History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600
X. November 26. a general congregation gave order to discuss the Mass, and the communication of the cup, as if nothing had been spoken thereof: nevertheless in the ensuing Session nothing was spoken of that matter. At Christmes the pope hearing that the Orators of the Duke of Witteberg and of Strawsburg were suiting at Trent for a Safe-conduct, and the Emperor was soliciting the Council for the same; created 14. Cardinals, under pretence of enemity of the French King, and so he might counterpoise the French Cardinals, who were many; but truly it was to strengthen his own party in the Synod, as he wrote unto the Legate: he sent thanks unto the Nuntij for their former fidelity, and promises if they shall continue: for he feared, they would take it ill, that they had not also received red hats. Much ado was at Trent for purchasing the Safe-conduct: but the Pope wrote unto the Presidents, to entertain the Protestants with all possible courtesy, knowing that it is necessary at sometimes to suffer indignity, and patience brings honor in the end; They should abstain from all public colloquy in matters of Religion either by writ or mouth; that they should endeavor to gain some Protestant Doctors, and spare no cost. But the Pope being peremptory, whatsoever might happen, not to yield; and hearing that the Emperor had promised unto the Protestants, that he will endeavor to attemper the papal autho • ity, and that he sought to advance his own honor by debasing Papacy; Upon those motives the Pope inclineth unto the French King, and hearkened unto Car. Tournon dealing for a Treaty with him; and he considered, that if that Treaty shall hold, the dissolution of the Synod may follow without any show of his desire. In the mean while the Session was held January. 2 • . An. 1552: but the decrees were deferred until the next Session March 6. and they determined to treat of Marriage, and prosecute the reformation, and publish the definitions of both Sessions together. Concerning matrimony, 34. articles were propounded in a congregation, and after sundry debatings, 6 canons were framed. Wherefore the protestant Orators complained: but the papalins would proceed the faster; Until the Emperor gave command unto his followers that they proceed not, but rather protest against the Papalins, if persuasions cannot prevail. When those things were known at Trent, in a general congregation it was resolved to surcease from all Synodal act, during the pleasure of the Synod. This was displeasing unto the Pope, and he wrote unto the Presidents, to suspend the Synod as few days as they could, and for reputation of the Council, they should resume their Actions without all other respect. At this time the Elector Bishop left Trent, fearing what was like to befall: so did the Orator of Ma • rice Duke of Saxony. But four Divines of Witteberg, and two of Strawsburgh came to Trent: they would not address themselves unto the Legat (as others had done before) lest it were called an acknowledging of the Pop's Presidency: but they went unto the Emperors Ambassador, and craved to begin the Conference. He persuades the Divines to yield in some niceties. Nevertheless nothing could be done; the Legate opposing always, either concerning the manner of the Treaty, or the matter at which to begin, ot pretending his own infirmity of body; and at last he was so passionate, that many thought, he was not right in his wits, and departed (as also the Protestants) pretending difficulty of abiding because of new wars in Germany. Then the Nuntij fearing to be left alone, sent to Rome, for information in those straits. After advice from Court, a Session was held Aprile 28, and the Synod was suspended for two years. The Spainish Prelates being 12. in number, protested against this decree: but the Pope had now accorded with France, and therefore he made no account of the Imperialists.
XI. The suspension for two years continued ten, because the motives were changed. The Pope was out of all hope to regain Germany. And Ce • ar was so earnest before for the Synod, because he intended to erect a fifth Monarchy, and by means of Religion to immortalize his fame: for he thought to subdue all Germany by treaties or Arms, and then to make a new purchase of Italy; and perhaps of France. But when he • awe God's hand for the Protestants, and a division of his own family, he laid aside all thought of the Council, and the Romans cared as little for it. But after the death of Pope Marcel An. 1555. it was one of the Capitulations in the Conclave, that the future Pope should by advice of the college call a Synod within two years, to finish the begun Reformation, to determine the other controversies of Religion, and to endeavor the acceptation of the Tridentin Canons in Germany. But when this was motioned unto Pope Paul IIII. he said with much indignation, I have no need of a Synod; I am above all. Cardinal Bellai replied, A Council is necessary, not to addauthority unto the Pope, but to find means of procuring an uniformity in all places. He answered, If it were necessary, it must be held at Rome, and nowhere else: I never consented to hold a Synod at Trent, because it is among the Lutherans: and a Synod should consist of Bishops only, and no others should be admitted, no not for advice, unless Turks also be admitted: it is a foolish thing, to send unto the mountains 60 of the least able Bishops, and 40 of the most insufficient Divines (as hath been done twice) and to believe that the world can be regulated by such, better then by the Vicar of Christ and the college of Cardinals, who are the pillares of Christendom, and by the counsel of Prelars and Divines, who are more in number at Rome then can be brought to Trent. Nevertheless An. 1557. when he heard, that the King of France had made Acts in Parliament concerning Religion, he would have called a Synod: but he was so perplexed with difficulties in Rome, that he could not. After his death the same Capitulation was renewed in the Conclave An. 1559, to restore a Synod upon account of the necessity in France and Belgio, and the open defection of Germany and England. So Pius 4. began to advise privately with his trustiest friends, whether a Synod were expedient for the Apostolical See? if not, whether it be safer to deny it absolutely, or to make show of readiness, and to hinder it by impediments? Or if it be expedient, whether he shall wait, until he be entreated, or call it as by his own motion? It was resolved, Because he cannot eschew it, he should prevent the petions of others, and so he might have the fairer occasion to cover his own purpose in crossing the designs of others. So far he goeth, and no more: he shows unto the Cardinals and All Ambassadors, that he is desirous of a Synod, and he willeth them to advise what things have need to be reformed, and of the place and time, and of other preparations: but he intended it not, until the Parliament of France had decreed to hold a National Synod. Then the Pope was advised by the Cardinals, that it is safer to hasten the General then to permit a National Synod. But then comes into consideration, Where it must be, seeing a Synod is much after the mind of him who is strongest in the place. Bolonia was named, but Trent was judged fittest. Both the Emperor, and Francis King of France except against the place; and they craved also that the former canons be reexamined; and moreover the Emperor demanded other things to be granted, to wit, the communion of the cup, the marriage of the clergy, &c. The Pope answered, he was content where it may be, if the Italians shall have free access and recess: he will sooner quite his life, then grant the second; and the third cannot be granted but in the Council. In his heart he was glad of those difficulties, except that the affairs of France require hast : for he had hope of France, but despared of the others. The mean while was the Counsel at Fountainbleaw, [as is above Pag. 154. When the Pope understood of the discourses there, he resolves to call a general Council: but then he questioneth, Whether it shall be termed a new Council, or a resumption of the former? The Emperor and Frances will have it called a new one, because the Protestants will not accept that which hath condemned them. The Pope and Philip King of Spain will not have the canons to be called into question, that have been decided. The Cardinals propound a middle course, to term it neither a new one, nor a resumption; and November 24. it was decreed in consistory to call it, Indictio Concily Tridentini, and to begin at Easter next. But the words of the Bull gave sati • faction to no party. The Pope said, None should except against the word Continuare in the Bull, because it hindereth not to examine former decrees. And he sent his Breves to all the Princes of Germany assembled then in the Diet at Neumburgh, with this inscription, Unto his beloved son, the Duke, or Count &c. None of those Princes would open any of them, but sent them back unto the Legat's lodging. On the last day of their assembly this answer was given unto the Legates; The most honorable Electors, Princes, Ambassadorsand Counselors of the most sacred Empire of Rome, acknowledge, that the Church hath need of Reformation : and for this cause many godly, learned and wise men of all ages and conditions have for a long time wished that the Church may be in a better estate; and have prayed that the pure doctrine of the Gospel might be restored, and impious errors be put away: of which matter the Bishops of Rome should have a special care, because of a long time they have assumed the title, Pastor of the Church: but experience shows, that they have more care in establishing their tyranny, and introducing errors, then of seeking the glory of God: this is so notoriously manifest, that the Pop's dearest friends cannot but confess it, if there be any shame in them. Also they said, They marveled, what moved the Pope, and what hope hath he, in calling them to his Synod, seeing he cannot be ignorant, that they do not acknowledge his jurisdiction; neither is it needful to show, that (according to their mind) he hath no power by law of God or man to call a Synod; and the rather that he is the author of the dissensions in the Church, and most tyrannously warreth against the Truth; We acknowledge no other jurisdiction, but of the most renowned the Emperor Ferdinand; As for them who are Legates, they would honor them as Noble men, and would have showed them more honor, if they had not come in name of the Pope. Thus the Legates with their Interpreter Gaspar Schoneich a Noble Silesian went to Lubek and sent to Frederik King of Denmark, craving access to show him their commission. He returned answer, that neither his father nor himself had any meddling with the Popes, nor now will he accept any mandats from him. The Pope sent also Jerome Martineng unto Elisabeth Queen of England: when she understood of it, she sent into Flanders, and discharged him. All these Commissions were especially, that those Princes would send unto the Synod: but experience had taught them, that no good did accompany Papal Synods. In his Breve unto the King of France he demanded also his consent unto a league, which the Pope intended, but never was publicly propounded in Trent, to wit, for taking Arms against the Turk and all heretics : meaning, the Protestants.
XI. At Easter the Pope sent unto Trent two Legates Hercules Gonzaga Car. of Mantua and Frier Jerulam Car. Seripando: they arrived on the third day of the feast of the resurrection, and found none but nine Bishops before them. Wherefore the Pope dispatches moe Italians; and they all thought their journey vain, because the Emperor had not as yet sent his Commissions. When those were brought, the Pope sent three Legates more, Stanislaus Osius Car. of Varnia, Louis Simoneta a Canonist who had passed thorough all the Offices of the Court, and Mark de Altemps his sistersson. The first was sent in July An. 1561. and Simoneta was commanded in September to go quickly, and at his first arriving, to cause say the Mass of the holy Ghost for opening the Synod, and delay no time with suspensions nor translations as they had done before, but to bring it to an end quickly, because they had not need to spend many months, seeing the weightiest points were already defined, and others were disputed and set in order, that little was remaining, but the publication. Simoneta arrived at Trent December 6: besides the Cardinals were present 92 Bishops in all, and before him was a Letter from Rome, directing him, to wait another Commission to open the Synod, because the Emperors Ambassadors were not come. The Pope is informed, that the Spanish Bishops, and more eagerly those of France aimed to retrench the Papal authority. Then he sent De Altempts in the end of December with commission to open the Synod January 15. without any delay. On that day a Congregation sat: after arguing on both sides, whether it should be called a new Synod, or continuation of the former, a decree was framed, The Council beginneth to be celebrated in January, all suspensions being removed. It was also decreed, that no Sermon should be delivered, before it be censured by Egidius Foscarar Bishop of Modena as Master of the holy palace of Rome; and that none should propound any purpose, except the Legates. These last words were added under pretext of keeping order, and they carried them so artificially, that few espied the craft, and only four did oppose, Peter Guerrero Archb. of Granata, Francis Bionco Bishop Orensis, Andrew de la questa Bishop of Leon, and Antonio Collermero Bishop of Almeria. Those decrees were read, and the next Session appointed to February 26. In the congregation January 27. the Legates propound three things, 1. to examine the books written since the heresies began, and the censures of the Romanists against them; to the end, the Synod may make a decree concerning them both. 2. All having interest in them should be cited, lest they say, that they are condemned, before they be heard. 3. A Safe-conduct should be granted unto all them that are fallen into heresy, with a liberal promise of singular clemency, if they will repent and acknowledge the authority of the Catholik Church. Af • er reasoning to and fro in sundry congregations, concerning the books, it seemed sufficient for t • e present to depute some few for reading the Index of Paul 4, and to let them that are interested, understand by some little part of the decree, that they shall be heard, if they come; and to envite all men unto the Synod: But they would not grant a Safe-conduct (lest it were prejudicial to the Inquisi • ions, sei • g every man might say, I am a Protestant, and upon my journey) but referred it unto more consideration. February 13. the Emperors Ambassadors went to the Legates; and petitioned five things▪ 1 that the word Continuare should not be used, because it makes the Protestant refuse the Synod. 2. The Session might be adjournied, or matters of less importance be handled. 3 That the Confessionists be not exasperated in the b • g • nning, by condemning their books. 4. That an ample Safe-conduct b • granted unto the Protestants. 5. Whatsoever was handled in the congreg • ti • ns should be conceiled. The Legates answer February 17, Seeing it is necessary to give satisfaction unto all (as they may) as they will not name the word Continuation, so it is necessary to abstain from the contrary, lest they provoke the Spaniards; they promise to spend the ensuing Session on light matters, and to give a large time for others; they will not condemn the Confession of Ausburgh; they will speak of the Index in the end of the Synod; a Safe-conduct cannot be penned before this Session, but in the decree they will add a clause granting power unto the Congregation to give a Safe-conduct. The Pope was offended, that they had granted so much: nevertheless they proceed (but slowly) because it was so determined in the congregation. In the Session February 26. a decree was read according to these premisses, and the next Session was appointed to May 14.
XII. March 2. information came from Rome unto the Legates, that hereti • ks should not be envited unto repentance with promise of pardon, because when it was done by Paul and Julius, no good came of it: heretics in a place of liberty will not accept it; and who are under fear of Inquisition, will accept it feinedly, to secure them of what hath past, and intend to do worse more warily; The Pope is content to give a Safe-conduct unto all who are not under Inquisition, but so that this exception be not expressed, because the like in the pardon of Julius passed with small rep • tation, as if the Pope had not power over the Inquisition, as over others: b • t he referred the manner of expressing it, unto the Synod; The manner of the Safe-conducts should be like to that of the year 1552; He ordereth that the Deputies shall not touch the Index, until occasion be offered to make a public decree without opposition by any Prince. March. 3. the congregations began to be held, and the Legates propound things according to their commission: as they saw amongst the variety of opinions any man inclining unto the Pop's mind (and some Italians were informed how to speak) the Legates took the opportunity, and bring that to a decree, never mentioning any direction from Rome. March 11. they propo • nded 12 articles to be studied and disputed, concerning the residence of Bishops and Curates, concerning ordination unto titles, receiving of money or gift for ordination either by Ordinaries or their servants and Notaries in way of gratitude; concerning prices of writing, distribution of the revenues of Canons, prebends, commenda's, distinction of parishes, plurality of Benefices, &c. The same Letters were brought unto the Council, and unto the Pope from the Emperor, willling that the Council might surcease, because the German Protestants were treating of a league, and levying soldiers. Nevertheless after Aprile 7. they treared of these articles. They all spake partialy, regarding their own interest, and not the public good▪ some pretending to speak according to conscience, did press residence, but intending to empair the grandeur of the Roman Court, and to advance their liberties or jurisdictions; and others eying their own preferment in the Court. So they could agree in little or nothing. The Lega • s gave account of these things by Post. Then the Spaniards complained, that they saw a beginning of intolerable grievance, seeing every particular was not only sent unto, but consulted and decreed at Rome; The Synod had been dissolved twice without fruit, yea with scandal: for nothing was resolved by the Synod, but all at Rome, so that a Blasphemous proverb is generally talked, The Synod of Trent is ruled by the Holy Ghost sent thither from time to time in a clok-bag from Rome. All hope of good by a Synod is extinguished, if it be subservient only unto the interest of that Court, and move or stand at their pleasure. Wherefore the Lega • s were necessitated to let them speak of residence; but they would not permit any conclusion. The Pope and his Court knew not what to do : for they knew certainly, that the V • tramontanes envied the prosperity of Italy and of the Apostolical See; and seeing they are so tenacious of directions from their Princes, he will have recourse unto heaven: he hath a million of gold, and knows whence to have another, to employ in this cause. Also the Court was sensible, that these novelties of the Prelates aimed to make many Popes, or none at all, and to stop the gain of the Chancery: they complain, that the Legates suffered such things to be propounded, and they advise the Pope to send other Legates, in whom he may confide more, and who should do as other Prelates that stick fast unto the commissions from their Princes, and the Amhassadors by missives and persuasives compel the Prelates to follow the dictates of their Masters. About May 9. plausible missives were directed unto Trent; and the Pope dealt with the Orators (lying at Rome) of Venice and Florence, that their Masters would command that the Prelates of their Jurisdiction should not countenance the discourses against the Apostolical See, nor be so eager in the point of residence. He sent moe Court-bishops, to augment his number at Trent, and loaded them with money and promises, because moe French Bishops were expected, and he feared those. And to the effect, the King of France be not his opposite, he resolved to give him 10000 crouns, and to lend him as many, upon assurance that he will undertake wars for Religion, and with this money hire Swisers and Germans under the conduct of an Apostolical Legat and colors of the Church; and upon condition, that no Hugonote shall be pardoned without Apostolical consent, and such shall be imprisoned whom the Pope will name, namely, the Chancelor, the Bishop of Valentia, &c. And that in the Synod nothing shall be treated against the Apostolical authority. But the opposition waxed still, and May 14 the Session sat, and a decree was read, that the promulgation of the decrees is adjournied unto Juny 14. Then the Fathers at Trent receive Letters from Rome, everyone from his patron-Cardinal, full of expostulations, and exhortations; and they return their complaints mutually. So complaints are multiplied. The Pope was full of wrath against the Cardinal of Mantua, that when the Spaniard pressed, that the Synod should be termed a Continuation, he had let that occasion slipp, seeing this would have caused the Emperor and Germans to forsake the Synod, and so it might have been dissolved. On the other side the Prelates, especially of Spain did complain, that nothing was propounded but what pleased the Legates, and these do nothing but as they are commanded from Rome: when anything is propounded, though 70 Bishops agree, yet no conclusion follows; There be above 40 stipendiaries of the Pope, some receiving 30 Crouns a month, and some, 60; and others are terrified by Letters of Courtiers; The Court of Rome not enduring reformation, hold it lawful to calumniate, reprove and condemn what is intended for the service of God; Seeing so necessary Reformation in lighter things is so taken, what commotion may be expected, when they shall touch to the quick? The contention waxed yet hotter, when the French Ambassadors arriving, did demand a declaration that the Council is a new one, and the Spaniards fell a fresh upon the point of residence, The Session was held Juny 4. with one decree, that the next Session should be July 10. Reserving power unto a general congregation, to prolong or abbreviat the time.
XIII. After this, the French Ambassadors according to their instructions did present 20 articles unto the Legates, 1. that the Pope would be content to make just Reformation of himself and Court of Rome. 2. the number of Cardinals should be reduced to the number of 12, or not exceed 26. 3. no scandalous dispensation should be granted. The others were concerning plurality of Benefices; residence of Prelates, yearly Synods; excommunication should not be used but for mortal sin; against simony; for Divin Service in the vulgar language; the correcting of Breviaries and Missals by taking away what is not warranted by Scripture, &c. The Legates answer, Those things cannot be propounded in a Session; and they advertise the Pope by Post. Then the Pope was In a fury: but returning to himself, he began to consider the present difficulties of all the Popish Princes; and to the end, he might engage them all, he resolves to propound a League defensive of all the Catholics against the plots of Protestants in every place; and he judgeth it easy, to make them to condescend, if for no other cause, yet to free themselves of suspicion. He thought the Duke of Florence is wholly his own; the Duke of Savoy is in danger, and hath received subsidy from him; the Venetians were desirous to hold the Ultramontanes out of Italy; Spain had need of him for defending Milan and Naples; France had present necessity, and the Emperor had more them his hands full in Germany. But his hope failed him: for the Emperor would in no way condescend to anything, that might give suspicion unto the Protestants. The French Counsel was so far from hindering the Protestants to make incursion into Italy, that they wished the kingdom rid of them all. Spain was more afraid of an union of the Italiaus, then of any harm the Protestants could do unto him. Venice and Florence thought that such an union might disturb their present peace in Italy. And they all did allege one common reason, that this league would hinder the progress of the Synod. The pope being so far disappointed bended all his wits to shift the final concluding of anything in the Council, as he brought it to pass until February 27. in the year 1563. Then the Car. of Mantua wrote a Letter (for secrecy with his own hand) that he had not a face to appear anymore in a congregation, nor can he give them words as he had done those two years: all the Ministers of Princes say, Howbeit his Holines promiseth reformation, yet because they see no action, they cannot think, that he hath any inclination thereunto; and if he had performed his promises, the Legates could not be so deficient to satisfy the instant petitions of so many princes. And within five days this Cardinal died. Then Seripando sent speedily unto the Pope; and with the common Letter he wrote a privy one, that he would be glad, if his Holiness would send another supreme Legate, or remove him: but if would have him to be prime Legat, he told him, be will proceed as God shall inspire him. The Bishop of Varnia craved license to go home, for his Church had need of his presence. The third Legate was more ambitious, and wrote, that there is no need of mo Legates, and promised a good issue with satisfactiō. The Pope after privy consultation with his dearest friends, thought it necessary to send moe Cardinals, who being engaged with gifts and promises, would follow his instructions close. So in a consistory (not being intimated, as he was wont, but) when the Card. were assembled on a Sunday in a chamber, where they put on their Robes before their going to chapel, consulteth them not (lest he were solicited with more requests) but abruptly he createth Legates the Card. John Moron and Bernard Navagger. At that time he received Letters from the Emperor, showing that now having dispatched his weighty affairs with the Electors and States of Germany, nothing was so dear unto him the Aduocat of the Church, then to promote the affairs of the Synod; he hath come to Isprue within thee days journey to Trent for that end; he had heard with much grief, that the affairs proceed not there as he had expected, and as the public tranquility requires, and that there is a fame, his holiness intendeth to suspend or dissolve the Synod; which if it be done, will be scandalous to the whole world, and laughter unto them who have forsaken obedience unto the Roman See, and will hold their opinions with more obstinacy; it will redound to the contempt of his Holiness, and of the Clergy, and of all Councils hereafter; He objecteth also; that the Synod is not free, because everything is first consulted at Rome, and nothing can be propounded, but as it pleaseth the Legates; and the Prelates who have interest in that Court, cannot be impeded from their practices; he craves that the demands that were exhibited by his Ambassador and other Princes, concerning the Reformation, especially of the Roman Court, may have place of hearing; lastly he profereth to assist the Council personaly, and entreates his Holiness, to do the like. It seemed unto the Pope, that the Emperor had gone beyond his sphere; and it was offensive, that he had sent copies of this Letter unto Trent and other Princes: the Pope thought, this could be done for no other end, but to justify himself, and provoke them against Rome. For this cause the Pope sent about also to justify himself: and he wrote unto the Emperor, that he had called the Synod with his advice and of other Princes, not that the Apostolical See had need of any authority from them, seeing he hath fullness of power from Christ; All ancient Councils were called by the Bishop of Rome, and the Princes were executers of his will; he had alwise intended a complete end of the Synod for the service of God; The consulting at Rome is not prejudicial unto the liberty of the Synod, because none was ever celebrated in absence of the Pope, but have ever received instructions from Rome, and followed them, as he alleged some instances : And when the Pope was present, he only did propound the particulars, yea he only did conclude, and the Synod did only approve, &c. Finally he was desirous to assist the Synod for rectifying the dis-orders thereof, but in respect of his old age and weighty affairs it is impossible, that he can go unto Trent. Likewise the Pope considered that the Emperor and King of France did not mind the Synod, but upon account of their several interests and the satisfaction of their subjects; and thought that those could not unite; but Spain were all catholiks: wherefore he resolves to deal with that King by promises. Mean while Seripando dieth March 17, and the two Legates were sent away with a common Letter of fair words unto the Synod, and a commission to bring nothing unto a conclusion: And Moron had his instructions apart.
XIV. In all those six or seven months the difficulties at Trent were seven principally; 1. that decree of propounding matters by the Legates only. 2. whether the residence of Prelates be de jure Divino? 3. whether Bishops were instituted by Christ? 4. concerning the authority of the Pope. 5. to augment the number of the Synod's Secretaries, and keeping an exact account of the suffrages. 6. concerning the general Reformation. 7. and the communion of both kinds. When the Pope and Princes saw, that they could not compass their particular designs by this Council, each one began to search other means. And first the Pope sent Cardinal Moron unto Ispruc with propositions, that the Emperor would not go unto Trent, and consent to transfer the Synod unto Bolonia, &c. And he promised concurrence in effectuating his designs. But Ferdinand trusting to obtain his desites in the Council in respect of his vicinity, and partly hoping to prevail with other Princes, would not consent, and yet refused not absolutely. Charles King of France sent one Ambassador to Spain, another to Trent, a third to Germany, and fourth unto the Pope, to make proposition of removing the Council unto Constance, or Worms; or some other place of Germany, because respect must be had unto the Germans, England, Scotland and a part of France, and other Nations, who will never accept that of Trent. The Legates permitted many Prelates to depart, especially them who were for residence, and all the Frenches went away, excep one or two Benedictines, who lived (for the time) in the Monastry of Trent. Charles Cardinal of Lorraine show unto Ferdinand and his Son King of the Romans, that seeing the Princes and Prelates had different designs, it is impossible, the Synod can satisfy all their desires; in matters of the Chalice, use of the vulgare language, marriage of priests and such propounded by his Majesty and the French King, the King of Spain nor the Princes of Italy will never consent; in the Reformation, every one would reform others, and himself be untouched; and each would have the glory of Reformation, and continue in the abuses, laying the blame upon the Pope alone: Therefore seeing the Synod can do no good, it is necessary to dissolve it the best way they can. Thus the Princes laid aside all hope, and they resolve, not to oppose the dissolution, yet so that they will not make a sudden retrait. The Cardinal of Lorraine was the chief Actor in all that follows. The Pope hearing how so many Princes and Bishops hearkened unto his words, envited him to come unto Rome, and made liberal promises unto him. After the 19 day of May all doctrines were slipped-over lightly with little or no resistance, except that the Venetians strove for, and obtained a correction of a decree, that was framed against the lawfulness of marriage after divorce, because their Republic hath the Isles of Cyprus, Candy, Corfu, Zante and Cephalonia, where the inhabitants are Greeks, and from all antiquity have put away their wifes for fornication, and taken another wife, neither were ever condemned for this cause by any Synod. Some difficulty was for reformation : for the Ambassadors urge the Reformation of the clergy, because their corruptions had been the fountain of all the heresies. The Vltramontans imputed all the corruptions unto the Roman Court. The Courtiers willing to satisfy the Pope, and do no prejudice to themselves, did consult how to divert that purpose: and to this end they propound the Reformation of Princes. The Orators give notice of this unto the Princes; and in the Synod they say; The Fathers were assembled at first for extirpation of heresies, and Reformation of the clergy, and not for any Secular cause. The Legates reply, The Reformation of the Church in all her members, appertains unto the Synod: And they advertise the Pope. Then the Pope hastened to finish more then ever before; and of this he wrote unto his Nu • tij in Germany, Spain and France; and spake of it unto the Ambassadors lying at Rome. With the Orators of the Italians he used this conceit: he said, he would think him more obliged unto them in this particular, then if they had aided him with Arms in a great necessity. Then he instructeth the Legates, that they should aim at the finishing of the Synod, and grant whatsoever is necessary thereunto, yet admitting so few things prejudicial, as is possible: all which he refers unto their prudence. They did so; gaining prelates by private colloquies; satisfying Orators with promises according to their several interests, and making show to please all parties by plausible and ambiguous canons. These were amassed privately, and (the prelates being preoccupied) were propounded publicly for consent only. But the most prudent did sufficiently understand, that there was no purpose to remove nor moderate the former abuses: some small errors of the remote Churches were noted only, so that it was verified, They strain out gnats, and remove not beams. Some shows were made of reforming some greater abuses, but with reservation of the Pop's interest. Before the Cardinal of Lorraine returned from Rome, De Ferriers the French Ambassador (according to his instructions) protested against their proceeding in Reformation of Princes: and so did the Spaniard. But Ferdinand was fully persuaded by his Son to give way of finishing the Synod, because there is no hope of any quietness unto Germany by it, and it hindereth other courses, that may be had at home. The Pope was glad of his consent, but those protestations vexed him, until the Car. of Lorraine said, De Ferriers had done so, not by new instruction from the King Charles, but an older from the King of Navar; and he undertook to procure the Kings consent. Then the Pope sent this Cardinal with order to finish, albeit with distaste of the Spaniard: for he knew how to appease him. As for Reformation of princes in patronages, presentations, power over the clergy and subjects....They should not descend to any particular, but renew the ancient canons without anathematism; If any difficulty shall arise in other particulars, reserve that unto him, and he will provide • ufficiently. When he was gone, the pope sent a form of finishing the Council; to wit, All things that were defined under Paul and Julius should be confirmed, and it should be declared that all those were done in this one Council; and in all thing the authority of the Apostolical See should be preserved; confirmation of the decrees should be demanded of the pope; All the Fathers should subscribe, and after them the Ambassadors; and leaving in the power of the Legates and the Car. of Lorraine, to ad, diminish or change according to opportunity. All those were done so: but this information was kept secret, until the Council was dismissed.
XV. In Session 24. November 11. the decrees were read, of marriage, and of Reformation. Because some opposition was made, some canons of marriage were omitted, and some of Reformation, as if these had been precipited: it was appointed to correct them in the congregation; and the next Session was appointed to December 9. with power of anticipation. November 14. Lorraine in a private conference with the Legates; and some Bishop of every Nation, propounded the ending of the Council: they all (excep the Spaniards) upon the above-named motives do consent. Then the matter of indulgences, purgatory, images, and Reformation of Monasteries was quickly dispatched, without debating or dispute, but only by suffrages. The Index, the Missal, Ritual, Breviary and Agends were reserved unto the Pope; and the Session by anticipation was held December 3. and 4. When the decrees from the beginning until this time were read, a Secretary going in the midst, asked, Whether the Fathers were pleased to make an end of the Synod? and, Whether the Presidents in name of the Council should crave confirmation of the decrees from the Pope? They answered not one by one, but all together, placet. Then the prime Legate gave unto everyone there present, and who had • assisted in the Council, a plenary indulgence : then blessing the Council, he dismissed the Fathers. Car. Lorraine (as if he had been a deacon) roaring, and the Fathers answering, wished eternal felicity unto the PP. Paul and Julius, all happiness unto Pius 4; eternal memory unto Charles 5. Emperor, and long life unto Ferdinand and all Princes and protectors of the Council: then they gave thanks unto the Legates and Cardinals; they wished long life and safe return unto the Bishops; they commended the faith of this Synod as the faith of Saint Peter; they denounced anathema against all heretics, without particular mention of any; and they commanded the Fathers to subscribe the decrees.
XVI. The Legates return to Rome before Christmes. There was a dispute about the confirmation of the decrees. The Pope would have subscribed simply : but some Courtiers said, It hath been decreed against plurality of Benefices, and against No-residence of prelates; and if they shall henceforth practice contrarily, the people, who are not capable of expressed exceptions and reservations, will be ready to calumniat. For this reason some who had bought their places, and feared the loss of them, demanded restitution. Some advised to confirm the decrees of faith presently, and to proceed in maturity with the others; for some of them deserve consideration in respect of their confusion, and the impossibility of some that have need of dispensation; It is better to moderate them in time, then first to strengthen them by confirmation, and afterwards to moderate them. Car. Amulius said, Those forty years by past the world was crying for a general Council, as the only and sovereign remedy of the present maladies of Christendom; but if so soon as it is ended, question be made of moderating, correcting or leaving it in suspense without confirmation, it will be a manifestation, that necessary provision hath not been found at Trent; and then other means will be sought by National Synods or other ways: but if the decrees be approved as a perfect Reformation, and giving as far execution as is possible, many will believe that nothing is wanting; and nothing is more necessary, then to spread a fame of the Council, that it hath prescribed a perfect Reformation; not suffering it to be known, that any Cardinal doubteth, but that it hath performed all, for which it was called; By so doing, the humors of men will be quieted by degrees, and his Holiness may provide for his Ministers by dispensations: for his Apostolical authority is reserved in the decrees; and in time things will insensibly (the world not observing it) return to their own posture: yea, and if this course be not taken, the world (which always makes the worst interpretation) will nullify all the decrees, if there be any alteration, or the confirmation be delayd; yea, they will say, The Legates approve this oration: but it was opposed by all the Offices of Court almost, representing their own losses, and that it will turn to the diminution of his Holiness revenues. Hugo Boncompagne Bishop of Vesta (afterwards a Cardinal) said, He could not but marvel at their vain fears, seeing greater authority cannot be given unto these decrees, then unto former Councils and Decretals, and nevertheless the Pope may dispence with them: and a law consists not in words, but in the sense, neither in that which the vulgares and Grammarians give unto it, but which custom and authority do confirm; Laws have not power but what is given them by him who governeth and hath the charge to execute them : he may give them a more ample or stricter sense, yea and contrary unto that which they do import; and to withstand the temerity of Doctors, who, the more ignorant they are of government, presume the more to interpret laws, whereby authority is confounded; therefore all men should be forbidden to write upon the decrees; And if his Holiness would ordain, that Judges in all their doubts should resort unto the Apostolical See, • one shall be able to make use of the Council in prejudice of the Court, And as there is a Congregation, that with good fruit is set over the Inquisition, so his Holiness may appoint another for expounding the decrees of this Council, unto whom all doubts may be referred from all parts of the world; This being done, (said he) he foresaw, that by the decrees of the Council, the authority of the Apostolical See, the prerogatives and liberties of the Roman Church, will not only not be diminished, but enlarged, if they know how to make use of those means. All were persuaded with those reasons, and this Overture was followed. January 26. An. 1564. a decree was enacted, conform to this oration in all points, to wit, confirmation, monition, inhibition and reservation: and the Acts of the Council were published with a Bull containg this decree.
XVII. Behold now, how those decrees were accepted by others. It was said everywhere, One party had taken notice of the cause, and another had pronounced the Sentence, seeing the decrees had not authority from the Synod, but from the confirmation of the Pope, who in his decree saith, that he had seen the decree of craving his confirmation, and speaks not of his seeing any other decree; but it is more reasonable, that the decrees should have their authority from such who had examined and voiced unto them, then from him, who had not seen them. Unto this it was replied, It was not necessary, the Pope should read them, seeing nothing was concluded at Trent, but what he had defined before. More particularly; the King of Spain dissembled not, that the Council did not please him; and he called the Bishops and clergy together, to consider what was to be done with the decrees: and at command of the King and his Counsel, Synods were that year, and Presidents were sent to everyone of them, and these did propound what decrees seemed good unto the King. This was offensive unto the Pope, but he dissembled for a time. In France many particulares were objected by the Parliament against the Car. of Lorraine as permitting them to pass in prejudice of that kingdom; namely, those words, The Pope hath the care of the whole Church, by which he had forsaken a main Fort, for which both the King and the French Bishops had foughten a long time, The Council's authority is above the Pope; and he might have helped it easily, if he had used the phrase of the Apostle, The care of all the Churches, 2 in prejudice of the Councils authority he had permitted in all the decrees a reservation of the authority of the Apostolical See, and the craving of confirmation of the decrees; And sundry other particulares; As also the Centumviral Court of Paris objected other particulares; but all concerning those which were called The articles of Reformation. His defense was, What could he and six Prelates do against 200. and there was a special Act, that nothing was done in prejudice of the liberties of France. Vidus Faber replied, that he and his Colleague had diligently sought that Act, but could not find it; and in human affairs not to appear is not to be. But all those objections were nothing to what the Bishops and Divines and their servants told scurrilously, of the contentions and factions of the Fathers, and their particular designs; and generally, This Council was of more authority then the Council of the Apostles, seeing these defined nothing but what seemed good unto the Holy Ghost; and this Synod laid the foundation of their decrees, visum est nobis. In Germany both Papists and Protestants objected more against the canons of doctrine; as, they command the Bishop to teach wholesome doctrine of purgatory; without any declaration what that doctrine is; The Council was assembled especially for the grievances against indulgences, and they had defined nothing, but wish moderation according to the ancient and approved custom of the Church; albeit in the Eastern Churches was never use of those indulgences, nor in the Western before Urban 2. or the year 1095. so far as any man can find; and after that until the year 1300. was little use of them, or but for freedom of the Confessar's injunctions. Likewise the Emperor and the Duke of Bavier sent Letters severally unto Rome, craving liberty of the cup, and of marriage unto the Priests. And the clergy of Germany sent third remonstrance, showing a necessity of granting liberty of marriage, by authority of the old and New Testament, and the practice of the primitive Church, and of the Eastern Church unto this day; as it was never more necessary then at this time, when amongst fifty priests one scarcely can be found, who is not a notorious whoor-monger; and it is absurd to permit whoorish priests, and exclude the married; and to exclude them both were as if you would have none. The Pope referred these Letters unto the consideration of the Cardinals: and they would not • eeld. March 12. the Pope promoted 19 Cardinals in reward of their service in the Council unto the Apostolical See; and he would not promote any who had spoken for residence of Bishops, or that their institution is De Jure Divino. So far. Pe. Soave in Hist. Conti. Trident. Likewise Ge. Abbot writing against Hill. in Reas. 9. shows out of Declarat. du Roy de Navarre. that Charles IX. sent his Ambassadors and Bishops unto Trent with large instructions for reformation of the clergy; but when nothing could be obtained, he caused his Ambassadors protest against the Council, and return home. So they did, and those Bishops came also away; and nevertheless amongst the subscribers is mention of 26 French Prelates, as if they had subscribed: There it is also, that after the Massacre in the year 1572. some thinking that to be an opportunity of seeking confirmation of the Synod, did propound it: but it was refused in all the Chambers. The like motion was made An. 1585. and with the same happ. The Reformed wrote against the decrees, namely, Calvin wrote his Antidotum against the Acts under Pope Paul; and Chemnitz wrote against them all, and calleth them a horrible chaos of monstrous errors. Here by anticipation it may be added, that the Jesuits were employd [as stout champions] at Rhems, Douay and Lovan, to maintain the decrees; who carried themselves so happily, that for defense of these errors they vented many others, that were scarcely heard before: lastly Card. Bellarmine as the chief champion, and others of that college at Rome were commanded by Pope Gregory XIII. to bring all the controversies into one body or system. That work brought forth (by the providence of God) a threefold benefit unto posterity; 1. A more perfect body of Popish errors then ever was published before. 2. A manifest proof of the jarrings and divisions of the Doctors in the Roman Church: for albeit they glory of Unity among themselves, yet in every controversy (almost, yea very few excepted) the contrary judgment of their Doctors is brought expressly. 3. Albeit all the errors of Trent are maintained there exprofesso; and many errors are falsely imputed unto Luther, Calvin and others, yet there the reformed Church is fairly cleared from many errors, which other Papists impute falsely unto us: and more over sometimes in sifting and stating a question, he maintains what we hold and refutes another, and maintains what he denied in the proper place, and by those two means he gives testimony unto the truth in all the chief controversies, as Jo. Ernest Gerhard hath collected in his Book Bellarminus ORTHODOXIAS testis And about that time came forth another edition of the Decrees at Trent with references upon the margin of each canon unto other books of the Schoolmen, where to find those points handled: and those references being published by authority of the Court, might serve for a commentary, without any change of the decrees; if it should be challenged, even though the reference be contrary to the decree.
PART IIJ.
CHAP. J. Of POPES.
J. PIVS 5. Was not inferior unto any Pope in dissembling, in some outward things he made a show of godliness. When he was crouned, he said unto the Cardd. that they should ask nothing from him, that were contrary to equity, or to the Council of Trent. He brought some of the Court, namely, the Penitentiaries and procurators of the Chancelery (but not the Cardd.) into some moderation: he most severly discharged all selling of Benefices: he restrained the wickedness of priests some what: he would have all the Jews dwell at Rome or Ancona: he would have expelled all the professed whores out of Rome, but when the Romans show him, what a part of his revenues he would want, he suffered them in a corner by themselves, and appointed unto them their own preachers, and thereafter some bordellers were married. But in the articles of Religion and idolatrous worship, he made no Reformation. He gave license unto Charles an archduke of Austria to mary his sisters-daughter : and when Joachim-Frederik son of the Electour of Brandeburg married the daughter of his uncle, the Pope rageth, partly because he was (in the Popes judgment) an heretic, and partly because he was chosen Primate of Germany and administrator of the episcopal College of Magdeburg, without license of the Pope and then had married his own cousine without dispensation: therefore he consulted, how to dethrone him: but the puissance of his father and father in law seemed to with stand all the power, that the Pope could make against him. Osian. cent. 16. Lib. 3. c. 62. 66. 67. ex Beuth. & Nigrin. In his Bull against Queen Elisabet he saith, Christ hath made the Pope the only Prince over all Nations and kingdoms, and applieth unto himself properly, what was said figuratively to the prophet, Jere. 1. I have set the over nations, &c. In his bull before the Breviary he complains of the multitude of Missales and Breviaries used in his time, and he commandeth that one for all, excep those that had been in use above 200 years. So that as yet there is not an uniformity among them, as some would make the simple folk believe. He did confirm all the liberties that were granted by any of his predecessors unto all and every sort of begging friers, and did discharge all Bishops from restraining them in any way. Before his time were some footsteps of ancient truth to be seen in the Canon-law; but this Pope commanded Thomas Manrig. Master of the Apostolical palace, to review both the decrees and the decretales, and blot out of them what was offensive (as they spoke) and so in the year 1572. the Canon-law came forth with many defects, as I did touch before, when I spoke of Gratian: here I add one or two exemples. Dist. 1. C. 1. the gloss saith, Apocrypha, that is, without a certain author, as, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit and the book of Maccabees: these are called apocryphi, and yet are read, but perhaps not generally. De poenit. dist. in princi. utrum, the gloss saith, Sines are forgiven neither by contrition of the heart, nor by confession of the mouth, but only by the grace of God. Ibid dist. 3. c. 25. the gloss saith, in baptism original sin is washed away, that it shall not hurt, but not, that it is not : He did the like with many others Writers, namely, with the work of Cardinal Cajetan, as appears by comparing the lately printed Commentary on Tho. Aquin. with the edition at Venice An. 1523. This Impius was a most cruel enemy of them, who would not embrace the Canons at Trent: and therefore he caused burn many at Rome, as Julius Zoanetus, Pet. Carnesius, Bart. Bartoccius, Aonius Palearius, &c. He attempted many things against Elisabeth Queen of England (whom he did excommunicate) and against the Neither-Lands: he stirred up the civil wars of France, and was the prime plotter of the massacre An. 1572, but saw it not, for he died in May preceeding. In the election of the Pope it was then an appointment of the College, that none should be chosen without consent of the two parts: the King of Spain knowing this appointment, hath by pensions and preferments assured a third part of them, to be at his devotion in the election: and so he hath exclusive power, that without him a Pope cannot be chosen. He proceeds also by his Oratout, to propound and name four or five, of whom if they choose one, he is satisfied. The college distastes this course : but there is no remedy: therefore next discretion is to choose one whom they do judge least able or willing to follow him. At that time they were mightily enflammed, and banded themselves against him: nevertheless in end the public necessity and their own particulares made them yield unto one of his nomination. But because the means of attaining and maintaining the Papal crown are clean contrary (in the one fashioning themselves unto all men's humors, and in the other, looking that all men should accommodate themselves unto the Papal honor) the King is often disappointed of his aim. Sande's Relation.
II. GREGORY XIII. did use many means to restore Popery, and to confirm the power of the Pope everywhere: for this cause he erected two colleges of Jesuits or Seminaries at Rome in favors of Germane▪ and Englishes, and gave unto them large revenues, but such as had before appertained unto other Societies, as the English Jesuits in their apology ch. 2. sect. 6. (which was answered by Tho. Bilson) say, that the foundation of their college was instituted long before to an hospital of their Nation. The Popes aim was, that so many Germans and Englishes being Jesuited there, might be employed to bring back Germany and England under the yoke of Rome: and the Jesuits did vant, that this Pope had gifted them with large revenues. He also did • oment the wars in France and Low- Countries; and he pressed the Emperor to expel all Protestants out of his own inheritance, if not out of the Empire. By his Bull An. 1572. he did annul all power given by other▪ Popes concerning the Index expurgatorius and forbidden books, as not being done sufficiently, and gave another order with command to be only acknowledged. Whereas Pope Pius V. had ordained many passages to be blotted out of the Canon-law, Gregory caused restore some of these passages, but added another gloss contrary unto the text. He keeped the Jubilee An▪ 1575, and on March 31. he caused publish his Bull, excommunicating all Hussites, Wick • levests, Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, Huguenots, Anabaptists, Trinitarianes, and all others dissenting from the Church of Rome, and all their abettors, and all that have or print or sell any of their books....and ordaining that this Bull shall be published by all Patriarchs & Ordinaries in every place, at least once every year in all Churches, After that year he sent Indulgences unto the Bishops of Germany without money, but only for saying so many Paternosters, and so many Ave Maryas and for so many alms. In the year 1577. he confirmed the Fratermity of the Virgin Mary, and by Bull he gave Indulgences for a year unto all who would say a Rosen crown unto the Virgin, that is, if they would say five Paternosters, and fifty Ave Maryas. Under pretence of planting Christian Religion, he planted the Jesuits in Poland, Transsylvania, Livonia, East and West Indies, &c. Whence it is, that the Jesuits do write so much of their miracles in remote Countries, and that they have baptized so many thousands, which were paganes: but they may the more boldly say so, because few in Europe can control them in the particulares. He made his base son Charles boncompagno Marques of Vineola, and then Duke of Sora; and he was so liberal of Peters revenues unto his friends, that Papirius Masson the writer of his life is fain to apologize him for it. He published a Bull dated Tusculi An. 1581. 6. cal. Mart. wherein he writs thus; Seeing the Fathers of the Council at Trent were interrupted by time, that they could not finish the Breviary as they intended, and they had by decree referred all that matter unto the judgment and authority of the Roman Pope; and in the Breviary are two things principally, to wit, one contains prayers & hymns, that should be said on holy and unholy days; and the other belongeth unto the yearly recourses of Easter and other movable feasts; and Pope Pius had perfected and published the former; and the other had been oft attempted by Pope Pius but could not be effectuat, until Anton. Lilius a Doctor of Medecin brought now unto the Pope a book written by his brother Aloisius, wherein is a new Calendary, which the Pope had caused to examine, and found it to be perfect; Therefore the Pope by his authority dischargeth all men from using the old calendare anymore, Under pain of God's indignation, and of bl. Peter and Paul, &c. This Bull is prefixed unto that Calendare. Hence began the difference of Stylo vetere & novo or Gregoriano, which do differ in this age in ten days; for example, the elleventh day of January in stylo novo, is the first day in the old style; and so forth of all other days; and there is more uncertain difference in the movable feasts. Hence many contentions arose, and different opinions: for some find faults in both: Some said, The Pope had no warrant from God, to charge men to forsake the old, and accept the new, Under pain of God's wrath: some said, the change would make many confusions in civil contracts and negotiatiōs. Especially when the Emperor Rodulph at command of the Pope did commend this calendare unto the Princes and Estates of the Empire, they of the Reformed Church refused it, not that they would disobey Caesar, but because of the Popes Bull, which they would not acknowledge. He died Anno 1585.
III. SIXTUS V, as if he had a purpose to reform the Roman Church, enjoins residence to Bishops, and he ordains that adulterers shall be beheaded, and gave hope in other particulares, to reduce the Church into ancient purity. But he had been General of the Franciscans, and Head of the Inquisition in Spain: and in the year 1587. he caused renew the Ligasancta or ungodly and bloody league, wherein he and his confoederates did engage themselves to destroy all Protestants. Whereupon the King of Spain by aid of the Pope made that attempt aga • nst England & Scotland in the year 1588. The Pope did bless that Navy, and God did curse it. The Council of Trent had declared the old Translation of the Bible to be only authentical; and albeit there were many different editions of it, yet it was not declared what edition they did approve. Before the Council many had published the old Latin with several alterations : after the Council the University of Lovan corrected it, by adding many words on the margin, whereof some are noted by W. Whitaker, de Scriptura, controver, 1. qu. 2. c. 10, and he calleth that the latest edition of the Bible. Then Pope Sixtus taking into consideration, that there were abroad above 60 sundry editiones of it, each differing from other, therefore by advice of his College he causeth compare several copies, and out of them publisheth one, which he straitly commandeth to be received as the only true Vulgare Translation, and by his bull abolishes all others, that did not exactly agree with that Edition ad literam, Under pain of his curse. He died An. 1590. August 26.
IV. URBAN VII. was elected September. 15, and died on • he 27 day of the same month.
V. GREGORIE XIV. was crowned Decemb. 5, and died October 15 in the year 1591.
VI. INNOCENTIUS IX. Sate two months, and died Decemb. 29. These were so soon taken away not without suspicion of poison: for many were ambitious of the triple mitre.
VIII. CLEMENS VIII. Observes many defects and faults in the Edition of the Bible, that was authorized by Sixtus V: therefore he publisheth another edition with a new declaration, whereby he authorizeth his own edition. So that now all Papists lie under the curse of the one Pope or the other, and are involued into a pitiful necessity, either to use no Bible, or then to lie under one Popes curse. I have seen an edition at Antwerp whereunto is added a catalogue of the differences betwixt these editions of the two Popes to the number of some hundreds: the author professes to have collected them for the use of Printers; and to discern what books shall afterward be corrupt: but he clearly demonstrats the opposition of the two Popes, and how they both condemned the canon of Trent in establishing the edition that was then in use. In clemens time Alfonso Count d'Este died without Children, and left the Duchy of Ferraria unto his brothers bastard son Caesar a Cardinal: but clemens (as supreme Lord of the fue) would not consent: wherefore these two took arms An. 1598: but the Cardinal was fain to yield and a peace was concluded, that the Pope shall have Ferraria, and give the other the lands of Mutina, Regium Lepidi, &c. With the tittle Duke of Mutina. About Marsiles great whales troubled the sailers, that they durst not go to the sea: the Canons of that City sent unto Clemens, and craved, that all the whailes may be excommunicated. The Pope grants the petition, and sendeth unto the Bishop of Marsiles a power to excommunicate the whales: but whither the fishes understood of this overture, it is not great matter: yet they were seen no more. In the beginning of the year 1660. Tibris did overflow, and did much harm unto the City: wherefore the Pope sent Monsorius a priest, to say some prayers, and cast a hostie into the river; but the inundation was not so obedient. He keeped the Jubilee the same year, and received into the hospital of Rome 1400. men and women coming to buy indulgences: some Cardinals and others of good quality, and noble matrones served the strangers: but they excommunicate all which will not worship the Beast. Among others Pet. Mendoza Master of Malta come to kiss the Popes foot. When the year was ended, the Pope commanded to shut the golden porte, where he had given the Indulgences: he said the last Mass of that year, and laid the first stone at the shutting of the porte; and die Concordiae he gave his blessing unto all who sought the grace of the Jubilee: many came from that place creeping on their knees. He sat 13 years.
CHAP. IJ. Of EMPEROVRS.
• . MAXIMILIAN II. before his election was thought to be alienated from the See of Rome: therefore Cardinal Marcus altemps Pope Paul's nephew was directed to persuade him unto obedience with tender of honor, especially of the Empire after his father, which else he could not attain. He answered, His souls savety was dearer unto him than all the world. This was called a Lutheran answer. Pe Soav • in hist. Conc. Tride. Lib. 5. Again when he was crowned King of the Romans An. 1563, the Pope demanded, that he should swear obedience, as other Emperors had done before. He answered, other Emperors had their own difficulties, for which they did swear what the Popes did require; but he would consent to nothing in prejudice of his successors, and to swear obedience were to confess himself a vassal. This treaty continued a year, and in end it was concluded, that the Pope shall confirm the election, without saying, that obedience was demanded or not demanded, promised or not promised. Ibid. He lamented, when he considered the renting of the Church with so many different opinions: nevertheless he maintained peace, and no way hindered the gospel, and he maintained a Protestant Minister Phauserus in his Court for a space : he was oft at Mass, nor did abrogate papistry. He said once to William Bishop Olovincensis, There is no greater sin, than to domineer over men's consciences. At another time he said, Who take on them to command men's consciences, they climb into the castle of heaven. In the beginning of his reign he refused to pay unto Suleiman the acknowledgement which his father had covenanted to pay for the peaceable possession of his part of Hungary: and in the year 1566. he had his first Diet at Ausburgh, where he sought subsidy against the Turk. The Protestants sought a confirmation of the peace in the cause of Religion, and then it was established not only by universal consent, but confirmed also by oath, that the Catholics should not trouble the Protestants in the exercise of their Religion, nor in the possession of their goods moveable nor vnmoveable; and that the Protestants should permit the like liberty unto the Papists within their dominions; Under pain of Outlawry to the transgressors, on both sides; As also it should be free unto any person to turn from the one Religion unto the other, if they do hold their lands of the Emperor immediately, but if any Archb. or other Prelat will embrace the Reformed Religion, he should renounce his Benefice with all its revenues to be conferred on a Papist; excepting those goods or Monasteries, which belonged not unto them that are immediately subject unto the Emperor, and have been possessed by the Reformed since the year 1552, so that no plea of law should have any power against them, &c. This agreement is word for word in Geo. Schonbor. Politic. Lib. 4. c. 6. After this Diet Maximilian invaded Transsylvania, and took Wesperin and Dodis. Wherefore Suleiman came with a huge army to aid John Vaivoda Prince of Transsylvania, and took some towns from the Emperor. In the mean time Suleiman dieth: but his Captain Muhammad a Bassa conceiled his death, until Selim was created successor unto his father: then they took mo towns, that Maximilian sought peace, and obtained it upon harder conditions than before. The same year 1567. William à Grumbach a Noble man, but a vassal of the Bishop of Wirtzburg took arms with the aid of the Marques of Brandeburg, against his superior: wherefore the Bishop outlawed him, and brought him to poverty: yet he found favor with John-Frederik Duke of Saxony and some others : he with some horsemen inuades Writzburg, and supriseth it: ere the Bishop raised an army, the surprisers were gone hither and thither. They began another plot: the Emperor sent Augustus Elector of Saxony against them: he prevailed: John-Frederik was sent prisoner into lower Austria: Grumbach and his Chancelorr Duke Bruck were quartered: Baron Baumgartner and some others were beheaded, and the castle of Grimmenstain was made level with the ground. Such was the end of proud rebels. Maximilian lived the rest of his days in peace. An. 1470. the Turks wan Nicosia a chief town of Cyprus, and Famaugusta or Salamys, after a years seege, and contrary to the conditions of rendering, Bragadin Governor of the town was excoriat quick, at command of the Bassa, Mustapha; and others were most cruelly murdered. So all Cyprus was taken from Crhistians. Then the Venetians (who had possessed it 200 years) made a league with the Pope and King of Spain; John Duke of Austria a sone of Charles V. was General of the Navy: the battle was fought in the firth of Corinth, aliàs, Golfo de Lepanto: 25000. Turks were slain, 4000. captive, and almost all their Navy with rich spoil came into the hands of Christians: 14000. captive Christians were delivered. An. 1575. Maximilian sought by many means to have been chosen King of Poland, and when Steven Prince of Transsylvania was preferred, he was never seen to be jovaill again. He caused his son Rodulph be chosen King of the Romans in a Diet at Ratisbon, and died in time of the Diet in Octob. 1576. Pet. Mexia.
II RODULPH II. immediately after his coronation sent to Rome, and sought not only confirmation, but to be declared the eldest son of the Church. He held his first Diet at Ausburg, An 1582; where was no talk of Religion, but only he urged the Gregorian Calendare, and sought aid against the Turks. He took arms against Gebhard Bishop of Colein, because he forsook the Pope as follows. An. 1584. Rodolph and Amurath III. Emperor of Turks made truce for 93 years: but the same year in October 10000 Turks invade the lands of Carniola : they burnt and wasted sundry towns and villages, and carried away Christians of both sexes in eaptivity: within two days a company of Christians meet them in Croatia: they deliver the Christians, and routed the Turks. Osiander. In the year 1592. Amurath thought to have made conquest of all Hungary, and entered into Croatia: then followed continual wars until the year 1606, victory inclining now to the one hand▪ and then to the other. Rodulph had a league with the Duke of Muscove, and received supplied both of men and money against Amurath. Rodulph reigned 36. years.
CHAP. IIJ. Of Diverse COVNTRIES.
J. BY the preambulatory pieces before Ge. Cassanders consultation, it is clear, 1. from the testimony of Ja. Thuan, that the Emperor Ferdi • and was not satisfied with the Council of Trent, and though too late, he perceived, that he was deceived by Cardinal Moron: wherefore he took another course, to compose the controversies in Religion: when he could not find remedy abroad, he would do his best at home. So with the advice of his son Maximilian, he sent for George Cassander (living then in Duisburg) to show some way of conciliating the controversies of the Augustan Confession. His Letters were dated May 22. 1564. 2. The Emperors purpose, was that if by the advice of prudent men he could effectuat no more, yet he might have a settled form of Religion in Hungary, Bohem and his other hereditary Dominions. Cassander was not able to make travel, because he was goutish. But after another Letter from the Emperor, and from King Ferdinand, he wrote his Consultation for that effect: before he sent it, Ferdinand was gone, and it was delivered unto Maximilian. None hath written against the Consultatio: it seems, Papists would not write against it, because he holdeth that the Roman Church is a true Church, albeit corrupt, and it is a schism to depart from it. The Reformed writ not against it, because he maintains the most and main articles of their doctrine. The book is scarce to be had but in a big volume with other his works: I therefore subjoin a taste of it : and because some poison is in it, I add a little antidot, which may be useful unto some. In his preface unto the Emperor he shows his Rule of judging; the evangelical and Apostolical Scripture, which being Divine and a most sure rule, the ancients had used in judging of controversies after the departure of the Apostles: and because in such contentions ariseth controversy about the interpretation and sense of some passages of the Scriptures, it is necessary to have recourse unto the Universal consent of Writers, chiefly of those who lived in the time of the Emperor Constantine until the time of Leo I. or of Gregory; yet so that it is not necessary, to produce the testimonies of them all, nor of the most part (which were an infinite work) but it is sufficient to bring one or two, by whom the judgment of the whole Church may be known; and with this caution, that every testimony of those Fathers may not be rashly received, seeing in many places they speak according to their private judgment, and wherein even the most learned and best maintainers of the Apostolical and Catholic doctrine have not agreed with the safe unity of faith, but only such things as belong unto the confirmation of the Apostolical and Catholic tradition and have the weight of irrefragable and undoubted testimony, wherein they declare constantly the public and common faith of the whole Church. His method is conform unto the Articles of the Augustan Confession. His principal scope seems to be contained in the seventh Article de vera Ecclesia, where he holds, that the true Church is always manifest; and though the present Roman Church hath departed from the primitive not a little in integrity of manners and discipline, yea and in sincerity of doctrine, yet she stands on the same foundation, and professeth communion with the ancient Church, and therefore is one and the same, albeit different in many particulares; Neither should we separate from her, as Christ did not separate from the Jewish Church, albeit corrupt, neither did the Prophets nor Apostles violate the union, but only spake against her, and came out of her but by dissenting from the errors; neither did Cyprian and some others violat the union with the Roman Church, how beit they did complain of the envy of the Roman clergy, and the pride of the Pope. This may be called his private judgment, as he spake of others in his preface▪ and not the constant faith of the whole Church: that the Church should be manifest always, was not the judgment of Elijah 1. King. 19. 14.; nor of John, who prophesied of the woman fleeing into the wilderness Revel. 12; and it is without all doubt in the general, that in the days of the Antichrist the Church shall not be manifest. 2. he grantes that the Roman Church hath departed not a little in manners and doctrine; but how far she hath departed, may be in some measure known by the history. 3. his advice, that we should not have departed from her, is a main question; but certainly his reason is not sufficient: for though our Savior made not separation from the Jewish Church, yet he foretold, that when these laborers of the vine-yard shall have killed the heir, the vineyard shall be taken from them, and not a stone of their temple should be left upon another: Where was their Church then, if they had no place for their Religion? As for the Pophets and Apostles, distinguish the times: before the time was come, which God had appointed, they had no reason to depart: but when the appointed time was come, then they departed, and for this very point Steeven was Martyred Act. 6. 14. The same distinction serveth for the Roman Church: Cyprian and Paulin had no reason to violat the union, when she had not departed from the true faith; but when she became the whore, and all nations had drunk of the wine of the wrath of her fornication, then was the time to obey the command, Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues. God's people was with her and in her; and they must not only protest against their adulterous mother, but come out from her. Then for reconciliation of the Church, he seems to despair, that ever they will accept of his Overture, to wit, that those, who have given the cause of distraction; that is (saith he) the governors of the Church, would remit some what of their too much rigor, and yield a little for the peace of the Church, and following the wishes and admonitions of many good people, would reform the manifest abuses, according to the rule of Divine Scripture, and of the ancient Church, from which they have departed; And next, that those who eschuing those vices, have fallen into the other extremity, would confess their faults, and return into the right way. In other Articles that differ from the Popish Church, he puts often a blame upon the Reformed; if not for their Tenet, yet for their practice. For example, of justification he saith, What is said in the fourth article, that men cannot be justified before God by their own strength, merits or works, but are justified freely by faith, it was evermore allowed by the Church, and until this day it is approved by all the writers of the Church; So that I wonder, why the Apology saith, that they are condemned in this article, as if it were taught, that men obtain remission of sins for their own merits, and not freely for Christ's sake. Afterwards he cites the testimony of Bernard, saying, I consider three things, whereupon all my hope stands, the love of adoption, the truth of the promise, and the power of performing: And (saith he) the Doctors of this age say not, that they teach doubting, whereby men should doubt of God's mercy, and mistrust, but such fear of God, whereby a diligence of living well, and of keeping the received grace, may be stirred up and increased in us, as the Apostle saith, Work forth your salvation with fear and trembling: And they call this sear chaste and filial, which perfect love casts not forth, but retains and cherishes: Which fear hath always adjoined confidence and hope of God's fatherly good-pleasure; And seeing those things are taught tooday in the Catholic Church, the Protestants do not rightly in accusing the present Church, that she bids and teaches to doubt of God's favor, and of eternal life, and put this blasphemous doctrine (as they speak) among the chief causes, for which they should depart from her. Of free will he saith on the 18. Artick, The sum of this controversy, which had been formerly and now is, consists in this, What the will of man can do to attain righteousness by which we are justified before God, is not to be ascribed unto the power of free-will corrupted by sin, but unto the singular grace of God; which we have not by nature, wherein we were created, and which is common unto us with the unbelievers and ungodly; but that grace which is by faith in JESUS CHRIST, which is given unto those only who have faith, by which grace a new will is not created, nor is will compelled unwillingly, but being infirm, it is healed; being corrupt, it is amended; and of bad is turned into good, and is drawn by a certain internal motion, that of unwilling it is made willing, and gladly consents unto the Divine call.....If any of the Schoolmen hath spoken inconveniently of this liberty of will, that should be reckoned among the opinions of private persons, and the more wholesome writings of others should be opposed unto them, &c. It is to be marked, that he wrote this Consultation after the Council at Trent; and yet he takes not notice of their decrees, but accounteth them as the opinions of private persons, and under that name would bury them all; and as if the Reformed speaking against those errors did unjustly accuse the Church of Rome. On the 22. Article he saith, Concerning the administration of the Holy Eucharist, it is most sure, that the universal Church until this day, and the Western or Romance for a thousand years, or more [Mark, here he distinguisheth between Universal and the Roman Church] in the solemn dispensation of this Sacrament did give unto all members of Christ both the Kinds of bread and wine: which is manifest by innumerable testimonies of ancient both Greek and Latin Authors; and this they did because Christ had so ordained, and practiced, in giving both unto his Disciples representing the person of believing communicants.........But those ancients thought it not so necessary, as if upon necessity or any weighry cause the one could not be give • without the other, or that it was not a true Sacrament, if the one only were taken.....and therefore they call not the dispensation of one Kind, wicked and sacrilegious for whatsoever cause it be done.....Nevertheless I think, there is none, if he consider this more diligently, but if the ancient custom of the Church were restored...he would rather have the whole and entire Sacrament, then one part only. And on the 10. Article he saith, This article of the Lord's Supper, is set down several ways in the confession: for in the first Latin edition it's written thus, In the Supper of the Lord they teach, that the body and blood of Christ are verily there, and given unto them who eat in the Lord's Supper : But the Dutch edition being translated word for word saith thus, Concerning the Lord's supper it is taught so, that the very body and blood of Christ is verily present in the Supper under the kinds of bread & wine, and is given and taken there. But in another edition this way, Of the Lord's supper they teach, that with the bread and wine the body & blood of Christ are truly given unto them who eat in the Lord's Supper. In the Apology this article is expressed in those words, They teach that in the Lord's supper the body and blood of Christ are truly and substantially present, and truly given with those things that are seen, the bread and wine, unto those who receive the sacrament; and the Apology witnesseth that this Article, being propounded in this manner, was not disproved by his Caesarean Majesty. But although they who follow the opinion different from the followers of this confession, and is set up by Calvin, do contend that they agree well with this expression, because they think, that thereby no carnal or substantial presence of Christ's body & blood with the signs of bread & wine (which may be received equaly by the bad & good men) is concluded, yet afterwards the followers of this confession have in their writings declared their mind plainly enough, to wit, the body and blood of Christ in the bread & wine are received, not by faith only, but even by the mouth of the Body, by the unworthy as well as by the worthy. But in all these expressions of that Augustan confession, the controversy yet remains, Whether the body and blood of Christ be present in the very eating only? This is now taught plainly by them all, and expressly declared in the confession of Saxony, where they say, Men are taught, that the Sacraments are actions instituted by God, and without the the appointed use those things have not the nature of a sacrament, but in the appointed use in this communion Christ is truly and substantially present, and truly tendered unto the receivers of the body & blood of Christ, seeing not only the present Church, but also the ancient and Catholic did everthink and reach, that this sacrament stands not in the action and use only, but after the consecration (which is done by the Lord's words, and invocation of the Divine name) the body and blood of Christ is made of the substances of the bread & wine, and the virtue of the blessing is not loosed; especially if it be reserved for the use of the sick: to which purpose are many testimonies...................Those are mad therefore, who say, that the mystical benediction ceaseth after the sanctification, if any part remain until the next day: for the holy body of Christ is not changed, &c. The faithfulness of the author in this article, will be best known by inspection of the quoted places. Certainly there were alterations of this article in sundry editions of the Augustan confession: but who will read the Saxons confession, will soon find, that he wrongeth them; for they say expressly, Without the use whereunto they were ordained, the things themselves are not to be accounted for a sacrament, but in the use appointed, &c. Neither do they add one word of the remaining of Christ's body after the use, as neither do they allege any testimony to that purpose. So that his weakness appears in nothing more than in this article, and specially in that mad conclusion, which follows no way upon those testimonies: for though Irenaeus saith, That which is from earth, after it hath received the calling of God, is not now common bread, but the Eucharist consisting of two things, an earthly, and a heavenly; and others speak in that manner, will it therefore follow, that they are mad, who say, that the Elements are not the Sacrament without the use? And again that the doctrine of Calvin concerning the Sacrament was set up or begun by him; the author shows his weakness, seeing an egg is not liker unto another, than that which Calvin taught, is like unto those testimonies of the ancients quoted in the same place. Of the Roman High priest, he saith on the 7. Article, Whereas for unity of the Church they require the obedience unto a chief Rector, who hath succeeded to Peter in ruling the Church of Christ, and in feeding his sheep, it is not different from the consent of the ancient Church: Truly Ambrose calleth the Roman Bishop in his time the Rector of the whole Church of Christ: it is also certain, that of old, so far as the memory of the Church is extant, that the chief authority in the whole Church was given unto the Roman Bishop as the Successor of Peter and possessing of his chair; which may be demonstred by innumerable testimonies of the most ancient and grave men both Greek and Latin; as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Optatus, Jerome, Ambrose, Basil, Chrysostom, Augustine, unto whom the Ecclesiastical Histories and Decrees of Councils agree: and I think, there had never been controversy among us for this point, unless the Roman Highpriests had abused this authority unto some kind of domineering, and had stretched it through ambition and covetousness, beyond the bounds, that were prescribed by Christ and the Church: but this abuse of the Pontifician power, which the flatterers did at first enlarge beyond measure, gave occasion to think amiss of, yea and to fall off altogether from that Pontifician power, which he had by universal consent of the whole church; which I think, may be recovered if he would return unto the bounds, that were prescribed by Christ and the ancient church, &c. Here are fair pretences, but no less untrue: for the Augustan Confession requires no such obedience, nor did Christ prescribe it, no nor the universal Church, as the preceeding part of this history show clearly : was not this the main strife betwixt the Greek and the Latins? and did not the African church oppose it? neither do any of those named ancients avouch it, as is cleared in many polemical treatises. In some articles he neither blameth the Confession, nor can excuse the Roman Church; as on the 12. article he saith, From the custom of canonical punishments, which were publicly enjoined unto the penitents for a prescribed time, indulgences were hatched: for when the Bishops saw the diligence or weakness of repentants, they might deal the more courteously & meekly with them, and diminish something of the time, or of the rigor of the punishments: which abaiting of the canonical punishments, was called Indulgence, and now it is brought into private satisfactions, and from the Bishops it is turned unto the Roman highpriest only, that he hath the full power of indulgences: concerning the use and exercise of which, everyone of the best sort hath wished that there were a moderation and correction, because they have been the main cause of this renting of the Church: here (saith he) it were to be wished, that the Roman highpriests would yield somewhat for common peace. On the 16 article he saith, What is spoken of the Magistrate and civil things, is every way to be allowed; that lawful civil ordinances are the good works of God; that it is lawful unto Ch • istians to be Magistrates, to ordain punishment by law, to war righteously; &c. The doubt only remains, of the Office & power of the Magistrate in Ecclesiastical things: here is excess on both hands, some asscribing too little, and some too much unto Civil power: for some exclude Princes and Magistrates from all meddling with Ecclesiastical things, and others make all ecclesiastical administration subject unto the power of the Magistrate. But in this question that should be without controversy, that the power of the Emperor and other Christian Princes is no less or inferior in a Christian Republic, then was in old times the power of Kings in the commonwealth of Israel: and it is manifest by the Divine Scriptures, what was their Office in preserving the Divine law, and promoving the Divine worship: for by a Divine law the reading of Deuteronomy is commended unto them, not only that thereby they should order their private life rightly and holily, but likewise to preserve the Divine laws in vigor and without violation; and the examples of the godly Kings, who are commended in the Scriptures declare this clearly, who finding the will of God in his law, commanded the priests and Levites to restore Divine worship as it is prescribed in Divine law, &c. Of the processions (as they are called) on the 22 article he saith. The custom of carrying the bread of the Eucharist conspicuously in public pomp, is besides the mind and manner of the ancients, and seems to have been begun but lately: for those had this mystery in such Religion, that they would admit none either to the receiving, or beholding it, but the believers, whom they judged to be members of Christ and worthy of the partaking so great a mystery: therefore before the consecration, Catechumen, energumeni, the penitents and all who did not communicate, were set forth by the voice of a deacon, and ministry of the door-keepers. Wherefore it seems, the custom of Circumgestation may well be omitted, &c. On the 24 article he saith, Whereas they complain of privy Masses, it is not without reason, if thereby they understand, the Masses, wherein the priest only takes the sacrament, and there is no distribution of the mysteries; which when it began in some monasteries, was forbidden, as is clear in a canon of the Nanneten. council, &c. The Belgic Index expurgatorius hath not spared other of this man's works; as his Scholia on the hymns: on that which beginneth, Nocte surgentes, in the edition at Colen An. 1556. it is in page 48, and in the edition at Paris 1616. in Fol. it is Page 179, it is said, Cumsuis sanctis mereamur aulam Ingredi coeli: the Scholia say, The word mereri is one almost among the Ecclesiastical Writers, with consequi seu aptum idoneumve fieri ad consequendum: which appears by one passage of Cyprian, besides many more: for where Paul saith 1. Tim. 1. I have obtained mercy, and it is usually read, misericordiam consecutus sum, or as Erasmus translates it, misericordiam adeptus sum, Cyprian in epist. ad Iuiaban. reads it, misericordiam merui: and there be many passages in the Offices and prayers of the Church, where this word should be taken in this sense : if this notion of that word were held, many places, which seem harsh, would appear more pleasant and useful. In the next Scholi. or anotation he saith, These words, super hanc petram, we should understand Peters confession, saying, Thou art Christ the son of the living God. This was the exposition of Augustine, and Ambrose follows it elsewhere, confessing that it is not the person of Peter, but his faith on which the Church is built, and against which the gates of hell shall not prevail: sor faith (saith he) is the foundation of the Church, seeing it is said not of the flesh of Peter, but of his faith, The gates of death shall not prevail against it: but his confession overcomes hell. Hereunto agreeth that of Cyril, I think that the Rock is no other but the unmovable and most sure faith of the disciple, on which the Church of Christ is so founded and fastened, that it cannot fail, and abides forever unvincible by the gates of hell. And therefore when Ambrose calls Peter the rock of the Church, it may be understood to be spoken figuratively, that the name, which is proper unto the faith and confession of Peter, is spoken of Peter for his faith and confession: truly the same Ambrose Lib. de incarnation. sacramento calleth Peter the foundation, but instantly he addeth, The faith and confession of Peter is the foundation of the Church. Among the Ecclesiast. Hymni. he hath one de circumcisione Christi, which saith.
Those and many other passages are ordained to be blotted out by the Belgic Index expurgatorius, as also it prohibites to print his books de baptismo infantium, his Liturgica, and preces Ecclesiasticae. It is observable, that in a hymn de beata virgins which is now usually song in the Romish Officia where it is sadi,
Ge. Cassander, page 255 edit. in Fol addeth on the magine, This clause is not in the old books. By those passages and many more, which might be added, it appears, that some continue in the Roman Church, who know the errors thereof: as I could bring such passages from Johannes Ferus about that time preacher in the cathedral of Mainz, and others▪ and else where I have hinted at others.
II. When the Nether-landers saw, that their Supplication unto the King, had no place, and so the Reformation going to ruin : their goods laid open as a prey unto the Inquisitors, and their persons in danger; they consulted to defend themselves against the Inquisitors, so far as the dignity and authority of the King and ancient laws could permit them. They entered into a league, and confirmed it by oath, and sought what way to resist that calamity: three hundred Noble men consented unto this league of defense, at Brussels Aprile 3. An. 1566. and by a Noble man Brederod they tendered a Supplication unto the Dutchess: wherein they protest their reverence, obedience and love unto the King and Her his Vicegerent : then they made their petition to take off the Inquisition, and that the Kings edicts concerning Religion might besuspended, until the king and States of the Provinces had determined of them; or else great inconvenients may follow. French Comment Lib. 7. Briefly so long as that Dutchess was Governor, the Reformed were sometimes persecuted, when She was pressed by authority of Edicts; sometimes they had intermissions for five or six months by the ardent supplications of the Nobles: at such times they had their open meetings and preachings: they threw down images and ornaments of the Mass out of the churches, and they were multiplied exceedingly. Wherefore the Bishops raged, and raised persecution again: especially in the end of the same year many of the Reformed were burnt and slain. Norcam Marques of Berga in name of the Dutchess raised an Army, took the town Santman, and committed most cruel tyranny, rapine, murder, defiling of women, and most horrible kinds of torment. He beseeged Valencia three months: though the Reformed were many in number, and the Noble men favored the good cause, yet they stood as beholders, neither defending nor resisting; yea few of them went to the preachings : sundry companies like scattered men went to Valencia, but without Commanders, and returned to their houses. In the end of March. An. 1567▪ upon assurance of the Dutchess's Letters promising all favor and clemency the town was rendered: but it cannot be showed what cruelty was done against those people. By those cruelties the people were warned to provid for themselves. Ibid. At the report of Ferdinand Alvares Duke d'Alva's coming into the Netherlands many fled, some into England, some to Wesel, Frankford, Heidelburg, and Frankendal. Whethersoever they went, they followed (as they could) one and the same order in the Churches, which is named before. In those sad times they were confident, that God would pity his afflicted people, to the glory of His name; and because they could not have a Synod in their native land, they assembled in Wesel An. 1568. where the Ministers and some others agreed, that wheresoever they were scattered for a time, they should hold fast the confession of faith that was published An. 1563. and the Church-order of Catechism, administration of Sacraments, and discipline by Ministers, Elders and Deacons. This agreement was subscribed by fifty Ministers, and others. Triglandius contra Vyttenbog. Part. 3. hath their names out of an authentic Copy. In the year 1571. they having more esperance of liberty, did assemble at Embden from the Provinces and other parts in a greater number: There they did resume the Confession of faith, and ordain that in all time coming every Minister at his admission should subscribe it and the French Confession for observing Unity of Doctrine; and trusting that the Ministers of France would mutualy subscribe their Confession. There also it was ordained, that no Church shall have dominion over another Church, nor any preacher of the Word should have power over another preacher, nor any Elder over another, nor any Deacon over another. They did ordain thus, because experience had taught, how out of this human invention of the Superiority of Bishops over Bishops and Preachers, had sprong the pride and power of the Roman Pope, and the cruelty of other Bishops for maintaining their own interests; and to declare how solicitous they were to eschew all thing, that might tend thereunto afterwards. It's worthy the marking that they ordered and entreated the Lord of S. Altegonde, to writ the History of what had been done in those by past years, in the forsaking of idolatry, the beginning of Reformation, the persecutions and constancy of the Martyrs, the visible judgments of God upon the persecutors, the alteration of the Civil Government, &c. And they appointed certain persons in several towns to gather all Notes and memorials of those things, and send them unto him. This assembly was called, and afterwards reputed the first National Synod of the Netherlands. Duke d'Alba dissembled his cruelty at his first coming into Belgio, and made the people believe, that whatever was done for religion, should be pardoned: and to this effect an edict was proclaimed: but shorthly after, without respect of former government he appoints a new Counsel, consisting of twelve Persons, (commonly called The bloody Senate) to sit on all causes of life and death. Unto them who had fled, he appointed a certain day to return, and before that day he decerned all their goods to be confiscated▪ He called a Parliament of all the Provinces, and promised safety unto all who had interest. The Count of Nassaw or Prince of Orange suspecting deceitfulness fled into high Germany: so did many others. Lamoral Count of Egmont (who was a Papist, but serious for their ancient liberties, and therefore was hated by the Duke) and Philip Montmerency Count of Horn (a zealous Reformer) compeared in the Parliament, trusting to the proclaimed safeconduct, and both were beheaded at Brussels, without any regard of their former services to the King. French. Common. Lib. 7. It were longsom to repeat what cruelties d'Alva showed in spoiling, burning, hanging, heading, hacking, racking, and most horribly torturing without respect of age, sex or condition. In the space of six years he is said to have put to death 18600. persons by the hands of hangmen; besides all other his Barbarity: He despised all ordinary Judges and jurisdictions, even howbeit many and earnest solicitations were put up in that behalf: He and his Spanish Shouldiers abused women young and old, some to death : He pulled the skins off some being alive, and headed the drums with them: He caused some bodies be taken out of their graves, and caused bury them under gibets, because (as he said) they had died without shriving; to the end, he might pretend rig • t unto their goods: he compelled the wifes of them who were fled, to marry his Soldiers: In a word, what is there under heaven so holy or honest, which he defiled not? what barbarous cruelty practiced he not? as afterwards was published in a Supplication unto the King, and is extant, being printed at London An. 157 • . with the French Commentaries. For those causes the States of the Netherlands began to take Arms against that Duke in the year 1568. and they chose William Prince of Orange to be their General: he levied an Army of Germans and Netherlanders: Mons. Genly brought unto him some Companies of Frenches out of Picardy: then passing the River at Mainz, he lingered some months, only skirmishing now and then with the Duk's soldiers, yet taking some s • all towns: In November he passed by the way of Liege to join with the Prince of Condee in Picardy, with little success. Ibid. Lib. 8. Then d'Alva raised a great Army, boasting to extinguish all the Reformed. Louis Count of Nassaw and Brother of William gave battle unto the Spanjards near Groning in Friseland; dispersed them, and slew their Commander John Count o • Arnebergh. Adolph a third Brother died in another fight. Then d'Alva raged the more against the Reformers, and most cruelly put to deat • Gisebert and Theodor Battemburges two Brothers of an ancient family, and other sixtien Gentle men with them: he laid new tributes on the people: he devised new torments, and everywhere horrible murders were seen, especially at Torna and Valentia. Wherefore the people did flock unto the Prince of Orange: Albeit at the first he had hard luck; yet when d'Alva required of every Master of a family within the Provinces the tenth penny, from each merchant the twenty penny, and of all the lands and houses (when they were sold) the hundred penny, to wit, in the year 1570. the wars seemed but to begin, and more people joined with the Prince, especially all Holland and Zealand; and the F • ssiners took the Spainish Navy coming from the West-Indies in the year 1572. d'Alva accuseth them of rebellion against the King, and of blasphemy against God, and did write so unto the King. When the Reformed knew of that Letter, they wrote the Supplication (whereof I spake before) An. 1573. wherein they protest, that whatsoever was done, they had not attempted it for any disloyalty unto the King their lawful Superior, but to defend themselves against the cruel oppression of the bloody Tyrant d'Alva; and they humbly beseech the King, to call to mind, how those Countries were formerly divided among so many Lord's and Rulers, and afterwards by marriages, mutual treaties, and lawful successions they came under one house of Burgundy, and now they are come under Spain; yet always with express condition, that each of those Provinces and Republics should still enjoy their former liberties, and none of them should be burdened with the dominion of another; but live jointly together under one Prince, as so many children in their fathers house under one father: for verification of this, they put him in mind of his own entrance (among others) how his Father Charles V. caused him (according to the accustomed solemnization) repeat and confirm by oath the same privileges: which he had also renewed in a common Assembly, when he received the government: but now (say they) they are robbed of their rights and liberties, yea horribly oppressed by a stranger, a Tyrant, an Herod, a Nero, &c. and they name many of his oppressions: in the end they humbly beseech him for God's sake to bow his ears unto their just complaint, and they profess that they desire not to be dissolved from the obedience of his Majesty, but only that they may have consciences free unto God, to hear his word, as they must give accounpt at the day of judgment; and to suffer the Countries enjoy their former liberties & customs, as he had promised by oath: and if he will be so gracious unto them, they promise to lay down their weapons, and to hazard their life's and goods in his service by sea or lande, &c. This their Supplication they caused to be printed in Latin, Dutch and English. The same year Philip called home Duke d'Alva, either because he did not allow his cruelty, or because he did not prosper in the wars; but he despised their supplication, and made no accounpt of their power nor confederate help, saying, What can those mice do? So the States obtaining neither civil liberty, nor of Religion, did refuse all obedience unto the King of Spain: they put down all the power of the Bishops, and resolve to defend themselves. At the first they stamped their coin with a leash about a lions neck, and a mouse between his feet, with this circumscription, Rosis leonem loris mus liberat, meaning, that their poor power would set religion of the Tribe of Judah at liberty; and alluding unto that contemptuous word of King Philip. The first Union of the Provinces for government, was between Holland and Zealand in the year 1576. Aprile 15. and concerning Religion the Article was thus; His Excellence shall admit and maintain the exercise of the Reformed Evangelical Religion; and shall cause the exercise of all other Religions, that are contrary unto the Gospel, to surcease and leave off; excep that his Excellency should not permit any inquisition upon any man's belieff or conscience, or that therefore any trouble, injury or impediment should be done unto any. Afterwards five other Provinces joined with them, and in the year 1579. at Utrecht was the General Union of the seven, in which the Article concerning Religion is thus; As for the permitting or not permitting the exercise of Religion unto them, who are different from the Reformed, let every Jurisdiction decern according to their own pleasure and custom; but all should grant liberty of Religion and of conscience unto every man, and for that cause persecute and trouble none. So the Reformed Religion only hath place in the Churches. The Provinces of Holland and Zealand held their first Synod at Dort An. 1574. and all the seven had their first Synod at Middelburgh An. 1578. in which they did agree on the order in the Churches: Concerning which two Synods I shall subjoin the words of the Provincial Synod of South and North Holland, held at Harlem in the year 1582. as a summary of them both and of other particulares. These are; The almighty and merciful God had in the year 1566. under the sad affliction, which was then prepared for the Netherlands, graciously showed a blink of the truth of his Gospel until this time here and there in private preaching: but the world's unthankfulness and sin did thē turn away that grace of God; and many honest persons when others fled the Land, did readily suffer the Spainish tyranny over the Land through the just judgment of God, whereby not only the public exercise of • he true Religion was no way permitted, but also it was most strictly forbidden in private, and punished with intolerable edicts and torments; Nevertheless our good God, according to his wisdom and goodness, hath contrary to all the power of Satan and his instruments, in the time of that cruel persecution, discovered (by many) more and more, the idolatry, superstitions and errors of Popery, and did enlighthen them with the knowledge of his truth, with great hazart of their goods, bodies and life's, and they prayed zealously unto God, that he would look upon their affliction, and deliver them, as at last it is come to pass without the Counsel and wit of any men: for when the persecution was come to the highest, those who had seen with their eyes the persecution of the Christian Church and truth of the Holy Gospel, yea who in their ignorance (as we many certainly think, at least, of many) had willingly suffered themselves to be abused as instruments thereunto; that those (I say) have resisted the Spainish government, and refusing those unreasonable exactions, have begun to consider of their privileges and former liberties, seeing it was intended not only to root out the true Religion, but likewise to bring into perpetual slavery all the indwellers of the Netherlands, both spiritual (as they were wont to speak) and Politicks, of high and low degree, citizens and merchants, tradesmen and others with wifes and children; And the matter was so far brought, after that our just supplications were not accept nor heard, that some both without and within the Land, though with a small beginning, did gainstand the tyranny; By those hath the Lord God, who heard the prayers of the faithful, and in this age of the world, of his mercy gathered unto himself a Church within these Lands, and wrought another work, in setting up by them in the midst of those troubles his Gospel, and causing it to be preached again first in Holland and Zealand; Which when many, who hethertils knew nothing of the Gospel, saw with pleasure, and until that time had been silent (for they were slack in the just cause, to fight for the privileges and freedom of the Land, and to defend them, and did find themselves unable to resist them who loved the Gospel) for this cause those people were willing to apply themselves with all faithfulness to defend the liberties of their native Land, seeing that also they might serve God with a pure conscience, when God had opened a way thereunto. What other motives were to join unto this cause, is needless to repeat; Yea God hath given the grace, that by those foresaid means, he hath not only made a beginning of maintaining our Civil liberty against the Spanish government over all the Netherlands (howbeit the matter was weak and miserable, to the end, the glory of our deliverance should be given unto God only) but he hath also more and more promoted the preaching of the Gospel in Holland and Zealand, by adjoining the Lord's the States of the Land, and his Princely Excellency, to delight therein; and as some had adjoined themselves unto the Christian Church, so have they also (seeing that the Land might hereby by the better defended from the enemy) received and sufficiently established the public exercise of the Reformed religion, by public edicts and other furtherances; and so Popery is set off here and there by degrees, and at last the exercise thereof is forbidden; Therefore necessarily the ordinances of the Church, that were privately used under the persecution, must be made known unto other preachers, who are accepted out of Popery or otherwise, because the Churches are numerous; to the end, there may be an unity in pure doctrine: and uniformity of Service; and the Church and their leaders may increase and be perfected in godliness of conversation; For which end a Synod or assembly of Ministers and Elders out of all the Churches in the Provinces of Holland and Zealand, by the knowledge and approbation of his Princely Excellency, and of the high States of Holland & Zealand was called to Dort: Where after conference in the affairs of the Church, and amending of some enormities that had fallen out, a form of administration and government of the Churches was appointed, so far as they could in time of the grievous wars, where with these Lands were then burdened; But after that it is remarkable, that some persons being driven either through their weakness or through dregs of Popery or of any other sect, which have retarded the Gospel, thought it not good, that in the Church should be such ordinances, and a Consistory, that is, an assembly of Ministers, Elders and deacons, but would rather, that Ministers should only preach, and administrat the sacraments, admitting every man without difference, &c. and that the Magistrates should set off and on the Ministers, and rule the Churches, as they shall find useful & expedient; And this was done under the show of liberty of conscience; And it was also said, that the Ministers were beginning a new Monkery, whereby in progress of time they would become Masters over the Magistrates, as it was in Popery; By these words plausible and acceptable unto the world, other thoughts were brought upon the Gospel, and the advancement of it was hindered; But these had not considered that the offices of the Magistrates and of the Ministers were distinct; and as unto the Magistracy, which is a service of God, belongs the government of life, and the protection of both the Tables of God's law; under which is comprehended, that they should advance God's truth by their defense and maintenance, So unto the Ministers, who in other causes are subject with body and goods unto the Magistrates, belongeth their proper office, which they have from God, to inform, teach, stir up, exhort and move the consciences of men unto holiness, not according to the mind or will of any men, but after the direction of the Gospel, to do their best endeavors; And that the Church of Jesus Christ, in the administration of the word and sacraments and other things belonging thereunto, doth acknowledge neither Pope, nor any human Magistracy, nor the Preachers themselves, for Head and Lord, but only Jesus Christ, after whose laws, will and commandments the Church should be ruled, and unto whom both Preachers and Elders and deacons, and also the whole Christian Church of whatever rank, should be obedient; But it were longsom now to declare this: it is sufficient to hint it in a word; If the liberty and ministry of the Churches should absolutely, depend upon the Magistrates and their commands, a great confusion would follow, the purity of doctrine might soon decay, all enormities abound, and piety would fail; as by the grace of God the greatest part of the Magistrates do well understand, and may know yet better, when they shall duly hear the answer of the Churches against the unjust complaint of some who seem to stand for Libertinism more then for Christian liberty: for when there is no end of their complaints, and (as it shall be found true) they with their written and printed Remonstrances will not be directed by the High States themselves, so the Church must apologize for the cause of Christ and his Gospel, howbeit we do it not unwillingly, and would rather plead it by word of mouth, But to return unto the purpose, it hath so far come, that it hath been propounded unto his Princely Excellency and the high States, as reasonable, that in no town or willage should be any convention or consistory, but with advice of the Magistrates of the towns, or of the States, by which the meetings and Ministry of the Church should be brought into great danger : but his Excellency and the States understanding the cause better, have established the former ordinances and administration, whereby it may be seen, that the Churches have increased and multiplied; Afterwards by the pacification of Ghent, and by the death of those great Commanders, then Governors of the other Netherlands, it came to pass, that not only in Holland and Zealand was Popery forsaken, and the preaching of the Gospel accept, but also the good subjects in Brabant, Flanders, Gelderland, Friseland, the bishoprik of Utrecht, the land of Overisel &c. have begun to embrace the truth: whereby in some places publicly, in other places howbeit privily in houses, yet in great assemblies of people, and also with the knowledge and consent of the Magistrates God's word is preached, &c. So far there. Before that time Gaspar Colhaes a Minister at Leiden (who had been a priest in time of Popery, and yet had professed the Reformed Religion in time of the persecution) had made no small stir for the government of the Church, as he had also retained other dregs of Popery, and other preachers likewise; So that the Churches of the Netherlands was seldom free of one stichler or other; yet alwise maintained and kept pure by the vigilancy of Synods, and by protection of Magistrates, from the corruption of such subdolous Ministers. In time of the troubles moved by Colhaes, the States of Holland called for one Minister out of each Classis, and sent two Commissioners Gerhard van Wingaerd and Leonard Caesenbrood unto them, requiring them to show the form of the Church-government, and to show the distinction between the Civil and ecclesiastical government. Those answered, The Church-discipline was considered and penned by the Synod at Dort in the year 1578. which was authorized by the High States; And they had been traduced unjustly, that they would have usurped dominion over the Magistrates: for they acknowledge themselves to be subject unto the Magistrates, as any other subjects are, both for body and goods, except only that according to God's word, they may exercize the Office committed by God unto them, conform unto the writings of the Prophets & Apostles; As for the distinction of the Offices, they gave it in write; whereof the authentic copy Triglandius Lib. cit. saith, he hath not seen; but he gives the summa of it from another, to wit, Both Offices are ordained by God: both are preservers of godly righteousness: both should be reverenced for conscience sake; The Magistrate should not only preserve godly righteousness, but provide for the commonweel-fare, in which respect Church-men as well as others are subject unto them in body & goods; the Magistrate's Office is to establish and promote by their authority and example, so far as concerneth the outward man, that God's Word be obeyed: but the Office of Ministers is, to set that Word before the people, with faithful teaching and godly conversation; The Office of the Magistrate is to compel the despisers and falsefiers of God's word, that they hinder not the outward peace of the Church, and if any do disturb it, to punish them with imprisonment or other punishment in hody or goods; And the ministers should exhort the people in Christ's name, to serve God peaceably, and to show forth their dutiful regard of God's word, and should call unto repentance the inward man, that is, the spirit or soul, with spiritual weapens, that is, by preaching eternal life, and threatening everlasting death; The Magistrates office is to ordain punishment in body and goods, and according to circumstances of oceasions, to mitigate or straiten them; And the Ministers should prudently exercize the exhortations and menaces that are prescribed in God's Word, and the excommunication. The Magistrate should provide, that the external peace of the Church [as the Civil peace] be kept safe, and as occasion requires to punish the transgressions of the disturbers; And Ministers should endeavor out of love, that according to the rule of discipline in God's Word the souls of offenders may be brought unto salvation; The Magistrate should preside when punishments of life or goods are handled: And Ministers govern in the Church-counsel when matters of conscience are judged; The Ministers and Church-counsel should appoint the discipline of the Church, according to the rule of God's Word: and the Magistrate hath power by himself, whether present or absent, to examine it; and if he dissallow anything therein, he may command the Church-men to reform it according to God's Word; The Magistrate (as also the Church) hath power to seek, and to use their authority, if need shall be, that Ministers of the Word be called, and the Church be provided with them; and also to punish the faults even in the pulpit, that deserve Civil punishment, and it is the office of Ministers and Elders to choose persons sufficient for the office, and then to present those before the Magistrate, that he may approve them, if there no be lawful impediment, which then should be confirmed by the Ministers, When the Church shall be troubled with any division, it is the office of the Magistrate, to call together a Church-assembly, and to rule it as concerning the external action: But when the Church is in peace, it belongs unto the Ministers, to call the Ecclesiastical assemblies, and to preside in them; Seeing Ministers have no commands of their own, but only the commands of Christ, they may not domineer over the consciences of the people: but the Magistrates have power to command the Bodies and goods of their subjects; The Church-ministry is more like a fatherly, then a Kingly power, and therefore their estimation is preserved according to their reverent teaching, and by honest entertaiment which the Magistrate procures & provides. But the Magistrate hath Civil compulsion • ver all his subjects, as well Ministers as others, and must be honored by them all with obedience, subjection, and payment of tribute So far he.
III. When the Queen-mother had gotten the whole government of France, then her rage and the pride of the Guises was not against particular assemblies & persons only, but they sought the destruction of all the Nobility and people, who followed not the superstition of Rome: whence arose intestin wars in France once and again and the third time within nine years: for when the Queen saw the loss of her excellentest Captains, or that faction saw no appearance to prevail, they could fein peace, to the end, the reformed may lay their weapons aside, and then be taken unaworse. The Apostate King of Navar was killed by a small pellet at the seege of Roan: he being deadly wounded, was carried to Paris, and through vehemency of pain died desperately. French. Commentar. Lib 5. The Reformed had but a few Cities; Lions fell from them by the craft of their Governor, and the Reformed within it were robbed and murdered, their churches were burnt, but some escaped into the castle of S. Sebastian, and from thence took their refuge into other places, namely unto Geneve. In Dolfeny the Cities Valentia, Vienna, Roman and Mantill took part with the Nobles of the Reformed Religion: So in Languedoc did Nemeaux, Montpelier, Caster-albien, and some cities of the Rhodes, of Sevenas, and of Vivaretz: they had also Montalban, and all the circumiacent places; Orleans and the cities there adjoining, and Rochell. In all parts of the realm were some Protestants, but they were exiled out of the Popish towns: whereby the Army of the Prince of Condee was the greater. The cruelty used in Lions moved the Protestants to arise in others places: so many were slain in every Province : for the Papists burnt the Reformed Churches, and on the other side they cried, Places of idolatry should be demolished. So they burnt the Popish churches. Ibid. Lib. 8. In the second wars Pultrotz Merae (a soldier of Lions being sent with Letters of Mons. Soubize unto the Admiral Caspar Coligny warring for the Reformed in Normandy) did insinuate himself into credit with the Duke of Guise, and killed him with a pistoll. Whereupon the Queen consented into a peace, and Pultrotz was drawn a sunder by four horses at Paris. This peace continued in some manner, for five years: but hot was the persecution in the year. 1570: the persecutors russhing into the houses of the Reformed, and without pity murdered man, wife and children : they choked some with smoke, and threw others unto dogs. They did easily obtain edicts from the King, and dispensations from the Bishops, against the Huguenots, as they contemptuously called them. But the most horrible murthering was in the year 1572 for that barbarous and infamous massacre. When the King and his mother could not prevail by open violence, they went about by slight and falsehood; to wit, they contracted Margarit the Kings Sister unto Henry King of Navar, being scarcely twenty years old: the marriage was solemnized August 17. by the Cardinal of Bourbon: hither were all the chief Protestants of France invited by the Kings Letters full of love. Before the appointed day, Joanna the widow Queen of Navar had a pair of gloves sent unto her from the Court at Paris, wherewith she was killed. On the 24 day of August certain soldiers were appointed in sundry places of the city to be ready at a watch-word: and when the Reformed were secure, they were barbarously murdered in their chambers: when they had killed the Admiral, they threw him out at a window: then they cutted off his head, and sent it unto the Pope: they cutted off his hands & privy members, and rolled his body three days from street to street and at last drew it into the place of execution without the city, and hanged it by the feet. this bloody execution continued many days: how many were murdered within that City, may be guessed by what Ja. Thuan Lib. 52. writs, that he heard a goldsmith Cruciarius (very worthy of the gallows) vaunt, that at that time he had slain with his own hand 400. persons : and afterwards being troubled in conscience, removed himself from the company of men and became an Anachorite. When the hottest of theirfury was over, the King commanded the King of Navar and Prince of Condee to come unto him : he told them, that now he had attained sure remedy of settling the wars, and he had spared them in respect of their consanguinity, and will yet spare them on condition, that within three days they will renounce their heresy, and return into the bosom of the Roman Church. The King of Navar was dashed at such hard words, and answered with fear, He will obey the commands whatever, if his body and conscience be permitted free. The Prince spake more confidently, urging the Kings oath, that he had given unto the Protestants, and professing all obedience, excepting Religion. The King Charles 9. calleth him obstinate and seditious, and threatened him with death within three days. Thuan. Lib. 52. On thurseday following (which was Aug. 28) Charles commandeth a procession through Paris (wherein he went personally) to give God thanks publicly for the happy success of his enterprice. And the same day he published an edict, showing that he was the author of the Admiral's death, and of those his adherents, not for Religion (said he) nor of purpose to violat the edict of pacification, but to prevent their conspiracy against his person and his mother, and the King of Navar and other Nobles standing in his favor; and he commanded, that none of the Reformed Religion should have any private or public assemblies under pain of losing both goods and life's, until he be further advised. Additions to the 10 book of Comment. The reader may judge, how the first and last part of this edict do agree: he professes, that he intends not to violat the act of pacification, in which he had granted liberty of Religion, in August. 1571. and in the last words he discharges their assemblies : as for the conspiracy, even the Papists believed it nor, saith Osiander ex Nigri. His dissimulation appears yet more, that in the same edict he commanded all the Protestants to abide at their own houses under his protection; and in the mean while he had sent command unto the governors of Provinces and cities, to practice the like cruelty everywhere; and so 500 were killed at Tolouse; 800. at Lions, at Roan, Diep, Meausia, Orleans, and other parts within one month 30000, Thuan Li. ci • . and in that year above 100000 Protestants were massacred, Th. Rogers in the preface of The Catholic doctrine. Not only were the Protestants murdered that way, but many others for private malice or avarice of the executioners. Some of the Governors refused to obey that command; as, Claudius Count de Tende, when he had read it, said, He would obey the former edict, but he doubted that this other was only coloured with the Kings name : Therefore at the Kings command he was poisoned at Avenion within few days. Mons. Sautheram Governor of Auvergne refused, saying, He was the Kings Lieutenant for execution of justice, and not to be a hang-man. Additions to the 10 book of French Commen. Great mirth, and processions were at Rome, when the Pope heard of those massacres. By the Kings command horsemen were dispatched into all parts, that no Governor be absent from his charge, and to watch and ward diligently, and to search narrowly all the assemblies of the Reformed, and to punish them without exception. In all parts of the realm they were apprehended, who kept their houses upon trust of the Kings protection: many were murdered, and all almost were robbed, as if they had been vanquished enemies; so that nothing seemed to remain unto them, but utter confusion. On the 10 day of September Charles sent for the Prince of Condee, and willed him to choose one of three, either Mass, or death, or perpetual prison. He answered, He would never choose the first, and he left the other two unto the Kings pleasure Thuan. lib. 53. Before he obtained liberty, he was induced to subscribe that abjuration, whereof a copy is in the 10 Book of the French Comment. So did Henry King of Navarsway with the times. These two easily without petitioning received pardon from Pope Gregory XIII. by intercession of King Charles. In the days of the late Queen of Navar, had been an assembly in Béarn, and by free consent of the States, the Mass was discharged throughout all that realm: but then in the year 1572 October 15 king Henry published a contrary edict, forbidding the Reformed Religion, and he sent Mons. Grammount granting leave unto the Reformed, to sell their lands within a year, and then remove, or to conform themselves. The people were not moved by these Letters, and said, These letters were extorted from the king in his captivity. Thuan-ibi. Nevertheless those examples moved many, who were thought to love the Religion, to profess the contrary. The cities Rochell, Montauban, Sanser, Anduz, and other towns in Vivaretz and Sevenatz continued constant: but it seemed unto many of themselves great folly joined with madness, after so great overthrow of all the Nobility and so many others, to think upon any defense, when scarce any Noble man durst own the Religion: and not a few said, It is not lawful, that subjects should bear arms against their king, albeit he be wicked, as it had appeared by the success. • n a word, all of them were uncertain, what to do, and inevitable destruction seemed to be brought on the Church in France: the chief men were gone; they had no help from Germany nor England as before : yet the helping hand of God appeared in due time. French Comment lib. 11. The king sent Noble men unto those Cities, commanding them to receive garrisons and a Lieutenant. They were all perplexed: on both sides death seemed to be at hand: they were resolved to yield, but fear made the • to delay. The citizens of Castre received a garrison upon trust of the kings promise: they were all put to the edge of the sword with no less cruelty then others before. Rochell was ready to have given obedience: but when they were informed of that false cruelty or cruel deceit, they refused to render: and so began the fourth wars in France with the seege of Rochell, and other parts were invaded with huge violence. It was the Divine providence, that the Nobility failing, he alone might be known the author of the work. The particulars are described in the book last mentioned, and would go beyond my purpose to repeat them: I will only touch the seege of Rochell, and the end of those wars. The seege continued seven months: in it two things are very remarkable: first, notwithstanding all the Ordinance and battering picces that were discharged against them to the number of 6000. shot, only 25. Rochellers were slain; and how many of the beseegers were slain, it is uncertain: but it may be conjectured, that 132. Commanders were killed: of whom the chief was Claude Duke d' Aumale uncle of the Duke of Guise March. 3. 1573. The greatest assaults were seven. The other remarkable thing is; the poorest sort of the town began to want bread, and a new sort of supply was furnished unto them; to wit, every day in the river they had plenty of fishes [Surdones], which they had never seen before; and the same day that the seege was raised, those wereseen no more. So both rich and poor had plenty within, and the Kings Army without was grieved with famine. Wherefore Charles sent word unto his Brother Henry, commanding him either to take-in the town instantly, if it be possible, or to leave it in Aprile. He continued two months longer, until word was brought, that he was chosen king of Poland. In the mean while Sanserre suffered a hard seege, that parents did eat their own little ones. A general peace was proclaimed, and liberty of Religion was granted in July An. 1573. Thuan. Lib. 54. The edict of pacification was conceived in general terms, without naming any city: those of Nismes and Languedoc took exception at that: thereupon all the Protestant towns wrote unto the Duke of Aniow, giving him thanks for the peace, and beseeching him to procure unto them leave to assemble in a fit place, to the end, they may know the particulares of the pacification in convenient time; and that he would grant them his Letters patent for their assurance. Then many convened from all parts of the realm, as the time would suffer, and so they provided for themselves. Fre. Commen. Lib. 12. The next year Charles died: in that book it is written of his death, thus; Certain it is, that he died of a bloody flixe, and it is reported for truth by the greater part, that the blood is hued out of sundry parts of his body, and in his bed he could have little rest, but horribly blasphemed the name of God, which he was wont to do even from his childhood. Thuan Lib. 57. witnesseth of his unrest and affrighments in the night, and that heendeavoured to settle it by music. And because it was suspected that he had been poisoned, to the end, he might vomit the blood with the more ease, he was bolstered up with pillows, that his feet lay higher then his head. Another hath comprised the cause and manner of his death in those verses.
III. So soon as Henry king of Poland heard of his Brothers death, he returned privily and quickly, and was crowned King of France. He renewed the wars against the Reformed Church: he took Mons. Monmorancy, and quartered him for Religion. Nevertheless they increased in number: for the Duke Alanchon the Kings Brother, and the Duke of Condee joined with them; so that a peace was granted and proclaimed, with liberty of Religion in the year 1576: but that peace endured not long. Then Henry king of Navar joined with the Reformed again: yet they were all in great danger in the year. 1586. The Pope Sixtus 5. excommunicated the King of Navar, and the Prince of Condee, and declared them uncapable of the crown of France, and ordered King Henry 3. to persue them with arms. The King of Navar sent unto Frederik king of Denmark, and unto the Princes of Germany for aid. They sent their Ambassadors unto the King of France, to intercede for the Protestants. He returned answer, that they should medle with his subjects no more then he did with theirs. Wherefore those Princes assembled at Luneburgh: where were also the Ambassadors of Navar, England, Scotland, of the Duke of Pomer, &c. They concluded, that the King of Navar should not be forsaken Chytrae Lib. 28. So they sent 5000. horse-men and 20000. foot, but unhappily: for the Guises and other confoederats in Liga aurea, gave them the foil in Lorraine An. 1587. The next year Henry III. understood of the presumption and intention of the Guises, and he called a Parliament, professing that he would give the chief Command of his Army against the Huguenots unto Henry Duke of Guise. The man doubted of the Kings favor, and yet upon those fair words he went unto the Parliament: he was killed in his bedchamber, and his body was first burnt, then his asshes were thrown into Ligeris; His brother Louis a Cardinal was hanged; and his son with some Bishops were imprisoned. Within twelve days the Queen-mother died through sorrow for the death of the Guises Ibid. Behold how God then brought peace unto his Church. They who before favored the Guises secretly, do then profess open rebellion against the King: the Parisians create Charles Duke of Mayen and Brother of the Duke of Guise, to be Governor of Paris and of the Isle of Francia: the Sorbonists deny the kings authority, and absolve all men from the oath of allegiance. Many cities join themselves unto Duke Charles, to wit, Lions, Roan, Orleans, Ambian, &c. The King assembleth the Nobility: he proclames unto all his subjects pardon of all former trespasses, if now they shall return into obedience, and he threateneth loss of Goods and life, if they return not. Henry king of Navar craves pardon; obtains it, and is made General of the Army against the traitors, the Dukes of Mayen and Aumale, in Aprile, An. 1589. And the same summer he granted by edict at Nantes liberty unto the Reformed to assemble not only for exercise of their Religion in their churches; but also for holding their Synods yearly; and so to be free from the jurisdiction of Bishops (Which liberty no king of France hath impeded until this present time) and unto all who were under the former Edicts of exile he restored their honors and goods upon their submission. Then the followers of Duke Charles called the king an enemy of the Apostolical Roman Church; and August 1. (new style) a Jacobin Monk having purchased leave to deliver a Letter unto the king, stabbed him (as he was reading the Letter) in the belly with a poisoned knife: the villan said, he was commanded by an Angel to kill the tyrant; and his death would bring peace into France. The king feared not death at the first, and immediately dispatched Posts to all the chief parts of the realm, giving them notice of what was done, and exhorting them to constancy and loyalty as is due unto their Sovereign. Before midnight he apprehends death, and the next day he caused proclaim Henry king of Navar to be his heir. After the kings death the Peers of the realm (then in the lieger) require an oath of the king of Navar to defend the Roman Religion; and he swore to maintain even to hazert of his life the Catholic, Apostolical and Roman Religion within the kingdom of France, and that he will make no change in the exercise thereof, and for his own person he will obey the decrees of a godly and lawful general or National Council; and promiseth to procure it with all diligence; and he swear to permit no other Religion but what is already allowed, until peace being restored, it shall be otherwise provided; and he confirmed all the Officers of State. On the other side these and the Ptinces of the blood, the other Peers and many others acknowledge Henry 4. king of France and Navar, and swear lojalty and fidelity unto him. Then both he and they swear that they shall revenge the villanous murder of the late king, and the disturbance of the realm against all the rebels. Then the Duke Mayen (being at that time called Duke of Guise) and the king of Spain dealt with the Pope, that the king of Navar should not be absolved from the former Sentence; and that faction declares Charles Duke de Mayen king of France: but the Senate of Paris not admitting, that any should be king, who were not of the blood royal, he was not proclaimed there. In the year 1593. Henry 4. took his oath to defend the Roman Religion: he wrote an abjuration of the doctrine of the Reformed Church, and sent it unto the Pope: then he received a pardon and the Popes blessing, and was absolved in the Church of S. Denis by the arch Bishop of Bourges, upon condition, to embrace the Acts of the Council of Trent, and to cause them to be observed within his realms; to hear Mass; to choose Mary for his advocate before God; to breed the young Prince of Condee in the Romish religion, &c. But though for earthly peace he professed Popery, yet in the Parliament at Roan An. 1597. he gave liberty of Religion within his dominions. One day he said unto a Noble man, I saw you tooday at the Mass. Yes, said the other, I will follow your Majesty. The King replied, But you shall not have the Crown of France for it.
IV. Some variances arose amongst them of the Augustan Confession, 1. Whereas in the year 1547. the • were pressed by the book called Interim, to accept that article, Good works are necessary unto salvation, the Divines of • itteberg for peace sake did yield unto it: but those of Iena (as being more wary (thought good to wave that phrase, because the Popish Party understood it, that works are necessary to make up justification, and to promerite salvation. At last in a Conference at Altemburgh in the year 1568. the question was debated, and they agreed in these terms, New obedience and good works both external and internal are necessary unto believers and such who turn unto God. But they could not condescend to use the words necessary unto salvation. The Wittebergers said, Works are necessary not indeed by necessity of efficiency, but of presence: and those of Jena denied not the necessity of presence, but they said, Such a phrase should be shunned because of scandal, and for fear of error or mistaking : for why should we use dangerous words with the erroneous sophisters, and then parget or plaster them with glosses, when we have safer words? 2. A more grievous contention was renewed for the Vbiquity of Christ's body: here I will use the words of George Calixtus Professor in Julia, in his Consultatio de Tolerantia, Certainly, seeing the omnipresence of Christ's flesh was not known nor heard in the universal Church, even until Stapulensis & Luther, it might yet have been not known (albeit it were built upon a solid foundation) and a necessity of believing it might have not been laid upon the vulgare or the learned: And indeed but two passages, one out of the book PERI TOU RETÒU, and another ex Majore Confessione, are the only, at least the main, whereupon Luther builds the Vbiquity; and that was done by him, when he was earnest against his adversaries, to establish any way the presence of the Lord's body in the Eucharist: the former book was published in the year 1527. and the other in the next year: in the year 1529 by procurement of Philip the illustrious Landgrave of Hass was the Conference at Marburgh: there Luther and Zwingli agreed in all articles excep the Eucharist....And Luther neither did judge nor press the omnipresence as a point of doctrine wherein he craved assent In the Confession of Ausburgh the third article is of those mysteries, but with no or very slender touch of omnipresence. Neither at that time nor any time following in the disputations between the Reformed and the Popish came the omnipresence into question or controversy, therefore Luther suffered it to be buried in silence. Yea and in the year 1537. when he wrote the articles of Smalcald, he averred expressly. that there was no controversy between him and the adversaries (the Papists) concerning the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Person of Christ, seeing (said he) we confess the articles on both sides. But what the Papists have taught or do teach concerning those articles, may be known by their writings, especially the unanimous consent of the Schoolmen: and seeing in all these is not a jota concerning the omnipresence, it is manifest also that Luther did leave it, and prosess agreement in the doctrine of the Person of Christ, with them who did not acknowledge vbuiquity........And so while Luther lived, that question was asleep, which some men did waken up again about the year 1562. of whom the principals were John Br • ntius and Jacob Andreae. Neither have I pleasure, nor is it necessary to repeat all the history: but it is certain, this later man spared no travel until he persuaded some to embrace Vbiquity, and forced it upon others: and nevertheless the could not persuad all that embrace the Augustan Confession, or (as they speak) the Lutherans; not the Danes, not the Holsatians, nor those of Norinberg, Helmstad, and many more. Therefore some of those who are called Lutherans are at this day for Vbiquity, and against them are all other Christians, both Greeks or of the East part of the world, and Papists and Calvinians. So far Calixtus. For justifying his words concerning the Danes, I add the testimony of Nic. Hemingius Professor of Divinity and Preacher in Coppenhaghen at that time: In his Catechism, he expounding the Article of Christ's ascension, saith, This Article must be understood of Christ's true body, and the bodily placing thereof in heaven, lest we think either that the human nature in Christ is swallowd up by the Divine, or that it is diffused into the whole world with the Divine; seeing both these do most openly deny Christ's manhood. Is not Christ everywhere? Yes truly by communication of properties, according to that Joh. 3. None ascends into heaven, but he who came from heaven: But it's certain, that when the Lord spake these words with Nicodemus, his body was circumscribed on the earth; wherefore the saying of Christ must be understood by communication of properties. So Cyprian, He ascended into heaven, not where the Word God was not before, but where the Word made flesh sat not before, to wit; by bodily placing. Again he speaking against the errors concerning the Lord's Supper, saith, What say you of them, who say that the manhood is everywhere with the Godhead? These, for eschuing the error of them who deny that we receive the flesh and blood of the Lord in the Supper, fall into this horrible error, that they assert, the manhood of Christ to be everywhere with the Godhead, whose opinion is above in the Article of ascension clearly confuted; and the Angel said plainly unto the women, He is risen, he is not here. Here truly either the Angel lied, which is horrible to think, or they are deceived, who say, that the humanity of Christ is everywhere with the Divinity, by which he filleth all things, or is everywhere. Also Paul saith Phil. 3. that our bodies shall be made like unto the glorious body of Christ. But who daraver, that our bodies shall be infinite, that they may be everywhere? Truly thus the truth of human nature should be destroyed: Therefore neither was Christ's body made infinite after his resurrection. Moreover the Holy Fathers confess that Christ's body is circumscribed: For Nazianzen saith that the same Christ is circumscribed and uncircumscribed, earthy and heavenly, comprehensible and incomprehensible: for that is the diversity of the two natures human and Divine, which [Diversity] because the Eutychians denied, they were justly condemned of heresy. How then say the Catholics, that Christ's body and blood is truly in the Supper? The true body and blood of Christ are in the Supper together with the bread and wine, not by conjunction of nature, but Sacramental: For Luther and the Holy Fathers testify, that it is not carnal, nor an including of the body in the bread, or of the blood in the wine, so that place and body: touch one another, and the place yields unto the body. Wherefore unto this true presence of Christ's body and blood in the Supper, it is no way necessary, that his manhood be everywhere with the Godhead; but it is enough to believe, tha • as at the institution of the Supper the Lord sat with a circumscribed body, and nevertheless he gave unto his disciples his body to be eaten, and his blood to be drunken, and that • ruly, according to his words, This is my body, This is my blood; So now sitting in the glory of Majesty, he reaches by the hands of Ministers (Such is his Divine virtue and power) unto communicants his body and blood; Therefore the Latin Church was wont to pray before the communion, Let us lift up our hearts unto the Lord; For as in the first institution of the Supper the Disciples had their eyes fixed on the Lord, who sitting at table reached unto them the Holy Supper, So we should lift up our hearts unto the heavens unto him, who sitting in the glory of Majesty, reaches in the Supper by the hands of Ministers unto communicants his true body and blood, that it may be the meat & drink of the inward man, who thereby is fed, nurished and groweth unto everlasting life; Whence Bernard speaking of the Supper, saith, This is the food not of the belly, but of the soul: for it is not given to repair the ruin of this life, which is a vapor for a little time, but to confer eternal life unto the soul: And as the water being sprinkled in Baptism, hath done it's part, so the bread eaten, and the wine being drunken in the H. Supper, have done their part: but the spiritual virtue is possessed by faith, and the verity of Christ's body and blood is also maintained. So Heming. About the year 1571. this controversy waxed hot: for in Witteberg Cas. Cruciger the later, Chr. Pezelius, Fr. Widebram, Henry Moller and others were against the Vbiquity: and for it were these of Iena chiefly, and with them were sundry other towns, as Brunswic, Luneburg, &c. In the same year Augustus the Elector of Saxony conveeneth the Divines of Witteberg and Leipsich into Dresda: there they declared, that they held no other doctrine, but what was in the Confession of Ausburgh, and agreeth with Luther and Melanthon's writings; and they published their consent. Against this consent Lucas Osiander and Selneccer, and Jacob Andreiae did publish other books. The Wittebergers wrote their Apology. This contention waxeth hotter and hotter until the year 1577. when George Count of Henneberg in a private conference said unto the Elector, The Divines of Witteberg do foster some errors, which cannot be dissembled, nor approved by the sincere Ministers of the Church, neither is there hope of true peace among the followers of the Augustan Confession, until these errors be noted and condemned. The Elector answered, I wish an harmony, and that the corruptions were marked, and that there were some beginning of so necessary and profitable a work: I for my part will further it according to my power. George undertook it. At that time the Papists did upbraid them with their divisions, and said, There be so many parties among them of the Augustan Confession, that if any would leave Papistry, they know not unto what sect they shall cleave▪ Osiandet histo. Lib. 4. c. 2. shows another ground of their variance; that since the time of that unhappy Interim the corruptions and errors (which began at that time) could not be amended. And it may be added, that in all the periods of attempting reconciliations some did hold the points where-in they did agree at those several times, and others would not accept them : And Melanthon (whose authority was much respected) did (for peace) smooth his Common places in the year 1546. and again in the year 1558. for which cause the rigider sort called him a temporizer; as also in the year 1552. he wrote a Confession of faith, to have been presented unto the the Council at Trent. This was and yet is called The Confession of Saxony, and was subscribed also by the Ministers of Misnia. In the year 1578. the Elector and the Count of Henneberg meet again at the marriage of Louis Duke of Wurtembergh: After the solemnity these three being together, the Count shows the Duke, what conference had been before for removing the scandal of division: then by common advice Lucas Osiander and Balthasar Bidembachius two Divines of Wurtembergh were appointed to pen some Overtures for removing those controversies. This was done so privily, that no other knew it, but those Princes, yea their Secretaries heard not of it. When those two had written their judgment, were assembled at Maulbron two Divines of Wurtembergh, two of Hennebergh, and one of Bada: They examine and change, as they thought expedient. Osiander. Lib. Cit. Cap. 3. Then their work was sent unto the Elector of Saxony, and he cailed for Jacob Andreae, Chemnitz and Selneccer, and gave them the book: they judge it too brief, and enlarge it with other arguments, and other questions. This book was sent then unto sundry Universities and towns, to be freely censured, that if anything were to be amended, added or impaired, they should admonish ingenvously. Ibid. Cap. 4. The Electors of Saxony and Brandeburgh caused it to be subscribed by 8000. to wit, by sundry Princes, Imperial Towns and their Ministers; and it was printed in the year 1580. with the title Liber Concordiae. It was not examined in a public Synod, and was still conceiled from those Churches which did oppose Vbiquity, and some within these Princes Dominions were displaced for refusing to subscribe it, and without any reasoning. So it turned into the Book of discord, and made the greatest rent of all. The book contained elleven Heads; having first laid this ground, that the books of the old and New Testament are the only rule, whereby the doctrine of faith is to be judged; and all other writings may be used as witnesses only. The first Head is of original sin; where they teach, that it is neither the nature, nor any part of the nature of man, but a corruption of nature, leaving in man nothing sound or uncorrupt, and can be known by the revealed word of God only. II. of the free-will in the first act of regeneration; that God worketh the conversion by the means of the word preached, and by opening the heart to hearken, so that it is the work of God only, making man, who is ignorant and unwilling, to see and will. III. Of righteousness before God, they declare it to be the righteousness of Christ God-man, for which God absolves us from our sins, without any respect of the merit of our good works, either by past, present or to come; And faith (trusting in Christ, and working by love) is the only instrument, whereby we apprehend the same; Neither should a true believer doubt of the remission of his sins, notwithstanding his sins of infirmity. IV. Concerning good works, they hold that these are not the cause of justification, nor of eternal life; but all men especially the regenerate are debtors of good works; yet so that they condemn those positions, Good works are necessary to salvation; No man was ever saved without good works; and, it is impossible to be saved without good works; And faith in Christ cannot be lost; and the elect do retain the Holy Ghost, even though they fall into adultery or other crimes, and continue in them. V. Of the law and the gospel, they say, Whatsoever in the holy Scripture is against sin, belongs unto the law; and the gospel properly is the doctrine teaching, what man, who hath not satisfied the law, should believe, to wit, that Christ hath satisfied for all our sins, and hath obtained remission; but in a large sense the doctrine of repentance may be called the gospel; And they condemn it as pernicious and false, to say, The gospel properly is the doctrine of repentance; or, that it is not the only preaching of God's grace, VI. concerning the use of the law; Albeit believers be free from the curse and coaction of the law, yet they are not lawless, but the law must be preached both unto the unconverted and converted; yet with this different issue, that those who obey for fear of the curse, are said to do the works of the law; and who being regenerate, do obey willingly as if there were no curse nor reward, are said to obey the law of Christ, and the law of the mind; neither are they under the law but under grace. VII. concerning the Lord's Supper, they first condemn those as crafty and deceiving Sacramentarians, who believe the true presence of the very, substantial and lively body and blood of Christ, and that the presence and eating of it is spiritual by faith; next they hold, that the body and blood of Christ is truly and substantially there, and is truly distributed with the bread and wine, and received not only by them who come worthily, but by the unworthy, albeit by the one sort unto their confort, and the other to their judgment and damnation, unless they repent; And the grounds of this their faith are 1. Jesus Christ is very God and man in one person, undivided and inseparable. 2. the right hand is everywhere, and Christ in his manhood is set at the right hand of God. 3. the words of the institution are not false. 4. God knows many ways, and can be present as he pleaseth, neither is he tied to that only way, which the philosophers call Local; And so the body of Christ is present not only spiritually, but also bodily, yet not Capernaiticaly, but in a spiritual and heavenly manner, in respect of the sacramental union, Thirdly they condemn Popish transubstantiation, the sacrifice, the refusing of the cup, &c. VIII. of the person of Christ; they say, albeit the Godhead and manhood of Christ retain their several properties, yet they are united personaly, not as two planks conjoined, but as iron and fire, or he soul and the body: Wherefore among other articles they condemn them who hold, that only the manhood suffered; and, only the Godhead is present with us in the sacrament and in all our crosses, or that this presence is not in respect of his manhood; and, the Sone of God doth not all the works of his omnipotency in, and with, and by his manhood; and, Christ in respect of his manhood, is not capable of omnipotency and other Divine properties. IX. Concerning Christ's descending into hell; they say, It should not be curiously disputed, but be believed simply, that he descended into hell, and overcame the power of death and Satan; but when and how, it cannot be known in this life. X. concerning Eclesiastical ceremonies which are not commanded nor forbidden in the Word; they say, those are not any part of Divine worship, and may be changed, as the edification of the Church in several times and places shall require; yet without levity and scandal; and in time of persecution, when a constant confession is required, nothing should be yielded unto the enemies of the gospel, or for their sake. XI. Concerning eternal predestination; first they distinguish between prescience and predestination; prescience (say they) is common to the estate of the godly and ungodly, and is not the cause of sin in any man; but predestination or election concerneth the godly only : this cannot be searched among the hid decrees of God, but in the reveeled word, which teaches, that God hath shut up all men under unbelief, that he might have mercy on all; and willeth not that any man should perish, but rather that all men should repent and believe in Christ, neither is any saved, but who believe in him, And where it is said, Many are called, but few chosen; it is not to be so understood, as if God would not have allmen to be saved, but to show, that the cause of the damnation of the wicked is their not-hearing or contempt of God's word. [And they have no mention of reprobation] They have a twelth Head against the heresies of Anabaptists, Arians and Antitrinitarians. This book was the occasion of an open separation. The next year the Divines of the Palatinate reply under the name of Admonitio Neostadiana, confirming the ortho doxe doctrine concerning the Person of Christ, and the Supper; showing the false imputations of errors; examining the authority and true sense of the Augustan Confession; discovering the indirect means of penning, and seeking subscriptions of that book; and demonstrating the unjust condemnation of the true doctrine. When this book was published, some that had subscribed the former book, declared, that they had subscribed with limitations, and not absolutely, as the book was published; and they recalled their subscriptions; and the contrivers of that book replied under the title Apologia Erfurtensis. So, much was written pro and con. The points wherein they insist most, were the question of the Lord's Supper, the communication of the Divine attributes unto the manhood, and universal grace. Unto those of the Palatinate were joined the Princes and Ministers of Anhalt and Nassaw, the Helvetians, and many Cities of Germany, besides those of other Nations. Untill this day it is clear, that those Vbiquitaries inveigh most bitterly against their adversaries, and impute many errors unto them falsely: by which two means they a lienate the simpler sort from all reconciliation. This difference occasioned the compacting of the Harmony of Confessions. After that time there were other Conferences between these parties: but all in vain.
V. In Constantinople the Muffti or highpriest of the Turks dealt with Amurathes to take all the churches of the city from the Christians. The Greeks, Armenians and other Christian Nations did intercede in the contrary, alleging the liberty that was granted by Mahomet 2. and others his successors. The Muffti answered, That liberty was granted, when few Turks were in the city; but now when there be so many of their own Religion, Christians should have no place within the walls. Two churches were taken from them, and Amurathes turned all his wrath against the Patriarch, and caused lead him in an iron-chain through the city, and then banished him unto Rhodes. Sundry causes were alleged; as that he had caused the Christians receive the new Calendare of Rome, to the scandal of many; he had pronounced a Sentence of divorcement against a Noble Greek, who had made apostasy and turned to Muhammad; and when Amurathes was sending a multitude of Greeks as a Colony unto some desert places, the Patriarch called • t an unjust thing. One Pachomius reported this unto Amurathes, and he was made Patriach Da. Chytrae in Saxon. Lib. 27. The Christians at mount Libanus were subdued by the Turk in the year. 1585. whereas before they had preserved their liberty. Cas. Consaluus a Lusitanian writes, that the Island of Iapan in the Indian sea is divided into 60. Princedoms; of which Francis of Bungo, Brotasius of Arimo, Bartholemew of Omuran were become Christians, and sent their Ambassadors, who after three years journeying arrived at Rome, to acknowledge the Pope Gregory 13. a little before his death. But I will believe it (saith Osiander) when Jesuits shall leave off to lie.
VI. The year 1584. was sad unto Belgio. They looked for the returning of Francis Duke of Anjow their Governor from France: But he fell into a dangerous sickness: yet in May he recovered so far that he went to tilting; and the next day he took a potion, to purge away the dregs of his malady, and died on the morrow. When he saw the danger of death, he confessed that nothing did more grieve him, as that he had followed the bad Counsel of wicked men in the administration of Belgio, and now he could not amend his former errors, as he had intended: But by writing, and by his Counsellers he advised his Brother the King to be a Protector of those Lands. He would not admit his Confessor, but professed sorrow for his miscarriages, and his faith in the mercy of God through JESUS CHRIST the only Mediator; and altogether rejected the Romish rites, as extreme unction, &c. Within a month after his death William Prince of Orange was traitorously killed in Delff by a Burgundian; who was immediately apprehended and punished. The same year Ghent and Yper and some other towns in Flanders (which before were Reformed) were necessitat to make agreement with the Duke of Parma; and so was Antwerp in Brabant the next year.
VII. In these two (now named) years were many sturres for the New Calender: I will name one in Riga of Livonia. Steven King of Pole had erected a college of Jesuits there in the year 1581. and he commanded that they should keep Christmes according to the new Style. The people would not be present: But when the 24 day of the old Style was come, they entreated the Senate, that they might have Sermon the next day, as before. It was refused. Nevertheless they assembled in the Churches about 8. of the cloke in the morning, and praised God, with their psalms, and the Rector preached in the school unto his Scholares, many people hearing. George Neuner the Minister stirred up the Burghgrave Nicolaus Eik against the Rector, and he sent for him to come into the court. When the Rector appeared, he was detained there. The word is spread through the town, that the Rector and some citizens were to be beheaded that night for that preaching. The Conrector Valentin Rascius and some others did supplicat the Burghgrave to dismiss the Rector, and would have engaged themselves for his compearance again, when it should be required; and if this be denied, they told, that the people could not be stayed from a tumult. Because the Burgrave would not yield, the scholares and people break up the court-doors, and took out the Rector whether he would or not: Then they pulled down the houses first of Neuner, then of Eik, and of a Syndic Gothard Welling. The next day they gather again, and complain among themselves openly what before they had endured with silence; that Jesuits were brought in, the Popish Religion was restored, their liberties were taken from them, &c. They shut the gates of the town, and call the Senate, to show whether those things were done by their consent: and then understood, that all those things had been done by a few seeking the Kings favor and for their private interest. This broil continued fourtien days; in the end they agreed to restore unto the Burgrave and others all their damages; that there should be an Act of oblivion, and the new Style should cease, &c. When the gates were opened, Eik, Neuner and the others went unto the King with their complaints. He sent a Cardinal to be Governor of the town, annulled all the Treaty consisting of 68. articles, and caused a greater sum of money to be paid unto the plaintifs Chrytrae. ibid.
VIII. The Frenches, who had left their native Land, and dwelt at Monpelgart in the Duchy of Wortembergh, did in the year 1586. solicit the Divines there, and then the Duke Frederik, that there might be a public Conference of the German and French Divines, hoping for some union of the above named controversies. They assemble in March: the Duke was present all the time. On the one side was Jacob Andreae Chancelar of Tubing, Lucas Osiander Chappellan of Wurtembergh, and two Civilians from Duke Louis; and on the other side were Theo. Beza and Anton. Fajus from Geneve, Abra. Musculus and two Civilians from Bern, and Claud. Alberius from Lausan. Many others were hearers. The Theses or propositions are long and many and the Disputation was longer; I give the sum briefly and faithfully. The first day, to wit, Marc. 21. the Wurtembergers (according to the order prescribed) give (in write) Theses of the Lord's Supper, showing; that all do agree, that all believers eat Christ's flesh, and drink his blood spiritually; all condemn the renting of Christ's flesh with men's teeth; as also transubstantiation, and physical or local presence: So that the only question is, Whether in the Supper the very body and blood of Christ be verily and substantially present, and be distributed, and be received with the bread and wine by the mouth of all them who receive the Sacrament, whether worthy or unworthy, believers or not believers; yet so that the believers only receive confort, and the unbelievers do eat to their own condemnation? We hold the affirmative (say they) that is, By those words, IN, with and under the bread, we understand nothing, but that they who eat that bread, and drink that wine, do receive Christ's body and blood with the bread and wine. 2. By the words, Substantially, Essentially, Really and Orally, we mean no other, but the very eating and presence of his body and blood. 3. They argue from the truth of Christ's words, This is my body, and the almighty power of Christ; seeing his words declare his will, and by his power he can give his body unto all receivers. 4. The manner, how the worthy and unworthy receive Christ's body, is not expressed in the Scripture, and we say, It is supernatural and incomprehensible by the wit of men, and should not be disputed nor searched curiously. These theses were given unto Beza, as it was appointed; and the next day he brought his answer, and propositions: The sum is; A Sacrament in the strict sense, is a sensible thing appointed (by Divine institution) to be separated from common use to signify spiritual and holy things; and this signification consists not in a bare representation, whereby the mind is admonished to conceive the thing signified (this is the use of pictures) but on God's part, with the signs is also a very giving of those things, which are signified and offered unto our souls, 2. We teach, that according to Christ's institution, by the bread is signified Christ's body; by the wine, his blood; by breaking the bread and pouring out of the wine are signified those grievous torments, which He suffered for us in his body and soul: by outward giving the bread and wine, the spiritual giving the things signified, by Christ unto our souls; by outward taking the signs is signified the spiritual receiving of Christ by faith Sacramentaly and truly: For He hath commanded not only what things are to be used, but also what we should do. 3. The Sacramental union of the signs and things signified consists in a mutual relation, as is now said: for the verity of Christ's body (which is local and circumscribed both before and after his glorification) cannot consist otherwise: Again many passages of Scripture, that show the true and physical ascending of Christ from the earth, and his returning from heaven unto judgment, do confute the doctrine of consubstantiation; Thirdly that Paul saith, We are absent from the Lord, and, We desire to be with him; Lastly, this was the continual consent of the Church, concerning the true absence of Christ's flesh from us, and the continual circumscription of his body, not on the earth, but in heaven: which cannot consist with any other conjunction but this relative. 4. When the word Sacrament is taken in a more large sense, it consists of two things, one earthly, and another heavenly : We teach that earthly things are received by earthly instruments, to wit, the hand and mouth; but the heavenly things are apprehended only spiritually by faith: because albeit Christ's body is a truly organical body, yet analogy requires, that such as the nourishment and end thereof is, such also must be the manner of receiving it: but the nourishment and end thereof is spiritual, that is, they concern our spiritual union with Christ, and eternal life through him: therefore the manner of receiving those must also be spiritual, by the proper instrument of the soul, which is faith: and therefore seeing the bodily receiving of the signs is a pledge of the spiritual receiving, these words, eat, and drink, as they are properly spoken of receiving the signs, so are they spoken figuratively of the thing signified, to wit, by asacramental metony my, whereby that which agreeth unto the signs, is spoken of the things signified; and so both those receivings cannot be by the mouth. Again if the substance of Christ's body were received bodily, it should remain in the faithful at least, and they should become the substantial or bodily members of Christ, and so the Church were not his mystical body, but a body verily and substantialy consisting of the substance of His body, and of the bodies of all believers. 5. The proper effect of the Supper is the salvation of the worthy communcants by confirming their spiritual union in Christ; and another effect (but by accident) is the condemnation of them who come unworthily, that is, ignorant of this mystery, or merely incredulous and without repentance; and this condemnation proceeds not from the Supper, but from the unworthy using of it. Then unto the question, as it was propounded, Beza answered negatively; not denying that the body of Christ is truly offered unto all that come, but to be received by faith, and not by the mouth: and therefore albeit the wholl sacrament be tendered unto all that come, yet unbelievers receive only the signs, and they are guilty of Christ's body and blood, not which they have received, but which they contemned. Unto the two arguments he answered, We deny not the truth of Christ's words, but we expound them according to the analogy of faith contained in the Creed: unto which faith consubstantiation is contrary; and albeit Christ, as he is God, is almighty, yet his manhood is not almighty; and as he is God, he cannot do what he hath not decreed to do, or what is contrary unto his decree; not because he is not almighty, but because to change his will, and so to be mutable, is not a power, but an infirmity: But God hath ordained, that Christ's body should be local and circumscribed &c. On this article the disputation continued three days, the one pressing the truth of the words, This is my body; and Beza urging the analogy of the faith, and the like phrase of other sacraments. Neither of the two would yield: and then they passed unto the article of the person of Christ. First the Wurtembergers say, both agree, that the Sone of God hath assumed the nature of man, and became like unto us in all things, excep sin; that he hath assumed this nature into the unity of his person; and he is one person, so that the two natures are most strictly united, not by confusion or commistion, or absorption or transmutatio • of either of these natures before nor after his ascension : for unto the perfect person of the Mediator both natures are required; neither can the properties of the one nature be the properties of the other: for then would follow an abolition of one of these natures: also the properties of the human nature are the gifts that were given unto him without measure, by which he excelleth all men and Angels; In the person of Christ is a communication of properties whereby the properties of both natures are spoken of his person, and the properties of the one nature are given unto the other, by that docttine which is called doctrina idiomatum; and so when it is said. The Son of God communicates his properties unto the assumed nature, to wit, his omnipotence or omnipresence, it is not understood as if he poured into the assumed nature (as a thing is poured from a vessel into another) his properties, as if human nature by itseif, or of itself or considered in abstracto without his person, had proper omnipotency; neither may we think that his human nature is made an infinite substance or uncircumscribed, or extended unto all places, or is everywhere in such a manner, as God is everywhere; When we speak of the real communication of properties, we mean not that one nature passeth into another, but we oppose real unto verbal communication, which makes only names common unto the natures; Then the question is, Whether for the personal union there be a real or a very and true communication of properties between the two natures in his person, or that the one nature communicates its properties unto the other? and how far this communication is extended? We believe, that upon the personal union follows so real a communication of properties, whereby the Son of God communicates unto the assumed nature his omnipotence, omnipresence, omniscience, power of quickening, &c. by which communication the Godhead becomes not weaker, but his human nature is exalted; and not abolished; as is the union of the body and soul, and of the fire and iron: the body lives verily, but by virtue of the soul, and the iron burneth but by virtue of the fire, neither is any of them turned into another; therefore we believe that because of this personal union, Christ according to his manhood is almighty, or (which is all one) the human nature of Christ is almighty: For the Scripture gives unto him, even as he is man, all power, which is no other thing but omnipotency, and in testimony of this he gave sight unto the blind........We believe that Christ in his manhood (now in the estate of glory and Majesty) perfectly knows all things that have been or shall be: For the Spirit was given him not in measure.....but where it is said, he knew not the day of judgment, it is not meant simply of his manhood, but of the form of a servant, which afterwards he laid aside; The Scriptures also bear witness that Christ in his humanity is present with all creatures, especially with his Church, Beloved, I am with yow until.... but the manner of this presence is not expressed: and so we believe not that he is locally or physically, but supernaturaly with all his creatures: how this is, in true humility we confess that we are ignorant; We believe also, that in his flesh he hath the power of quickening, as he said I am the bread of life, and he had this majesty of omnipotency, and of.....as he is man (because of the personal union) even in the womb of his mother, but he show it not then: after he was born, he show it in miracles so oft as it was needful, and so far as the respect of his office and calling did require: for he was then in form of a servant, and had abased himself, that he might suffer: But the exinanition, or form of a servant, which was but for a time, derogates nothing from his Majesty, into which he entered fully, when he went up to heaven, and sat at the right hand of God: this right hand is the Majesty of Christ reigning praesenter according to both natures both in heaven and earth: this is to sit at the right hand of God; And this our Mediator is to be adored with all religious worship according to both natures: for we have not two Christ's, whereof the one should be worshipped, and not the other: but of wholl Christ it is said, Let all the Angels worship him. On the morrow Beza answered thus▪ There is ambiguity in the word communication: it signifieth the personal union, and also the effects of it; We believe a real communication, that is, an union of natures: in which union both natures remain distinct, both in their own properties: and therefore that communication, whereby his human nature is said to be everywhere and almighty, is not so much as verbal, but is as false, as if yow would say, His humanity is become his Deity; Although all the properties of the Deity may be attributed unto Christ-man, that is, unto his person even named by his manhood, or in concreto, as we say, The man Christ is almighty and eternal; but neither may the natures be spoken one of another, neither the properties of the one be given unto the other: for this is a sure rule, In the personal union both natures remain distinct, and they both distinctly do what is proper unto them: So the Word is distinctly that which the word is, as the flesh remains distinctly the flesh; Briefly as are two natures in Christ, distinct in number, and not separated one from the other, so there are two wills, and two workings or operations, but one work, as there is but one person: Neither can that saying of Athanasius be otherwise understood, It pleased the Word to show his Divine nature by that flesh, in it, and with it; As for the alleged places of Scripture, those concerning the power and authority of Christ, are impertinently brought, because his power or authority should be reckoned amongst the gifts bestowed on his flesh: And so those places concerning his omnipotency and omnipresence, must be understood of his person or Deity, and not of his manhood. To this purpose he cited some testimonies, as of Tertullian, We see a twofold estate, not confounded but united in one person God-man, and the properties of both natures are so safe, that the Spirit or Deity shows his own things in him, that is, his virtue, works and signs; and the flesh exerciseth its passions, being hungry when with Satan, and thirsty with the woman of Samaria: As for that power of vinification; we deny not, that the flesh of Christ hath that power, but not in that sense, as ye take it: for the flesh is vivificative, not with that virtue, which is proper unto the Deity (that is not communicable) but first because in this flesh Christ hath abolished death for us, having fulfilled all things that were required to acquire eternal life unto us; and then because by means of this flesh being communicated spiritually unto us by faith, we receive life from Christ God-man: It's manifest, that those gifts which were poured on the flesh of Christ were not at one instant perfectly bestowed on his soul and body, because he is said, to have grown as in stature, so in knowledge and grace, and he was verily subject unto all our infirmities (excep sin) in time of his humiliation: and so after his ascension he began not the use and declaration, but the consummation of his power and glory: The form of a servant, and the exinanition signify not both one thing, as ye suppose; but by the form of a servant, we understand his very humanity, according to which he ever was, is and shall be inferior to himself the Word, and by which he is of the same nature with us, though he hath laid aside all our infirmities, when the work of our redemption was finished: but among those infirmities circumscription is not to be numbered; or else when he shall come in a bodily circumscribed substance, he were not then most glorious, but base having resumed that infirmity: We profess also that Christ reigneth now, and hath all power both in heaven and earth according to both natures; but not praesenter in respect of his flesh: for now (as the Apostle saith) we are strangers from Christ; and he desired to be out of the body, that he might be with Christ; And it is said, He will come again, to wit, visibly and bodily. Lastly in that one adoration of our one and only Mediator according to both natures, we divide not the person, but we distinguish the natures: for the Word is the true and absolute object of our adoration, and adoration is due unto God only : but we exclude not that flesh from our adoration, lest we divid his person with Nestorius; yet so that we worship that flesh not in itself, but respectively as it is the flesh of the Sone of God: to this purpose he brought a testimony of Cyril, and the eight anathematism of the Council at Chalcedon. They disputed on this article other three days: but no agreement. March. 27. the Wurtembergers gave their propositions of Popish churches; images, and organs in churches. They agreed, that these are in themselves indifferent, if the abuses be shunned. Then they gave theses of baptism, where the question was, Whether baptism is the laver of regeneration in the holy▪ Spirit? or whether it be only a sign signifying and sealing adoption? The Wurtembergers said; It not only signifieth and sealeth adoption, but is the very laver of regeneration, because it is said, He washes his Church by the laver of water, and, Unless a man be born again....and they condemn these propositions, The grace of the holy Ghost is not tied unto the sacraments; The sacraments are appointed only to confirm God's favor toward us; Regeneration or salvation depends not absolutely on baptism: It is an improper speech, Baptism washes away sin; In the elect only is the virtue of baptism; All infants that are baptized, are not partakers of the grace of Christ, or regenerated; It is unlawful, that women do baptize, even in case of necessity. Beza gave his answer in writ: the sum is, The sacraments are not bare signs, but the efficacy of the Holy Spirit should be distinguished from the power of the water, as they are distinguished by John in Matth. 3. and by Pet. 1. Ep. 3. and of the whole ministry it is said, He who planteth or watereth is nothing: And he declares the words of the institution, and the effects of baptism. In the dispute Jacob Andreae held that there is but one washing, because Paul saith, one baptism. Beza said, There is an outward, and an inward washing; and he rebuked the Wurtembergers, that they do not call the blood of Christ the thing signified in baptism. Do. Jacob answered, A sacrament is such as the word describes it: but neither Christ nor Paul speaking of baptism, make any mention of blood. They asked, Whether infants have faith? Beza denied, and the other affirmed it. They questioned, Whether the elect being sanctified may lose faith? Beza denied; and the other put it off unto the article of predestination. They asked▪ What hope may parents have of their baptized children? Beza said, All should hope well, but we are not Prophets, to foretell, that this or that child shall be a good or bad man. Concerning women's baptism Th. Beza said, There can be no such necessity, for which the Divine ordinance of the Ministry should be trangressed. Jacob said, As a woman may confort a man in time of necessity. Beza replied, There is another consideration of exhorting and conforting one another; and, not the want, but the contempt of the sacrament doth condemn. Neither in this point did they agree. Concerning predestination the Wurtembergers said, God from all eternity not only foresaw the fall of man, but hath also foreknown and chosen them that shall be saved, and hath appointed them unto salvation, that is that they should be saved by Christ: for the election was made in Christ; The number of them who shall be safed, is certain with God; So the question remains (say they) whether God hath predestinate his elect unto life, so that he in his hid and absolute judgment hath appointed certain men, yea the most part of men unto eternal damnation, that he will not have them to repent nor be converted and saved? We believe that such decree cannot be showed by Scripture, that without respect of their unworthiness, but at the mere pleasure of his will he hath appointed any man, far less the greatest part of men unto everlasting damnation, or that he will not have them to repent: Because whatsoever is written is written....that we through patience and consolation might have hope; and, God will have all men to be saved......They reject these propositions, Reprobation is the most wise purpose of God, whereby from all eternity he hath constantly decreed without all unrighteousness, not to show love on them whom he hath not loved, that in justly condemning them he might declare his wrath against sin, and show his glory; The cause of the decree of election or reprobation, is his eternal favor toward them who at his pleasure are appointed unto salvation, and his eternal hatred of ill, ordaining whom he pleased unto damnation : but wherefore he hath appointed these men rather then those unto salvation or damnation, there is no other impulsive cause but his will; God willeth not that those who are appointed to damnation should be saved, or that the death of his Sone be available unto them. Beza answered thus; What ye deny, that the vessels of wraith, alswel as the vessels of mercy were ordained from eternity, We do affirm; not only because there is alike reason of contraries, and the very word Election proveth it, but also it is declared by the express word of God Rom. 9. 11. And this is so far from any ground, that man can challenge God of unrighteousness, that He were not unjust though he had condemned all men, seeing we all are the children of wraith, and he is debtor to none; We say further, that their condemnation, who in the eternal decree are left in their corruption, is not rightly attributed unto this decree: For albeit that which God hath decreed, cannot miss; but shall come to pass, and so they who perish do not perish without this decree, yet the cause of the execution or of their condemnation, is not that decree of God, but their natural corruption and the fruits of it, from which it pleased God to exeem them only, whom he hath chosen to salvation; That there ever was and is a great number of them who perish, the matter itself shows, and Christ saith, Many are called; and few chosen; and, Few enter in at the strait gate; Lastly that God will not have them to be converted and saved, it's not to be understood, as if they were willing, and God resisteth their desire; but that they will not be converted, nor can they will, being forsaken of God, and left in impenitency. He answered also to the objections: but I will not repeat them here. In this dispute they come to that question, Whether Christ died for all men? even for the sins of the damned? Jacob held the affirmative, and Beza the negative. When th • y both repeated the same arguments and answers, Prince Frederik thought it expedient to close, seeing no appearance of agreement: he exhorted them to give one to another the hand of fraternity, and to abstain from bitter writings, until God shall give them more cause of peace. Jacob answered, Seeing those have accused us of horrible errors, we cannot conceive, how we can acknowledge them as brethren; as for invectives, we approve them not, but we will oppugn their errors. Beza said, Seeing ye refuse us, to give us the right hand of fraternity, neither acknowledge us as brethren, we do not regard your hand of friendship. So the Conference was ended March. 29. Lu. Osian. Cent. 16. lib. 4.
IX. In February An. 1589. Pistorius a Papist in Baden vanted, that he would confound all the Lutheran Divines and convince them by the Scriptures only, and by the same ground maintain the Roman Religion. No other Papist had attempted so much before. But when James Marques of Baden had obtained from Louis Duke of Wurtembergh, some of the Divines there, should come unto a Conference, Pistorius shifted from day today until November. Then the Marques, and Frederik Duke of Mompelgart with consent of both parties set down the order and conditions of the dispute, and especially to handle in the first place the question, Whether the Lutheran or the Roman be the Catholik Church? Both parties gave their Theses concerning that: but in all the four Sessions Pistorius brought not one argument from the Scriptures: he insisted only in discussing the ambiguity of words, and sought to find captious sophisms : at last against the will of the Noble men and of his adversary party he break off the Conference: neither was anything remarkable in that dispute, saith Osiander Lib. Cit. but their Theses may be desired. Pistorius said, The Church ever was, is, and shall be conspicuous, so that it can never be extinguished, nor obscured, nor lurk, nor be silent. Though the notes of the Church be four, to wit, unity, holiness, perpetuity and universality; yet all may be reduced into one: for vniver sality is the absolute note of the Church; As error cannot be the sign of the false Church, so purity of the word and sacraments whether in whole or in part cannot be the mark of the true Church, because purity depends on the Church, rather then it upon purity, and purity is known better by the Scripture. On the other side the above named Jacob Andreae said, The Church on earth is one in all times and places; and the Scripture shows clearly, that the Church hath not one and alike face in all ages and places: for it had one face in the days of the Apostles, when she was most pure, because by faith she kept the doctrine of Christ, albeit her chastity was even then tempted by false teachers: and she had another face, when she was governed by the Fathers the successors of the Apostles: for by lapse of time some errors creept-in, as the Apostles had foretold. The third and most miserable face was under Antichrist: of which estate Christ and his Apostles had forewarned diligently: then was the Church so deformed, that she could scarcely be known, as the Prophet said of the Jewish Church, How is the faithful city become an harlot...neuertheless even then the Lord had his 7000. who had not defiled them selves with idolatry; And because before the glorious coming of the Lord, the Holy Ghost hath foretold, that the man of sin shall be reveeled, and killed in the hearts of many men, he foretelleth another and a fourth face of the Church, which is answerable unto the first in time of the Apostles; And albeit Satan will by fanatical spirits defile her no less them he did at the first, and the number of the elect shall be small, as Christ saith, When the son of man shall come, shall he find faith on the earth? nevertheless the true Church shall continue in despite of all the craft of Satan until the last judgment-day; It is sufficient to prove the true Church to be Catholik now (whether a particular or uniuersal) if it be demonstred oy the Prophets and Apostles or by their writings, that she is conform in doctrine unto her which was in the days of the Apostles; Neither is the purity of doctrine and Sacraments better known by the Church, then the Church is known by the doctrine and sacraments: for the Church depends on the word and Sacraments, but the purity of doctrine and Sacraments depends on God only and his reveeled will, even albeit all the world forsakeit & & speak against it, as it is written, All men are liars, but God is true, &c.
X. At Kracow An 1591. on the Ascension-day, the Popish party, especialthe Students being stirred up by their Masters the Jesuits, began with a huge tumult to pull down the houses, wherein the reformed were wont to assemble. The King Sigismund and the Nobility being in the town, sent some of the Guard to hinder them, and stayed them for a time: nevertheless at midnight those did gather again, and burnt the houses wholly. The Nobility of the nearest Provinces called this a beginning of the Massacre of Paris, and fearing greater danger, did meet in Chimiolinscia: they resolve first to send unto the king, and excuse them selves, that they had assembled without his knowledge; and to show, that their main b • siness was to Provide for his safety and honor agnaist the like tumults; and that they intend to have a more frequent meeting September 23. in Radom where the Nobility of Lithvania professing the gospel will be present; and to supplicat that the churches might be restored unto the Reformed in Cracow; and that a Parliament might be called, to establish peace of religion: The King show his displeasure, for that they had assembled without his knowledge; seeing he had all ready promised unto the Messingers of Sendomiria and Cracow, that he would use all the means of Peace, and to punish the authors and chief actors of that tumult. and he dischargeth that other meeting: he gave them liberty to rebuild the churches. In the year 1595. was a more frequent covenntion of the Reformed (or Euangelici, as they called them selves) at Torun in August: there were two Palatini, the Deputies of five others, two Castellani, and many Nobles of Poland and Lithuania, and forty four Divines. After prayer they chose Swietoslaus Otzelsci to be president, a Marshal and Scribes. Otzelsci declared the causes of their assembly, 1. to advise how to preserve a consent in doctrine, as it had been agreed by their fathers in Sendemiria: And 2. because they are obnoxious unto the malice and violence of adversaries, to consult how to preserve peace of religion, as both present King and the former Kings havesworn to continue it. When this was propounded, the Deputies of the absent Palatini, as also of the Senators of Volhinia, Russia, Podolia and Podlassia declared the excuses of their Authors, and their desire of the same particulares. A Messinger in the Kings name forbids them to sit anymore. They answer, They intend nothing against the King nor Kingdom nor the laws or constitutions there of, but only to advise upon their own grievances, and to maketheir addresses unto his Ma • . to supplicat his protection. Then the Messinger threatened the town, that they had received these men. It was answered, The town is patent unto Jews and heathens, and far less could those noble men he hindered to enter. But a Messinger of the b. of Cujaw spoke more menacingly, and said, It was his Privilege, to preserve Religion, to call and moderate Synods. They answered, Albeit the bishop hath no jurisdiction over them, neither are they obliged to give him account of their actions; nevertheless to satisfy his curiosity, they declare this to be the cause of their meeting, 1. that if any difference were among those of their Confession, either in doctrine or in disorderliness of manners, it may be composed orderly, and so they might continue peace among themselves, as we find in the Acts that the Apostles had their meetings upon the like occasions. 2. Because they had suffered most grievous injuries from their adversaries, by burning their churches, killing some, and most shamefully drawing others out of their graves, they had assembled to bewail their calamities and to advise upon a way of peace and savety hereafter: but it seems, that the priests would not suffer them to bemoan their miseries: And if the Bishop pleaseth, he may come into the town with as many as he willeth, as for them: they will not medle with his consulations. When these Messages were done, they consulted upon these propositions: and first they all did subscribe the consent of doctrine, as it was done at Sendomiria: and because heretofore they had followed different forms of confession, some the Augustan, some the Bohemian, and others the Helvetian, now to remove all differences, and namely, that of the sacrament, they unanimously agree to teach heerafteraccording to the Augustan confession, which was written in the year 1552. and if any manshall write, teach or speak other wise, or accuse any or embracing this consent, he shall not be accounted as a brother of the Polonian Church. Then they did accord upon some articles of Churchdiscipline, and to erect a public School by contribution of the Nobility. 2. They sent two Palatini of Minsk and Leszink with others, to represent unto the King, how their churches were demolished in Cracow, Posnania and Vilna: many dead were pulled out of their graves, and some Noble men were shut at posts: they name Bonar, and a Lady Zeczulmuzka: and that the Jesuits do instruct the people in the villages to kill their Masters of the Evangelical profession, promising unto them not only immunity: but large rewards: yea, they entice the women to murder their own husbands: and to supplicat his Majesty, that he would protect his faithful servants and subjects; provide for common peace of religion according to his coronation-oath, and not suffer himself to be deceived by those strangers (the Jesuits) who are banished out of France, and disturb other Nations. Dau. Chytrae. in Chronic. Saxonic. Osiander addeth, These Messingers received not a gracious answer. This King Sigismund married the sister of Ferdinand Duke of Austria, and after her death he married her sister, by dispensation of the Pope.
XII. Here is a Letter sent by the Emperor Rodolph unto Theodor geat Duke of Moscove in the year 1595. hinting at the estate of the most part of Europe at that time. His preface is that he had heard read unto him with great joy the Duk's Letters sent by his Embassador Michael Juvanouviz by which as also by the report of his Ambassador he understood his good will, in sending with a Christian and laudable zeal his gifts and aid against the Turk the common enemy of Christian name and blood, and in promising unto him (the Emp.) and the Christian world his best furtherance and offices: Which is not only acceptable unto himself, but shall also be unto his honor and praise through the Christian world, and a laudable precedent unto other Princes; as also himself and all the house of Austria shall declare their offices of thankfulness and courtesy unto him and his friends upon all occasions, that the brotherly alliance continued from their fore fathers may be known unto all Nations; As for the confederacion amongst the chief Princes of the Christian world, he hath not failed in his diligence to the uttermost: but hithertills he could prevail nothing with the Pope and King of Spain, because they are far distant, and the Pope being but lately advanced, is taken up with manifold cares for the distressed Church; and in the mean while doth aid Caesar wi • h men and money and declares a great zeal against the common enemy, as also he hath sent a Legate into Moscove for that effect: but the King of Spain being ancient and infirm, hath such business not only with his rebellious subjects, but with France and England, in every place; that he must be spared, and nevertheless he hath declared heretofore his good will unto us, and hath helped with a great sum of money; And when I shall understand, that he recovereth health, I shall not be slack to plead this cause by our Ambassadors both there and at Rome, until we obtain some assurance from them both: Of which we have resolved to acquaint your Brotherhood by our Ambassador, as also of the success of the Christian Army, especially when the Lord of hosts shall give us more victories. In the mean while we think it necessary to know of the condition of the King of Persia, and how we may deal with him, before we send any unto him; howbeit it is most certain that it greatly concerneth all Christendom, to have the Persians our friends: wherefore we entreat friendly, that your Brotherh. would continue mutual friendship with them, and cherish their affection towards us; Whereas your Brotherh. hath endeavored to raise the Tatars against the Turks howbeit you have not prevailed, yet we thank you kindly, entreating also brotherly, to persevere in that good purpose with them so far as you can: yet we have heard, that many Tatars are entered into Valachia, whom we must do what we can, to resist. As for the Treaty of peace begun with the Swede, we have our Ambassador Mincowitz there of a long time, until it be brought to an end, as also we have commanded Warkutzy to repair thither, when he shall expede his business: By whom your Brotherh. may understande; that we have done diligently in that cause, as also we promise with a brotherly mind unto your Brotherhood that we shall do our endeavor at all occasions and times, and in whatsoever other affairs; and whatsoeveur can be sought of us as a faithful brother, you may expect. We pray God to keep your Brotherh. in • avety unto us and all Christendom; whom we love with all brotherly faithfulness and loving-kindness. Given at Pragve September. 22. 1595. At that time the Emperor intending to send Maxinilian Duke of Austria General of his Army against the Turk, did consult of an expert Lieutennant to go with him: he was advised to employ Alfonso Duke of Ferraria, who thretty years before had been a Commander in Hungary under Maximilian, and then (notwithstanding his old age) was willing to aid Christendom in so great necessity and because he had no children, he would provide his inheritance unto his cousin Caesar Estensis, and besought the Pope to declare him his heir, if it shall happen that he shall not return; and for this he proffered unto the Pope some thousand Ducats of gold. But pope Clemens VIII. could not be moved by prayer nor reward, to grant this, and so through his fault the old Duke left that expedition. Da. Chytra. in Chron. Saxon. par. 5. Nevertheless the Emperor sent his Army against the Turk in Hungary: they did not good neither that year nor the next. and in the year 1598. by means of the Cham of Tatary was a Treaty of peace between the Emperor and the Turks: the articles that were demanded were so high on both sides, that their treating was in vain. Then was great fear amongst the Christians, until God gave then some space of breathing, by raising up some Bassa's against their own Master, and (as sometimes amongst the Midianites Judge. 7.) the Tatars in the Turkish Army fell into variance with their confederates, and fought most cruelly one against another in the year 1599.
XII. In year 1600. Tiber overflowed his banks to the great damage of Rome in time of the Jubiliee: the Pope sent a priest Mon • orius to say some prayers, and to give an Hosty (called) Agnus Dei unto the River: but the river would not accept such sacrifices. The same year the Jesuits persuaded Ferdinand Duke of Austria, to expel all the Ministers out of Styria: and the people that would not return to their old idolatry were persecuted, some were imprisoned, and some leaving their lands went away with their families into other contreyes. Then all the churches were thrown down, that the Protestants had built, and many graves were opened in despite of the dead people. Before that time had been peace among the Germans; notwithstanding the difference of religion: but these firebrands kindled a new persecution, and persuaded the Magistrates to oppress their subjects. But God made the Turks to punish the Duke Ferdinand, so that he loosed more another way. Osiander. Cent. 16. Lib. 4. Cap. 54.
XIII. It may please some to read a story which Nic. Hemingius hath in the end of his catechism: his last question is, If we should think so of the Popish Mass, it seems that for many years the Lord's Supper hath not been rightly administered in the world, Ans. So do the Papists object, but they are deceived, whill they say that the Supper was not used, if not with them: for they shut up the Church in too narrow bounds, seeing it is spread through, as Christ witnesseth, and I oppose his alone testimony unto all Priests and devils. But if you ask, Where was the Church without the jurisdiction of the Pope? I answer, There were many godly people in the outward society of the Romanists, who albeit they were deprived of the use of the Supper, yet they under stood rightly the foundations of religion, and the articles of faith (here he might have said that they received the sacrament with a true faith, as he had spoken before of Bernard, and certainly many were such.) Likewise in Turcia, Arabia, Persia, and in Egypt there were even from the time of the Apostles, and tooday are Churches, albeit under grievous tyranny, as God's people sometime were in Egypt. But lest you think, that I speak amiss, I will show you the description of the Supper and liturgy, as it is tooday in Arabia and Egypt, where Christians are. Three years ago (The book was written, Hafniae December 4. 1560. in Praefat. an ancient and grave man, Demetrius by name, and Thessalonian by nation, being sent by the Patriarch of Constantinople, told me many things of the religion of the Christians living among the Turks, and because he had lived ten years in Cairo that famous city of Egypt, which is also called Misrim, he declared unto me the rites of the Church there, being translated out of the Arabic: the narration whereof I have distinguished thus: 1. The Christians in Cairo have many churches (all marked with a half moon which is the Turkish badge) but without bells [they are called by the cry of a man unto their religion] and without idols, excep that they have historical pictures out of the old and New Testament upon the walls of the churches. 2. The Pastor of Antioch is their Patriarch, who, that he may be known to be Patriarch, hath a broad bonnet [with a red cross in the midst] on his head, as the badge of his office. 3. Four times yearly, to wit, the day of the Lord's nativity, the day of resurrection, the day of Pentecost, and August 15,. all Christians, that are there, do communicate of both elements: there is no difference of laiks and priests, but the same mysteries are given unto them both. 4. The celebration of the Mass is in this manner; The priest puts-on alba & pallium, after our manner almost, excep that he had four red crosses upon his priestly vesture, one on his right arm, another upon his left arm, a third upon his breast, and the fourth upon his back, that howsoever he turn, the badge of Christ the high priest may be seen. 5. The priest being so clothed in the vestiary, comes forth, and turning unto the people, he saith with a loud voice, that he may be heard by all that are present, Blessed be the Kingdom of the Father, and of the Sone, and of the holy Ghost, both ever and unto all ages of ages: and all the people answereth, Amen. 6. After this confession he subjoineth a prayer unto the holy Trinity and all the people answereth, Amen. 7. When the prayer is ended, the the people sing, Holy Father, holy Mighty, holy Immortal; have mercy on us, 8. After this song they read out of the writings of the Apostles, first in Greek, then in Arabic, because many Christians, that are there, have come from Arabia. 9. They sing, Hallelujah. 10. The Gospel is read in Greek, and then in Arabic. 11. When the Gospel is ended, all the people sing the song, which they call Cherubim. 12. When that song is ended, the chief Minister hath a Sermon, for an hour almost: for the Sermon is never beyond one hour. 13. When the Sermon is ended, the words of the Supper are rehearsed out of the pulpit, and that upon the four festivals as I said before at the third number. 14. Then coming from the pulpite unto the table, which is placed in the mist of the Church, the priest directing his face toward the people saith, Every good gift and perfect donation descends from above, from the Father of lights. 15. The priest distributing the Sacrament of the Supper, speaketh unto everyone of the communicants in these words, Receive thou grace from the Lord, and mercy from God our Savior. 16. Unto these words, he who receives the mysteries of the holy Supper, answereth, Son of God, make me partaker today of thy mystical Supper: I shall never deny thee: I shall not kiss thee as Judas did, but as the thief I will confess thee: remember me, Lord, in thy Kingdom. 17. They sing not in time of communicating, but all the spectators do meditate on these holy mysteries with singular devotion. 18. When the communion is finished, is a thanksgiving and a prayer: then the priest turning toward the people, blesseth them in this manner, The blessing of the Lord be upon you. And all the people say, Amen. Demetrius told me those things concerning the Mass, which is celebrated four times a year, as I have said. But in their daily meetings the same Demetrius told me, the Christians have this custom. 1. The priest beginneth with a blessing, as in the Mass. 2. Public prayers are made; a lesson is rehearsed out of the holy Scriptures, and there is a short Sermon. 3. When the prayer is finished, bread is distributed without wine: they call not this bread the body of the Lord, but it is given in token of mutual brotherly-love, that their minds being admonished by this sign, may be united, who eat of the same bread. 4. When they have eaten that bread, they are dismissed with this blessing, The blessing of the Lord be upon you. So Heming.
XIV. It may be required here, why is not mention made of the tares which the ill man did sow among the wheat in this Century? I intended indeed to have marked those heresies; but partly because these are collected already, and partly that this Compend hath swelled bigger then I intended, I leave them▪ and only will writ a little of a late kind of Monks in the Roman Church: these are the Jesuits. They had their first hatching from Johannes Petrus Carafa a Venetian, who became Pope Paul IIII. But because he brought not that Order to an establishment, his name is forgot in their genealogy, and Ignatius Loyola is called their first father. This was a Spanjard and a Captain: When the Frenches beseeged Pompejopolis, his one leg was broken, and the other was wounded with a b • llet: when his wounds were cured so as might be, he saw that he could not follow the wars (as he intended:) thereupon he took himself unto a reteered life, and reads the Legend's of Saints (as they are called) and went to Jerusalem for devotion: after his returning he began to study in Compluto, Salamantica, and then at Paris, where he became Master of Arts An. 1536. Then he intends to begin a new order, and hearing what Carapha had intended, he will prosecute that project: for upon occasion he lived at Venice. He takes with him ten fellows of his mind, and go togeher for confirmation of their Order. The Cardinals opposed him, because the world was complaining of the multitude of Orders and Monks, and indeed there was more need to restrain the number, then add new. But Loyola said, The Franciscans and Dominicans, who were wont to be stout Champions for the Apostolical See, had failed of their duty, but if his Order were confirmed, he and all his fellows will oblige themselves to do what they can, for confirming the Papal power. Upon this motive Pope Paul III. confirms the Order with this limitation, that their number should not exceed sixty: but in the year 1543. the Pope understanding of their diligence, takes off that restraint of the number. What sort of men those are may, be well known by two little books, one under the name Aphorismi Doctrinae Jesuitarum, printed An. 1608. another called Anatomia Societatis Jesu printed An. 1643. The first saith, They maintain all thearticles determined by the council at Trent, and namely these; 1. The Pope hath spiritual and temporal power to command, forbid, to excommunicate and escheat, to set up and cast down Emperors, Kings, and Princes; and who believe not this, is an heretic. 2. All clergy-men, Monks and Nonns, and all their privileges are all together free from obedience, censures and taxations of Magistrates; all Princes should commit their chief castls and fortresses unto church-men rather then to laicks. 3. Unto the pleasure of the Pope belongeth the authority of the Scripture, the interpretation and power of changing it; and the Pop's Decrees are absolutely necessary unto salvation, and they are firm and obligatory. 4. Albeit the Pope be a man, yet seeing he is the Vicar of God on earth, and therefore Divin honor should be given unto him, he cannot err in matter of faith, albeit all other men, yea and councils may err; and for this cause appeals may be from Councils unto the Pope, but not contra. 5. All capitulations, constitutions, leagues, fraternities, privileges of Emperors, Kings, Princes and States, whereby any other religion is permitted, excep the Romish religion, are of no validity, although they had been ratified by solemn oaths. 6. All Papists everywhere should endeavor to oppress by fire, sword, poison, powder, war and whatsoever engines, all heretics, especially Lutherans and their abbetors, even these Politick Catholics who would rather observe peace, then contribute to oppress heretics. 7. But if Papists do fear, that enterprices shall be in vain, and damage may befall the Romish religion, in this case may be a toleration, and they may wait for better occasion. 8. When Popish subjects have in an assembly judged an Emperor, King or Prince, to bea tyrant, then they may cast him off, and deliver themselfs from all obligation: but if they cannot assemble, then any subject taking the advice of a Jesuit or any such Divine, may, yea he doth meritoriously, to kill that King or Prince. 9. If subjects have a Lutheran or Calvinian Prince, who would compel them into heresy, those subjects are free from all homage and fealty; and they may expel or kill him. 10. Yea Emperors, Kings and Princes may be killed, if Jesuits or other grave Divines judge them tyrants. 11. The Pope may give unto Catholics the Kingdoms, dominions and territories of all heretics and infidels; and such donations are valid • . 12. Jesuits and other Catholic priests, when examined by heretical Magistrates, may use equivocations, feigned names and clothes; and they may deny the truth, for insinuating themselves abroad, or for bringing their designements to pass. 13. Jesuits and other Papists may use equivocations, when he who is demanded, thinks that that Judge hath not lawful power to question him, or his adversary hath not just cause to plead. 14. Neither is every catholic tied to answer according to his mind, unto private catholicks, but he may equivocat, and deceive his demanders: 15. This equivocation is a profitable Art, and a new prudence. These Aphorisms are proved particularly by their books and practices. The other book is written by one of that Society, bewailing the corruptions thereof, as appears by his epistle unto the Reader, and in Pag. 37. he hath the words of Claud. Aquaviva their General complaining thus, Secularity and Aulicism insinuating into the familiarity and favor of strangers, is a disease of our Society, dangerous both within and without, unto them that are infected, and Us (the Superiors) who almost know nothing of it; Under a fair show (indeed) of gaining Princes, Prelates and potent Men, of council • ating such persons unto the Society for divine obedience, of helping others, but in truth we seek ourselves, and by degrees we decline into secular affairs. And in Pag. 43. are these words of Joh. Mariana a Jesuit in his book. De Morbis Societatis, Cap. 19. Our rules have been oftymes changed: the body of the Society is altogether contrary unto that which our Fundator Ignatius conceived and framed; men are scandalized, grumble and hate us for no other cause, but that they see us so singular and interested or seeking our own gain.....None can deny, that our society hath departed from right reason. And in Pag. 49. he shows that by the first foundation and also by later constitutions under Aquaviva, they should follow the doctrine of S. Thomas [Aquinas] but because many questions are started up that were not known by him, they follow no precedent. He speaks of their prudence Pag. 12. as of men desirous to serve God and Mammon, who because they have gone unto the world, and hate God, as Christ teaches, Matt. 6. all good men should hate them, and follow David, who said, Do I not hate them, who hate thee, o Lord? Their last aim or end, which they profess and fain, is the glory of God, and salvation of their own soul; The middle and remoter end is the spiritual salvation of their nighbours; and the nearest is the honor of the Apostolical See; But really the end aimed-at, and the rule of all things done by the Society according to the mind of their Superiors, is the last, the proper good of each one, gain, pleasure and glory; And the middle; remoter is the glory and vast dominion of their General; And the nearest is the Monopoly of things that are of greatest necessity and worth; as 1. of grace with God; that none should be in favor with God, nor obtain remission or absolution of sins but by Jesuits; and that none should attain to honor, Offices and wealth from Princes but by Jesuits. 2. Of faith, that none should be turned from paganism to Christianity, nor from heresy to the catholic faith, but by means of Jesuits. 3. Of perfection, that none should be held perfect or a Saint, but by Jesuits, that is, unless he be of the Jesuits. 4. Of learning, that now none may learn Divin or human Letters but under a Jesuit. 5. Of virtue or good manners, that none should be instructed but by the admonitions and example of Jesuits. 6. Of fame or good name, that none should be thought good or learned, but by the suffrage of the Jesuits, at least these not resisting. In Pag. 28. he speaks of the fruits of this depraved Society, and distinguishes them into inward and outward; The inward are special, or general; The special are 1. in Superiors, the ambition of the general affecting a Monarchy and vast Empire; Courtliness, secularity, and Polypragmosyne or meddling with many affairs; and tyrannical manner of domineering, that is, deceitfulness and violence. 2. in the subjects, effeminate and dainty breeding of Novices: a great number and great license of laiks, Mangonia, or a devilish way of alluring men into their society; an unwillingness of mind, or a desire to forsake the Society: aloss of goods brought into the Society, and beggary: a hunting of inheritances: flattering of Superiors and potent strangers: quadruplies or delaying of pleas from time to time: envy against the learned and famous without their Society: contumacy against Superiors: courtliness and secularity. The general fruits are the multiplication of Colleges contrary unto the ordinances: multitude of but half-learned Masters: a sophistical way of teaching, not for advancing of learning, but serving unto the ambition of the General, who would have many colleges, and many Masters to be planted in new Schools: paucity of men eminent in learning........hypocrisy, doubleness, simulation and dissimulation as of men living sparingly and disclosing themselves simply unto none: a shameless denying of the things that are done by catholicks, especially by the clergy, though these things are known certainly: a contumelious way of contending and disputing with the heterodoxe, and stirring up of Princes into violence against them. The external fruits are private or public: the private are, many children and young men do unwarily by impulsion of Jesuits • ty themselves with the vow of chastity, that they must be Jesuits: many hate learning and forsake it, being terrified by the multitude of Grammare rules: many are craftily cheated of their patrimony; many indigent are deprived of godly men's alms; many are through envy so diffamed, that they can do no good in public, especially if the Pharisees conspire with the Herodians.....The public fruits are the first or secondary: the first are ecclesiastical or Political. The ecclesiastical are 1. rarity of Councils: for they persuade men that Councils are not necessary, seeing they can perform all thing concerning the preservation of faith and discipline; 2. the unfitness of Bishops, seeing by the teaching and example of their Masters the Jesuits, they know not a contemplative life nor Apostolical patience...Epicurism of the Sadducees or clerks who live so as if they believed neither resurrection, nor that there is a soul and spirit....the infamy of the ancient sort of Monks, as if they had been the broachers of all heresies; some scandalous, wicked and heretical opinions, which they have hid for a long time, and now having power dar vent them, as may be seen in Apologia Perfectionis Mic. à Jesus Maria, printed twice at Rome, and again at Ravensburg, &c. The Political fruits are in respect of Princes, or subjects; through the flattering and indulgence of Confessary Jesuits is the tyranny of some Princes, who account their will a law, and their proper interest to be the end of their power, seeing the Superiors of the Society commanding the same way, and not only absolve Princes their imitators, but also pronounce them blest, &c. In subjects, the corruption of faith and manners, ignorance, imprudence: for Jesuits partly by their traditions, and partly by example persuad the people that God and Mammon may be both served, and he may enter into the Kingdom of heaven who puts his hand to the plough and looks back again.....as may be seen more fully in that Apologia. The secondary fruits are the offense of God by profaning ecclesiastical goods...civil wars arising from that war that sinners have against God, and from the bloody doctrine of Jesuits, who teach that the erroneous should be forced to return unto the Church, albeit the ancient scandals be not removed, and new ones are multiplied, &c. He speaks also of their means of alluring men, of their policies and corruptions more particularly. Another saith, The four wings of these locusts are arrogancy of learning, their flattering of Princes and wealthy persons, impudence in denying, and the great power that they have purchased.
CHAP. IV. Of BRITANNE.
1. I Left at the gracious providence of God towards Queen Elisabet: in continuance thereof is here to be remembered, 1. that Pope Pius V. did accurse her An. 1569. and caused the Breve to be affixed on the Bishop of London's palace An. 1570. by John Felton; yet neither did her subjects love her the less, nor other Princes leave off correspondence with her: and the worst effect was; Felton was hanged; and. 2. The Earls of Northhumberland and Westmorland hearing of the curse, and trusting to the promises of aid from the Pope and from Spain, raised a rebellion in the North: the one was taken and beheaded; and Westmorland escaped into Flanders, and died in a poor condition. 3. The next year Leonard Dacres began to revive the rebellion in the same Shiers, and was soon defeated. 4. About the same time John Story a Doctor of law, and one Prestol were apprehended and convinced of treason, for giving information unto Duke d'Alva, how he might invade England, and cause Irland revolt. 5. John • esley bishop of Ross plotted with sundry Englishes, to intercept the Queen, and set Queen Mary at liberty An. 1571. God turned their plots to their damage. 6. John Duke of Austria aiming at that kingdom, sought Queen Mary in marriage: in the midst of his projected plots he died suddenly An. 1567. 7. Thomas stuckly plotted first with Pius V. and then with Gregory XV. to conquer Irland unto the Pope's son: he was made General, and sent away with 800. Italians: but God disposed so, that Stukly was first employd to aid Sebastian King of Portugal against the Mauritanians, and died there. 8. Nicolas Sanders a priest entered into Irland with an Army of Spaniards An 1580. and joining with other rebellious Papists, made a great insurrection: they were soon quasshed. 9. The next year numbers of Seminaries and Jesuits came from Rome, to prepare the subjects unto a change, and to take part with foreign powers when they shall come into the Land: for this cause greater restraint was laid upon Papists: of those incendiaries some were executed for treason, and many were sent out of the kingdom. 10. In the year 1583. John Somerwill was taken, when he was going to kill the Queen: he confessed, that he was persvaded to do so byreading books written by the Seminaries: he was condemned; and strangled himself in New-gate. 11. An. 1585. William Parry having an absolution from the Pope, vowed to kill her: but God struck him with such terror, that having opportunity he could not do it: his purpose was discovered, and he received the reward of a traitor. 12. An. 1586. John Ballard a priest stirred up some gentle men to kill Her, when she went abroad to take the air: this was discovered before they had opportunity: they confessed their plot to bring-in foreign forces: fourteen was executed as tra • tors. 13. William Stafford a young gentle man and one Moody were persvaded by a foreign Ambassador lying in England An 1587 to kill Her: this was discovered. 14. An. 1588. Philip King of Spain sent an huge navy, which he supposed [as it was called] invincible: the Lord of land and sea heard the prayers of both kingdoms England and Scotland, and dissipated that na • y by stormy winds. 15. An. 1593. Lopez a Jew and the Queen's ordinary Physician undertook to poison her upon promise of 50000. crouns from King Philip: but before the hire came, the traitor was punished. 16. The next year Patrick Cullen an Irish fencer was hired by English fugitives in Flanders, to kill Her: intelligence was given, and he was apprehended. 17. The same year other two undertook the • ame fact, as also to set her Navy on fire with bals of wild-fire, and received the like reward. 18. An. 1598. Edward Squire was suborned in Spain by a Jesuit to poison Her, by laying strong poison on the pommel of the sadle, whereon she was wont to ride, that she laying her hand on it, might carry the sent of it unto her nose. Squire followed direction, and did the deed on a day, when she was going to ride; and if She had touched the pommel, it had been her death: but Divine providence so ruled, that she touched it not: the treason was discovered and rewarded. 19. The Earl of Tyron came from Spain An 1599. and raised the greatest rebellion in Irland, that was in her time; yet he was overthrown. 20 An. 1600. a plot was laid to remove some chief Officers and Counselors from her: and then the Papists thought to find their opportunity: this project was discovered and prevented. 20. Henry Garnet Superior of the Seminaries in England, and others had another plot, and sent Thomas winter into Spain An. 1601. King Philip embraced the motion, and promised to help them: but before it came, the Queen ended her days in peace. Seeing so many plots were discovered, it may (not improbably) be judged, that moe were intended: but she was so safe under the wings of the Almighty, that neither open hostility nor privy conspiracy could annoy her. The remembrance hereof may teach others to trust in God, as the safest policy. I return unto Church-affairs. First we may profitably observe the cause of the difference in the Reformation of the Churches in those two Kingdoms. It is true, both looked unto the Word as the rule of Reformation, but they varied in the manner of application: for England held, that whatsoever in discipline and rites is not contrary unto God's word should be retained: for in the twentieth article of the Convocation An. 1563. it is said, The Church hath power to decree rites or ceremonies, and authority in matters of faith: and yet it is not lawful for the Church to ordain anything that is contrary unto God's word: neither may it so expound one place that it be contrary unto another: wherefore although the Church be a witness and keeper of holy Writ, yet as it not ought not decree anything against the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce anything to be believed for necessity of salvation. But Scotland applied the Rule more close, in this manner, What soever hath not a warrant in the Word, should be abolished; as in the fourtienth article of Confession they say, Evil works are not only those that are done expressly against God's commandment, but those also that in matters of religion, and inworshipping of God, have no other assurance, but the invention and opinion of man: which God hath ever from the beginning rejected, as by the prophet Isaiah and by our Master Christ Jesus we are taught in these words, In vain Do they worship me, teaching for Doctrines the precepts of men. So without respect of men those did cleave unto the Word of God, and did judge, What soever is without the Word, either in doctrine, or religious worship or in Ecclesiastical discipline, cannot be accepted of God as service, when he requires it not. But England upon account, that those who had been enured with Popish doctrine and superstitions, might be the more easily allured to forsake that doctrine, if the rites and discipline were retained, and hoping (as is hinted in the former part) that by time a more perfect Reformation might be attained, took this prudential course, as it is called; trusting especially that bishops and priests might be the more easily induced to join with the Reformation. So both in the Confession in King Edwards time, and in the articles of the Convocation An. 1564. (or according to the English Style. 1563.) they allowed liberty unto dissenting judgments, and made large expressions and capacious words, being loath to drive off from the communion any who differing in the branches, meet in the main grounds of religion. Those things that were retained upon such plausible motives, had a twofold influence, (Such is the nature of human corruption.) to wit. 1. one superstition draweth-on another, as a link of a chain; If this may be used, why not that▪ 2. what was at first retained by way of toleration & condescension, was afterwards pressed upon men's consciences by authority, that men must conform in practice of rites, and to the opinion of Superiors, or suffer punishment. The first particular exception was made by the Papists against the title, The Head of the Church, which was given unto King Henry; and The Supreme Judge in causes Ecelesiastical; which was given unto Queen Elisabet. They excepted against this always: but the first that hath written of it, was Harding in his pretended refutation of England's Confession. Bishop Jewell answereth him in his Defense of the Apolog. part. 6. cap. 11. divis. 1. saying, Concerning the title, The supreme head of the Church, we need not search the Scriptures to excuse it. For 1. We devised it not. 2. We use it not. 3. our Princes at this time claim it not. Your Fathers first enrituled that noble Prince King Henry VIII. with that unused and strange Style, as it may well be thought, the rather to bring him into the talk and slander of the world. Howbeit that the Prince is the highest Judge and Governor over all his subjects whatsoever, alswel priests as laymen without exception, &c. He insists at length upon this purpose; as also Doct. Fulk against the Rhemists Annotations on Matth. 22. and others: I shall add the Answer of Thom. Bilson, sometime Warden of Wincester unto the Jesuits Apolog. Lib. 2. where the Jesuit or Philander saith, You would have our faith and salvation so to hang on the Princes will and laws, as if there could be no nearer way to religion, then to believe what our temporal Lord and Master list. He answereth, It is a cunning, when you cannot confute your adversaries, at least to belie them, that you may seem at least to say somewhat against them: indeed your fourth chapter is wholly spent in refelling this position, which we detest as much as you. Philander replieth, You begin to shrink from your former teaching. He answereth in name of Theophilus, You will never shrink from your former facing: Did ever any man on our side affirm the Princes will to be the rule of faith? have we not earnestly written, and openly taught that religion must not depend on the pleasure of men? Have not thousands here in England and elsewhere given our life's for the witness and confession of God's Truth, against Princes, Laws and Popes decrees? In Spain, France and Italy and other places at this day do we not endure all the torments you can devise, because we will not believe what temporal Lord's and Masters will? your conscience knows, it is ttue, that we say: Why do you then charge us with this wicked assertion, from which we be farther off, then you? For you hold opinion of Popes, they cannot err: we do not of Princes. Why do you Father your fancies upon us? why do you purposely pervert the question, heaping absurdities, and alleging authorities against that which we do not defend? Philander, The oath which ye take yourselves, and exact of others, induces us thus to think of you: for there you make Princes the only supreme Governors of all persons in all causes as well spiritual as temporal, utterly renouncing all foreign jurisdictions and Superiority: Upon which word mark what an horrible confusion follows: If Princes be the only Governors in ecclesiastical matters, then in vain did the Holy Ghost appoint Pastors and Bishops to govern the Church; If they be Supreme, then are they Superior to Christ himself, and in effect Christ's Masters; If in all things and causes spiritual, then they may prescribe unto the Priests and Bishops, what to preach, and which way to worship and serve God, how and in what form to Minister, the Sacraments, and generally how men shall be governed in soul. If all foreign jurisdiction be renounced, then Christ and his Apostles (because they were and are foreigners) have no jurisdiction nor authority over England. Theophilus, Wake you, or dream you? That in matters of no less weight, then your duty to God and the Prince, you fall to these childish and pelting sophisms? What kind of concluding call you this? Princes only bear the sword to command and punish: Ergo Bishops may not teach and exhort: Princes are not subject unto the Pope; Ergo Superiors to Christ: They may by their laws establish what Christ hath commanded; Ergo they may change both Scripture and Sacraments: No forrainer at this this day hath jurisdiction over this Land; ergo Christ and his Apostles 1500. years ago might not preach the gospel. Philand. We make no such reasons. T • eop. The former propositions are the true contents of the oath, we take; the later are the very absurdities which you infer upon us fortaking the oath..... Philan. Do you not make Princes supreme Governors of all spiritual things? Theoph. you reason as if we did: but ourwords, since you will rest upon words, are not so. Philan. What are they then? Theoph. We confess them to be supreme governors of their realms and dominions. Philan. And that in all spiritual things and causes. Philan. Not of all spiritual things and causes. Philan. What difference between those two speeches? Theoph. Just as much as excludes your wrangling: we make them not governors of the things them selves but of their subjects; which, I trust, you dar notwithstand. Philan. I grant, they be Governors of their subjects, bur not in ecclesiastical things or causes..... Theoph. Where we profess that her highness is the only Governor of this realm, the word Governor doth sever the Magistrate from the Minister, and shows a manifest difference between their offices: for bishops be not Governor of the countries; Princes be: that is, Bishops bear not the sword to reward or revenge; Princes do: bishops have no power to command or punish; Princes have. After two leafes he saith, We teach, that God in delivering the sword to Princes, hath given them this direct charge, to provide that as well the true Religion be maintained in their realms, as civil justice ministered; and hath to this end allowed Princes full the power to forbid, prevent and punish in all their subjects be they lay men, Clercks and Bishops, not only murders, thefts........And the like breaches of the second table; but also schisms, heresies, idolatries and all other offenses, against the first table pertaining only to the service of God and matters of religion. And page 202. Philander saith, I will never confess Princes to be supreme: for he that judgeth on earth in Christ's steed is above them all. Theoph. Now you come to the quick: this very claim was the cause, why the word Supreme was added to the oath: for that the bishop of Rome takes upon him to command and depose Princes, as their lawful and superior Judge. To exclude this wicked presumption, we teach that Princes be supreme rulers: we mean, subject to no superior Judge, to give a reason of their doings, but only to God, &c. Most clearly hath James Usher Archbishop of Armagh opened this oath in a Speach in the Star-chamber of Irland, when he was bishop of Meath: there he saith, Concerning the positive part of the oath, we are taught from 1. Pet. 2. 13. 14. to respect the King not as the only governor of his dominions simply (for we see, there be other governors placed under him) but Hoos HUPERECHONTA, that is, (according to the tenure of the oath) as him who is the only supreme governor of his realms. Upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion, Whatsoever power is incident to the King by virtue of his place, must be acknowledged to be in him Suppream, there being nothing so contrary to the nature of Soveranity, as to have another superior power, to overrule it. 2. Consider that for the better establishing of piety and honesty among men, and the repressing of profanness and other vices, God hath established two distinct powers upon earth; one of the keys, committed unto the Church, the other of the sword committed unto the Civil Magistrate. That of the keys is ordained to work upon the inner man, having immediate relation to the retaining or remitting of sins, Johan. 20. verse. 23. That of the sword is appointed to work upon the outward man, yielding protection unto the obedient, and inflicting external punishment upon the rebellious and disobedient. By the former the spiritual officers of the Church are enabled to govern well, to speak, and exhort, and rebuke with all authority, to loose such as are penitent, to commit others unto the Lord's prison. until their amendment, or to bind them over unto the judgment of the great day, if they shall persist in their willfulness and obstinacy. By the other, Princes have an Imperious power assigned by God unto them, for the defense of such as do well, and executing wrath upon such as do evil, whether by death, banishment....When Peter, who had the keys committed unto him, made bold to draw the sword, he was commanded to put it up, as a weapon, that he had no authority to medle with. And on the other side when Uzziah the K. would venture • pon the execution of the Priests office, it was said unto him, It apperiaines not unto thee, Uzziah, to burn incense unto the Lord but unto the priests... 2. Chr. 26. Let this therefore be our second conclusion, The power of the sword, and of the keys are two distinct ordinances of God; and that the Prince hath no more authority to enter upon any part of the execution of the priests function, then a priest hath to intrude upon any part of the office of the Prince. In the third place observe, that the power of the Civil sword (the supreme managing where of belongs unto the King alone) is not to be restrained to temporal causes only, but by God's ordinance is to be extended likeways unto all spiritual things and causes; That as the spiritual rulers do exercize their kind of government in bringing men into obedience, not of the duties of the first table only, but also of the second; So the Civil Magistrate is to use his authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first table, as against the second, that is, alswell in punishing an heretic, an idolater as a thief and traitor; and in providing. by all good means, that such as living under his government, may lead a quiet and peaceable life in godliness and honesty. And howsoever by this mean we make both Prince and Priest to be in their several places Custodes vtriusque tabulae, yet we do not confound their offices: for albeit the matter, where in their government is exercised, may be the same, yet the manner of government is different; the one reaching to the outward man only, and the other to the inward; the one binding or loosing the soul, and the other laying hold on the body and things belonging thereunto; the one having special reference to the judgment of the world to come: and the other respecting the present: retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of life....But here it will be said, The words of the oath being general, that the King is the only Supreme governor of this realm and of all other his Dominions, how can it appear that the power of the civil sword only, is meant by that Government, and that the power of the keys is not comprehended therein? I answer. 1. that where a Civil Magistrate is affirmed to be Governor of his dominions; by common intendment this must be understood of a Civil Government, and may not be extended to that which is of another kind. 2. where an ambiguity is concieved in any part of an oath, it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him, for whose satisfaction the oath was ministered. But in this case it hath been sufficiently declared by authority, that no other thing is meant: for in the book of articles agreed upon by the bishops and clergy in the convocation holden at London An. 1563. thus we read, Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the chief Government (by which title, we understand, the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended) we give not to our Prince, the ministering either of God's word, or of the sacraments (the which thing the Injunctions lately set forth by Elisabet our Queen do also most plainly testify) but that only prerogative, which we see to have been given always to all godly Princes in the holy Scriptures by God himself, that is, that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and ill doers. So far they. If it be here objected, that the authority of the Convocation is not a sufficient ground for that which was enacted in Parliament: I answer, These articles stand confirmed by Royal assent of the Prince (for the establishing of whose supremacy the oath was framed) and also by a special Act of Parliament in the 13. year of Queen Elisabet ch. 12. Seeing therefore the makers of the law have full authority to expound the law; and they have sufficiently manifested, that by Supreme Government given unto the Prince, they understand that Government only which is exercised with the Civil sword, I conclude, that nothing can be more plain then this, That without all scruple, the Kings Majesty may be acknowledged in this sense, to be the supreme Governor of all his dominions and Countries as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things as temporal. And so I have cleared the first main branch of the oath. So far In Usher. And because this oath was so understood, excluding all foreign power, I have not found, that any man excep the Papists, did object against it. And albeit Scotland used not this title in formality of words, yet they did ever acknowledge the same power in their Sovereign, as is clear in the Confession of faith, which was presented unto the Parliament An. 1567. where in Article 24. it is said, We confess and acknowledge, that such persons as are placed in authority are to be beloved, honored, feared and holden in most reverent estimation, because they are the Lieutenents of God, in whose seats God himself doth sit and judge; yea, even the Judges and Princes themselves, to whom by God is given the sword, to the praise and defense of good men, and to revenge and punish all malefactors. Moreover to Kings, Princes, Rulers and Magistrates, we affirm that chiefly and most principally the conservation and purgation of religion appertaineth, so that not only they are appointed for Civil policy, but also for mainteinance of true religion, and suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever; As in David, Josaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah and others highly commended for their zeal in that case, may be espied. And therefore we confess and avow, that such as resist the Supreme power, doing that thing which appertains to his charge, do resist God's ordinance; and therefore cannot be guiltless, &c. Next it is remarkable, that howbeit the Missal was abolished, and the Service-book was authorized in England, yet the the Ministers were not astricted unto the full prosecution of it from the beginning: the one might not be used, and the other might be used; yet they were not tiedunto it: for many were for that Principle of Scotland, whereof mention is made before, and would have put away all ceremonies that had no warrant from the word of God, and they did forsake them. Neither did Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterburry press any of his diocie to use those rites; It is true, he required them to use the Service book, as we find, he required John Fox to subscribe: the old man produced the New Testament in Greek, and said, To this I will subscribe. But when the subscription of the Canons was required, he refused, and said, I have nothing in the Church, but a prebend at Salisbury, and much good may it do you if you, will take it from me. So he was dismissed, and continued in his Ministry till the day of his death. And Ed. Grindal succeeding in that See, was so far from pressing any unto Conformity (as it was then called) that he incurred the Queen displeasure for his connivence; yea he not only connived, but he was a favourer of the Not-conformists, and when they began to use prophesying (which in Scotland is called The. Exercise) he resorted with them, and commended them, as appears by that his Letter, which he (being under restraint) wrote and sent unto the Queen in the year 1580. of which I have transcribed a part from Thom. Fuller's Church-Histor. Lib. 9. he beginneth thus; With most humble remembrance of bounden duty unto your Majesty, It may please the same to be advertised, that the speeches which it pleased you to deliver unto me, when I last attended on your Highness, concerning the number of preachers and the utter snbuersion of all learned Exercises and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church, allowed by the bishops and Ordinaries, have exceedingly dismayd and disconforted me, not so much for that, the said speeches sounded very hardly against my own person, being but one particular man, and not so much to be accounted of; but most of all for that the same might tend to the public harm of God's Church, whereof your Majesty by office ought to be Nutricia, and also the heavy burden of your conscience before God, if they should be put to execution.......I thought it my duty by writing to declare some part of my mind unto your Highness, beseeching the same with patience to read over this........If I should use dissembling silence, I should very ill requite so many your Majesty's, and so great benefits: for in so doing both you might fall into peril towards God, and I myself into endless damnation......I beseech your Majesty thus to think of me, that I do not conceive any ill opinion of you, although I cannot assent unto those two Articles then expounded. I do with all the rest of your good subjects acknowledge, that we have received by your government, many and most excellent benefits, as amongst others, freedom of conscience, suppression of Idolatry......I am also persuaded, that ever in those matters, which you seem to urge, your meaning and zeal is for the best: the like hath happened to many the best Princes that ever were; yet have not refused afterwards to be better informed......David hath not evil meaning, when he commanded to number the people......Yet saith the Scripture, his own heart stroke him, and God by the Prophet reprehended him........And so to come to the present case,.....Surely I cannot marvel enough, how this strange opinion should once enter into your mind, that it should be good for the Church to have few preachers. Alas, Madam, is the Scripture more plain in anything, then that the Gospel of Christ should be plentifully preached; and that plenty of laborers should be sent into the Lord's harvest? which being great and large, stands in need not of a few, but of many workmen. There was appointed to Solomon's material temple artificers and laborers, besides 3000. overseers: and shall we think, that a few preachers may suffice to the building of the spiritual temple of Christ......I beseech your Majesty to note one thing necessary; If the Holy Ghost prescribeth expressly, that preachers should be placed oppidatim, how can it well be thought, that three or four preachers may suffice for a shire?......Some there be, that are mislikers of the godly Reformation in Religion once established, wishing indeed that there were no preachers at all, and so by depriving of Ministers, impugn Religion, Non aperto Marte, sed in cuniculis, much like the Bishops in your Fathers time, who would have had the English translation of the Bible called-in, as evil translated, and the new translation to be committed unto them, which they never intended to perform. A number there is, and that exceeding great, altogether worldly-minded......And because the preaching of God's Word (which to all Christians conscience is sweet and delectable) to them, having Cauterizatas conscientias, is bitter and grievous.....they wish that there were no preachers at all: but they dare not directly condemn the office of preaching so expressly commanded by God's Word (for that were open blasphemy) they turn themselves altogether, and with the same meaning as others do, against the persons of them that are admitted to preach. But God forbid, Madam, that you should open your ears unto any of these wicked persuasions. Cum defecerit Propheta, dissipabitur Populus, saith Solomon, Prov. 27. Where it is thought, that the reading of godly Homilies set forth by public authority may suffice, the reading of these hath it's commodities, but it is nothing comparable to the office of preaching......These were devised by godly Bishops in your brothers days, only to supply necessity, by want of preachers, and are by the statute, not to be preferred, but to give place to Sermons, wheresoever they may be had, and were never thought in themselves to contain alone sufficient instruction for the Church of England: For it was found then (as it is now) that this Church had been by appropriations, not without sacrilege, spoiled of the livings, which at the first were appointed to the office of preaching or teaching, which appropriations were first annexed to Abayes, and after came to the crown, and now are disposed to private men's possessions, without hope to reduce the same to the original institution.....Concerning the second point, which is of the learned exercises and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church, I have consulted with diverse of my brethren the Bishops, who think of the same as I do, a thing profitable to the Church: And therefore expedient to be continued; and I trust, your Majesty will think the like, when you shall be informed of the matter and order thereof, what authority it hath of the Scriptures, what commodity it bringeth with it, and what discommodities will follow, if it be clean taken away. The authors of this exercise are the Bishops of the Diocese, where it is used, who by the law of God, and by the canons and constitutions of the Church now in force have authority to appoint exercise to their inferior Ministers for increase of learning and knowledge of the Scriptures, as to them seems expedient: for that pertains ad disciplinam Clericalem. So after he hath spoken of the matter and order of that Exercise, and the ground of it from. 1. Sam. 10. and 1. Cor. 14. he addeth, This gift of interpreting the Scriptures in S. Paul's time was given to many by a special miracle without study......but now miracles ceasing, men must attain to the Hebrew, Greek and Latin tongues......by travel and study, God gives the increase: So must men attain by the like means to the gifts of expounding and interpreting the Scriptures, and amongst other helps nothing is so necessary as these above named exercises and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church; which in effect are all one with the exercises of Students in Divinity in the Universities, saving, that the first is done in a tongue understanded, to the more edifying of the unlearned hearers. Howsoever report hath been to your Majesty concerning these exercises, yet I and others of York, whose names are noted as follows, 1. Cantuariensis, 2. London, 3. Winch, 4. Bathon, 5. Lichfield, 6. Gloucester, 7. Lincoln, 8. Chester, 9. Exon, 10. Meneven. aliàs David's, as they have testified unto me by their Letters, have found by experience, that these profits and commodities following have ensued of them; 1. The Ministers of the Church are more skillful, and more ready in the Scriptures, and more Apt to teach their flocks. 2. It withdraws them from idleness, wandering, gaming, &c. 3. Some afore suspected in doctrine, are brought to the knowledge of the truth. 4. Ignorant Ministers are driven to study, if not for conscience, yet for shame and fear of discipline. 5. The opinion of lay men touching the ableness of the Clergy is hereby removed. 6. Nothing by experience beats down Popery more then that. 7. Ministers, as some of my brethren do confess, grow to such knowledge by means of those exercises, that where a fore were not able Ministers, not three, now are thretty able and meet to preach at Paul's cross, and 40 or 50 besides able to instruct their own Cures; so as it is found by experience the best means to increase knowledge in the simple, and to continue it in the learned: Only backward men in religion, and contemners of learning in the countries abroad do fret against it: which in truth doth the more commend it. The dissolution of it would b • eed triumph in the Adversary, and great sorrow and grief unto the favorers of Religion, contrary to the Counsel of Ezek. 13. 18. Cor justi non est contristandum. Although some have abused this good and necessary exercise, there is no reason, that the malice of a few should prejudice all: abuses may be reformed, and that which is good may remain: Neither is there any just cause of offenses to be taken, if diverse men make diverse senses of one sentence of Scripture, so that all the senses be good and agreeable to the analogy and proportion of faith: for otherwise we must condemn all the ancient Fathers, and diverse of the Church, who most commonly expound one and the same text of Scripture diversely, and yet all to the good of the Church....Because I am well assured.....that these exercises for the interpretation of the Scriptures, and for exhortation and confort, are profitable.........I am enforced with all humility, and yet plainly to profess, that I cannot with safe conscience, and without the offense of the Majesty of God, give my assent to the suppressing of these exercises, much less can I send out any Injunction for the utter and universal subversion of the same. I say with Paul, I have no power to destroy, but only to edify; and I can do nothing against the truth, but with the truth. If it be your Majesty's pleasure or for any other cause to remove me, I consider with myself, Quod horrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis, and also, Quod qui facit contra conscientiam [Divinis in rebus] aedificat ad gehennam...... Bear with me Madam, I beseech you, if I choose rather to offend your earthly Majesty, then to offend the heavenly Majesty of God......I will draw to an end, most [ 1] humbly praying that you will consider these short petitions; I. that you would refer all these ecclesiastical matters unto the Bishops and Divines of the Church of your realm, according to the example of all Christian Emperors and Princes of all ages: for indeed they are to be judged as an Antient writes, in Ecclesia seu Synodo, non in Palatio. When your Majesty hath questions of the laws of your realm, you do not decide them in your Court or palace, but send them to your Judges to be determined.........Ambrose to Theodosius used these words, Si de caus • s pecuniariis Comites tuos consulis, quanto magis in causa Religions Sacerdotes Domini aequum est consulas...... My second petition is that when you deal in matters of faith [ 2] and religion, or matters that touch the Church of Christ, which is the Spouse bought with so dear a price, you would not pronounce so resolutely and peremptorily, quasi ex authoritat • , as you may do in civil and external matters; but always remember that in God's cause, the will of God, and not the will of any creature is to take place. It is the Antichristian voice, Sic volo, sic jubeo, s • et pro ration voluntas. In God's matters, all Princes ought to bow their Scepters to the Son of God, and to ask counsel at his mouth, what they ought to do. David exhorts all Kings and rulers to serve God with fear and trembling. Remember, Madam, that you are a mortal creature: look not only (as was said to Theodosius) upon the people and princely array, wherewith you are appareled, but consider also, what it is that is covered there with..........Must you not one day appear ante terrendum tribunal Crucifixi, ut recipias ibi prout gesseris in corpore, sive bonum, sive malum. And although you are a mighty Prince, yet remember......As the Psalmist saith, 76. Terribilis est is qui aufert Spiritum principum, terribilis super omnes Reges terrae. Wherefore I beseech you, Madam, in visceribus Christi, when you deal in these religious causes, set the Majesty of God before your eyes, laying aside all earthly Majesty, determine with yourself to obey his voice, and with all humility say unto him, Non mea, sed tua voluntas fiat. God hath blessed you with great felicity now many years: beware, you do not impute it to your deserts or policy, but give God the glory......Take heed, you never think of declining from God, lest it be verified of you, which is written of Joash, Cum corroboratus esset, elevatum est cor ejus in interitum suum, & neglexit Deum. He concludes, trusting better of her, and praying for her. What could be written (saith Fuller) with more spirit and less animosity? More humility, and less dejection? I see, a lamb in his own, can be a Lion in God, and his Churches cause. Say not that Orbitas & senectus only encouraged Grindall in this his writing, whose necessary boldness did arise, partly from his confidence in the goodness of the cause for which, partly from the gratiousnes of the Queen to whom he made his adress. But alas! all in vain: Leicester had so filled her ears with complaints against him, there was no room to receive this petition. But to return to the former purpose, we see from this Letter, that the form of Exercise was allowed by ten Bishops; and the history shows, that the Ministers who used that exercise were not conformists unto the rites. But some Bishops of that age were so zealous of their authority, and jealous of the prophecyings, that diligent Ministers must needs conform, or then the flocks shall want teaching; and the Queen must bear the blam of all. More of these trouble followers: here I add, that