to Rome again, and there being admitted to audience, he with a terrible and grinning countenance first asked them; What? Are you that people that of all others scorn my Deity, but had rather worship your nameless God? And then scornfully lifting his hands up to Heaven, he named the name Jehovah. At this all the company of the malignant party rejoiced, as accounting they had got the day. But when the Jews began to excuse and answer for themselves, he flung away, and frisked from room to room, they following him all this while: At last, after some chiding at somewhat that he disliked in the rooms, and appointing how he would have it mended; he asked them, How comes it to pass that you forbear to eat Swines flesh? Here the company laughed out again: and as the Jews began to answer, he angerly interposed thus, I would fain know what are those privileges of your City, tha • you challenge? When they began to speak, he frisked away into another room. Shortly he cometh to them again in a milder manner: And now, saith he, what say you? And when they began to lay open their matter to him, away flings he into another room again. At last, coming again more mildly still, These men seem to me, saith he, not so evil, as miserable, which cannot be persuaded that I am a god; And so he bad them to depart. And thus concluded this great scene of expectation, for ought that we can find further in Philo. But whether this was the very end of the matter, or it proceeded further, but that the relation of it is failing in Philo, is hard to decide. It seemeth by him that this was the end of their conference with the Tyrant, but it appeareth withal, that they presented him with some Palinodia, or recantation, which is perished and gone. Eusebius speaketh of five Books written by Philo, about the calamities of the Jews, and the madness of Gaius, whereof we have but two extant at this time, that against Flaccus, and that about the Embassy to Gaius, and the other three seem to be the Palinodia, or it to be some part of them.

§. 7. Apion.

Among the five, or three Ambassadors of a side, (as Josephus and Philo differ in their number) the most renowned in their contrary and differing kinds were Apion the Greek, and Philo the Jew; the others are wholly nameless, and their memory extinct, but these two have left a perpetuation of theirs behind them by their writings.

Apion was an Egyptian, born in the utmost borders thereof in a place called Oasis, but feigned himself for an Alexandrian. A man given to the Grecian studies of Philosophy, but with more vainglory than solidity. He not contented, to have been a personal accuser of the Jews to Gaius in that their Embassy, wrote also bitterly against them in his Egyptian History, to disgrace them to posterity. Of which Josephus that wrote two books in answer of him giveth this censure. That some things that he had written were like to what others had written before, other things very cold, some calumnious, and some very unlearned. And the end and death of this blackmouthed railer he describeth thus, To me it seemeth, that he was justly punished for his blasphemies, even against his own Country laws, for he was circumcised of necessity, having an ulcer about his privities, and being nothing helped by the cutting or circumcising, but putrifying with miserable pains, he died, Contr. Apion. lib. 2.

§. 8. Philo the Jew.

Philo was a Jew by Nation, and Alexandrian by birth: by line, of the kindred of the Priests; and by family, the brother of Alexander Alabarcha. His education was in learning, and that mixed, according to his original and residence, of the Jews and of the Greeks: his proof was according to his education, versed in the learning of both the Nations, and not inferior to the most learned in either: From this mixture of his knowledge, proceeded the quaintness of his style and writing; explaining Divinity by Philosophy, or rather forcing Philosopy out of Divinity, that he spoiled the one, and did not much mend the other. Hence his Allegories which did not only obscure the clear Text, but also much soil the Theology of succeeding times. His language is sweet, smooth, and easy, and Athens itself is not more elegant and Athenian. For attaining to the Greek in Alexandria, partly naturally, (that being a Grecian City) and partly by study, (as not native Grecians used to do) he by a mixture of these two together, came to the very Apex and perfection of the language, in copiousness of words, and in choice. His style is always fluent, and indeed often to superfluity, dilating his expressions sometimes so copious, that he is rather prodigal of words, than liberal, and showeth what he could say if the cause required, b • saying so much, when there is little or no cause at all. And to give him his character for this, in short, He is more a Philosopher than a Scripture man in heart, and more a Rhetorician than a Philosopher in tongue. His manner of writing is more ingenious than solid, and seemeth rather to draw the subject whereon he writeth whither his fancy pleaseth, than to follow it whither the nature and inclination of it doth incline. Hence his allegorizing of whatsoever cometh to his hand, and his peremptory confidence in whatsoever he doth allegorize, insomuch that sometimes he persuadeth himself that he speaketh mysteries, as pag 89. and sometimes he checketh the Scripture, if it speak not as he would have it▪ as pag. 100.

How too many of the Fathers in the Primitive Church followed him in this his vein, it is too well known, to the loss of too much time, both in their writing and in our reading. Whether it were because he was the first that wrote upon the Bible, or rather because he was the first that wrote in this strain, whose writings came unto their hands, that brought him into credit with Christian Writers, he was so far followed by too many, that while they would explain Scripture, they did but intricate it, and hazarded to lose the truth of the story, under the cloud of the Allegory. The Jews have a strain of writing upon the Scripture, that flieth in a higher region than the writings of Christians, as is apparent to him that shall read their Authors. Now Philo being a Jew, and naturally affecting like them to soar in a high place, and being by his education in the Grecian wisdom more Philosophical than the Jews usually were, and by inclination much affected with that learning, he soareth the Jewish pitch with his Grecian wings, and attaineth to a place in which none had flown in before (unless the Therapeutae, of whom hereafter) writing in a strain that none had used before, and which too many, or at least many too much used after; of his many strange and mysterious matters that he findeth out in his vein of allegorizing, let the Reader taste but some.

As see what he saith of the invisible Word of God, pag. 5. and pag. 24. & 169. & 152.

How he is a Pythagorean for numbers, pag. 8. and pag. 15, 16, 31. where he is even bewitched with the number Seven; and pag. 32, 33. as the Therapeutae were 695. from whom he seemeth to have sucked in his Divinity.

Pag. 9. He accounteth the Stars to presage future things; whom in pag. 12. he almost calleth intelligible Creatures, pag. 168. and immortal Spirits, pag. 222.

Pag. 12. He seemeth to think that God had some Coadjutors in man's Creation.

Pag. 15. God honored the seventh day, and called it holy; for it is festival not to one people or region only, but to all: which is worthy to be called the festivity of the people, and the nativity of the world.

Pag. 43. He distinguished betwixt Adam formed and made, earthly and heavenly.

Pag. 57. He teacheth strange Doctrine, which followeth more copiously, p. 61. about two natures created in man, good and bad.

Pag. 68. Observe his temperance when his list.

Pag. 86. He believeth that his soul had sometime her raptures, and taught him strange, profound, and unknown speculations, as there she doth concerning the Trinity, and in pag. 89. He thinketh he talketh mysteries.

Pag. 94. Faith the most acceptable Sacrifice; an unexpected confession from a Jew.

Pag. 100. He checketh Joseph the Patriarch for impropriety of speech, and he will teach him how to speak.

Pag. 102. Speaking of the death of Moses, he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. He is not gathered, or added, fainting or failing, as men had done before, for he admitted not either of addition or defection, but he is translated or passeth away by the Authority of that efficient word by which the universe was made.

Pag. 122. He is again very unmannerly and uncivil with Joseph, and so is he again in pag. 152. he had rather lose his friend than his jest, and censure so great a Patriarch than miss his Allegory.

That Aaron used imposition of hands upon Moses, pag. 126.

Pag. 127. That Abel slain yet liveth, as Heb. 11.

Pag. 152. God like a Shepherd and King governeth all things in the world by right and equity, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Setting over them his upright word, which is his first begotten Son, who taketh the care of this sacred herd, like the Deputy of some great King.

Pag. 161. He showeth his learning is the great Encyclica.

Pag. 168. He calleth Angels Genii and Heroes, according to the Greeks, and holdeth that they were created in the air, but in the superior part of it near the Sky, and fly up and down there, pag. 221, 222.

Pag. 170. His Allegories make him impious, and he counteth the story of Paradise to be but foolery, if it be taken literal.

Pag. 180. He talketh a Rabinical tale about the invention of Music.

He constantly followeth the LXX, as appeareth, pag. 160, 179, 218, 245, 255.

Pag. 190. He maketh God and his wisdom, as it were father and mother, of whom the world was generate, but not humano more.

Ibid. He readeth that place, Prov. 8. 22. The Lord created me the first of his works. For saith he, it was necessary that all things that came to generation, should be younger than the mother and nurse of all things.

Pag. 191. He is very uncivil with Jethro.

Pag. 205. He holdeth Lots wife to have been turned into a stone.

Pag. 206. He was in the Theater at a play.

Pag. 213. He holdeth Isaac weaned at seven years old. And mentioneth certain Dialogues made by himself, personating Isaac and Ishmael. He calleth cap. 32. of Deuteronomy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Canticum majus, according to the Rabbins phrase: so likewise pag. 179.

Pag. 214. Jacob praying for Joseph saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It is very questionable where this speech is to be found.

Pag. 223. The spirit of God is an immortal knowledge.

Pag. 232. He treateth de Printogenito, & secundogenito Dei: that is, of his Word and the World.

Pag. 234. He holdeth freewill, but it is in comparison of the actions of men with the effects of Plants and Bruits.

Pag. 241. He is fallen out with Joseph again.

Pag. 251. He telleth a fable, how all Birds and Beasts spake the same Language, and understood one another; but that their Tongue was confounded because they petitioned that they might never grow old, but renew their youth as the Serpent doth, who is the basest of them.

But this is more than enough for a taste: we shall conclude this Character with that Apophthegme that came from him when Gaius was in a rage against him and his fellow▪ Commissioners, How ought we to cheer up, saith he, though Gaius be angry at us in words, seeing in his deeds he even opposeth God? Josephus relateth it, Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 10.

§. 1. Gaius still foolish and cruel.

THIS year did Gaius make an expedition to the Ocean, as if he would have passed over into Britain: but the greatest exploit that he did was, that first he went a little upon the Sea, and then returning, he gave a signal to his Soldiers, that they should fall to battle, which was nothing else but that they should gather cockles and shells upon the shore, and so he returned with these goodly spoils, and brought them to Rome in a foolish triumph, as if he had conquered the Ocean: being come into the City he had like to have slain all the Senate, because they had not decreed divine honors and worship to him: But he became reconciled to them again upon this occasion: Protogenes his bloodhound (that used to carry his two Books, or Black-bills, the one whereof he called a Sword, and the other a Dagger; in which Books he enrolled whom he destined to death or punishment) he coming one day into the Court, and being saluted and fawned upon by all the Senate, was among them all saluted by Scribonius Proculus. Upon whom looking with a grim and displeased countenance, What, saith he, dost thou salute me, that hatest so deadly the Emperor my Master? Whereupon the rest of the Senators arose, came upon him and pulled him in pieces. With this piece of service so well suiting with the Tyrants humor, he was so well pleased, that he said they had now regained his favor again. Under his cruelty this year perished by name, Ptolemy the son of King Juba, because he was rich: Cassius Becillinus for no crime at all: and Capito his father, because he could not endure to look upon his sons death. Flattery delivered L. Vitellius our late Governor of Syria; and it was much to appease such a Lion, but that it was a flattery without parallel.

§. 2. Gaius profane.

The blasphemous Atheist continued still in his detestable Deity, being what God he would when he would, and changing his Godship with the change of his cloths: sometimes a male Deity, sometime a female, sometime a God of one fashion, sometime of another. Sometime he was Jupiter, sometime Juno, sometimes Mars, sometimes Venus, sometime Neptune, or Appollo, or Hercules, and sometimes Diana: and thus whilst he would be anything, he was nothing, and under the garb of so many gods he was indeed nothing but Devil: He built a Temple for himself in Rome, and made himself a room in the Capitol, that he might (as he said) converse with Jupiter. But it seems Jupiter and he fell out, for he removed his own mansion, and built himself a Temple in the Palace, because he thought that if Jupiter and he shared in the same Temple, Jupiter would have the upper hand, and the more repute.

Therefore that his own Deity might have room enough, he built this new Temple; and that he might be sure to get equal worship with Jupiter, he intended to set up the statue of Jupiter Olympius there, but pictured directly after his own Image; so that it must have been Jupiter's statue, but Gaius his picture; Jupiturs trunk, but Gaius his head and face; but this fine design came to nothing, and was clean spoiled, for the Ship that went for this statue was spoiled with lightning; and there was a great laughing always heard, whensoever any one went about to meddle with the picture, to forward the business; and truly it was as fit an Omen, as likely could have been invented for it. When this invention thus failed him, he found out a new trick, to get part of the Temple of Castor and Pollux for himself, and joined it to the Palace; and he so contrived the matter, that his entrance was just in the middle between those two gods: and therefore he called them his Porters, and himself he styled the Dialis: and his dear Caesonia, and his uncle Claudius, and divers of the richer sort he ordained to be his Priests, and got a good sum of money of everyone of them for their Office; nay he would be a Priest unto himself, and which best suited with him in such a function, he admitted his Horse to be fellow Priest with him; and because he would be a right Jupiter indeed, he would have his tricks to imitate thunder and lightning, and he would ever be defying Jupiter in Homers speech, Either take me away, or I will take thee. And thus was his Palace parted into a senseless contrariety, one part to be a Temple, and another part a common Stews; in one, Gaius to be adored as a god, in another, Gaius to play the Beast, deflowering Virgins, violating Boys, adulterating Matrons, exacting and extracting Money from all; and using to tumble himself in heaps of Money which he had so gotten.

§. 1. Gaius his death contrived.

THIS madness of Gaius could not last long, it was so mad and it was so violent, and he could not expect a dry and timely death himself, which had brought an untimely and bloody to so many hundreds. He began a Consulship this year with Cn. Sentius, but it was soon out of date, as he was himself, but he not so soon as the people desired, as he had deserved, and some had compassed, had their plot but taken effect. One or two conspiracies had been contrived against him before this, but had failed in the success, and he escaped to do more mischief still. But now a design is in undertaking, that will run the business to the full, and men are entered into the combination, that have mettle, and want not fortune. These were Cassius Chaereas and Cornelius Sabinus that contrived in chief, and they entertained many others into the conspiracy with them, as Callistus and Eparchus, Regulus and Minutianus. While the plot was in hatching, Gaius gave an extraordinary offense and disgust unto the people, which hastened and ripened it the more, upon his own head. There were solemn sports kept now in the City, at which time it was the custom that if the people asked a boon, the Emperor did freely grant it. Now therefore they begged that he would ease their taxes, and release somewhat of the grievous impositions under which they groaned. But he was so far from granting, that he caused many of the petitioners to be slain, hastening his own death by theirs, and condemning himself by their condemnation. For what now remains thought the conspirators, but a speedy course, when neither his own reason, nor their petitions, nor their Countries custom can any whit move him to goodness, nor divert him from his cruelties? Besides this general quarrel of their Country, some of them had their peculiar heart-burnings against him for particular abuse: As Minutianus for the death of his friend Lepidus and for fear of his own life: but Cassius Chereas for divers affronts and disgraces, which the Tyrant not only used but loved to put upon him above other men. He was Tribune of the Praetorian band, or as it were Captain of the guard, and a man as valiant, as that place required or any whatsoever. Yet was it the senseless and inconsiderate Tyrants delight and continual custom, to jeer him with the tau • ts of Cowardice or Eff • m • nacy. Whensoever he came to him to ask of him a word or ticket for the Watch, he would give him Venus or Priapus: when he offered him his hand to kiss, he would frame it into an obscene form, and so hold it to him: And that which might make him odious to others, he caused him to be the wracker and tormentor of delinquents, himself standing by, that he might use no mercy for fear; and yet when he had cruelly and miserably torn and rent the poor wretches, would the spiteful Prince speak pitifully to them, bemoan the extremity, condole their condition, and sometimes give them rewards, thus turning the detestation of all the cruelty upon the head of Chereas only: such things as these set the abused man all of a fire for revenge, that was hot enough already for the common cause, and he wanteth nothing to end his own disgrace and his Countries misery, but partners and opportunity. He therefore first assaieth Cle •••• the chief commander of the soldiery, and Papinius the chief Querry or Squire of the Emperors body, with feeling words and forcible arguments to draw them into the same design with himself of freeing the Common wealth from the common misery, and themselves from the common guilt that lay upon them, not only for not redressing, but also for promoting it. For Gaius, saith he, indeed commandeth such cruelties, but we are the men that execute them, he guilty in word only, but we in action. Whilst we obey his bloodiness we encourage it, and the weapons that our offices have put into our hands, for our Country, we use only against it: forwarding that cruelty which when it wanteth further objects will not stop to fall upon ourselves. Come let us at the last right our Country and our own consciences: and give an end to those butcheries which we promote by our obedience, and of which we are doubly guilty, because we execute them, and because we avenge them not. With these or such expressions as these, did Chereas easily bend these men to his opinion, who were in the same guilt, danger and misery with him: But Clemens, whether for cowardice or variableness of his disposition, fell suddenly off again, and persisted not either in resolution or in secrecy, but began to divulge the conspiracy all abroad: Now therefore was it time for Chereas to hasten his enterprize, or it would be too late: such undertakings as these will not brook long delays, especially when any one of the faction beginneth to run out, and leak. He therefore speedily addresseth himself to Sabinus, and to Minutianus, though a kinsman to Gaius, and prevaileth with them both, to be of the same mind and action with him: and all of them having men ready for this exploit do but wait for an opportunity to bring it to effect.

§. 2. The manner of his death.

Chereas afraid to lose any time, thought several times to have thrown the Tyrant headlong from an high place which he used to stand in in the Capitol, to throw and s • atter money to the people, but he was withheld partly by his own judgment, which doubted whether the fall would kill him or no, and partly by the advise of his friends, which persuaded him to hold till a solemn festival which was now coming on, in which they might have better access in a mixed crowd and multitude.

This time was come, and three days of the festival, and of the shows were past before opportunity would serve their turn: On the fourth and last of the solemnity which must be the day or none, and this was the ninth of the Calends of February or January the three and twenty, Chereas provideth his confederates for the expedition both for mettle and weapons. In the morning betime, people of all conditions flock to the place of the shows and solemnity to get them places, disposing of themselves where they could, so that men and women, bond and free, noble and base sat mixedly together, and happy was he that could get a place no matter where. At last comes Cain's, way forced for him through the crowd, all eyes upon him, but theirs especially that meant him mischief. His first beginning of that days solemnity was with sacrifice, with the blood whereof when the clothes of Asprenas a Senator were accidentally bedaubed, it afforded matter of laughter to the Emperor, but it proved a fatal omen to himself. After his sacrifice he took his place with the Nobles about him, and the plays began: one of them was a Mimick acting that part which Neoptolemus did at the slaughter of King Priamus: Another, of one or more actors that seemed to vomit blood, so that the stage was even bloody over; and his sports read his destiny, himself being presently to substantiate in his own person, what these did but personate and represent of others. Having sitten a spectator of these his own Omens till towards one a clock, and indifferent whether to go to dinner or no, his stomach being undisposed through his yesterdays gluttony; Asprenas a partner in the plot, sitting near him, persuaded him for his refreshment to go to the Bath, and so to Dinner, and then to the Plays and shows again. Gaius giving notice of his rising, the company bussles to make him room, the conspirators pretending officiousness, helped to keep off the crowd and people; when he was come from among the multitude, he took not the open and ordinary way to the Palace, but a back and by way toward the Bath: There was he met and accoasted by Chereas, who came to him as the custom was to demand the word: which when he gave him with his accustomed scorn, and disgracefulness, Chereas drew and flew upon him, with these words, Hoc age, and smote him sore into the collar bone: upon the wound Caesar neither cried out nor resisted, but sought to have slipped away. Then was he entertained by Sabinus with the like courtesy of a blow or stab, so that by this time the great Lion is gotten down, and then the rest of the confederacy fly all in upon him, everyone with his slash, that there he lieth mangled with few or no less than thirty wounds.

§. 3. The sequel.

A pleasant spectacle was this to the overpressed Common wealth, but there must be some more trouble before she can enjoy the pleasure. Such storms as these, though they come suddenly, and without expectation, yet are they not so suddenly, pasted and calmed again.

The German Soldiers were the first that had notice of the Princes death, and they are the only men that will avenge it: Men not only conditioned like himself, in barbarousness and headlong cruelty, but also in love with those conditions, because they found acceptance and reward with him. These men upon the report, rise up in revenge, and in searching for the murderers of Caesar, you must expect some innocence will be murdered. They first light upon Asprenas, a man that indeed had a finger in the business, but it is like it is more than they knew, yet howsoever he must pay for it because he cometh in their way, and so the shedding of his own blood answereth the Omen that he had but even now by the blood of the sacrifice. Next cometh Barbarus Norhanus to handling, because next to hand, and after him Anteius whose curiosity was his destiny, for coming to look upon the corps of the slain Tyrant, he was made a corps himself: When the rumor of what had passed came into the Theatre, it moved different passions according to their different affections. Some could not believe the news it was so good, others would not, because it was displeasing, hoping better, than that they had lost so great a patron of their unruliness and sporting. But when the Soldiers came in thither after the rumor, with the heads of Asprenas, Norbanus and Anteius in their hands, then imagine what case they were all in there, expecting to be all involved in the same fatal end, by the same fatal fury, though they were not of the same opinion and affection to the fact that had lately passed. But this fear and fury was with as much speed as wit, and indeed were both finely calmed and removed by one Aruntius; for coming in among them in a mourning weed, as if for Gaius, he plainly, and dolefully, and assuredly averred that he was dead. One would have thought that this should have increased the raging of the Soldiers far more than before, but it had the clean contrary effect, as his policy had wittily foreseen. For when they knew certainly that he was dead, of whom they expected a reward for this their outrage in his quarrel, and when they considered what the people might do now he was dead, who so hated him while he was alive, they sheathed their swords and their fury together, and withdrew themselves from the Theatre, and the people's fear from the people fairly and quietly both at once. By a carriage of as much valor as this was of ingenuity, did Valerius Asiatic • s calm the tumult of the people in the market place, for when there was no other language, but, who is it, and who is it that hath killed Caesar? he steppeth into some place above the people, and boldly cried I would it had been I, and with his boldness daunted the mutiny, and amazed their anger.

§. 4. Dissention about the Government.

The hearts of the people were pretty well settled about the death of the Prince, but their minds not so well about the manner of the future Government. The Senate being assembled in the Capitol were divided about this great matter, whether the Commonwealth should return to its old Democracy, or to its latter Monarchy again; some remembering the tyrannies used by the two latter Monarchs, abhorred the thought of that Government any longer: Others considering that it were better to be under one Tyrant, than under many, were as much against Democracy; and yet if they might have a Monarch, which they desired, they were yet to seek who should be he. Sentius the Consul was vehement for the former choice, and might have well been suspected for affecting some kind of Monarchy for the present himself, for he was chief Governor alone, but that his earnestness to reduce the state to its former rule stopped the mouth of any such prejudice. Thus rose the Court without any determination, and no less was the City divided in opinion. And indeed it was a very hard task that they had in hand, to resolve for futurity what might prove the best, being to take a gentle medium betwixt their too much liberty and too little.

§. 5. Claudius.

Whilst they were thus in doubt and agitation, and better able to resolve what they would not have, than what they would, fortune seemed to offer them an umpirage and determination, winding an acceptance of a Monarch into their hearts before they were aware. Claudius an uncle of the Tyrant that now lay dead, hearing the tumult and hubbub that the Palace was in, and how the matter went with Caligula, he crept into an obscure hole to hide himself, not much guilty indeed of any other cause of such fear, but only because he was so near allied to the man so hated and now slain. When lo Gratus a common Soldier searching about, whether for a prey or for a conspirator, spieth his feet lying out of his skulking hole, and draws him out to see who it was; here might a stander by have laughed to have seen the different passions of Claudius and the Soldier meet together in one like and uniform action. Claudius, ready to kneel to the Soldier to beg for his life, and the Soldier already kneeling to Claudius to reverence his person. For being drawn out and brought into the light, and his face known by him and who he was, he presently shows him all reverence and homage, and crieth out An Emperor, an Emperor; with this cry they bring him out to some more of their fellows, who getting him on their shoulders bring him into their Garrison, the people as he went pitying him, as going unto execution. There he lodged that night, and you may suppose that he slept but little, being so divided betwixt hope and fear. The Consul and Senate the next day hearing what was done, send to him advise him to submit to their Government, and not to disturb the State with a Monarchy again, which had been so burdensome and tedious to it so long: which if he should go about to do they would oppose him to their utmost strength, and doubted not the assistance of the God's in this their vindication of their liberty. Verrannius and Brachus, their two Legates upon this message, delivered their errand with as much moving Rhetoric and entreaty as they could invent, beseeching him with all the vehemency they could, not to distemper the Republic again by affecting and aspiring the Monarchy, which was now in a hopeful possibility of settling her tranquility and liberty to her own content. But the sight of the strength and forwardness of the Soldiers that were about him, made them to strain their Oratory one key higher than it may be they had either commission for at their coming forth, or any thanks for at their return. For they besought him that if he would needs have the Empire, that he would rather receive it from the hands of the Senate than of the Soldiers, and make an entry to his Government by consent and approval and not by violence.

Claudius, howsoever his mind stood, gave a gentle answer, either dissembling till he could be sure to have his own party good, or indeed rather forced upon this pursuit than propense, and though affecting the Majesty of the Empire, yet not patient of the trouble.

§. 6. Caesonia and her child slain.

There let us leave him to study, as far as his fear and the Soldiers tumult would suffer him, what to resolve upon as best to be done, or if he were resolved already, then how to do it: And let us a little step aside to the corps of Gaius, and there we shall see some partners with him in his death, which had better relation to it than Asprenas and the other that we saw slain before: Chereas not thinking it enough for the common safety, and the accomplishment of his design, that Gaius was dead alone, unless so much also of him were cut off with him, as was in Caesonia his wife and her and his little child, he sendeth one Lupus one of the tribunes upon this execution, that nothing might remain of Caligula, but his putrefied memory. Some were of opinion that Caesonia had been his persuasive and provocation to his mischiefs either by charms, or exhortations, or both; others thought, that she used her utmost endeavors to have reduced him to a better mind, but could not prevail: But were it the one or the other, were she good or bad, it is all one to Chereas, she was Gaius his wife, and so must needs die for the desert of her actions, if she were naught, and though she were otherwise, yet for the due of her relation. Lupus findeth her tumbling upon the ground with the corps, all besmeared with his blood and her own tears: She conceiving his errand by his very person, boldly invites him to accomplish what he came about, which he did accordingly, and withal slew the little child upon the heap: And so their lieth the greatest Prince and Princess under Heaven, a spectacle of misery and majesty tied up together, and to be lamented in regard of these two, howsoever but justly rewarded in regard of their deserts.

§. 7. Claudius made Emperor.

That rule and Monarchy that the Soldiers would have tumbled upon Claudius they cared not how, Agrippa the King of whom we had mention a good while ago folded it as it were upon him fairly and smoothly, that it both lay more easy for him himself, and less wrinkled and rugged to the eyes of others. For first coming privately to Claudius whilst he somewhat fluctuated in opinion, and was ready to have yielded to the Senates propositions, he settled him in a contrary resolution, persuading him by no means to forsake or relinquish that fair apprehension and seisure of the dominion that was offered him. Then cometh he as craftily into the Senate as if he had been a mere stranger to what was in hand, and there asketh how the matter went between them and Claudius; when they ingenuously laid all the business before him, and demanded his counsel and advise in those affairs: He subtle enough for his own ends, and neither regarding their liberty, nor Claudius his Monarchy so much in the matter as his own security in his Kingdom, maketh fair weather to them, and professeth with all solemnity to serve them in their designs to the utmost of his power. But when it came to the vote what must be done, and the resolution was that they must take up arms, and arm their servants, and compass that with the sword that they could not do with persuasions; then Agrippa thought it was time to work or never. He therefore puts them in mind of the strength of the Soldiers that had proclaimed Claudius, and of their forces but weak, few, and utterly unexpert: that to hazard a war was to hazard their State, and therefore he would advise them to tender to Claudius propositions of accommodation, and if they were so pleased, he himself would be the agent. It is agreed upon, and he sent upon this employment, which how he would perform it is easy to guess, by looking upon his own condition in which he now stood. For in the life of Gaius it was conceived that his evil counsel had very much forwarded the others cruelty and mischievousness, and therefore if the Senate be masters of their desires, he can little expect to be master anymore of his Kingdom, but if with all his officiousness and trotting up and down he can help Claudius to the Monarchy, he is sure he hath then holpen himself to the Royalty. It was therefore not an oversight in that grave and discreet great Council that they employed such a man as this in their occasions, who, a far dimmer eye of judgment than any of theirs would easily perceive, would be against them: but it was their discreet evasion with their honor, when finding themselves too weak to deal it out by force of Arms, they came to a noble reference, by the motion and meditation of so great a Prince.

When Agrippa cometh to Claudius he is now more urgent than before, that he stand to his challenge, because he had now groped the mind and strength of the Senate: and he prevaileth with him so far that the Soldiers go to the Senate house, and there demand a confirmation of their choice. It was now come to it in the Council, that they were resolved to choose one Monarch, for they saw the Soldiers would so have it, but now the question was who that must be; some were for one, some for another; but the conspirators against Gaius were against Claudius howsoever: This division had like to have caused another tumult, but the end of all was, that the power and fear of the Soldiers prevailed, and the Senate was glad to accept him for their Prince whom they durst not refuse.

§. 8. His demeanor at his beginning.

Agrippae had persuaded him to deal gently with the Senate, but he either persuaded not or prevailed not with him for the like towards the conspirators of his nephews death. Chereas and Sabinus the slayers of Gaius, and Lupus the Executioner of Caesonia and her child were not like the Senate, either persuaded by reasons, or affrighted by forces to accept of Claudius, or to owe him homage, but they boldly and resolutely gainsay his election even to the death. Claudius therefore causeth Chereas to be slain, and Lupus with him, which doom they underwent with different demeanors, Chereas stoutly, but Lupus weeping, Chereas at one blow, for he met death half the way, but Lupus at many, for he shrunk it all he could. But Sabinus, foolhardy as he was, when Claudius had granted him his pardon, and not only so but also restored him to his former honors, he disdaining to be singled from his fellow conspirators in their end anymore than in their design, fell upon his own sword and died. Such a beginning did the new made Emperor make into his Empire, mingling severity and clemency together in the censure of offenders of the same knot, that he might also mingle fear and love in the hearts of the people. This Claudius was the son of Drusus the son of Livia, a man dull and diseased even from his childhood, and for that brought up most in the converse with women or nurses: hence his effeminacy and luxuriousness at all times, and his readiness to be led away by the counsel of women at some. He was now about fifty years of age when he began to reign, at the very ripeness of all the discretion he had, but that it was often blasted with fearfulness, drunkenness and wicked counsel. When he was set quietly in the Throne, the first thing he did was to get the two days in which the agitation was about the change of the Government, quite out of memory, and for that end he made an Act of Oblivion of all things that had passed either in Words or Actions of all that time: yet had he not wrought his own security so far, but that he caused all that came near him to be searched for weapons, and while he sat at any meal, he had a strong guard about him. For the motion that had been so lately and so strongly carried for the abolition of Monarchy, and the other which proposed others thereto when Monarchy was agreed upon, and would have excluded him, had taken such an impression upon him, that he reputed no safety in his holding of the Royalty, but by that strong hand and power by which he had gotten it. Yet tried he fair and gentle dealing though he durst not trust it: Those from whom he had received any affront, in the days of Tiberius and Caligula (for sometimes in those days to abuse Claudius, was to curry favor) he freely pardoned if he found them guilty of no other crime, but if he did he paid them then for all together. The unjust fines of Gaius he remitted, his illegal decrees he revoked, his innocents imprisoned he released, and his causeless banished he called home.

The poisons which he had prepared for the Nobles, and a list of their names for whom they were prepared, being found in the Palace, though Gaius had pretended to have burnt them, he shown publicly to the Senate and then burnt them indeed. He forbad any one to adore him or to sacrifice to him, he restrained the great and loud acclamations that were used to be made to the Emperor, and carried himself with such sweetness and moderation, that happy had the Republic been in the continuance of the Monarchy, had he been so happy as to have continued in this his first demeanor. But his wicked Empress Messallina, and her wicked consorts first provoked him to mischief, and his too much delight in the bloody sports did by degrees habituate him unto cruelty. He had recalled Julia and Agrippina the two sisters of Gaius out of banishment, whither they had been sent by their own Brother after he had deflowered them, and he restored them to their Estates and Revenues again. But Messallina stomacking that Julia did her not honor and homage enough, and envying her beauty, and being jealous of her privacy with Claudius, she caused her to be banished again, and in a short time she compassed her death.

These were but ominous beginnings, when Caesar's love to his own niece was cause enough to work her ruin, but was not strong enough to stand between her and the fury of his own wife: And it did but fatally presage what mischief her wretched counsels would work the cowardice and indiscretion of her husband to, when their first effect was upon one so near allied: Nor did cruelty and bloodiness enter thus only in at his ears, by the suggestion of his cursed wife, but the like it did also at his eyes, by his frequent and delightsome beholding of the bloody sports: that growing by degrees to be his delight to act, which had grown by degrees also to be his delight to see. Sometimes beasts with beasts, as twelve Camels and Horses at one time, and 300 Bears, and 300 African wild beasts at the same: sometimes beasts with men, and sometimes men with men, and at all times hideous bloodshed, that he that can look upon such barbarousness and slaughter with content, it may be suspected that he in time will grow to act the like with the same delight.

§. 1. The name of Christian.

THE Jews and Gentiles being now since the calling of