History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600
VIII. In the next Spring, the Earl of Glencairn and Sir Hugh Cambell Shireff of Air weresent unto the Regent, to inquire the reason of that summons, and to entreat her, not to molest the Ministers, unless they could be charged of false doctrine, or behaving themselves disorderly. The Regent said with vehemency of passion, Maugre your hearts and all that will take part with them, these Ministers shall be banished Scotland, though they preached als soundly as ever S. Paul did. The Noble men besought her in a humble manner, to think of the promises, She had made from time to time. In greater choler She saith, Promises of Princes should be no further strained, than it seems unto them convenient to perform. Then said they, If this be your resolution to keep no promises unto the subjects, we cannot anymore acknowledge your authority, and will henceforth renounce all obedience unto you; and what inconveniences may arise of this, you may bethink yourself. This answer was unexpected, and calming herself a little, she said, We will think, how to remedy these evils in the best and quiet way. The same day report was brought, that a Minister had preached publicly in the Church of Perth : this did provoke her yet more, and calling the Lord Ruthuen Provost of the town, She commandeth him to go and suppress these of the new Religion. He answered, that he would make their bodies and goods subject, but he had no power over their consciences. She was more eommoved, and vowed, that she would make him and them repent of their stoutness. When the day appointed for appearing of the Ministers, drew near, the Professors went with them from all parts of the country: in Anguise and Merns such was their zeal, that scarcely any man abode at home, all crying, that they would go and give confession of their faith with their Ministers. So many came before the day, that the Regent was agast, albeit they came without weapons. Then She calleth for John Erskin of Dun, and employeth him, to dismiss that needless multitude, and promiseth to do nothing against any of that sect. Nevertheless in the Counsel all the Ministers were condemned and outlawed, which had not answered. John erskin seeing, how none can trust her promises, did hasten unto the Gentlemen at Perth from Strathiern, Anguise & Merns, not as yet being severed; and excused himself of the advice he had given. Then they understood certainly, that no favor was to be expected from the Regent. Whill they are in perplexity, John knox newly being returned into the country, comes to Perth, and in a Sermon takes occasion to speak against the worship of images, and exhorted the people unto constancy. After Sermon (this was May 11.) some people abode in the church, and then a priest, not so much for devotion, as for to try men's affection. would say Mass: he openeth a glorious case standing by the high altar, wherein were many brave pictures. A young man said, This is intolerable: the word of God condemns it as idolatry, and we stand and see it used in despite. The priest gives the young man a blow: the young man goeth, and finding aston, casts it at the priest, and therewith breaks one of the images : whereupon a stir is raised, some fall upon the priest, and others unto the images, so that on a sudden all was pulled down that had any mark of idolatry. Upon this noise in the church, the people of the town gather in great numbers, and run into the cloisters of the Dominicans, Franciscans and Carthusians; where they saw by experience, that these were not poor men, as they had professed: the plunder was left to poor people, the richer sort abstaining from any part of it: they demolished these glorious edifices with such speed, that within two days all the stones were removed. They of Couper in Fife hearing of this, did the like in their town, and defaced all the instruments of idolatry: which the Curate took so heavily, that the night following, he put violent hands in himself. When this was reported unto the Regent, She dispatches Letters to the Duke, and others, Earls of Argile and Athol, willing them to come unto her with speed; and she calleth for the French soldiers, intending to surprise Perth unaworse; and vowed to destroy man, woman and child, and turn the town into dust, and salt it with salt, as she was stirred up by the Prelates and priests crying in her ears, Foreward, foreward upon these heretics, and once rid the kingdom of them. When they of Perth had intelligence hereof, they assembl • to public prayers, and resolve to send a Supplication in this manner; To the Queens Majesty regent, all humble obedience and duty premised, As heertofore with jeopardy of our life's, and yet with willing hearts; we have served the Authority of Scotland, and your Majesty now Regent in this realm, in service to our bodies dangerous and painful, So now with most dolorous minds we are constrained by unjust tyranny purposed against us, To declare unto your Majesty, that excep this cruelty be stayed by your wisdom, we shall be compelled to take the sword of just defense against all that shall persue us for the matter of Religion, and for our conscience sake: which ought not, nor may be subject to mortal creatures further than by God's word man is able to prove, that he hath power to command us: We signify more over unto your Ma. that if by rigor we be compelled, to seek the extreme defense, that we will not only notify our innocence and petition to the King of France, to our Mistress and to her Husband, but also to the Princes and Counsel of every Christian Realm, Declaring unto them, that this cruel, unjust and most tyrannical murder intended against Towns and Multitudes, was and is the only cause of our revolt from our accustomed obedience, which in God's presence we faithfully promise to our Sovereign Mistress, to her Husband and unto your Majesty, Regent; Provided, that our consciences may live in that peace and liberty, which Christ Jesus hath purchased unto us by his blood, and that we may have his word truly preached, and holy Sacraments rightly administered unto us, without which we firmly purpose never to be subject to mortal man. For better we think to expose our bodies to a thousand deaths, than to hazard our souls to perpetual damnation, by denying Christ Jesus and his manifast verity: which thing not only do they who commit open idolatry, but also such as seeing their brethren pursued, for the cause of Religion, and having sufficient means to confort and assist them, do nevertheless withdraw from them their comfortable support; We would not, your Ma. should be deceived by the false persuasions of these cruel beasts the Church-men, who affirm that your Ma. needeth not greatly to regard the loss of us, who profess Christ Jesus in this realm; If (as God forbid) ye give ear to their pestilent counsel, and so use against us this extremity intended, it is to be feared, that neither ye nor your Posterity shall at any time after this find that obedience and faithful service within this realm, which at all time ye have found in us. We declare our judgments freely, as true and faithful subjects. God move your Princely heart, favourably to interpret our faithful meaning; Further advertising your Ma. that the self samething, together with all things that we have done, or yet intend to do, we will notify by our letters to the King of France; Asking you in the name of the Eternal God, and as your Ma. tenders the peace and quietness of this realm, That ye invade us not with any violence; until we receive answer from our Mistress and her Husband and from their advised Counsel there. And thus we commit your Majesty to the protection of the Omnipotent. From Santiohnstoun May 22. 1559: and it was subscribed thus; your Majesty's obedient subjects in all things not repugnant to God, The faithful Congregation in Christ Jesus, in Scotland. They wrote also to Monsieur Dosell, entreating him, to mitigate the Queen's wrath, and the rage of the Prelates, or else that flam which then began to burn, might kindle so, that when some men would, it could not be slackened; and they add, that he declared himself no faithful servant unto his Master the King of France, if for the pleasure of priests he did persecute the subjects. Likewise they wrote unto Captain Le Bourse and to all French soldiers in general, that their earand was not, to fight against natural Scots men, nor had they such command from their Master, and besought them, that they would not provoke such whom they had found favorable in their great extremities. The priests did suppress these Letters, so far as they could; and yet they were delivered unto the chief persons, and came to the knowledge of many moe. But the wrarh of the Queen was not appeased, and the Priests push her forward against Perth, where were but a few gentle men for the time: they hearing of the intended extremity, did writ unto all their brethren to come unto their aid. Many were so ready, that the work of God was evidently seen. And because they would omit no d • ligence to declare their innocence unto all men, they sent a Letter unto such of the Nobility, who at that time were their adversaries, in this manner; To the Nobility of Scotland, The Congregation of Christ Jesus within the same, desire the Spirit of righteous judgment; Because we are not ignorant, that ye the Nobility of this realm, who now persecute us, employing your whole study and force, to maintain the kingdom of Satan, of superstition and idolatry, are yet divided in opinion, We the Congregation of Christ Jesus, by you unjustly persecuted, have thought good, in one Letter to writ unto you severally. Ye are divided, we say, in opinion: for some of you think, that we who have taken this enterprise to remove idolatry and the monuments of the same, to erect the true preaching of Christ Jesus, in the bounds committed to our charge, are heretics, seditious men and troublers of the commonwealth, and therefore no punishment is sufficient for us; and so blinded are ye with this rage, and under pretence to serve the Authority, ye proclaim war and desttuction without all order of Law against us. Unto you we say, that neither your blind Zeal, nor the color of Authority shall excuse you in God's presence, who commandeth none to suffer death, till he be openly convinced in judgment, to have offended against God and his written Law: which no mortal is able to prove against us: for whatsoever we have done, the same have we done at God's commandment, who plainly commands to destroy and abolish idolatry and all moniments of the same. Our earnest and •• ng request hath been and is, That in open Assembly it may be disputed, in presence of indifferent Auditors, Whether these abominations, named by the pestilent Papists, Religion, which they by fire and sword defend, be the true Religion of Jesus Christ, or not? When t • is humble request is denied unto us, our life's are sought in most cruel manner. And the Nobility, whose d • ty is to defend innocents, and to bridle the fury and rage o • wicked men, were it of Princes or Emperors, do notwithstanding follow their appetites, and arm yourselves against us your brethren and natural countrymen; yea against us that be innocent and just, as concerning all such crimes, as belayd unto our charges. If ye think, that we be criminal, because we dissent from your opinion, consider, we beseech you, that the Prophets under the Law, the Apostles of Christ Jesus after his ascension, his primitive Church and holy Martyrs, did disagree from all the world in their days: and will ye deny but their action was just, and all who persecuted them were murderers before God? May not the like be true this day? What assurance have ye this day of your Religion, which the world that day had not of theirs? ye have a m •• titude that agree with you, and so had they: ye have antiquity of time, and that they lacked not [nor have ye so much as they had] ye have councils, laws and men of reputation, that have established all things, as ye suppose: but none of all these can make any Religion acceptable unt • God, which only dependeth upon his own will, reveeled to men in his most sacred word. Is it not then a wonder, that ye sleep in so deadly a security in the matter of your own salvation, considering, that God gives unto you so manifest tokens, that ye and your leaders are both decli • ed from God? For if the tree shall be judged by the fruit (as Christ affirms, it must be) then of necessity it is, That your Prelates and the wholl rabble of their clergy be evil trees: for if adultery, pride, ambition, drunkenness, covetousness, incest, unthankfulness, oppression, murder, idolatry and blasphemy, be evil fruits, there can none of that generation, which claim to themselves the tittle of Churchmen, be judged to be good trees : for all these pestilent and wicked fruits do they bring forth in greatest abundance. And if they be evil trees (as ye yourselves must be compelled to confess, they are) advise prudently with what consciences ye can maintain them to occupy the room and place in the Lord's vineyaird. Do ye not consider, that in so doing ye labor to maintain the servants of sin in their filthy corruption, and so ye strive that the devil may reign, and still abuse this realm by all iniquity and tyranny, and that Christ Jesus and his blessed gospel be suppressed and extinguished, The name and cloke of authority which ye pretend, will nothing excuse you in God's presence, but rather shall ye bear double condemnation, for that ye burden God, as if his good ordinances were the cause of your iniquity. All authority, which God hath established, is good and perfect, and is to be ob • jed of all men, yea under pain of damnation: B • t do ye not understand, that there is a great difference betwixt the Authority which is of God's ordinance, and the persons of these who are placed in authority? The authority and God's Ordinancss can never do wrong : for it commands that vice and wicked men be punished, and virtue with virtuous and just men be maintained: but the corrupt person placed in this authority may offend, and most commonly doth contrary to this Authority. And is then the corruption of man to be followed, because it is clothed with the name of Authority? Or shall those which obey the wicked commandment of these that are placed in Authority, be excusable before God? Not so; not so, but the plagues and vengeance of God taken upon Kings, their servants and subjects do witness unto us the plain contrary. Pharaoh was a King, and had his authority of God, who commanded his subjects to murder and torment the Israelites, and most cruelly to persecute their life's: but was their obedience (blind rage it • hold be called) excusable before God? The universal plague doth plainly declare, that the wicked Commander, and they which obeyed, were a like guilty before God. And if the example of Pharaoh shall be rejected, because he was an ethnick, then consider the facts of Saul: he was a King a • ointed of God, appointed to reign over his people: he commanded to persecute David, because (as he alleged) David was a traitor and usuper of the Crown; and also commanded Abimelech the hiepriest and his fellows to be slain : but did God approve any part of this obedience? evident it is, he did not. And think ye, that God will approve in you, that which he did condemn in others? be not deceived. with God is not such partiality. If ye obey the unjust commands of wicked rulers, ye shall suffer God's vengeance and just punishment with them. And therefore as ye tender your own salvation, we most earnestly require of you moderation, and that ye stay yourselves, and the fury of others, from persecuting us, till our cause be tried in open and lawful Judgment. And now to you, which are persuaded of the justice of our cause, who sometimes have professed Christ Jesus with us, and also have exhorted us unto this enterprise, and yet have left us in our extreme necessity, at least look thorough your fingers in this our trouble, as if the matter appertained not unto you, we say, that unless (all fear and worldly respect set aside) ye join yourselves with us, that as of God ye are reputed Traitours, so ye shall ye be excommunicated from our society, and from all participation with us in the administration of sacraments: the 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 glory of this Victory which God shall give to his Church, yea even in the eyes of men, shall not be appertain unto you, but the fearful judgment that apprehended Ananias and his wife Sapphira shall apprehend you and your posterity. Ye may perchance contemn and despise the excommunication of the Church now by God's mighty power erected among us, as a thing of no force : yet we doubt nothing, but that our Church and the true Ministers of the same, have the same power, which our Master Christ Jesus granted unto his Apostles in these words, Whose sins ye forgive, shall be forgiven; and whose ye retain, shall be retained; and that because they preach, and we believe the same doctrine which is contained in his most blessed Word: and therefore, excep ye will contem Christ Jesus, ye neither can despise our threatening, nor refuse us calling for our just defense. By your fainting, and by retracting your support, the enemies are encouraged, and think that they shall find no resistance: in which point, God willing, they shall be deceived: for if they were ten thousand, and we bu one thousand, they shall not murder the least of our brethren, but we, God assisting us, shall first commit our life's into the hands of God for their defense. But that shall aggravate your condemnation: for ye declare yourselves tratiors to the truth once professed, and murderers of us and of our brethren, from whom ye withdraw your dutiful and promised support, whom your only presence (in man's judgment) might preserve from this danger. For our enemies look not to the power of God, but to the power and strength of man; when the number is mean to resist them, then rage they as bloody wolves, but a party equal or able to resist them by appearance, doth bridle their fury. Examin your own consciences, and weigh that sentence of our Master Christ Jesus, saying, Whosoever denieth me or is ashamed of me before men, I shall deny him before my Father. Now is the day of his Battle in this realm: if ye deny us your brethren, suffering for his Name sake, ye do also deny Him, as he witnesseth in these words, Whatsoever ye did to any of these little ones, ye did that to me: and what ye did not to one of these little ones, that ye did not to me. If these sentences be true, as concerning meat, drink, clothes, and such things appertaining unto the body, shall they not also be true in the things appertaining to the preservation of the life's of thousands, whose blood is now sought for profession of Christ Jesus? And thus shortly we leave you, who some • imes have professed Christ Jesus with us, to the examination of your own consciences. And yet once again of you, who being blinded by superstition, do persecute us, We require modetation, till our cause may be tried: which if ye will not grant unto us for God's cause, yet we d • sire you, to have respect to the preservation of our common country, which we cannot sooner betray into the hands of strangers, than that one of us destroy and murder another. Consider our petitions, and call for the Spirit of righteous judgment. When these Letters were divulged, some began to ask, Whether they might in conscience fight against such as offered due obedience unto Authority, and required nothing but liberty of conscience; and that their Religion and facts be tried by the Word of God? The Letters were carried quickly unto Kyle and Cuningham, where the professors did convene at Craiggy, and after some dubious reasonings, Alexander Earl of Glencairn said, Let every man serve his conscience, I will by God's grace, see my brethren at Perth; yea albeit never a man will accompany me, I will go; albeit I had but a Pik upon my shoulder: for I had rather die with that company, then live after them. Then others were so encouraged, that all went with him : and when the Lion-herault in his coat of arms commanded all men under pain of treason to return to their own houses, By public sound of trumpet at Glasgow, not one man obeyed the charge. Because it was known, that the Prelates and their party d • d suppress their petitions so far as they could, and did kindle the rage of all men against them, it was thought expedient to write a Declaration unto them in this form; To the generation of Antichrist, the pestilent Prelates and their shavelings within Scotland, The congregation of Christ Jesus, saith, To the end, that ye shall not be abused, thinking to escape just punishment, after that ye in your blind fury have caused the blood of many to be shed; This we notify and declare unto you, that if ye proceed in your malicious cruelty, ye shall be dealt with all, wheresoever ye shall be apprehended, as murderers and open enemies to God and unto mankind: and therefore betimes cease from your blind rage: Remove first from yourselves, your bands of bloody men of war, and reform yourselves to a more quiet life; and then mitigate ye the Authority, which without crime committed on our part, ye have enflammed against us; Or else be ye assured, that with the same measure, that ye have measured against us, and yet intend to measure unto others, it shall be measured unto you, that is, as ye intend not only by tyranny to destroy our bodies, but also by the same to hold our souls in the bondage of the devil, and subject to idolatry, So shall we with all force and power, which God shall grant unto us, execute just vengeance and punishment upon you, yea, we shall begin the same war which God commanded Israel to execute against the Canaanites, that is, contract of peace shall never be made, till ye desist from your open idolatry and cruel persecution of God's children: And this we signify unto you in the name of the eternal God and of his Sone Christ Jesus, whose verity we profess, and Gospel we have preached, and holy Sacraments rightly ministered, so long as God will assist us to gainstand your idolatry. Take this for advertisement. This advertisment did not stay them and their bands of soldiers with Mon. Dosell and his French men: they came within ten miles unto the Town : and brethren made hast from all quarters for its relieff. The first that did hazard to resist were the Gentle men of Fife, Anguise, Merns and the burgesses of Dundy: they made choice of a place of ground within a mile or more from the town. The same day May 24 the Lord Ruthuen lest them, and went to the Regent, to the great discouragement of many: but they did comfort themselves in God, and some said, The hope of victory is not in their own strength, but in his power whose verity they profess. The next day came the Earl of Argile. L. James Prior of Saint Andrews and the Lo. Semple, from the Queen, to inquire the cause of their meeting there. It was answered, Only to resist the cruelty threatened against that poor town. They ask, Whether they intend to hold that town against the Regent? They answer, If the Queen will suffer the Religion there begun to proceed, and not trouble the town, that have professed with them, the town, themselves and whatsoever they have, are at her Majesty's commandment. They say, We were otherwise informed by the Queen, that ye intend not Religion, but a plain rebellion. It was answered, We have convened for no other purpose, but only to assist our brethren, who now are unjustly persecuted: and herefore we desire you, to report our answer faithfully, and to be intercessors, that such cruelty be not used against us, seeing we have offered in our former Letters, alsweell unto her Majesty, as unto the Nobility, that our cause may bet tried in lawful judgment. They do promise their fidelity. The next day, when these were returning, John Knox said unto them, Honorable Lord's, the present troubles should move the hearts, not only of the true servants of God, but also of all such as bear any favor unto the Country and natural Country-men, to descend within themselves, and deeply to consider, what shall be the end of this intended tyranny: The rage of Satan seeks the destruction of all those, who within the realm profess Christ Jesus; and they that enflamme the Queen and you the Nobles against us, regard not who prevail, if they may abuse the world and live at their pleasure, as they have done: yea I fear, that some seek nothing more than the effusion of Scots blood, to the end, that their possessions may be the more patent unto others : but because this is not the principal which I intend to speak, omitting this to be considered by the wisdom of these, to whom the care of the Commonwealth appertains; 1. I most humbly require of you, my Lord's, in my name to say unto the Queen Regent, that we whom she in her blind rage doth persecute, are God's servants, faithful and obedient subjects unto the Authority of this Realm; and that religion which she pretends to maintain by fire and sword, is not the true religion of Christ Jesus, but is expressly contrary to the same, a superstition devised by the brain of men, which I offer myself to prove against all that within Scotland will maintain the contrary, liberty of tongue being granted unto me, and God's written word being admitted for Judge. 2. I further require your Honors, i • my name, to say unto the Queen, that as I have often written, so now I say, that this her enterprice shall not prosperously succeed in the end; and albeit for a time She trouble the Saints of God (for she fights not against man only, but against the eternal God and his invincible verity) and therefore the end shall be to her confusion, unless betimes she repent and desist. These things I require of you in the name of the eternal God, as from my mo • th, to say unto Her Majesty; adding, that I have been, and am a more assured friend unto her Ma. than they, who either flattering her as servants to her corrupt appetites, or else enflam her against us, who seek nothing but God's glory to be advanced; vice to be suppressed, and Verity to be maintained in this poor realm. All the three Noble men did promise to report his words so well as they could. They did so: yea the L. Sempill (though an enemy to the Reformation) made such report, that the Queen was offended at such liberty, Immediatly She sent the Lion-herault to charge all men to avoid the town under pain of treason. He did so May. 27. being sunday. And the same day the Regent is informed, that the Earl of Glencairn was marched through the hills with twelve hundred horsemen and moe foot men (notwithstanding her men had stopped the passages of Forth, Guide and Teith) towards Perth. Their coming was comfortable unto the one party; and moved the other to send and require some discreet men, to come and speak with Duke Hamilton and Mon. Dosel (lying with their army at Ouchterardor) that some reasonable appointment might be had. The Lairds of Dun, Innerwharity and Abbots-hall were sent, the town not as yet knowing of the West-countrymen. The Duke and Dosell require, that the town should be patent, and all things be submitted unto the Queens pleasure. They answer, they had not such commission, nor could they undertake in conscience to advise their brethren to do so: but if the Queen would be pleased, that none should be accused for change of religion, or for casting down the places of the Friers, and suffer the begun Religion to continue, and leave the town free of French soldiers at her departing, they would endeavoure that the Queen shall be obeyed in all things. Dosell perceiving, that they could not by violence attain their designs, dismisseth the gentle men which fair words, and exhorts them to persuade their brethren unto submission. They were all so glad, that with one voice t • ey cried, Cursed be they, that seek effusion of blood: let us profess Christ Jesus, and have the benefit of the Gospel, and none of Scotland shall be more obedient subjects than we shall be. That day the Companies of the West came to Perth, and all men began to praise God, that he had so mercifully heard them in their extremity, and had sent such support, that without effusion of blood the rage of their enemies might be stayed. The same night the Earl of Argile and L. James were sent from Sterlin, and coming the next day began to advise unto agreement: of which they were all willing, but some were suspicious, that promises would not be keeped longer then their adversaries saw their advantage. John willock came with them of the West country: then he and John knox went to the Earl of Argile and L. James, accusing them, that they had deftauded the brethren of their dutiful assistance in such necessity. They both answered, Their heart was constant with their brethren, and they would defend that cause to the uttermost of their power: but because they had promised to endeavoure a concord, and to assist the Queen, if ye shall refuse reasonable offers, in conscience and honor we could do no less than be faithful in our promise made; and therefore we yet require, that the brethren may be persuaded to consent unto a reasonable appointment; and we promise in God's presence, that if the Queen shall break in any jot thereof, we with our whole power will concur with the brethren in all time coming. So Maie 28. the appointment containing the forenamed conditions was concluded; and free entry was made unto the Queen, the Duke and the French men. Before the departing of the Congregation, John knox had a Sermon, exhorting them all unto constancy, and unfeignedly to thank God, for that it had pleased his mercy, to stay the malice of the enemy, without effusion of blood; and that none should be weary to support such as shall hereafter be persecuted: for (said he) I am assured, that no part of this promise shall be longer keeped, than the Queen and the French men have the upper hand. Many of the adversaries were at the Sermon. And before the Lord's went away, this bond was drawn-up; At Perth the last day of May, in the year 1559. the Congregations of the West Country, with the Congregations of Fife, Perth, Dundy, Anguise, Merns and Montrose, being convened in the town of Terth in the name of Jesus Christ, for setting forth his glory, understanding nothing more necessary for the same, than to keep constant amity, unity and fellowship together, according as they are commanded by God, Are confederated and become bounden and obliged in the presence of God, to concur and assist together in doing all things required of God in his Scripture, that may be to his glory; And at their whole powers to destroy and put away all things, that do dishonor to his name, so that God may be truly and purely worshipped. And incase any trouble be intended against the said Congregation, or any part or member thereof, the whole congregation shall concur, assist and convene together to the defense of the same congregation or person troubled: And shall not spare labors, goods, substance, bodies and life's, in maintaining the liberty of the whole congregation and every member thereof, against whatsoever person shall intend the said trouble, for cause of Religion, or any other cause depending thereupon, or lay to their charge under pretense thereof, although it happen to be coloured with any other outward cause. In witnessing and testimony of the which, the whole congregation fore said have ordained and appointed the Noble men and persons underwritten, to subscribe these presents. It was subscribed by the Earls Argile and Glencairn, and by the Lord's James Stuart, Boyd, Uchiltry, and Matthew cambell of Tarmganart. The hist. of refor. li. 2 Immediatly after their departing, all the heads of the Capitu •• • on were broken: some citizens were exiled, others were fined in great sums, the Magistrates thrust out of their office, new ones against the usual manner intruded; and four companies left for a garrison; and these were charged to permit no other Service but of the Roman Church. Some desiring matters to be carried more peaceably, told her these things would be interpreted a breach of the Articles. She answered, The promise was to leave no French Soldiers in the town, which she had done: for those were all Scots men. It was replied, that all who took wages of the French King, would be called French Soldiers. She said, Promises are not to be kept to heretics, and if she could make an honest excuse after the fact committed, she would take upon her conscience, to kill and undo all that Sect: And Princes should not be so strictly urged to keep promises. These speeches, being divulged, did procure to her much ill: nor did she after that time see a good day, but was despised and misregarded by all sorts of people. The Earl of Argile and L. James, thinking their honor touched by the breach of the peace, did forsake her, and went to the Congregation. Therefore they were charged to appear before Her Counsel: but they answer, Seeing the Queen had broken conditions, which by warrant from herself they had made with the Lord's of the Congregation, they would medle no more in such dishonest courses, and do their best to repair things. The Noble men were gone to Saint Andrews, and because they feared some sudden attempt; (for the Queen and the Frenches lay at Faulkland) they sent to the Lairds of Dun & Pittarrow, and entreated them of Angulse & Merns to meet at Saint Andrews Juny 4; and they went to Creil, whither all that had warning, came with great forewardness; and were not a little encouraged by John Knox : in a Sermon he told them, that then they saw it true, what he had said at Perth concerning the Queens sincerity, and exhorted them to be no longer deluded with fair promises of them, who had no regard of contracts, covenants nor oaths: and because there will be no quietness, till one of the parties were Masters, he wished them to prepare themselves, to dy as men, or to live victorious. By this exhortation the hearers were so moved, that immediately they pull down altars, images and all the moniments of idolatry within the town; and the next day they did the like in Anstruther: from thence they hasten to S. Andrew's. The Bishop hearing what they had done, and thinking they would attempt the same reformation in the City, came to it well accompanied, to withstand them: but when he had tried the affections of the people, he goeth the next morning unto the Queen. That day being sunday John Knox preached in the Parish-church: he compared the estate of the Church which was at Jerusalem, when Christ purged the temple unto the estate of the present Church, and declared what was the duty of these to whom God had given authority and power. He did so incite the hearers, that after Sermon they went and made spoil of the Churches, and rased the monasteries of the black and gray Friers. I will not scan, whither the acts of such zeal was according to God's law: but (to speak historically) in such paroxisms and great revolutions the like practice is scarcely evitable, and certainly is contrary unto the Standing law of the Land, and is condemned by the adverse party; and yet mantained, or at least the Actors have been cleared by their own party having the Supreme power, whether the practice was in good or evil; as appeareth by the Parliament of England in that same year justifying or absolving all them who had done the like against the laws made under Q. Mary, and Standing for the time un-repealed (as I hinted before); and also by the Parliament of England absolving them, who had torn and burnt the English Bibles and Service-books, and had killed the Ministers, &c. in the year 1553. which was contrary unto the Law of the Land made in time of King Edward 6. and Standing at that time unrepealed. The Regent hearing of those things, gave presently order unto the French Companies, to march toward Sant Andrew's, and sent proclamation to all the parts about, to meet her in arms the next morning at Couper. The Lord's went thither the same night accompanied with a hundred horse only, and so many foot: but such was the readiness of men, that before ten of the clock the next day they grew to 3000. Rothes and Ruthuen brought many Gentle men with them; some came from Lothian, and the towns show great resolution. The next day was foggy: about noon the air began to clear: then the Frenches sent some to view the fields; and these returning began to • aint of their courage: wherefore a Post was sent to Falkland, to show the Regent, that the Lord's were stronger than was supposed, as also that there was mutiny in their own army, some openly professing, that they would not fight against their Country-men for pleasure of strangers. These news moved her to yield unto a treaty of peace: so Lindsay and Waughton were employed by the Duke (who commanded the Scots in the Regents army) to confer with the Lord's: they would not suffer the two to come near their army and said, They knew, the Regent had sent these forces against them, and if they will invade, they shall find them ready to defend : but they professing their purpose of peace, and that they were sent for that effect, were admitted : the Lord's say, They had been so oft abused by the Regent's promises, that they cannot trust her words anymore: But if She will send away the French men, and give surety, that no violence shall be used against them of the true Religion, they shall not be unreasonable. They reply, The Frenches cannot be sent away, until the French King were advertised; and She can give no other security but her own word, nor stands it with her honor, to do otherwise. Because peace could not be concluded, truce was made for 8. days, upon condition, that the Frenches shall be removed into Lothian; and before the expiring of that time some shall be sent to Saint Andrews with authorised power to make a firm peace. This truce was signed in name of the Queen by the Duke and Dosell Junie 13. So the Lord's of the Congregation did first remove, and at Couper they had a public thanksgiving unto God, that their enemies were disappointed: and the next day the Army was dismissed, and the Lord's went to Saint Andrews, waiting (but in vain) for the makers of the peace: and in the mean time complaints were brought daily from Perth, against him, whom the Regent had set in the Provosts place, and did oppress them. The Earl of Argile and Lord James did advertise the Regent, and craved that the town may be restored to their former liberty. No answer was returned: wherefore the Lord's went and sumoned the Provost, Captains and soldiers to render the town, assuring them, if they will hold out, and any one of them be killed in the assault, all their life's shall pay for it. The Provost answered at first, they had promised to keep the town, and they will defend it to the last drop of their blood. So they answered the second summons, being confident, that the Regent would send relieff. But when the besiegers began to play upon the west and east parts of the town at once, they within proffered to depart, if relief came not within twelve hours. Thus the town was yielded, and restored to their liberties Junie 26, The next day they consult what to do with the Bishop of Murray, who was then dwelling in Scone, and having many soldiers there about, had despitefully threatened the town: The Lord's wrote unto him, that unless he come and assist them, they could not save his Palace. But these of Dundie considering his pride, and especially how violent he had been against Walter mill, would march to Scone: some persons were sent to hinder them: but because they had found in the Church a great parcel of his goods hid, to preserve them, the multitude could not be stayed till the ornaments (as they term them) of the Church were destroyed. The Lord's did so prevail, that for that night the Church and place were spared, and they brought away the multitude. The same night the Bishops servants began to fortify again, and to do violence unto some carrying away what baggage they had gote : and the next day some few persons went again, to behold what they were a doing: the Bishops servants were offended, and began to speak proudly, and as it was affirmed, one of the Bishops sons with a rapier thrust thorough one of Dundy, because he looked in at the Girnell-door. When this was reported, the towns men of Dundie were enraged, and sent word to the inhabitants of Perth, that unless they would support them to avenge that injury, they would never concur with them in any action. The multitude was easily enflammed, and quickly set all the palace in a fire. Many were offended, and an ancient woman hearing them take it so ill, said, Now I see, God's judgments are just, and that no man can save, where God will punish: since I can remember, this place hath been nothing else, but a den of whoremongers: it is incredible how many wifes have been abused, and young women de flowred by these filthy beasts, which have been fostered in this Den: and especially by that wicked man who is called The Bishop: if everyone knew alswell as I, they would praise God, and no man would be offended. With these words many were pacified. Histo. of Reforma. The day preceeding, news was brought, that the Regent had ordered a garrison to lie in Sterlin, to seclude the Congregation of the one side of Forth from the other : the Lord's made hast to prevent that, and riding all night came early in the morning, where the altars and images, and abbey of Cambuskenneth were thrown down: and on the fourth day marched toward Edinburgh, doing the like at Lithgow. The Lord Seton being Provost of Edinburgh had undertaken the protection of the black and gray Friers: but hearing of the sudden coming of the Lord's, he fled, and the Monasteries were plundered before they came, and God put such a fear into the adversaries hearts, that they did all flee to Dumbar. Then the Regent gave forth a Proclamation, declaring, that where as a seditious • umult was raised by some of the Lieges under pretense of Religion, she had made offer to call a Parliament in January next or sooner, for establishing an universal Order, and in the mean time to suffer every man to live at liberty of conscience. But they rejecting all reasonable offers, had by their actions clearly showed; that it is not Religion they seek, but the usurpation of the Crown, as appears by that they had received and sent messages from and into England, and now have possessed the palace of Halirudhouse, and the Mint-house: Wherefore She commanded all persons to forsake them, and live obedient unto authority, or else they shall be reputed traitors to the Crown, As also that party caused it be rumored, that these Lord's had conspired to deprive the Queen Regent, of her authority. and the Duke of his tittle of succession unto the Crown. These rumors prevailed so, that many began to shrink away. Therefore they did clear themselves by their Letters unto the Regent, and open proclamation unto the people, declaring, that these misreports had flowed from their enemies, and were most false, seeing their intentions were no other, but to abolish superstition which is contrary unto the Word of God, and to maintain the P • eachers of the truth from the violence of wicked men: And if She would use her authority to that effect, they shall continue als obedient subjects as any within the realm. Then the Regent trusting to gain some what by conference, did offer a safe-conduct to any they pleased to send. Two were sent to petition liberty of their consciences, the removing of unable Ministers, license of public preaching without molestation, until by a general Council lawfully conv •• ned, or by a Parliament within the realm all controversies of Religion shall be decided; and to remove the French Soldiers. These propositions were not pleasing, yet made She no show of dislike, but using gracious words, she craved to speak with some of greater authority, and namely the Earl of Argile and Lord James: For (said She) I still suspect, there is some higher purpose amongst them than religion. The Lord's would not consent, that these two should go unto her, because one of her chief attendants, was said to have bragged, that before Michaelmes these two Noble men shall lose their heads. This not succeeding, it was agreed, that six persons on each side should meet at Preston. The first day nothing was concluded: for the Queen seeming to yield unto the free exercise of Religion, would have it provided, that where she happened to come, the Ministers should cease, and the Mass only be used. It was answered, This were to leave them no Church: for the Queen might change the place of her residence, and so could there not be any certain exercise of Religion. The next day the Lord Ruthven and Pittarrow were sent with this answer, As they could not impede her to use what Religion she pleased, so could they not consent, that the Ministers of Christ should be silenced upon any occasion, much less that the true service should give place to idolatry: wherefore they humbly crave (as they had oft) liberty to serve God according to their conscience, and to remove the French Soldiers; or else there can be no solid peace. The Queen said, She wished peace, but gave a direct answer to none of the points. At this time the Commons were scattered for want of victuals; and Gentle men being constrained by lack of furnishing, and partly hoping for a final agreement, had returned after so many months unto their dwellings: but the Noble men resolved to abide at Edinburgh, till matters were fully composed. Now news came that Henry II. King of France was dead. This put the Lord's in better •• pe, but made them more careless: for as if there were no fear, many w • nt home, and they who remained, lived secure without any watch. But the Queen became more watchful, observing all occasions of advantage: and hearing of the solitude in Edinburgh, hasteth thither with her companies. The Lord's hearing thereof, are doubtful: if they leave the town, the Church, which was then established in some measure, would be cast down: therefore with the small number they had; they put themselves in order at Craigingat, to impede the Frenches. The Duke and Earl of Morton were conveying the Queen, and would have composed things: only that day they kept the parties from an open conflict. The next day the Queen (having lodged in Lieth) prepared to enter the town at the West port, and the Lord • rskin (who till then had been neuter, and had the Castle) threatened to play upon them, unless they suffer the Queen to enter without trouble. Hereupon after consultation it was thought safer to take an appointment, albeit the conditions were not such as were wished, than to hazard battle betwixt two such enemies. After long talking, five articles were penned, which they craved; 1. No member of the Congregation should be troubled in life, lands, or possessions, by the Queen's authority no • any Judge, for anything done in the late Innovation, till a Parliament (which shall begin January 10.) had decreed things in controversy. 2. idolatry shall not be erected, where it is at this day suppressed. 3. Preachers shall not be troubled in their Ministry, where they are already established, nor stopped to preach, wheresoever they shall chance to come. 4. No bands of men of war shall be laid in garrison within Edinburgh. 5. French men shall be sent away at a convenient day, and none other shall be brought without consent of the Nobility and Parliament. These articles were granted: and the Queen addeth, 1. the members of the congregation (excepting the indwellers of Edinburgh) shall leave it the next day before ten a clock. 2. they shall render the Mint-house at that time. 3. the Church-men shall take up and freely dispose of the tyths and other profits of their Benefices until January the tenth. The next day July 25. the Lord's went to Sterlin: The Duke and Earl of Huntley met with them at th • Querry-hols, promising if any part of the appointment shall be violated, they shall join all their forces for expelling the Frenches. The Queen was thereafter more careful then formerly, to observe the conditions; but went about many ways to re • stablish the Mass, and bring the favorers of Religion into contempt. In Edinburgh she employeth the Duke and Huntley and Setoun to deal with the Magistrates, to appoint some other Church for their preaching, and let the Church of S. Giles be for the Mass. They answer That were a violation of the articles. The others reply, The Queen will keep all the conditions, but craves this as a favor only; or at least, that they will permit the Mass there before or after noon. They answer, They will never yield, that the Mass enter there again; or if violence shall be used, they must suffer, and use the next remedy. Then another device was invented : the French Captains and Soldiers made their walks in time of prayer and preaching, and did laugh and talk all the time, that the preachers could not be heard. This was patiently digested, knowing that they sought an occasion of trouble. In Lieth they cut the pulpite into pieces, and set up the Mass; and in the Abbey-church by force they hindered the Common prayers, and wheresoever they came, they made disturbance: and withal they dispersed a rumor both in France and in the Country, that the Congregation intends an open rebellion, and to set up Lord James in place of the lawful Queen. At the same time letters were brought from the King and Queen unto L. James, full of exprobrations and menacings. Ere the Letters were delivered, the Lord's had drawn up a third band at Sterlin August 1. in this manner; We foreseeing the craft and slight of our adversaries, who try all ways to circumveen us, and by privy means intend to assault everyone of us particularly, by fair heights and pro •• ses, thereby to separate us one from another, to our utter ruin and destruction: For remedy thereof, we faithfully and truly bind us in the presence of God, and as we tender the maintaining of true Religion, that none of us shall in time coming pass to the Queen Dowager, to talk or commune with her, for any Letter or message sent by her unto us, or yet to be sent, without consent of the rest or common consultation thereupon: and how soon either Writing or message shall come from her unto us, with all diligence we shall notify the same one to another, so that nothing shall proceed there in without common consent of us all. And because they had observed, that the Regent and Bishops intend nothing but deceit, they resolve to seek the aid of Christian Princes, if they shall be anymore p • rsued; and first they would begin with Queen Elisabet as nearest and of the same Religion: and sent two Messengers into England. They appoint the next meeting at Sterlin September 10. and go to their own houses for the most part. Now what were the contents of the Kings Letters (which for brevity I omit) may appear from the answer of Lord James, which is thus; SIR, my most humble duty remembered, Your Majesty's Letters I received from Parise July 17. importing in effect, that your Ma. doth marvel, that I being forgetful of the graces and favors shown me by the King of bl. memory, your Ma. self, and the Queen my Sovereign, have declared myself head and one of the principal beginners of these alleged tumults and seditions in these parts, deceiving hereby your Ma. expectation in all times had of me; with assurance, that if I do not declare by contrary effect my repentance, I with the rest that have put, or yet put hand to this Work, shall receive that reward, which we have deserved Sir, It grieves me very heavily, that the crime of ingratitude is laid to my charge, by your Ma. and the rather, that I perceive the same to have proceeded of sinister information of them (whose part it was not to have reported so, if true service past had been regarded) and as for repentance and declaration of the same, by certain effects, that your Ma. desireth I show; my conscience persuades me, in these proceedings to have done nothing against God, nor the dutiful obedience toward your Ma. nor the Queen my Sovereign: Otherwise it should not have been to be repented, and also it should have been repented already, according to your Majesty's expectation of me: But your Ma. being truly informed and persuaded, that the thing, which we have done, makes for the advancement of God's glory, without any manner of derogation to your Majes. due obedience; We doubt not but your Ma. shall be well contented with our proceedings: which being grounded upon the commandment of the eternal God, we dare not leave the same unaccomplished, only wishing and desiring, your Ma. might know the same and the truth thereof, as we are persuaded in our consciences, and all them, that are truly instructed in the eternal word of our God, upon whom we cast our care from all dangers, that may follow the accomplishment of his eternal will, and to whom we commend your Ma., beseeching him to illuminate your heart with the gospel of his eternal truth, to know your Majes. duty toward your poor subjects, God's chosen people, and what you ought to crave justly of them again : for then we should have no occasion to fear your Majes. wrath and indignation, nor your Majes. have suspicion of our obedience. The same God have your Ma. in his eternal safeguard. At Dumbartan August 12. 1559. This Letter was delivered unto the Regent: she opened it, and having read it, said, So proud an answer was never given to King nor Princesse. and Buchanan saith, but contrarily, many did judge it within the bounds of modesty, especially where he was upbraided with graces and favors, whereof he had not received any, but such as were common unto all strangers. At that time came a thousand soldiers from France to Lieth, and report, that moe were coming; and the Earl of Arran eldest son to Duke hamilton came thorough England; having heard in France, that the Cardinal of Lorraine the Qeen Regents brother had said in the Parliament of Paris, (as he was inveying against the Protestants) that they shall shortly see punishment executed on some, who is in honor equal to Princes; and calling to mind, that lately he had spoken freely with the Duke of Guise in the cause of Religion; came away privately, and after his departure his younger brother was apprehended and imprisoned. And he dealeth with his father to forget old quarrels, and join with the Lord's of the Congregation. and so both came to the meeting at Sterlin. Where the Lord's understand, that the Queen was fortifying Lieth for a Magazine and a safe haven for receiving French ships, as again 2000. men were landed under the command of Mon. de la Bross, and with him the Bishop of Amiens under the color of Ambassadors. When these were come, the Regent was heard say, Now shall I be avenged on the enemies of the Saints and of Authority. And the French men began to brag, as if all were their own; one was called Monsieur de Argile, another, Monsieur Le Prior, &c. and the indwellers of Lieth were put forth, both Protestants and Papists. And nevertheless the Regent caused to make a proclamation, that she intends not to violate the Appointment in the least point, but only to preserve peace and dutiful obedience, if the Congregation will likewise keep their part. These which were called Ambassadors, kept up their commission, saith the history of Reforma. but Buchanan saith, they craved from twelve Lord's, which were at Edinburgh, a day to be appointed for hearing their commission: and it was answered unto them, They sought not peace, but war: for what else did so many armed men declare? nor could they be so simple, as to come into Con • erence, where they might be forced to accept conditions at the pleasure of their enemies: but if peace was their aim, they should dismiss their banded companies, that so it may appear, they y • eld unto equity, and not forced by the sword; and on the other side they would use the like diligence. No more was heard of their commission. The Regent sent many letters both unto them which were indifferent, and to these which were for the Reformation, soliciting them severally to come unto her: the one sort would not receive her Letters, according to their bond: and from their meeting they sent the reasons of their refusing, and declared their intentions, and complained of the violation of the appointment, especially in bringing so many Frenches, fortifying of Lieth, and putting out the Indwellrs. Many Declarations and proclamations did pass on both sides until Octob. 21. when the Noble men and others after warning being frequently convened in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, the question was propounded, Whither she that contemptuously refuseth the most humble requests of the borne Counselors of the realm, being also but a Regent, whosepretenses threaten the bon • age of the whole common wealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannically to domineer over them? After deliberation it was concluded without any contrary vote in this manner : At Edinburgh October 21. 1559. The Nobility, Barons and Burgesses convened to advise upon the affairs of the Commonwealth, and to aide and support the same, perceiving and lamenting the enterprised destruction of their said Common wealth, and overthrow of the Liberties of their native Country, by the means of the Queen Regent and certain strangers her privy Counsellers, plain contrary unto our Souverain Lord and Ladies mind, and direct against the Counsel of the Nobility, to proceed by little and little even to the uttermost ruin; So that the urgent necessity of the Commonwealth may no longer suffer delay, and earnestly craves our support. Seeing therefore that the said Queen Regent (abusing and overpassing our Sovereign Lord and Ladies commission given and granted unto her) hath in all her proceedings pursued the Barons and Burgesses within this realm, with weapons and armor of strangers, without any process and order of Law, they being our Sovereign Lord and Ladies true Lieges, and never called nor convinced of any crime by any judgment lawful; as • . at Santiohnstoun in the month of May she assembled her army against the town and inhabitants thereof, never called nor convinced of any crime, only because they professed the true worship of God, conform to his sacred word. 2. in the month of Ju • y last, without any order or calling going before, invaded the persons of sundry Noble men and Barons with force of arms, convened at Saintandrews, only for the cause of Religion, as is notoriously known, they never being called nor convinced of any crime. 3. again laid garrisons the same month upon the inhabitants of the said town, oppre • sing the Liberties of the Queens true Lieges: for fear of which her garrisons, a great part of the inhabitants thereof fled from the town, and durst not resort again unto their houses & heritages, until they were restored by a • ms; they notwithstanding not being called nor convinced of any crime. 4 further at the same time did thrust-in upon the in habitants of the said town, Provost and Bailifs against all order of election, as lately in this month of September she hath done in other towns of Edinburgh and Jedburgh and d • verse other places, in manifest oppression of our Liberties. 5. Declaring herevill mind toward the Nobility, Commonalty and whole nation, she hath brought-in strangers, and daily pretends to bring greater force of the same, pretending a manifest conquest of our native rooms and Country, as the deed itself declares; in so far, as she having brought-in the said strangers without any advice of Council & Nobility, and contrary to their express mind sent to her in Writing, hath placed and planted her said strangers in one of the principal towns and parts of the realm, sending continually for greater forces, willing thereby to suppress the Common wealth and liberty of our native country, to make us and our posterity slaves to strangers forever: which, as it is intolerable to Commonwealths and free Countries, so it is very prejudicial to ou • Sovereign Lady and her Heirs whatsoever, in case our Souverain Lady decease without Heirs of her person. And to perform these her wicked enterprises conceived (as appears) of inveterate malice against our whole country and nation, caused (without any consent or advice of the Council or Nobility) to coin lead money, so base and of such quantity, that the whole realm shall be depauperated, and all traffic with foreign Nations everted thereby. 6. She placeth and maintaineth against the pleasure of the Counsel of this realm, a stranger in one of the greatest Offices of credit in this realm, that is, in keeping the great Seal thereof, wherein great perils may be engendered to the Common weal and Liberty thereof. 7. Further, sent the great Seal forth of this real • e by t • e said stranger, against the advise of the said Counsel, to what effect, God knoweth 8. And hath also by this mean, altered the old Law and custom of this our realm, ever observed in the Graces and pardons granted by our Soveraines to all their Lieges, being repentant of their offenses committed against their Majesty's; or the Lieges of the Realm; And hath introduced a new captious style and form of the said pardons and Remissions, conform to the practices of France, tending thereby to draw the said Lieges of this realm, by process of time, into a deceivable snare, and further shall creep-in the whole subversion and alteration of the remanent Laws of this realm, contrary to the Contents of the Appointment of marriage 9. And also Peace being accorded among the Princes, retaineth the great Army of strangers, after commandment sent by the King of France to retier the same, making excuse that they were retained for suppressing the attempts of the Lieges of this realm; albeit the whole subjects thereof of all estates, is and ever have been ready to give all dutiful obedience to their Soverains and their lawful ministers proceeding by God's Ordinance; And the same Army of strangers not being paid their wages, was laid by her upon the necks of the poor Commonalty of our native Country, who were compelled by force to defraud themselves, their wives and children, of that poor substance which they might purchase with the sweat of their brows, to satisfiy their hunger and necessities, and quit the same to sustain the idle bellies of her strangers; through the which, in all parts rose such heavy lamentation and complaint of the Commonalty, accusing the Counsel and Nobility of their sloth, that as the same oppression we doubt not, hath entered in before the Justice Seat of God, so it hath moved our hearts with pity and compassion. And for redress of the same with great offenses committed against the public weell of this Realm, we have convened here, as said is; and as often before, have most humbly and with all reverence desired and required the said Queen Regent, to redress these enormities, and especially to remove her strangers from the necks of the poor commonalty, and to desist from enterprising of fortification of Strengths within this realm, against the express will of the Nobility and Counsel of the same; yet we being convened the more strong for fear of her strangers, who, we saw, presume no other thing, but with Arms to pursue our life's and possessions, Besought her to remove our fear of the same, and make the town patent to all our Sovereign Lord and Ladies Lieges▪ The same would she no way grant unto: but when some of our company in peaceable manner went to view the town, there was great and small munition shot forth at them. And seeing that neither access was granted unto us by her, nor yet she would join herself unto us, to consult upon the affairs of our Commonwealth, as we be borne Counselors to the same, by the ancient Laws of the Realm: but fearing that the judgments of the Counsel would reform, as necessity required, the foresaid enormities, she refuseth all manner of assistance with us, and by force and violence intends to suppress the Liberties of our Commonweall, and of us the favorers of the same. We therefore, so many of the Nobility, Barons, and Provests of our Boroughs, as are touched with the care of the Commonwealth (unto the which we acknowledge ourselves, not only born but also sworn protectours and Defenders, against all and whatsoever inuaders of the same) and moved by the foresaid proceedings notorious, and with the lamentable complaint of oppression of our Commonalty, our fellow-members of the same; Perceiving farther, that the present necessity of our Commonweal may suffer no delay, being convened (as said is) presently in Edinburgh, for support of our Commonweal, and ripely consulted and advised, taking the fear of God before our eyes, for the causes foresaid, which are notorious, with one consent and common vote, every man in order, his judgment being required, in the name and authority of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, suspend the said Commission granted by our Sovereign to the said Queen Dowager, discharging her of all administration or authority she hath or may have thereby, until the next Parliament, to be set by our advice and consent: And that because the said Queen, by the foresaid faults notorious, declares herself enemy to our Commonwell, abusing the power of the said authority, to the destruction of the same: And likewise we discharge all members, of her said authority from henceforth; and that no Coin be coined from henceforth, without express consent of the said Counsel and Nobility, conform to the Laws of this realm, which we maintain▪ And ordain this to be notified and proclaimed by officers of Arms in all head-Boroughs within the realm of Scotland. In witness of which our common consent and free Vote, We have subscribed this present Act of suspension with our hands, day, year and place aforesaid. And it was subscribed in this manner, By us the Nobility and Commons of the Protestants of the Church of Scotland. The next day this Act was proclaimed with sound of Trumpet: and then they sent a Letter unto the Regent, showing her, what they had done, and they add, And how beit we have determined with the hazard of our life's, to set that Town at liberty, wherein you have most unjustly planted your mercenary soldiers and strangers, yet for the reverence we bear unto you, as being the mother of our Queen, we earnestly beseech you to depart thence at this time, when we (constrained by public necessity) are by force of arms to recover it. We further request you to bring forth of the Town with yourself, all that carry themselves as Ambassadors, and are come into the Country, either for taking up of controversies, or assisting the government of public affairs, within the space of 24. hours, And to cause the Captains & Lieutenants and soldiers (whose blood we would gladly spare, because of the old amity and friendship betwixt us and the Realm of France, which the marriage of our Sovereign Lady to that King, ought rather to increase than diminish) to remove themselves within the same space. This Letter was subscribed by the Nobil •• y and Barons October 23. After defiance on both sides, Octob. 25. the town was summoned, and all the Scots and French men of whatsoever degree were commanded to leave it within the space of twelve hours. But God would not as yet put an end to these troubles until men's hearts were more discovered, and his Hand were more seen and acknowledged. The people were earnest to invade; many were but too forward, and for hast to make their scalads, they made choice of St Giles church, and would not give place to public Prayers nor preaching; which and other disorders gave occasion unto the Preachers, to affirm, that God would not suffer such contempt of his word and abuses of his Grace, to be long unpunished. Their most secret determinations were revealed, and overthrown. The Duke's friends did terrify him, and by his fear many others were troubled. The hired soldiers made a mutiny, because they wanted a part of their wages. Whosoever had any silvervessell, did profer to give it unto the Minthouse, but John heart and others of that faction stole away the instruments. They sent to Berwick, to borrow money: instantly 4000 Crowns was lent and delivered to Sir John Cocburn of Ormston: the Regent had notice of it, and sent the Earl of Bothvel to intercept it. He had promised before to be for the Country: but then he goeth, wounded the gentle man, took him prisoner and all that he had. The Earl of Arran and a grea • party of the horsemen went forth to recover the prisoner: they took the Earl's house: but himself was gone. In absence of the Horsemen, these of Dundie and foot men went with some Ordance to shoot at Lieth. The French men knew, that they were but few, and that the Horsemen were gone another way, and with expedition came forth upon them. The soldiers fled without stroke of sword, and left the Ordinance to their enemies, who followed unto Lieth-wind. Upon the first alarm all men in Edinburgh made hast for relieff: but then was a shout, All the Frenches are entered. This cry did amaze many, and they fled to the west port. The Earl of Argile and his men did stay them fleeing, and Lord Robert Stewart Abbot of Halirudhouse issued forth upon the Frenches, and caused them to turn and flee. At that time the cruelty of the French men began to discover itself: for they spared not the aged, maimed, women, nor Papist; and of the soldiers ten only were killed. Then many were dejected: and with great difficulty were moved to abide in the town. October 31. Wiliam Maitlane of Lethington Secretary to the Regent, perceiving that the Frenches sought his life (for sometimes he had freely opposed their cruelty) conveyed himself away, and coming to Edinburgh, exhorted the Lord's and others unto constancy, and most prudently laid before them the dangers ensuing, if they shall depart from that Town. They stayed until November 5: then was another skirmish: but the soldiers could scarcely be moved to go forth; and they went disorderly, and were repulsed with the loss of 25. or 30. of their number: and then such dolour and fear overtook the hearts of the most part, that they could admit of no consolation : only they appoint to meet the next day at Sterlin, and there to take consultation. On wednesday November 7. they meet in the Church of Sterlin : John Knox had a Sermon on Psa. 80. v. 5. 6. 7. In his exposition he declared, wherefore God in wisdom suffers sometims his chosen people to be exposed to mockage and danger, even to appearing destruction, to wit, that they may feel the vehemency of his indignation; that they may know, how little strength is in themselves; they may leave unto the following generations a testimony both of the wicked's malice, and of the marvelous work of God in perserving His little Flock by other means than man can espy: he showeth how fearful a temptation it is, when God hears not the prayers of his people; and a difference betwixt the elect and reprobates under such a temptation: and in the end he did exhort them all to amendment of life and to carnestness of praying. The minds of the hearers were wonderously erected. After dinner the Lord's convene in Counsel; where (after invocation of God's name) it was concluded 1. that William Maitlan shall go to London, and declare their condition unto the Queen and Counsel) and the Noble men should have their next public meeting at Sterlin December. 16. In the mean time the French men domineer in Edinburgh : the Regent gave the houses of the honestest Burgesses unto them as a part of their reward▪ the Earl of Arran was proclaimed Traitour: great practices were used against the Castle: but the Captain (as he had refused to be for the Lord's and country, so) would not give over unto the Regent. Advertisement was dispatched to the Duke of Guise, desiring him to make expedition, if he would have the full conquest of Scotland. He had at that time greatest power to command in France, (the King Francis being but 15 years of age) and without delay sent another Army of horse and foot with the Marques D'Elbeuf and Count Martiques: they embarked at Diep, and were dispersed by tempest : 18 Ensigns were cast away upon the coast of Holland; and only the ship wherein were the two principals with their Ladies was violently driven back to Diep, confessing, that God fought for the defense of Scotland. After the meeting at Sterl in, the Duke, the Earl of Glencairn, and other noble men went to Glasgow, and caused all the images and altars to be pulled down: and convening in Counsel gave forth this Proclamation :
FRANCIS and MARIE King and Queen of Scots, Daulphin and Daulphiness of Viennoys,
to our lovets 〈1 span left blank〉 messengers or sherifs in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute, greeting.
For so much as it is understood by the Lord's of our Privy Council that be reformed, of the suspension of the Queen Dowrier's authority, the samine is by consent of the Nobility and Barons of our realm, now by God's providence devolved unto them : And their chieff and first charge and study is, and should be, to advance the glory of God, by maintaining and upsetting true preachers of the Word, Reforming of Religion, and subversion of idolatry; And there are diverse of the clergy, who have not as yet adjoined themselves unto the Congregation, nor made open testification of their faith, and renunciation of idolatry; Our will is heerfore and we charge you straitly, and command that incontinently, these Our letters seen, ye pass and in our name and authority command and charge all and sundry of the clergy, who have not as yet adjoined themselves to the Congregation as said is, by open proclamation at all places needful, That they compear before the saids Lord's of Counsel in Saint Andrews the 〈1 span left blank〉 day of 〈1 span left blank〉 and there give open testification of their conversion with plain confession of their faith, and renunciation of all manner of superstition and idolatry; With certification unto them, if they fail, they shall be reputed and holden as enemies to God and true Religion, and the fruits of their Benifices shall be taken away, one part thereof to the true preachers who ministrate truly the word, and the remanent to be applied to the forthsetting of the Common well of our realm. The which to do we commit to you conjunctly and severally Our full power by these our letters delivering them by you duly execute and indorsed again unto the bearer.
Given under our signet at Glasgow the penult day of November and of our reigns the first & seventienth years.
FRANCIS and MARIE by the Grace of God King and Queen of Scots, Daulphin and Daulphiness of Viennois,
To our lovets 〈1 span left blank〉 our shirefs in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting.
For so much as the Lord's of our Counsel understanding the great hurt and iniquity, that in times past hath proceeded to the members of Christ's Church by maintaining and upholding of the Antichrists laws and his consistory, boasting and fearing the simple and ignorant people with their cursings; gravatures and such like others their threatenings, whereby they sat on the consciences of men, of long time by gone, Ordained that no consistory should be afterward holden, hanted nor used, Having respect that there be enough of Civil ordinary Judges, to the which our Lieges may have recourse in all their actions & causes; And not the less the said Lord's are informed, that certain wicked persons within the City of Brechin, malevolent members of the said Antichrist, contemptuously disobey the said ordinance, and cease not still to hold consistory, and execute his pestilent laws within the said City in contempt of Vs and our authority; Our will is therefore and we charge you strairly, and command, that incontinent these our letters seen, ye pass and in our name and authority, command and charge the Commissary and Scribe of Brechin, and all other members of the said Consistory, and others our Lieges whatsoever having interess, That none of them take in hand, to hold any consistory for administration of the said wicked laws, or assist there to in any way from thence forth, Under the pain of death, As ye will answer to us thereupon. The which to do we commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power 〈1 span left blank〉
Given under our signet at Dundy the 14 day of December, and of our reigns the second and 18 years.
IX. About the 20. of December Robert Meluill of Raith (who was sent with Lethintoun into England) returns, and shows, that the Queen of England had granted a supply, and appointed the Duke of Norfolk to treat at Berwick with the Commissioners of the Scottish Nobility. When the Regent was advertised of this conclusion, she with her Counsel resolves to make an end of the war before the English support could be in readiness, and to begin at Fife. Thereupon the French men take their journey by Sterlin, and spoil where they come: when they had passed the bridge, the storm was so bitter, and the snow had fallen so deep, that they could not pass thorough the middle of the country, but resolve to march by the coast, and so unto Santandrewes, and to have fortified the castle and City. The Lord James stuart and others hearing that they were passed Sterlin, sent some Forces with the Lord Ruthuen to withstand them; and in his company was the Earl of Sutherland, being directed (as he professed) by the Earl of Huntly, to offer his assistance, but his principal commission was for the Regent, as afterward was made known. But he was not long time in their company: for in the first rancounter of the Scots and French men at Kingorn, Sutherland was hurt in the arm, and went back to Couper. The French men being the greater number, took Kingorn, and the Scots return to Dysert, where they continued skirmishing for three weeks, that the enemies could not march further, and the country was preserved from the spoil, so soon as the Regent heard, that Kingorn was taken, she sent post to France, showing, that thousands of the heretics were slain, and the rest were fled, and requiring that some of her friends would come and take the glory of that Victory. So Martiques was sent again with two ships. A day was appointed by the Noble men to meet at Couper for sending Commissioners, to treat with the Duke of Norfolk: unto this meeting went the Noble men that were at Dysert: and six were sent to Berwick: both parties did quickly agree upon a league for defense of both kingdoms, whosoever shall invade either of them. The contract was dated Fabruat. 27. The capacity of a Treaty with England shows what a considerable part of the kingdom the Congregation was at that time. The Frenchmen at Kingorn, hearing that the Noble men were gone from Dysert, march a long the coast, and at Kincraig they see a fleet of ships: they apprehend them a supply from France: but they were by and by informed, that it was a fleet of Englishes, and also that an Army was coming by land. Wherefore they fearing to be severed from their fellows at Lieth, made the greater hast by night and day, and came to Lieth on the third day, losing more of their company by the way than they had killed of their adversaries; as they had done more evil to their friends: for of all that were professed enemies unto them, only the Laird of Grange had his house blown up with powder: but others of their faction were forced to furnish them; or the soldiers took the readiest they could apprehend. When complaints were made to the French Captains, they scornfully answered, These were the Congregation-men's goods. Or if they made faith, that these were their own goods; they were railed upon, as unworthy and niggard cowards, that made more account of their goods than of their friends. And the professors of religion had put their goods out of the way. But this spoil made that faction join the more willingly with the defenders of their liberty. At that time the Barons of the Merns were busy in the Reformation of Aberdien. The Earl of Huntly withstood: but when he heard of the advancing of the Englishes, he sent unto the Lord's, craving to be admitted among them: as also he heard, that Proclamations were sent through all the country, charging all the subjects to meet in arms at Lithgow the last day of March, and thence to pass in persuite of the French enemies. At that time the English forces consisting of two thousand horse and 600 foot entered into Scotland, and the Scots army joined with them April 4. An. 1660. The same day the Regent removes her family to the castle of Edinburgh, the Lord Erskin knowing, that she was of intention to have the Frenches Masters of that strength, would not deny her entry, but he was so circumspect, that both she and the castle were still in his power.
X. The Noble men then wrote unto her humbly again and again entreating that she would dismiss the French soldiers, and proffering that they shall be safely conveyed into France; and promising never to forsake dutiful obedience unto their Queen, nor resist the King her husband, in anything that shall not tend to the subversion of the liberties of the Kingdom; and beseeching her, to weigh the equity of their petition and the inconveniences of war. The English General did in like manner direct two gentle men unto the French men, in Lieth for the same purpose. Both were answered with delays; but would not be delayed; and assault the town, and were repulsed twice with the loss of two men. The King of France hearing, what they were doing in Scotland, sent unto Queen Elisabet, requiring to bring back her Forces, and he would render Calais, which was taken in her sisters time. The Queen answereth, That fisher town is not to be weighed with the hazard of Britanne. Then the Kings Counsellers were desirous of peace; but thought it disgraceful to treat with his subjects. Wherefore he entreats the Queen to mediate a peace: so the English Secretary, and a Doctor Wotton Dean of Canterburry were sent with the French Ambassadors into Scotland. While these were upon their journey, the Queen Regent dieth through displeasure and sickness, in the castle of Edinburgh Juny 10 An. 1560. Before her death she desired to speak with the Duke, the Earls of Argile, Glencairn, Marshall and Lord James: unto them she bemoaned the troubles of the realm, and entreated them to study peace, and to perform these particulars, that were lately written in that Letter unto her: then bursting forth into tears, she asked pardon of them all : and disposing herself for another world she sent for John willock the Preacher of the town, and conferring with him a pretty space, she professed, that she did trust to be saved by the death and merits of Jesus Christ only. Shortly after her death, truce was made for hearing the Ambassadors, and peace was concluded at Edinburg: among other articles the 8 th was, that the King nor Queen shall depute no strangers in the administration of Civil and common Justice, nor bestow the public Offices upon any, but born subjects of the realm. 9. that a Parliament shall be held in the month of August next: for which a commission shall be sent, and it shall be as lawful in all respects, as if it had been ordained by express command of their Majesty's; providing all tumults of war be discharged, and they who ought by their places to be present, may come without fear. So on July 16. both Frenches and Englishes did return home, and a solemn thanksgiving that day was in the Church of S. Giles, by the Lord's and others professing true Religion.
XI. In the midst of these broils the Counsel did nor forget the condition of the Church, and (as it is said expressly in the beginning of the first book of Discipline) on the 29 day of Aprile in that year 1660. they gave Order unto the Ministers, to convene, and draw up in writing and in a book, a common order for reformation and uniformity to be observed in the discipline and policy of the Church. This they did as they could for the time, before the 20 day of May: but it was not allowed by the Counsel until January 17. following. After the solemn thanksgiving in July the Commissioners of Borroughs with some Nobles and Barons were appointed to see the equal distribution of Ministers, as the most part shall think expedient: so one was appointed unto every chief burgh and City: they appointed five, whom they called Superintendents. What was their office, appears by the first book of Discipline, wherein it is written thus; We consider, that if the Ministers, whom God hath endowed with his singular graces among us, should be appointed to several places, there to make their continual residence, that then the greatest part of the realm should be destitute of all doctrine, which should be not only the occasion of great murmur, but also be dangerous to the salvation of many: and therefore we have thought it a thing expedient at this time, that from the whole number of godly and learned men, now presently in this realm, be selected ten or twelve (for in so many Provinces we have divided the whole) to whom charge and commandment should be given, to plant and erect Kirks, to set, order and appoint Ministers (as the former prescribes) to the countries, that shall be appointed to their care, where none are now. And by their means your love and common care over all inhabitants of this realm, to whom you are equally debtors, shall evidently appear: as also the simple & ignorant, who perchance have never heard Jesus Christ truly preached, shall come to some knowledge: by the which many that are dead in superstition and ignorance, shall attain to some feeling of godliness, by the which they shall be provoked to seek farther knowledge of God and his true Religion and worship : where by the contrary if they shall be neglected, then shall they not only grudge, but also seek the means where by they may continue in their blindness, or return to their accustomed idolatry: and therefore we desire nothing more earnestly, than that Christ Jesus be once universally preached throughout this realm; which shall not suddenly be, unless that by you, men be appointed and compelled, faithfully to travel in such Provinces as to them shall be assigned. Here they design the bounds for ten Superintendents, and then it is added, These men must not be suffered to live as your idle Bishops have done heretofore: neither must they remain, where they gladly would, but they must be preachers themselves, and such as may not make long residence in any place, till their Kirks be planted and provided of Ministers, or at least of Readers. Charge must be given to them, that they remain in no place above twenty days in their visitation, till they have passed through their whole bounds : They must preach thrice at the least every week; and when they return to their principal Town and residence, they must be exercised likewise in preaching and edification of the Kirk: and yet they must not be suffered to continue there so long, that they may seem to neglect their other Kirks: but after they have remained in their chief town three or four months at most, they shall be compelled (unless by sickness they be retained) to re-enter in visitation: In which they shall not only preach, but also examine the life, deligence and behavior of the Ministers, as also the order of their kirks, and manners of the people: They must further consider how the poor be provided, how the youth be instructed : They must admonish, where admonition needeth, and redress such things as by good counsel they may appease: And finally they must note such crimes as be heinous, that by censure of the Kirk the same may be corrected. If the Superintendent be found negligent in any the chief points of his office, and specially if he be negligent in preaching of the word, and visitation of the kirks, or if he be convicted of such crimes, as in common ministers are damned, he must be deposed without respect of his person or office. Though Bishop Spotswood profess to set down all the book of Discipline, yet of all this that I have written, he hath but four lines, but he omits not the bounds of each Superintendent. Then after the manner of the election of the Superintendent, it follows in the book thus; the Superintendent being elected and appointed unto his charge, must be subject to the censure and correction of Ministers and Elders not of his chief town only, but also of the whole Province of which he is appointed overseer. If his offense be known, and the Ministers and Elders of the town and province be negligent, then the next one or two Superintendents with their ministers and elders may convene him, and the Ministers and Elders of his chief town (provided it be within his own province or chief town) may accuse or correct as well the Superintendent in these things that are worthy of correction, as the ministers and elders, of their negligence and ungodly toleration of his offense. Whatsoever crime deserves deposition or correction of any other minister, deserves the same in the Superintendent, without exception of persons. He hath also curtailed these rules: for what cause he hath so done, he who pleaseth to confer the two, may guess.
XII. The Parliament (as was appointed in the Treaty) sat down in August at Edinburgh: there were present six Bishops, twelve Abbots and Priors, nineteen Earls and Lord's with many Barons, and of Commissioners of Burghs none were absent. Many Lord's both of the one and other Estates did absent themselves contemptuously, saith the author of the History of Reformation. The first thing they treat was a supplication of the Barons, gentlemen, burgesses and other true subjects of the realm, professing the Lord Jesus, for a Reformation of Religion. So soon as it was read, the Barons and Ministers were called, and command given unto them, to draw into plain and several heads the sum of the doctrine, which they would maintain, and desire to be established, as wholesome, true, and only necessary to be believed. This they willingly accept and on the fourth day, to wit, August 17. they present the Confession, which afterward was registered in the first Parliament of King James 6. and is commonly seen also in the Harmony of Confessions. When the Confession was read first by the Lord's of the articles, and then in audience of the whole Parliament, all were bidden in God's name, to object, if they could say anything against that doctrine; some Ministers standing-by ready to answer, if any would defend Papistry, or impugn any article. No objection was made: then a day was appointed for concurrence in that and other heads: that day the Confession was read again, each article severally, and the votes were asked accordingly. The Papistical Bishops said nothing. Three Lord's Athol, Sommerwell and Bortwick said, We will believe, as our fathers believed. The Earl Marshall said, It is long since I had some favor unto the Truth, and since I had a suspicion of the papistical Religion: but I praise my God, who this day hath fully resolved me in the one and the other: for seeing the Bishops, who for their learning can, and for their zeal that they should bear unto the verity, would, as I suppose, have gainsaid anything, that directly repugneth unto the verity of God: Seeing, I say, the Bishops here present speak nothing against the doctrine proposed, I cannot but hold it for the very truth of God, and the contrary to be deceivable doctrine: and therefore so far as in melyeth, • approve the one, and condemn the other: And yet more I must vote by way of Protestation, that if any person Ecclesiastical shall after this oppose themselves to this our Confession, that they have no place nor credit; considering that they having long advertisment and full knowledge of this our Confession, none is now found in lawful free and open Parliament, to oppose themselves to that which we profess: and therefore if any of this Generation pretend to do it after this, I protest, that he be reputed one that loveth his own commodity and the glory of the world, more than the Truth of God, and the salvation of men's souls. After the voting and establishing of the Confession by the whole Body of the Parliament, there were also read two particular Acts, one against the exercise of the Mass, and the abuse of the sacraments, and the other against the supremacy of the Pope: these were severally voted and concluded then; and renewed in the Parliament An. 1567. With these Acts Sir James Sandelanes Knight of the Rhodes (who had been neutral hitherto) was sent into France for obtaining ratification; and was ordered to clear the Noble men and others from the imputations of dissoyalty, and to pacify the minds of their Soveraines. But he found his ambassage and himself contemned, the Guisians checking him bitterly at his first audience, that he being a Knight of the holy Order, had taken a Commission from rebels to solicit ratification of execrable heresies. I will not stay here upon the reasonableness of this answer, nor to consider who gave it; only this is added by my author, that more care was given unto three persons, the Bishop of Glasgow, the Abbot of Dumfernlin and the Lord Seton, who went away with the French Army. The Country then was greatly troubled for this cold entertainment of their Commissioner: for they were sensible of their own weakness, if France would invade again, and they were doubtful of England, because their last support was with so great charges and hazard; and the Earls of Morton and Glencairn (who after the Parliament were sent to give thanks unto the Queen Elisabet, and to entreat the continuance of her love) had given no advertisement: In time of this doubtfulness, news was brought that young King Francis was dead: then sorrowful were the hearts of the Popish faction, and the Country were confident to have their Queen at home again; as God brought it to pass in despite of all the attempts, that that faction did use in the contrary. After the death of the King, a Convention of the Estates was called to meet in January 1561. then was Lord James Stuart appointed to go in their names unto the Queen : Commission was given to several Noblemen and Barons in several parts to pull down the abbeys and cloisters that were yet standing, and to demolish all moniments of idolatry throughout the Country. Then also the book of Discipline was presented, and the Ministers supplicate the Convention to establish it. Alexander anderson Subprincipall of the University at Aberdeen was called to object against it. He refuseth to dispute there, in matters of faith, pretending (for excuse) a sentence of Tertullian. The Ministers reply. The authority of Tertullian cannot preiudge the authority of the Holy Ghost, commanding to give a reason of our faith, to everyone that requires it: and for the present it is not required of him, nor of any man to dispute in any point of our faith, which is fully grounded upon God's word, and all that we believe, is without controversy contained in the holy Scriptures: But it is required of him as of other Papists, that they will suffer their doctrine, constitutions and cermonies come to a trial; and especially that the Mass and the opinions, which they teach the people concerning it, be laid to the square of the first institution, that the world may know, whither their teachers had offended or not, in that which they have affirmed; whither the action of the Mass be not expressly repugnant unto the last Supper of the Lord Jesus? whither the sayer of it commit not horrible blasphemy in usurping upon the offices of Christ? Al. Anderson denied, that the Priest takes upon him Christ's office. A mass-book was brought, and it wat read out of the beginning of the Canon, Suscipe Sancta Trinitas hanc oblationem, quam ego indignus peccator offero tibi vivo Deo et vero, pro peccatis to • ius Ecclesiae, vivorum et mortuorum. Then said the Minister, If to offer for the sins of the whole Church, be not the proper office of Christ only, let the Scripture judge: and if a vile man, whom ye call priest, proudly takes the same upon him, let your own books witness. Al. Anderson said, Christ offered the propitiatory, and none can do that; but we offer the remembrance. It was answered, We praise God, that ye deny a sacrifice propitiatory in the Mass; and we offer to prove, that in moe than an hundred places of your Papistical Doctors, it is affirmed, that the Mass is a sacrifice propitiatory. But whereas ye allege that ye offer Christ in remembrance; we ask first, Unto whom do ye offer him? and next, By what authority are ye assured of well-doing? In God the Father falleth no oblivion: and if ye will shift and say, that ye offer, not as if God were forgetful, but as willing to apply Christ's merits to his Church; we demand of you, What power and commandment have ye to do so? We know, that our Master commanded his Apostles to do what He did, in remembrance of him: and plain it is, that Christ took bread, gave thanks, brak the bread, and gave it to his disciples, saying, Take, eat..... here is a command to take and eat, to take and to drink: but to offer Christ's body either for remembrance or application, we find not: and therefore we say, To take upon you an office, which is not given unto you, is unjust usurpation, and not lawful power. Then Alexander useth some words of shifting : but the Lord's require him to answer directly. Then said he, I am better acquainted with philosophy than with Theology. Then John Lesley, (then Parson of Vne, and immediately was sent by the Bishops and their faction to be agent in their business with the Queen, and thereafter was called Bishop of Ross) was demanded to answer unto that argument. After some little pause, he said, If our Master hath nothing to say unto it, I have nothing: for I know nothing but the Canonlaw: and the greatest reason, that ever I could find there, is, Volumus, and Nolumus. The Nobility seeing, that neither the one nor the other would answer directly, say, We have been miserably deceived; for if the Mass may not obtain remission of sin to the quick and to the dead, wherefore were all the Abbeys so richly doted and endowed with our lands? Hereby it is clear, (as also by what is written of the Parliament) that the Papists had liberty to plead for their Religion; and were required to say what they could, not only with safety and assurance of protection; but they did appear, and show their weakness. At that time the book of Discipline was not allowed nor rejected, but delayd; and thereafter it was approved by the Counsel for their own part, but not authorised; and some additions were noted, and this provision expressly added, That the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Beneficed men, who had already adjoined them unto the Religion, shall enjoy their benefices during their lives, they upholding and sustaining the Ministry and Ministers for their part. The issue of this provision was; many Church-men gave away and sold their Manses, gleebs, tyths and other things, to the prejudice of the Church; so that the entertainment of Ministers was very small; in many places nothing at all; and the gleebs could hardly be recovered.
XIII. At Edinburgh December 20. An. 1560. was the first National assembly: where convened the Ministers and Commissionares from Shires and Burghs about the number of 44. persons. 1. They design Ministers and Readers unto several parishes throughout the Country. 2. It was appointed, that in time coming the election of Minister, Elders and deacons shall be in the public church, and premonition to be on the sunday preceeding. 3. It is found by the law of God, marriages may be solemnized betwixt parties of the second or third degrees of consanguinity, and others that are not prohibited by the word of God: and therefore to desire the Lord's and Estates to interpose their authority, and make laws thereupon. 4. It is appointed that for punishment of fornication the law of God be observed▪ and these shall make public repentance, which use carnal copulation betwixt the promise and solemnization of their marriage 5. that earnest supplication be made unto the Estates of the realm, and to the Lord's of Secret counsel, that all Judges ordinary and Judicial Officers, as Lord's of the Session, Shireffs, Stewarts, Balives and other ordinary Judges be professors of the truth according to the word of God; and all Ministers of the word to be removed from such Offices, according to the Civil law. 6. To supplicate the Parliament and Secret Counsel, that, for eschuing the wrath of the Eternal, and removing the plagues threatened in His law, Sharp punishment be ordained against idolaters and mantainers thereof, in contempt of God's true Religion and Acts of Parliament, namely, which say Mass, or cause it to be said, or are present thereat. And a catalogue of their names is written. They appoint Comissioners to attend the Parliament (if any shall be called) with these supplications. It is to be observed from the fifth Act, that Ministers of the word were forbbidden to be Judges in Civil causes: which is against the former practice, when Bishops and other prelates were Lord's of Parliament and sat in Civil Courts. No Parliament was called, as was expected: but a Convention of Estates was appointed to be in May before which time Papists resort to Edinburgh in great numbers, and began to brag of their power. The Commissioners which were appointed by the Assembly of the Church, convene May 17. An 1561. and draw up these articles to be presented unto the Convention; that idolatry and all monuments thereof should be suppressed throughout the realm; that the sayers, maintainers and hear • s of the Mass should be punished according to the Act of Parliament. 2. That c • rtain provision be made for maintenance of the Superintendents, Ministers and Readers; that Superintendents be planted where none are; That punishment be appointed for such as disobeied or contemned the Superintendents in their function. 3. That punishment be appointed for the abusers and contemners of the Sacraments. 4. That no Letters of Session, or warrant from any Judge be given, to answer or pay tithes unto any person, without special provision, that the parishoners retain so much in their hands as is appointed for maintenance of the Ministry; And that all such as are given heretofore, be called in and discharged. 5. That the Lord's of the Session or any other Judges proceed not upon such Precepts or warnings past at the instance of them, which lately have obtained fues of Vicarages and Manses and Churchyards; and that six a kers (if so much there be of the Gleeb) be always reserved to the Minister, according to the appointment of the book of Discipline. 6. That no Letters of Session nor other Warrants take place, until the stipends contained in the book of Disciplin for maintenance of the Ministers be first consigned in the hands at least of the principals of the parishioners. 7. That punishment be appointed against all such as purchase, bring home or execute within this realm, the Popes Bulls. The Tenour of the Supplication was this▪ Please your Honors, and the Wisdoms of such as are presently convened with you in Counsel, to understand, that by many arguments we perceive, what the pestilent generation of that Roman Antichrist within this realm pretends, to wit, that they would erect their idolatry, take upon them Empire above our consciences, and so to command us the true subjects of this realm, and such as God of his mercy hath (under our Soveraine) made subject unto us, in all things to obey their appetites. Honesty craveth, and conscience moveth us, to make the very secrets of our hearts patent to your Honors in that behalf, whichs is this, That before ever these tyrants and dumb dogs empire above us, and above such as God hath subjected unto us, that we the Barons and Gentle men professing Christ Jesus within this realm are fully determined to hazard life and whatsoever we have received from God in temporal things; Most humbly therefore beseeching your Honors, that such order may be taken that we have not occasion to take again the sword of just defense unto our hands, which we have willingly (after God had given Victory both to your Honors and us) resigned over into your hands; to the end, that God's gospel may be publicly preached within this realm, the true Ministers thereof reasonably maintained, idolatry suppressed, and the committers there of punished, according to the laws of God and men. In doing whereof your Honors shall find us not only obedient in all things lawful, but also ready at all times, to bring under order and obedience such as would rebel against your just authority, which in absence of our Sovereign we acknowledge to be in your hands, bes • eching your Honors with upright judgment and indifferency to look upon these few ar • icles, and by these our Brethren to signify unto us such answer again, as may declare your Honors worthy of that place, whereunto God (after some danger sustained) in his mercy hath called you. And let these enemies assure themselves, that if your Honors put not order unto them, that we shall shortly take such order, that they shall neither be able to do what they list, nor to live upon the sweat of the brows of such as are not debtors unto them. Let your Honors conceive nothing of us, but all humble obedience in God. But let the Papists be yet once again assured, that their pride and idolatry we will not suffer. This Supplication was sent by the Master of Lindsay, the Lord's of Lochinvar, Pharniherst and Whittengham, Tho. Menzies Provost of Aberdien and Ge. Lovell burgess of Dundy. The Lord's and Counsel made an Act & ordinance answering to every head of these articles, and commanded Letters to be answered thereupon. At this time Lord James Stuard had returned from France, and brought Letters from the Queen, praying them to entertain quietness, and to suffer nothing to be attempted against the Contract of peace which was made at Lieth, till her own coming home, and to suffer the Religion publicly established to go forward, &c. This second fall got Satan, after he had begun to trouble the Religion once established by Law. The Histor. of Reformat. Lib. 3. That book closeth with these words, The books of discipline have been of late so often published, that we shall forbear to print them at this time, hoping that no good man will ref • se to follow the same, till God in a greater light establish a more perfect. By these and many passages of the book it is clear, that at that time they did not judge it to be the constant rule of Disciplin in all time coming: and so we will find, that within few years, the Assembly thought upon another Order.
XIV. August 19. An. 1561. The Queen arrives at Lieth: very many of all ranks come to congratulate her safe return: much mirth was that week in Halirudhouse and Edinburgh. On Sunday August 24. when preparation was for the Mass in the Chapel-Royal, the hearts of the godly were stirred, and some said openly, Shall that Idol be suffered to take place again within this realm▪ It shall not. One carrying the candle was sore affrighted. No Papist durst speak against them: but Lord James took upon him, to keep the Chapel-door : when the Mass was ended, the Priest was convoied betwixt the Lord's of Coldingham & Halirudhouse unto his chamber. The next day the Queen comes into Privy Counsel: Some were sent unto the Noblemen severally with these or such persuasions; Alas, will you chase our sovereign from us? She will incontinently return to her Galeys, and then what will all Nations say of us? may we not suffer her a little while? I doubt not, but she will leave it: if we were not assured, that She may be won, we should be as great enemies to the Mass, as ye can be: her Uncles will go away, and then we shall rule all at our pleasure: would not we be as sorry to hurt the Religion as any of you would be? With these persuasions the fervency of many was abated: and an Act was made wherein her Majesty ordains Letters to be directed and proclaimed, that all the subjects should keep peace and Civil society, while the Estates of the realm may be assembled, and her Majesty shall have • aken a final order by their advice, which her Majesty hopeth, shall be to the contentment of all, the Law bidding that none should take in hand privately or openly any alteration of the State of Religion, or attempt anything against the same, which She hath found publicly & universally standing at her arrival, under pain of death; With certification, that if any subjects shall come in the contrary, he shall be held for a seditious person and raiser of tumults; and her Majesty commands with advice of her Secret Counsel, that none of the Lieges take in hand to molest or trouble any of her domestik servants, or persons whatsoever come out of France in her Company at this time, in word, deed or countenance, for any cause whatsoever, either within her palace or without, under the said pain of death. This Act was proclaimed the same day; and immediately the Earl of Arran makes public protestation, thus; In so far as by this Proclamation it is made known unto the Church of God and members thereof that the Queen is minded, that the true Religion and worship of God already established, proceed forward, that it may daily increase, Untill the Parliament, that order may be taken then for extirpation of all idolatry out of this realm; We render most hearty thinks to the Lord our God for her Majesty's good mind, earnestly praying, that it may be increased in her Majesty, to the honor & glory of his Name, and good of his Church within this realm; And as touching the molestation of her Highness servants, we suppose, that none dare be so bold as once to move their finger at them, in doing their lawful business: and we have learned at our Master Christ's School, to keep peace with all men: And therefore for our part we will promise that obedience unto her Majesty (as is our duty) that none of her servants shall be troubled, molested or once touched by the Church or any member thereof, in doing their lawful business: But seeing God hath said, The idolater shall die the death, We protest solemnly in the presence of God, and in the ears of all people, that hear this Proclamation, and especially in the presence of you, Lion herald and the rest of your Colleagues, maker of the proclamation, that if any of her servants shall commit idolatry, shall say Mass, participate therewith, or take the defense thereof (which, we are loath, should be in her Highness company) in that case, that this proclamation is not extended to them, in that behalf, nor be a savegard nor girth to them in that behalf, no more than if they commit slaughter or murder, seeing the one is much more abominable & odious in the sight of God, than is the other; but that it may be lawful to inflict upon them the pains contained in God's Word against idolaters, wherever they may be apprehended without favor. And this our protestation we desire you to notify unto her, and give Her the copy hereof, lest her Higness may suspect an uproar, if we all shall come and present the same. At Edinburgh day & year foresaid. This Protestation did some what exasperate the Queen and others following her in that point. When the Lord's (of the Congregation, as they were called) came to the Town, at the first they were much offended that the Mass was permitted, and each did accuse these, that were before him: but when they tarried a short space, they were as quiet as others. Wherupon Robert campbell of Kings-cleugh said unto the Lord Ochiltry, My Lord, you are come now, and almost the last of all the rest, and I perceive by your anger that the fireedge is not off you yet: but I fear, that when the holy water of the Court shall be sprinkled upon you, you shall become as temperate as others: for I have been here now five days, and at the first, I heard every man say, Let us hang the priest : But after that they had been twice or thrice in the Abby, all that fervency was past: I think, there is some enchantment where with men are bewitched. And it was so: for on the one part the Queen's fair words still crying, Conscience, it is a sore thing to constrain Conscience; and on the other part the persuasions of others blinded them all, and put them in opinion; that the Queen will be content to hear the Preaching, and so she may be won: and so all were content to suffer her for a time. The next sunday John Knox in Sermon shows what terrible plagues God had sent upon Nations for idolatry; and one Mass is more fearful unto him, than if ten thousand enemies were landed in any part of the realm: for in our God is strength to resist and confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon Him, as we have experience heretofore: but when we join hands with idolatry, it's no doubt, but both God's amiable presence, and comfortable defense will leave us: and what shall then become of us, &c. Some said, Such fear was no point of their faith : it was besides his text, and a very untimely admonition. The Writer of The history of Reformation addeth by way of anticipation, that in December An. 1565. when they which at the Queens arrival maintained the toleration of the Mass, were summoned upon treason, exiled, and a decriet of forfeture was intended against them, the same Knoxe recited these words in the audience of many, and besought God's mercy, that he was not more vehement and upright in suppressing that idol: for (said he) albeit I spake what was offensive unto some (which this day they feel to be true) yet I did not what I might have done; for God hath not only given me knowledge and tongue, to make the impiety of that idol known, but he had given me credit with many, who would have put in execution God's judgments, if I would have only consented thereunto: But so careful was I of common tranquility, and so loath to offend those, of whom I had conceived a good opinion, that in private conference with dearest and Zealous men, I travelled rather to mitigate, yea to slacken that fervency, that God had kindled in them, than to encourage them to put their hands unto the Lord's work; wherein I confess unfeignedly, that I have done most wickedly, and from the bottom of my heart do ask of my God grace & pardon: for I did not what in me lay, to have suppressed that idol at the beginning. After that Sermon, the Queen sent for I. Knox, and (none being present, except the Lord James, and two gentle men in the end of the room) said unto him; That he had raised a part of her subjects against her mother & herself: that he had written a book against her just authority [she meaneth the treatise against the Regiment of women] which she had, and would cause the most learned in Europe to write against it; That he was the cause of sedition and great slaughter in England; and that is was said to her, All that he did was by necromancy. John answereth, Madam, it may please your Majesty to hear my simple answers: and first, if to teach the word of God in sincerity, or to rebuke idolatry, and to press a people to worship God according to his word, be to raise subjects against their Princes, then I cannot be excused: for it hath pleased God of his mercy, to make me (among many) to disclose unto this realm the vanity of the Papistical religion, and the deceit, pride and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist: But Madam, if the true knowledge of God and his right worshipping be the chief cause, which must move men to obey their just Princes from their heart (as it is most certain; they are) where in can I be reprehended? I think, and am surely persuaded, that your Ma. hath had, and presently hath as unfeigned obedience of such as profess Christ Jesus within this realm, as ever your Father or your progenitors had of those, that were called Bishops. As for that book, that seemeth so highly to offend your Ma. (it is most certain) I am content, that all the learned of the world judge of it: I hear, that an English man hath written against it, but I have not read him: if he hath sufficiently confuted my reasons, and established his contrary propositions with as evident testimonies, as I have done mine, I shall not be obstinate, but confess my error & ignorance: but to this hour I have thought, and yet thinks myself alone more able to sustain the things affirmed in that my work, than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it. The Queen said, you think, that I have not just authority. John ansuereth, Please your Ma. learned men in all ages have had their judgment free, and disagreeing from the common judgment of the world: and such have they published both by pen & tongue; and not withstanding they have lived in the common society with others, and have born patiently with the errors and imperfections, which they could not amend. Plato the Philosopher wrote his book of the commonwealth, in which he condemns many things that were maintained in the world, and required many things to have been reformed: and yet he lived under such Politicks, as then were universally received, without further troubling any State: So, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with the testimony of a good conscience have I communicated my judgment unto the world: if the realm finds no inconveniences in the regiment of a woman, that which they approve, I shall not further disallow than within my own breast, but shall be as well content to live under your Majesty, as Paul was to live under the Roman Emperor: and my hope is, that so long as ye defile not your hands with the blood of the Saints of God, that neither I nor that book shall either hurt you nor your authority: for in very deed Madam; that book was written most especially against that wicked Mary of England. But, said the Queen, you speak of women in general. John ansuereth, Most true it is, Madam: and yet plainly appears to me, that wisdom should persuad your. Ma. never to raise trouble for that which to this day hath not troubled your Ma. neither in person nor in anxiety: for of late years many things which before were holden Stable, have been called in doubt; yea they have been plainly impugned: But yet, Madam, I am assured, that neither Protestant nor Papist shall be able to prove, that any such question was at any time moved in public or private: and if I had intended to trouble your State, Madam, because you are a woman, I might have chosen a time more convenient for that purpose, than I can do now, when your presence is within the realm. But now, Madam, to answer shortly unto the other two accusations, I heartily praise my God through Jesus Christ, that Satan and the wicked of the world have no other crimes to lay to my charge, than such as the very world knows to be most false and vain: for in England I was resident the space of five years only; two years at Berwick, so long in New-castle, and a year in London. If in any place, during the time I was there, any man shall be able to prove, that there was battle, sedition or mutiny, I shall confess, that I was the malefactor, and shedder of the blood. I am not ashamed further to affirm, that God so blessed my weak labors then in Berwick (where then commonly was wont to be slaughter, by occasion of quarrels among soldiers) there was as great quietness all the time that I remained there, as there is this day in Edinburgh. Where they slander me of Magic, or any other art forbidden of God, I have witness (besides my own conscience) all the Congregations, that ever heard me, what I speak both against such acts, and against these that use such impiety : but seeing the wicked said, that our Master the Lord Jesus was possessed with Beelzebub, I must patiently bear, albeit that I a wretched sinner be unjustly accused by these, that never delighted in the verity. The Queen said, you have taught the people to receive another Religion than their Prince can allow: and how can that doctrine be of God, seeing God commandeth subjects to obey their-Princes? Madam, said he, as right Religion took neither original nor antiquity from worldly Princes, but from the Eternal God alone; so are not subjects bound to frame their Religion according to the appetite of their Princes: for often Princes are the most ignorant of all others, in God's true Religion, as we read in the histories, both before the death of Christ Jesus, and after: if all the seed of Abraham had been of the Religion of Pharaoh, unto whom they were a long time subject, what Religion had there been in the world? If all men in the days of the Apostles had been of the Religion of the Roman Emperors, what Religion had there been upon the face of the earth? Daniel and his fellowed were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar and Darius, and yet they would not be of the Religion of the one nor of the other: for the three children said, We make it known to thee, o King, that we will not worship thy God's: and Daniel did pray publicly unto his God, against the express commandment of the King: and so Madam, you may perceive that subjects are not bound to the Religion of their Princes, albeit they are commanded to give them obedience. Yet, said the Queen, none of these lifted their sword against their Princes. John answereth, Yet, Madam, it cannot be denied, but they resisted: for who obey not the command, do in some sort resist. But they resisted not by the sword, saith the Queen. John said. God had not given them power nor means. The Queen saith, Think you, that subjects having power, may resist their Princes? John answereth, If Princes exceed their bounds, and do against that, for which they should be obeyed, there is no doubt but they may be resisted, even by Power : for there is no greater honor nor greater obedience to be given to Kings, than God hath commanded to be given to father & mother: but so it is, that the father may be stricken with a phrenesy, in which he would slay his own children: now Madam, if the children join themselves together, apprehend the father, take the sword or what other weapon from him, and finally bind his hands, and keep him in prison, till that his frenzy be overpast; think ye, Madam, that the children do any wrong? or that God will be offended with them, that have stayed their father from committing wickedness; It is so with Princes, that would murder the children of God, that are subject unto them. Their blind Zeal is but a mad frenzy: therefore to take the sword from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them into prison, till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no disobedience against Princes, but just obedience, because it agreeth with the word of God. At these words the Queen stood as it were amazed, more than a quarter of an hour and then said, Well, I perceive, that my subjects shall only obey you, and not me; they shall do what they list, and not what I command; and so I must be subject unto them, and not they unto me. Knox answereth, God forbid, that ever I take upon me, to command any to obey me, or yet to set subjects at liberty, to do what pleaseth them: but my travel is, that both Princes & subjects obey God: and think not; Madam, that wrong is done unto you, when you are willed to be subject unto God: for it is He, that subjecteth people under Princes, and causeth obedience to be given unto them: yea God craves of Kings, that they be as nursing▪fathers to the Church, and commands Queens to be Nurses unto his people: and this subiecton unto God. and nourishing his troubled Church, is the greatest dignity tht flesh can have upon the face of the earth; for it shall carry them to everlasting glory. The Queen said, Yea, but ye dre not the Church, that I will nourish: I will defend the Church of Rome : for I think, it is the true Church of God. Knox ans. your will, Madam, is not reason, nor doth your thought make that Roman harlot to be the immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ: and wonder not, Madam, that I call Rome an harlot: for that Church is altogether polluted with all kind of spiritual fornication both in doctrine and in manners: yea, I offer myself further to prove that the Church of the Jews, when they manifestly denied the Son of God, was not so far degenerated from the ordinances and statutes, which God gave by Moses & Aaron unto his people, as the Church of Rome is declined, and more than 500. years hath declined from that purity of Religion which the Apostles taught and planted. The Queen said, My conscience is not so. Knox ans. Madam, conscience requires knowledge, and I fear, of right knowledge you have but little. The Queen saith, I have both heard and read. Knox saith, Madam, so did the Jews, which crucified Christ Jesus, read both the Law and the prophets, and heard the same interpreted, after their manner. Have ye heard any teach but such as the Pope and his Cardinals have allowed? and you may be assured, they will speak nothing to offend their own State. The Queen said, ye interpret the Scriptures in one manner, and they in another : whom shall I believe? who shall be Judge? Knox ans. Believe God, that speaks plainly in his word; and further than the word teaches you, ye shall neither believe the one nor the other. The word of God is plain in itself: and if there appear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, who never is contrary to himself, explains the same more clearly in others places; So that there can remain no doubt, but unto such as obstinately will remain ignorant. And now Madam, to take one of the chief points, which this day is in controversy betwixt the Papists and us, for example. They allege and boldy have affirmed, that the Mass is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the quick and the dead. We deny both the one and the other, and affirm, that the Mass, as it is now used, is nothing but the invention of man: and therefore it is abomination before God, and no sacrifice that God ever commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwixt us two thus contending? it is not reason, that either of us be further believed, than we are able to prove by unsuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the book of God, and by plain words prove their affirmatives, and we shall give unto them the plea granted. But so long as they are bold to affirm, and prove nothing, we must say, albeit all the world believe them, yet they believe not God, but do receive the lies of men for the truth of God. What our Master Christ Jesus did, we know by his Evangelists: what the Priests do at the Mass, the world seeth. Now doth not the Word of God plainly assure us, that Christ Jesus neither said Mass, nor commanded to say it at his last Supper, seeing no such thing as the Mass is mentioned in the wholl Scriptures. The Queen said, You are too hard for me: but if they were here, whom I have heard, they would answer you. Knox ans. Would God the learnedst Papist in Europe, and he that you would best believe, were present with your Majesty, to sustain the argument, and that you would abide patiently to hear the argument reasoned to the end: for then I doubt not, but you should hear the vanity of the Papistical Religion, and how small ground it hath within the word of God. The Queen said, Well, you may perchance get that sooner than you believe. Knox said, Assuredly if ever I get that, I get it sooner than I believe: for the ignorant Papist cannot patiently reason, and the learned and erafty Papist will never come in your audience, Madam, to have the ground of their Religion searched out: for they know, they are not able to maintain any argument, except by fire & sword, and their own Laws be judges. The Queen said, So say you; and I believe, it hath been to this day. John ans. How oft have the Papists in this and other realms, been required to conference, and yet could it never be obtained, unless themselves were admitted for Judges: and therefore I must say again, that they dare never dispute, but where themselves are both Judges and party: and when you shall let me see the contrary, I shall grant myself deceived in that point. At departing, John said, I pray God, Madam, that you may be as blessed within the Commonwealth of Scotland (if it be the pleasure of God) as ever Deborah was in the Common wealth of Israel. Of this long conference, whereof we only touch a part, were diverse opinions: the Papists grudged, and feared what they needed not. The godly rejoiced, thinking that at least She would have heard the preaching: but they were utterly deceived : for She continued in her Massing, and quickly mocked all exhortation, The Histo. of Reforma. lib 4.
XIIII. In Edinburgh it was the custom, that when the annual Magistrates were chosen at Michalmes, they caused to publish the statutes & ordinancies of the town : and so in that year one of the statutes was, No adulterer, fornicator, no noted drunkard, no mass-monger, no obstinate Papist, that corrupteth the people, such as priests & Friers and others of that sort, should be found within the town after 41. Hours under pains contained in the Statutes. When this was reported unto the Queen, She caused without any examination of the matter, to charge the Provost and Bailiffs to ward in the castle; and immediately commandment was sent to choose other Magistrates. The electors at first did refuse : but when charge was sent after charge, at last they obey; and a contrary proclamation was made at the queen's command, that the town should be patent to all the Queen's lieges. So murderers, adulterers, and all profain persons got protection by the Queen, under color, that they were of her Religion, whereas before they durst not be seen in day light upon the streets. The Queen's command being thus obeyed, the priests took more boldness, and November 1. They go to Mass with all their pomp. The Ministers in Sermons declare the inconveniences, that were to follow that coleration. The Nobility through affection unto their Sovereign move the question, Whether Subjects may suppress the idolatry of the Prince? Some Noble men and Officers of State convene with some Ministers, and argue together. The conclusion was, because the one would not yield unto the other, that the Question should be formed, and Letters directed to Geneva for the judgment of that Church. The Ministers offered to undertake the labor: but the Nobles laid it upon Secretary Lethington, but it was to drive time, as the event declared. The Queen's party do urge, that She and her household should have her Religion free in her own chapel. The Ministers said, Such liberty shall be their thralldom, ere it be long. But neither could reason nor danger move the affections of such as were ambitious of credit, In December the Superintendents and Ministers do convene unto the National assembly, as it was appointed; and the Nobility will not convene: Some Ministers were sent unto them: some of them made one excuse, and some another; and some call it into doubt, Whither it be expedient to hold such assemblies. For gladly would the Queen and the Secret Counsel had all the assemblies discharged. The one party say, It is suspicious to Princes, that subjects keep conventions without their knowledge. It was answered, Without the knowledge of the Prince the Church does nothing: for She perfitely understands, that there is a Reformed Religion within the realm, and that they have their order and appointed times of meeting. Yea (saith Lethington) the Queen knows that well enough, but the question is, Whither the Queen allows such conventions. It was answered, If the liberty of the Church shall stand upon the Queen's allowance or dis-allowance, we are sure, not only to be deprived of assemblies, but of the public preaching of the Gospel. This was mocked, and the contrary affirmed. Well (said the other) time will try the truth: but this I will add, Take from us the freedom of assemblies, and take from us the Evangel: for without assemblies, how sbal good order and unity of doctrine be kept? It cannot be supposed, that all Ministers shall be so perfect, but some shall have need of admonition, both for manners & doctrine, as some may be so stiff▪necked, that they will not admit the admonition of the simple; and some may be blamed without offense committed: and if there be no order in these cases, it cannot be avoided, but grievous offenses shall arise: and for remedy it is necessary, to have general assemblies, in which the judgment and gravity of many may correct & repress the folly & errous of a few. The most part both of the Nobility and Barons consent here unto, and conclude, that the Reasoners for the Queen shall show unto her Ma. that if She was suspicious of anything handled in the Assemblies, it would please her Ma. to send whom she would appoint, to hear what was propounded or reasoned. The Queen sent none. In time of this assembly the Earl Bothwell, the Marques d'albuff the Queen's uncle and John Lord of Coldingham brake up Cutbert Ramsay a Burgess's doors in the night time, and searched the house for his daughter-in-law. The Nobility and Assembly were offended, and sent unto the Queen this Iupplication; To the Queens Majesty, to her Secret Counsel, Her Highness faithful and obedient subjests, The professors of Christ Jesus, his holy Evangel, wish the Spirit of righteous judgment. The fear of God contained in his holy word; the natural and unfeigned love we bear unto your Majesty; the duty which we owe to the quietness of our Country, and the terrible threatenings, which our God pronounces against every realm and city, in which horrible crimes are openly committed, Compel us a great part of your subjects, humbly to crave of your Ma. upright and true judgment, against such persons as have done, what in them lieth, to kindle God's wrath against this whole realm : the impiety by them committed is so heinous and horrible, that as it is a fact most vile and rare to be heard in this realm, and principally within the bowels of the city, So should we think ourselves guilty of the same, if negligently or for worldly fear we put it over with silence: and therefore your Ma. may not think, that we crave anything, when we crave that open malefactors may condignly be punished; but that God hath commanded us to crave, and also hath commanded your Ma. to give unto everyone of your subjects: for by this link hath God knit together the Prince and people, that as he commands honor, fear & obedience to be given to the powers established by Him, so doth he in express words command & declare what the Prince oweth unto the subjects, to wit, that as he is the Minister of God, bearing the sword for vengeance to be taken on evil doers, and for defense of peaceable and quiet men, So ought he to draw the sword without partiality, so oft as in God's name he is required thereto. Seeing it is so, Madam, that this crime so recently committed, and that in the eyes of all the Realm now publicly assembled, is so heinous: for who heertofore hath heard within the bowels of Edinburgh, gates and doors under silence of night broken, houses ripped or searched, and that with hostility, seeking a woman, as appears to oppress her; Seeing (we say) this crime is so heinous, that all godly men fear not only God's displeasure, to fall upon you and your whole realm, but also that such licenciousness breed contempt, and in the end sedition, if remedy in time be not provided : which in our judgment is impossible, if severe punishment be not executed for the crime committed. Therefore we most humbly beseech your Ma. that all affection set aside, you declare yourself so upright in this case, that ye may give evident demonstration to all your subjects, that the fear of God, joined with the love of common tranquility hath the principal seat in your Majestics heart. This further Madam, in conscience we speak, that as your Ma. in God's name doth crave of us obedience, which to render in all things lawful we are most willing, So in the same name do we the wholl professors of Christ's Evangel within this your Mas. realm, crave of you and of your Counsel sharp punishment of this crime. And for performance thereof, that without delay the principal actors of this heinous crime and the persuaders of this public villainy, may be called before the Chief Justice of this realm to suffer an assise, and to be punished according to the laws of the same: and your Majesty's answer most humbly we beseech. This supplication was presented by sundry Gentle-men. Some Courtiers ask, Who dare avowe this? The Lord Lindsay answered, A thousand Gentlemen within Edinburgh. Others advise the Queen, to give a gentle answer, till the Convention were dissolved. And so the Queen said, Her uncle is a stranger, and hath a young company with him: but she shall put such order unto him and all others, that hereafter they shall have no occasion to complain. The Histor. of the Reformat. libr. 4.
XV. In Juny 1562. The assembly gives order to draw up a Supplication unto the Queen, for abolishing the Mass and other superstitious rites of the Roman Religion; for inflicting punishment against blasphemy, contempt of the word, profanation of the sacraments, the violation of the Sabbath, adultery, fornication, and such other vices, that are condemned by God's word, and the laws of the country have not taken notice of: And it was petitioned, that the actions of divorcement should either be remitted to the judgment of the Church, or trusted to men of good knowledge and conversation; And that Papists be excluded from places in Counsel and Session. The draught of this Supplication was judged by the Courtiers to be tarte in some expressions: and they took upon them to write another, containing the same things, but in a more acceptable phrase. It was presented by the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife; and when the Queen had read some of it, she said, Here are many fair words, I cannot tell what the hearts are. And so for our painted oratory we were termed flatterers and dissemblers : but we received no other answer. Ibid. Spotswood saith, Her answer was, that she would do nothing in prejudice of the Religion she professed, and hoped, before a year were expired, to have the Mass and Catholic profession restored through the whole Kingdom: And thus she parted from them in choler. In this assembly was appointed an Order of Visitation, for regulating the Superintendents, to wit, for examination of Ministers lives and doctrine, then of the elders. And some were appointed to visit the Churches in the Shires, where were no Superintendents, as George Hay to Visite Carrick and Cunningham, John Knox to visit Kile and Galloway, &c. Alexander Gordon Bishop of Galloway did profess the Reformed Religion, and in this assembly petitioneth the Superintendency of Galloway: It was denied unto him. At that time the Abbot of Corsrainell sought disputation with John Knox: it continued three days at Maiboll: the Abbot made choice of the matter, to prove the sacrifice of the Mass, especially from Melchizedek's offering (as he alleged) bread and wine unto God. The Papists looked for a revolt in Religion, and they would have had some occasion to brag of their disputation. According to the appointment of the preceeding assembly, the next conveenes at Edinburgh December 25. John Knox made the prayer for assistance of God's Spirit. In the 2. and 3. Sessions Superintendents and then Ministers were removed and censured severally. Complaints were made; that Churches want Ministers; Ministers had not stipends; wicked men were permitted to be Schoolmasters; idolatry was erected in sundry parts of the Nation. For redress of this last, some said, A new Supplication should be presented unto the Queen. Others said, What answer was given to the former? One in name of the Queen said, It is well known, what troubles have occurred since the last Assembly, [The Queen visiting the North was troubled by the Gordons, and the Earl was killed at Coriechy] and therefore it is no wonder, though the Queen hath not answered; but before the Parliament in May they doubt not, but such order shall be taken as they all shall have occasion of contentment. This satisfied the assembly for that time. The Lord Controller required the Commissioners of Burghs to declare by word or writ, what course they would take for entertaiment of their Ministers. Decemb. 29. inhibition is made to all serving in the Ministry, which have entered being slanderous before in doctrine, and have not satisfied the Church; and which have not been presented by the people unto the Superintendent, and he after trial had not appointed them unto their charge; And this Act to have strength as well against them, that are called Bishops, as others pretending to any Ministry within the Church. Decemb. 30. the assembly gives power to every Superintendent within his own bounds, in their Synodal assembly and with consent of the greater part of Ministers and elders, to transport Ministers from one Church to another; and ordains the Minister so decerned, to obey. And ordains the Superintendents to hold their Synods twice in the year, to wit, in Aprile and October. Commission is given to the Superintendents of Anguise, Lothian, Glasgow and Fife with Da. forest to travel with the Lord's of Secret Counsel concerning the causes, that should come in judgment of the Church, and what order of execution shall be taken therein. Ordaines the communion to be ministered four times in the year within burghes, and twice yearly in the Landward. Also that uniformity shall be kept in the ministration of the Sacraments, and solemnisation of marriage, and burials according to the book of Geneva. By this book is meaned that book called The common order; which was conform to the English Church in Geneve, and was usually printed before the Psalms in Meeter. Likewise a slander was raised upon Paul Meffan Minister at Jedburgh; commission was given to John Knox and certain Elders of Edinburgh, to go into that town, and try the slander, and report the truth unto the Session of the Church of Edinburgh, to whom with the assistance of the Superintendent of Lothian commission is given to decern therein. His woman-servant had brought forth a child, and would not tell, who was the father of it; but said, She was forced in an eevening, and knew not by whom. The Matter could hardly be tried: but at last the woman's brother was brought to examination; and Paul seeing that, though before he had always denied the fact, yet then fled, so taking the crime upon him; and the man made the matter so plain, that all doubt was removed. Then those Judges, for this odious crime, did deprive him of all function within the Church of Scotland, and for his contumacy in not appearing before them, did excommunicate him. The author of the The Histor. of Reformat. saith, this is recorded, not only for a warning & example unto others; but likewise that the world may see, what difference is betwixt the Church of God, and the Romish Church, seeing many of their Bishops and Priests, yea and Popes are known to be guilty in such crimes, and no way censured.
XVI. The Papists at Easter An. 1563. began to say Mass more boldly than before, namely, John Hamilton Bishop of Saint Andrews, the Prior of Whithern, and many other priests & monks. This was offensive to many: and therefore the Shirefs and others, which had civil power (especially in the West parts) resolve, that they will not complain to the Queen nor Counsel, but execute former proclamations against the sayers of Mass and so some priests in the West were apprehended. The Queen was offended, and sent for John Knox to come to her in Lochlevin, and dealt with him, that he would persuad the people, and especially the Gentle men of the West Country, not to punish any man for using what Religion they please. John answereth: If her Ma. would punish malefactors according to the laws, he could promise quietness upon the part of all, which profess the Lord Jesus within Scotland: but if she thought to delude the laws, he feareth, some will let the Papists understand, that they shall not be suffered to offend God's Majesty without punishment. When • he Queen heard these and other words to this purpose, she takes another course, and directs summons against Mass-mongers in the straitest form with expedition, to compear on May 19; one day before the Parliament. The Bishop of Saint Andrews, the before named Prior, the Parson of Saucher, and others do compear. At first the Bishop refuseth to answer before Civil Judges; yet in end they all come into the Queens will: and She designs them to several prisons. Then said some, See what the Queen hath done: the like was never done within this realm: we doubt not but all shall be well. Others fore spake things, as it came to pass; that it was but deceit, and so soon as the Parliament is ended, the Papists will be set at liberty: and therefore advised the Nobility, that they be not abused. Many had their private business to procure in the Parliament, especially the Act of oblivion, and they said, They might not urge the Queen at that time: for if they did so, she will hold no Parliament, and what then may become of them and their friends? but let this Parliament pass over, whensoever the Queen craves anything (as She must do before her marriage) Religion shall be the first thing, that shall be established. Much was spoken against that political delay: but in vain. An act of oblivion was past of all things done in the public cause from the year 1558. till September 1. in the year 1561; Manses and gliebs were appointed for Ministers; adultery to be punished with death of both persons : but nothing for establishing of Religion. In time of this Parliament, John Knox said in a Sermon before ma • y of the Nobility and other members, My Lord's, I praise my God through Jesus Christ, that in your presence I may pour forth the sorrow of my heart, yea, yourselves shall be witnesses, if I make any lie in things by past from the beginning of God's mighty works within this realm: I have been with you in your most desperate temptations : ask your own consciences, and let them answer before God, if that I (not I, but God's Spirit by me) in your greatest extremity willed you not, ever to depend upon your God, and in his name promised unto you victory & preservation from your enemies, if ye would depend upon his protection, and prefer his glory before your lives and worldly commodities: in your most extreme dangers I have been with you: Santiohnston, Couper-moore, and the charges of Edinburgh are yet recent in my heart: yea that dark and dolorous night, when all you, my Lord's with shame & fear left this town, is yet in my mind, and God forbid, that ever I forget it: What was my exhortation unto you? and what is fallen in vain of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye yourselves live, and testify. There is not one of you, against whom death & destruction was threatened, perished in that danger; and how many of your enemies hath God plagued before your eyes? shall this be the thankfulness, that ye shall render unto your God? to betray his cause, when ye have it in your hands to establish it, as you please? Ye say, The Queen will not agree with us. Ask ye of her, what by God's word ye may justly require; and if She will not agree with you in God, you are not bound to agree with her in the devil. Let her plainly understand so far of your minds, and steal not from your former stoutness in God, and he will prosper you in your enterprises. But I can see nothing, but a recooling from Christ Jesus, that the man that first and most speedily fleeth from Christ's Ensign, holds himself most happy. Yea, I hear some say, that we have nothing of our Religion established, by law nor Parliament: albeit the malicious words of such can neither hurt, he truth of God, nor yet us, that thereupon depend; yet the speaker of this treason committed against God, and against this poor common wealth, deserves the gallows: for our Religion being commanded, and so established by God, is received within this realm in public Parliament. And if they will say, It was no Parliament, we must and will say, and also prove, that Parliament was als lawful a Parliament, as ever any that passed before it in this realm. I say, If the King then living was King, and the Queen now in this realm be lawful Queen, that Parliament cannot be denied. And now, my Lord's, to put an end to all, I hear of the Queens marriage: Dukes, Brethren to Emperors, and Kings strive all for the best gain. But this, my Lord's, will I say; note the day, and bear witness hereafter; Whensoever the Nobility of Scotland, who profess the Lord Jesus, consents, that an infidel (and all Papists are infidels) shall be Head to our Sovereign, ye do so far as in you lieth, to banish Christ Jesus from this realm; yea, to bring God's vengeance upon the Country, a plague upon yourselves, and possibly ye shall do small confort to your Sovereign. This manner of speaking (saith the History of Reformation) was judged intolerable: both Papists and Protestants were offended at it, and some posted to give the Queen advertisement, that Knox had spoken against her marriage. Immediatly he was sent for: he goeth, and none was suffered to enter into the Cabinet, but Io. Ersk in the Superintendent of Anguise. The Queen in vehemency of passion and with tears, said, Never Prince was so used: I have born with you in all your rigorous manner of speaking; both against myself and against my Uncles: yea, I have sought your favor by all possible means: I offered you presence, whensoever it pleased you to admonish me; and yet I cannot be quite of you: I vow to God, I shall be once revenged. Her passion and tears stayeth her speech. When opportunity serves, he answereth; It is true, Madam, your Majesty and I have been at diverse controversies, in which I never perceived your Ma. to be offended at me: but when it shall please God to deliver you from that bondage of darkness and error, wherein you have been nurished for lack of true doctrine, your Ma. will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive : without the preaching place (Madam) I think few have any occasion to be offended at me : and there (Madam) I am not master of myself, but must obey him, who commands me to speak plain, and flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth. But, saith the Queen, what have ye to do with my marriage? John saith, If it please your Ma. to hear me, I shall show the truth in plain words. I grant, your Ma. hath offered unto me more than I required: but my answer was then as it is now, that God hath not sent me to wait upon the Courts of Princes, nor upon the chambres of Ladies, but I am sent to preach the Evangel of Jesus Christ to such as please to hear: it hath two points, repentance and faith: now, Madam, •• preaching repentance, of necessity it is, that the sins of men be noted, that they may know, wherein they offend: But so it is, that the most part of your Nobility are so addicted to your affection, that neither God's Word, nor their Common wealth are right • y regarded : and therefore it becomes me to speak, that they may know their duty. The Queen saith, What have you to do with my marriage? Or what are you within the Common wealth? John answereth, I am a subject born within the same, Madam: and albeit I be neither Earl, Lord nor Baron, yet God hath made me (how abject soever I be in your eyes) a profitable and useful member within it: Yea, Madam, to me it appertains to forewarn of such things, as may hurt it, if I foresee them, noless than it doth any one of the Nobility: for both may vocation and office crave plainness of me: and therefore Madam, to yourself I say, what I spake in public, Whensoever the Nobility of this realm shall be content, and consent, that you be subject to an unlawful husband, they do as much as in them lieth, to renounce Christ, to banish the truth, to betray the freedom of this realm, and possibly shall in end do small comfort unto yourself. Then was the Queen more grieved. The Superintendent spoke what he could, to mitigate her passion, but all was but casting of oil into the fire. The next day the Queen requires the judgment of the Lord's of the Articles, whither that Manner of speaking deserves not punishment. But they advise her to desist. After the Parliament, the Bishop of Saint Andrews and the other Papists that were imprisoned, were set at liberty. The Queen went to see the West-country and Argile, and used the Mass wheresoever she was on sunday. In the mean time the National assembly was held at Perth Iuny 25: there were Superintendents, Ministers and commissioners of the Churches. Prayer was made by Io. willock Superintendent of the West. Superintendents and Ministers were censured. Io. Knox and his Colleagues gave account concerning Paul Meffan; and their ptoceedings were approved. The same day Da. ferguson Minister at Dunfernlin deelares, that he had spoken with Paul Meffan, and that he was sorrowful for his grievous offense, and that he not only acknowledgeth the equity of the Sentence pronounced against him, but was willing to underly whatsoever punishment the Church would lay upon him, &c. After long debate, the Assembly condescendes, that a comfortable answer shall be directed unto him; and in the meantime they vill solicit the Lord's of the privy Counsel for him. 3. It was decerned, that no private contract of marriage, though carnal copulation follow, shall have faith in judgment, until the contracters shall satisfy as scandalizers of the Church, and until famous & unsuspect withnesses testify of the Marriage, or it be confessed by both patties; and if neither probation be brought, nor both parties confess; they shall be censured as fornicators. 4. If any person find himself hurt by any Sentence given by Minister, elders and Deacons of any Church, he may within ten days appeal unto the Superintendent and his Synod; and there the Superintendent shall cognosce, whither it was well appealed; And if the party yet alleges, that he is wronged by the Superintendent & Synod, he shall within ten days make appellation to the National Assembly; and from thence no appellation is to be made: And if he justify not his appeal before the Provincial Synod, they shall impute a fine upon the appellant besides the expenses of the Party, and that fine shall be delivered unto the deacons of the Church for use of the poor, where the first sentence was given; And so in the National assembly. 5. Supplication is to be made unto the Queens Maj. and Secret Counsel for union of Churches two or thry, if they be but two or thry miles distant, and cause the in habitants resort unto one of them, because of the Scarcety of Ministers, and the small number of parishoners. 6. The instruction of youth shall be committed to none in Universities nor in any other place, but such as profess the true Religion; and if any now occupy such a place, they shall be removed. 7. No work shall be printed nor published in write, concerning the doctrine of Religion; until it be presented unto the Superintendent of the bounds, and approved by him or such of the most learned, that he shall appoint: and if any of them doubt of any point, the work shall be produced before the National assembly. 8. Every Superintendent shall cause warn the Shires and towns within his Jurisdiction, to send their Commissioners unto the Assembly, declaring unto them the day and place; and that they shall convene on the first day of every assembly. 9. Commissions are given to the Bishops of Galloway, Caitnes & Orknay, for one year, to visit and plant Churches within their own bounds severally. That year was a great noise of business for a Letter, which John Knox wrote and directed throughout the country, in this manner; The superscription was, Whersoever two or three are gathered in my name, there am I in the mist of them. It is not unknown unto you, Dear Brethren, what confort and tranquility God gave unto us in times most dangerous, by our Christian assemblies & godly conference, so oft as any danger appeared unto any member or members of our own body. And how that since we have neglected, or at least not frequented our Conventions and Assemblies, the adversaries of Christ Jesus his holy Evangel, have enterprised and boldned themselves, publicly & secretly to do many things odious in God's presence, and most hurtful to the true Religion, now of God's great favor granted unto us. The holy sacraments are abused by profain Papists; Masses have been and yet are said openly, and maintained: The blood of some of our dearest Ministers hath been shed without fear of punishment, or correction craved by us. [Robert Pont a Minister was stricken in the head with a weapon by Captan Lawder] And now two of our dear brethren, Patrick craunston and Andrew armstrong are summoned to underly the law in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh the 24 day of this instant October as for a forethought fellony; pretended murder, and for invading the Queens Majesty's palace of Halyrud-house, with unlawful convocation, &c. These terrible summons are directed against our brethren, because that they with two or more, passed to the Abbey upon sunday August 25. to behold and note, what persons repaired to the Mass. And because upon the sunday before (the Queen being absent) there resorted to that idol a rascal multitude, having openly all, even to the least devilish ceremonies (yea, even the conjuring of their accursed water) that ever they had in the time of their greatest blindness; But because (I say) our said Brethren past (and in that most quiet manner) to note such abusers, these fearful summons are directed against them, to make (no doubt) a preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude▪ And if so it come to pass, God (no doubt) hath justly recompensed our former negligence & ingratitude towards him & his benefits, in our own bosoms. God gave us a most notable victory of his & our enemies; he brak their strength, and confounded their counsels; he left us at freedom, and purged the realm, for the most part from open idolatry. But we (alas!) preferring▪ the pleasure of flesh & blood, to the pleasure & commandment of God, have suffered that idol the Mass publicly to be erected again: and therefore justly suffers he us now to fall in that danger, That to look to an Idolater going to his idolatry shall be reputed a crime little inferior to treason. God grant, that we fall not further. And now I, whom God of his mercy, hath made one among many, to travel in setting forward his true Religion within this realm, seeing the same in danger of ruin, cannot but in conscience crave of you, my Brethren of all states, that have professed the truth, your pr • sense, confort and assistance at the said day in the town of Edinburgh, even as ye tender the advancement of God's glory, the savety of your Brethren, and your own assurance; together with the perservation of the Church, in these appearing dangers. It may be (perchance) that persuasions be made to the contrary, and that ye be informed, that either your assembly is not necessary, or that it will offend the upper powers, and my good hope is, that neither flattery nor fear shall make you, so far to decline from Christ Jesus, as that against your public promise, and solemn band, ye will leave your Brethren in so just a cause; and albeit there were no great danger, yet cannot our assembly be unprofitable, for many things requiring consultation, which cannot be had, unless the wisest and godlyest convene. And thus doubting nothing of the assistance of our God, if we uniformly seek his glory, I cease farther to trouble you, committing you heartily to the protection of the Eternal. From Edinburgh October 8 1563. This Letter was directed, and many prepared themselves to convene. One copy came into the hands of Henry Sinclare (then entitled Bishop of Ross, and) President of the College of justice: he being a Papist sent it unto the Queen at Sterlin : who shows it to the Counsel of the Cabinet; and they conclude, that it imports treason: wherefore the Queen thought to be avenged of that her great enemy. Some Courtiers endeavoure to persuade Jo. Knox to confess a fault, and satisfy the Queen at her own will. He denieth a fault. In the midst of December the Queen comes to Edinburgh. John Knox was sent for, to appear before the Counsel: many went with him, so that the stairs and inner-close was full of people, Secretary Lethingtoun saith unto J. Knox, The Queen's Majesty is informed, that you have travelled to raise a tumult of her subjects against her: and for certification, there is presented unto her your Letter : yet because her Ma. will do nothing, without good advertisement, She hath convened you before this part of the Nobility, that they may witness betwixt her and you. The Queen saith, Let him acknowledge his handwriting, and then shall we judge of the contents. He owneth the Letter. Then saith the Secretary, you have done more than I would have done. John answereth, Charity is not suspicious. He is commanded to read the Letter: he doth read it with a loud voice. The Queen's Advocate is commanded to accuse him; and the Queen said, Heard ye ever my Lord's, a more despiteful and treasonable Letter? None did answer, until the Secretary said to J. Knox, Art you not sory from your heart, and do you not repent, that such a Letter hath passed your pen? John answereth, My Lord Secretary, before I repent, I must know my offense. Secretary, Offense? if there were no more, but the convocation of the Queens lieges, the offense cannot be denied. Knox, Remember yourself my Lord, there is difference betwixt a lawful & an unlawful convocation: if I be guilty in this, I have oft offended, since I came last into Scotland: for what convocation of Brethren hath been until this day, unto which my pen hath not served? and before this, no man laid it to my charge. Secretary. Then was then, and now is now : we have no need of such convocation, as then. Knox, The time that hath been, is even now before my eyes : for I see the poor flock in no less danger, than it hath been at any time before, excep that the devil hath got a vizard upon his face: before he came in his own face, discovered by open tyranny seeking the destruction of all, who refused idolatry; and then, I think, you will confess, the Brethren lawfully convened themselves for defense of their life's▪ And now the devil comes under the cloke of justice, to do that, which God would not suffer him to do by strength. The Queen, What is this? me thinks, you triffle with him. Who gave you authority to make convocation of my lieges? is not that treason? The Lo. Ruthuen, No, Madam: for he makes convocation of the people, to hear prayer and Sermon, almost daily: and whatever your Ma. or others think of it, we think it no treason. The Queen, Hold your peace, let him answer for himself. Knox, I began to reason with the Secretary (whom I take to be a better Logician than your Ma. is) that all convocation is not unlawful; and now my Lord Ruthuen hath given the instance: which if your Ma. will deny, I shall make myself ready to prove. The Queen, I will say nothing against your Religion, nor convening to your Sermons: but what authority have you, to convocate my subjects, when you will, without my commandment? Knox, I have no pleasure to decline from my former purpose: but to satisfy your two questions, Madam, I answer, that at my will I never convened four persons in Scotland; but at the Order, that the Brethren had appointed, I have given diverse advertisements, and great multituds have assembled thereupon. And if your Ma. complains, that this was done without your Ma. command, So hath all that God hath blessed within this realm, from the beginning of this action: and therefore I must be convinced by a just law, that I have done against the duty of God's Messinger, in writing this Letter, before that I be either sory, or repent for the doing of it, as my Lord Secretary would persuade me : for what I have done, it is at the commandment of the General Church within this realm: and therefore, I think, I have done no wrong. The Queen, you shall not escape so: is it not treason, my Lord's, to accuse a Prince of cruelty? I think, Acts of Parliament may be found against such whifperers. Many do grant, that this is true. Knox, But wherein can I be accused? The Queen, Read this part of your Letter, This fearful summons is, directed against them, to make (no doubt) a preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. What say you to that? Knox, is it lawful, Madam, to answer for myself? or shall I be condemned before I be heard? The Queen, Say what you can: I think, you have enough a do. Knox, I will first desire of your Ma. and of this honorable audience, Whither your Ma. Knoweth not, that the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all, that profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and that they most earnestly desire the extirpation of them all, and of the true doctrine, which is taught within this realm? The Queen held her peace: but all the Lord's with common voice said, God forbid, that either the life of the faithful, or the staying of the doctrine stood in the power of the Papists: for experience hath taught us, what cruelty is in their hearts. Knox, I proceed then, seeing I perceive, that all will grant, that it were a barbarous cruelty, to destroy such a multitude as profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ within this realm, which they have attempted to do by force once or twice, as things done of late days do testify: whereof they being (by God's providence) disappointed, have invented more crafty & dangerous practices, to wit, to make the Prince pa • ty, under color of law; and so, what they could not do by open force, they shall perform by crafty deceit: for who thinks, my Lord's, that the insatiable cruelty of the Papists (within this realm, I mean) shall end in the murthering of these two, now unjustly summoned, and more unjustly to be accused? I think, no man of judgment can so esteem, but rather the direct contrary, that is, by this few number they intend to prepare a way to their bloody enterprise against all: and therefore, Madam, cast up when you list the Acts of your Parliaments, I have offended nothing against them: for in my Letter I accuse not your Majesty, nor yet your nature of cruelty; but I affirm yet again, thas the pestilent Papists, which have enflammed your Ma. without cause against these poor men, are the sones of the devil, and therefore must obey the desires of their father, who hath been a murderer from the beginning. Onesaid, you forget yourself; you are not in the pulpit. Knox, I am in the place, where I am commanded in my conscience to speak the truth: and the truth I speak; impugn it who so listeth: And here unto I add, Madam, that honest, meek & gentle natures (in appearance) may be by wicked & corrupt counselers, changed & altered to the direct contrary: exempls we have, of Nero, whom in the beginning of his empire, we find having natural shame; but after his flatterers had encouraged him in all impiety, alleging that nothing was either unhonest or unlawful in his person, who was Emperor above others; when he had drunk of this cup (I say) to what enormites he fell, the histories bear witness. And now, Madam, to speak plain, Papists have your ears patent all times: assure your Ma. they are dangerous counselers, and that your Mother did find. The Queen. Well, you speak fair here, before my Lord's, but the last time I spake with you Secretly, you caused me to weep many tears. And so was a rehearsing of what was spoken in the Cabinet, when John Erskin was present. After the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, Mr. Knox, you may return to your house for this night: Knox, I thank God, and the Queen's Majesty: and, Madam, I pray God, to purge your heart from Papistry, and to preserve you from the Counsel of flatterers: for howsoever they seem pleasant to your ears and corrupt affections for the time, experience hath taught into what perplexity they have brought famous Princes. The Queen reteereth to her cabinet. John Knox went home. The Counsel voteth uniformly, that they could find no offense. The Queen is brought again, and commandeth to vote over again. All did refuse, to vote over again. The next day a new assault was made on J. Knox, to confess an offense, and put himself in the Queen's will; with this assurance, that his greatest punishment should be, but to go within the castle of Edinburgh, and immediately he shall return to his house. He said, God forbid, that by my confession I condemn these Noble men, who in their conscience, and in displeasure of their Queen have absolved me: and further I am assured, ye will not in earnest desire me, to confess an offense, unless thereby ye would desire me to cease from preaching: for how, can I exhort others to peace, if I confess myself an author of sedition. Histo. of Reformation Lib. 4. On December 25. the sixth National Assembly conveenes in Edinburgh, where were many Noble men, the Superintendents &c. John Willock Superintendent of the West is • hosen Moderator. The petitions of the Ministers and Commissioners were despised by some Counselers with these words, As Ministers will not follow our counsel; so will we suffer Ministers to labor for themselves, and see what speed they come. The Noble men said, if the Queen will not, we must: for both thirds and two parts are rigorously taken from us a • d our tenants. One said, if others will follow my Counsel, the Guard and the Papists shall complain als long as the Ministers have done. Then the former sharpness was coloured, and the speaker alledgeth, that he meaneth not of all Ministers. Christopher goodman [an English] answereth, My Lord Secretary, if you can show, what just tittle either the Queen hath to the third, or the Papists to the two parts, then I think, I could resolve, whither she be debtor to Ministers within burgh, or not. The Secretary replieth, Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica. Goodman answereth, Albeit I be a stranger in your policy, yet I am not so in the Church of God : and therefore the care doth no less appertain unto me here, than if I were in the midst of England. The Hist. of Reformation Lib. cit. This debate was because the Popish prelates were permitted to enjoy their tyths enduring their life, so that a competent stipend were provided unto the Ministers : and when the Queen returned home, at the demand of the Counsel the Prelates condescended to quite the third part of the tyths for entertainment of the Queen's family, and the provision of Ministers: but the Guard received the thirds, and gave nothing or little unto Ministers: and they had oft complained of their want. In all these quick reasonings I. Knox spoke not a word: but thereafter he said, I have traveled, Right honorable, and beloved Brethren, since my last returning into this realm, in an upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more (as he is witness) than the advancement of his glory, and the stabillty of his Church within this realm; and of late days I have been accused as a seditious man, and as one that usurps to myself power that becomes me not: true it is, I have given advertisement to the Brethren in diverse quarters, of the extremity intended against the faithful, for looking to a priest going to Mass, and for observing those that transgress against just laws: but that here in I have usurped further power than was given me, till that by you I be condemned, I utte • lie deny: for I say, by you, that is, by the General Assembly I have all just power to advertise the brethren from time totime, of dangers appearing, as I have pour to preach the word of God in the pulpit of Edinburgh: for by you was I appointed unto the one as unto the other: and therefore in the name of God I crave your judgments : the danger that appeared unto me in my accusation was not so fearful, as the words that came to my ears were dolorous to my heart: for these words were plainly spoken, and that by some Protestants, What can the Pope do more, than to send forth his letters, and require them to be obeyed? Let me have your judgments therefore, whither I have usurped any power to myself, or If I have obeyed your commandment. Ibid. John Knox is removed: and then the Lord Lindsay, the Lairds of Kilwood, Abbotshall, Cuninghamheed, the Superintendents of Anguise, Fife, Lothian, West and Galloway, M rs John Row, W. Christeson, Ro. Hamilton, Chri. goodman with the most part of the assembly did declare, that they remember very well, that Jo. Knox would have had himself exonered of the foresaid charge, and that the Church at that time would not suffer him to refuse it, but that he should continue, as before, to advertise from time to time, as occasion shall be given. An extract of the Acts of the national assemblies. 3. The Noble men and Barons present, do finally consent, that for their own parts, the tenants or laborers of the ground shall have their own tyths upon composition. 4▪ It was thought needful for confirmation of the book of discipline, that certain commissioners or any three or four of them▪ shall revise it, and consider diligently the contents thereof, noting their judgments in write, and report the same unto the next assembly, or if any Parliament shall interveen, they shall report their judgments unto the Lord's of the Articles. 5. All Ministers and Readers having Manses at their Churches shall make residence there. 6. Concerning Thomas duncanson, who was Schoolmaster and Reader in Sterlin, and having committed fornication, had made public repentance, it was ordained, that he shall abstain from that office in the Church, until the Church of Sterlin make request for him unto the Superintendents, and he shall marry the woman, if she require it. 7. Alexander Jardin Minister at Kilspindy having committed fornication, and therefore suspended by the Superintendent of Fife; and thereafter had made public repentance, and married the same woman, Is again suspended from all function in the Ministry until the next Assembly, and then to receive his answer. 8. Commission was given unto five Ministers to take cognition of a complaint given by the Superintendent of Fife against Ge. Lesly Minister at Stramiglo, and to decide therein, and to notify their Sentence unto the Superintendent of Anguise. In this year by past was great death and dearth through all the Country, that the prices of corn and flesh was triple above the custom. The writer of The Histo. of Reformotion saith, God did so according to the threatening in the law, punish our ingratitude, that suffered them to defile the Land with that abomination, that he had so potently purged by the power of his word; and for the riotous feasting both in City and country: but alas! who looks to the true cause of our calamity! Likewise in the winter following fell great rain, which in the falling freezed so vehemently, that the earth was but a shot of ice; the fowls both great & small could not flee, but freezed and died; and some were laid by the fire that their feathers might dissolve. This frost is said to have been in January An. 1563. to wit, according to the old account, which was not changed in Scotland, until the year 1600. and then was changed; but continueth in England until the year 1660.
CHAP. • Of COVNCELS.
I. IT hath been showed with what difficulty the Council was called to Trents the History of it is most exquisitly penned by Petro Soave a Venetian and translated into sundry languages: here I add a compend faithfully and plainly in so far as concerneth the managing the Articles of doctrine for the most part. When Pope Paul could no longer decline the calling of this council, (as is before) in the beginning of the year 1545. he sent three Legates, John Maria de Monte a Card. Bishop of Palestine, Marcellus Cervinus a priest Cardinal de Sancta Cruce, and Reginald Pool a deacon Cardinal of S. Mary in Cosmedin; with a Breve of legation, but no particular instruction, being as yet uncertain, what commission to give them, and intending to dispose, as occasions, namely, the affairs of the Emperor shall require. When the Legates were gone, he consults the Cardinals, what faculty is expedient unto his See, to send unto the Legates: they consider the precedents of other faculties, and dare fallow none of them: at last a Bull was framed with this clause, He sends them as Angels of peace unto the council, and gives them full authority to preside there, to ordain whatsoever Decrees, to hear, propound, conclude and to execute whatsoever were necessary for the honor of God, and increase of the Catholic faith; to REFORM the estate of the Catholic Church in ALL her members ecclesiastical and Secular, of whatsoever preeminence though graced with Pontifical or Royal dignity; and to do anything fit for extirpation of heresies, and for reducing them who have departed from obedience of the Apostolical See; for preservation and restoration of ecclesiastical liberty; with condition, that in all thing they proceed with consent of the Council. Then calling to mind, what encounters befell unto Pope John in Constance, when he sent his Nuntij unto the council of Pavia, he sent unto the Legates a private Breve with authority to prolong, dissolve or transfer the council unto what place they shall please. This was a design to cut off all contrary purposes unto him. The Legates arrive at Trent March 13. but found no Prelates there, excep the Cardinal of Trent: after ten days Orators came from the Emperor and Venice, to assist the Synod: then came the Cardinal of Madruccio and three Bishops. On the first day of their arriving the Legates granted indulgence unto all there present, for three years and so many forty days. Then they consider their Bull of faculties, and with resolution to keep it secret, they sent advice unto Rome, that the condition annexed in the end of it, did ty their hands, and made every petty Prelat equal unto them. Their reason is thought good, and another was sent giving them absolute authority. After this was seen, they profess to communicate their most inward thoughts unto the Ambassadors and Prelates: wherefore when Letters came from Germany or Rome, they all assembled together in the lodging of one. But the Legates advise the Pope, that upon every occasion one Letter should be written for common view, and the secret designs should be written apart. T • e first doubt was for precedency, whether Don Diego the Emperors Ambassador, or the Cardinal of Trent should have the first place? at last it was agreed, that their chairs be set so, that none may know, which of the two were preferred. The next scruple was for opening the Council: on the one side it moved them, that no Prelates were come but four; and on the other side the fear of the Turkish wars required hast. The Pope sent resolution to open the council on the first day of May without longer delay: on that day the Legates show that they had received commission to open, but show not the particular day: only They held a congregation, which was spent on ceremonies, that the three Legates should have a like apparel and ornaments; that the place of Session should be adorned wich hangings of Arras; whether seats should be prepared for the Pope and the Emperor; whether Don Diego should have more honorable place then other Ambassadors; whether the Elector-Bishops (being Princes) should sit before other Bishops and archbishops; and it should prejudge no man, if they have not their own place at this time. Before May was ended, twenty Bishops were come, and five Generals of Monks: they were also soon wearied with expectation, and would have returned, but were entertained by the Legates with hope of opening the Counsel shortly. Don Diego would not stay longer, and upon pretence of • ndisposition he went to Venice. In the end of Juny some Prelates complained grievously, until a supply of 40. Ducats was promised unto them. Some objected, that their staying was like to have no effect, because the Emperor was meddling with Religion, and to that end had appointed Colloquies: therefore sundryes withdrew themselves pretending several causes. The Pope considering that the Emperor held things in suspense, and affected not the council, if he might achieve his own designements in Germany, began to condemn himself, that he had proceeded so far; and yet it seemed scandalous to dissolve so small a convention; and on the other side he judged it clear, that a Synod was a fit remedy against the heresies (as he spake) and he feared that the Emperor would crave an halfyears fruits and vassalages of the monasteries in Spain, as also what might be the event of that Colloquy in time of the Counsel. While he thus is wavering, he resolves, and sends unto the Legates a Bull of faculty, to transfer the council; to the effect, he may drive off time at least; And also he sent the Bishop of Caserta unto the Emperor, craving either to begin the council; or suspend it, or to transfer it into Italy. The Emperor would yield to none of the three. In the end of October he yields to open the council, but so that they begin with Reformation of the Clergy, and medle not with points of doctrine, lest the Protestants be incensed. This course was thought at Rome to favor the heretics, and to curb the Papal power. Nevertheless they will not seem to take it ill, and ordains the first Session to be held December 13. and to handle principally matters of doctrine; and if a reason must be rendered, it should be answered, To entreat of Reformation of manners only, were contrary unto all former examples. On December 12. a congregation was held and the Prelates consulted, what is to be done in the Session, The Bishop of Estorga said, The Legates should read their Bull; and all the others consented. The Legat De Sant Cross considering that the publishing of their large authority; might breed danger of limitation; answered, In the Council all are one body, and therefore it were necessary to read the Bull of every bishop, to show their institution from the Apostolic See; and this were tedious, seeing more are coming. So that motion was put off. When the. 13. Day was come, the Pope published at Rome a B • ll of Jubilee, declaring that the opening of the council was to cure the wounds of the Church done by heretics; and exhorting everyone to assist the assembled Fathers with their prayers; and for this effect they should confess themselves, and fast three days, in which time they should go in processions, and receive the blessed sacrament; and he granted pardon of all sin, unto all that did so. The same day at Trent the Legates caused a large admonition to be read, showing that it is the duty of everyone, during the council, to advertise the Prelates, of all occurrence, and declaring the three ends of the council, to wit, extirpation of heresy, reformation of Ecclesiastical discipline, and regaining of common peace; whereof the first and last inconvenients were the effects of the second: for it cannot be denied, that the people (as saith the Prophet) have committed two evils; they have forsaken the fountain of living water, and have digged cisterns....even such cisterns are all the counsels, that proceed from our wisdom, and not from the Spirit of God; justice requires of us Pastors, that we acknowledge ourselves guilty of all those evils, with which the flock of Christ is oppressed, and not only holily but justly transfer all their sins upon ourselves, because indeed we are for the most part the cause of all those evils; And it is the just judgment of God to visit the Church with Turkish and intestin wars: and therefore unless we acknowledge our sins, the Holy Ghost, on whom we call, will not come; And they show, it is a happy occasion of Reformation, which God hath now offered in his singular mercy : And albeit calumniators will not be wanting, yet we must go-on constantly, and as upright Judges avoid all passion, aiming only at the glory of God, seeing we are now upon this work before Him and his Angels and the whole Church; Lastly advising the Prelates who were sent by Princes, to do their Masters service faithfully and diligently, yet so that principally they look unto the honor of God. Then the Bull of intimation of the Council, and another of the free deputation of the Legates were read, and a third of opening the council. The commission of Don Diego was read, and his absence was excused by his Secretary Zorilla. Other ceremonies being ended, the next Session was appointed to be on January 7. 1546.
II. Now neither the Legates nor the Prelates knew what to do, or what order to observe. The Legates advertise the Pope, that the Synod is opened, and they crave a light, how to order themselves, and as particular instructions as may be; namely, whether they should treat first of heresies; whether they should speak generally only, or particularly, whether they should first condemn the false doctrine, or the persons of the principal heretics, or both together; If the Prelates shall propound articles of Reformation, whether those should be handled before or after or with the articles of doctrine; Whether they shall speak of the Conference in Germany, or neglect it; Whether they should proceed slowly or swiftly; Whether the suffrages should be reckoned according to the Nations, or persons. They sent their advice in this article, that it seems most expedient unto the Apostolical See, to reckon them by persons, because the Italians may be more in number than all the other members. They crave also information, whether they should entreat of the papal authority and of the council, as some do intend. They represent also that the Prelates have demanded their commission: which they had artificially avoided. They advise to take order for the high-ways, that upon all occasions Letters may pass safely : they crave information concerning the order of Ambassadors, and provision for money, because that which was received, was spent upon poor Bishops. In the mean while the Prelates at Trent would proceed, and two congregation were employd about the habit of Bishops, and the age and habit and diet of their domestics: much was spoken, and the result was, A good reformation of the mind is necessary, and let each one redress his own family. The Pope assembled the college of Cardinals, to Superintend the affairs of the Synod, and by their advice he writes unto the Legates, approving their opinion concerning the voices; as for matters to be propounded either by them, or unto them, things are not as yet ripe enough: for the present, be doing with preambulary things; above all, let not the Prelates exceed the bounds of reverence unto the Apostolical See; For relief and sustentation of the Bishops in the Council, a Breve was sent exeeming them from payment of tithes, and letting them enjoy all their fruits, notwithstanding their no-residence; and for the meaner sort he sent 2000. Crouns, which he would to be expounded as a loving courtsy of the Head of the Council toward his members; The title of the Council should be, The most holy O • cumenical and general Council of Trent, the Apostolical Legates being Presidents. In a congregation January 5. the Breve of exemption was read, and a General of Monks craved the like, and he was appeased with fair words. The Legates propounded, that the matters to be handled should be distinguished, and particular congregations should be deputed to frame distinct articles, and after disputation, deputies shall frame decrees, to be propounded in a general congregation, where every Prelate may deliver his opinion; And to the end, the general congregations may be free, it seems expedient, that only the Legates should propound the matters, and not give suffrage but in S • ssion. Then they propound unto consideration, whether the former Decree concerning their conversation, during the Synod, should be published in the Session. A difficulty arose concerning the Title of the Council. Three French Prelates [no more was of that Nation] craved this addition unto the former words, Representing the Church universal. The Legates considering that this title had been used only at Constance and Basil; and fearing that others would demand the addition of the words following, which hath power immediately from Christ; and that were derogatory unto the Pop's aut • ority; did oppose this motion, and dissembling their motives, they said, Those were but frothy words, and heretics may make a bad construction of them. The Frenches and some others did press the addition : but the Legates would not, and fall upon another purpose. The second Session was held January 7: 300. Armed men were set to guard the fathers, who were three Legates, two titular archbishops, 28. Bishops, 3 abbots and 4. Generals of orders: this was all the number of the general Council: the abovenamed Decree was read, and the next Session was appointed to be on February 4. the Frenches still pressing the addition.
III. In the congregation January 13. the Legates after new mention of that addition, complain, that any controversy should be heard in the Session, seeing the fame of union was most fit to encourage the Catholics, and to daunt the heretics. The Prelates crave to handle more substantial particulars, and the Legates demand, Of which principal Head will they handle first, tow it, Heresy, Reformation, or Peace. Some prelates were deputed to view the excuses of the absents, and no more was done until the 18 day▪ Then opinions were heard: some would begin at Reformation; some, at doctrine; some at both together, and some would begin at Peace. The Legates say, The matter was weighty, the opinions are various, and it is needful to weigh what hath been spoken. In the next congregation it was ordered that two congregations shall be weekly on moonday and friday without warning. Now the Legates sent unto their Head, showing how they had dri • ted the time, and craving particular instructions, for the importunity and necessity of the Prelates will not admit longer delay. But because the Emperor looked not on the Synod, the Pope could not resolve what to do. The Prelates were instant to begin, and the most part condescend to treat of doctrine and Reformation jointly, so that also a Letter was sent unto the Pope, craving to further the Synod, and to solicit the Princes for continuing peace among themselves; as also other Letters were written unto the Emperor, unto the French, Roman & Portugal Kings and other Princes, requiring them to conserve peace, to send Ambassadors, to secure the high-ways; and to cause their Prelates resort unto the Synod. Those Letters should have been read and sealed in the ensuing congregation, but they could not agree what seal to use. In a word, before the next Session they could agree only, that they should begin with heresy; and because they were informed of more prelates a coming, they delay the next Session until Aprile 8. Again the Legates send for their oft demanded instructions, and they advise to begin at the controversies between them and the Lutherans concerning the holy Scriptures, and the abuses brought into the Church in that matter. About that time the Conference in Germany was dissolved: and the Pope thought it scandalous to delay anymore: so he gave information to begin according to the advice, but so that they be slow in the Reformation. Accordingly on February 22. 1546. it was ordained to read Luther's books, and frame articles concerning the Scripture, to be censured by the Divines, and so matter to be prepared for Decrees. As for abuses, everyone should call to mind, what he thought needful to be Reformed, and what remedy is fittest. The articles of doctrine were propounded, of the sufficiency of the Scriptures. 2. Of the number of the books. 3. of the Latin Translation. 4. Of the perspicuity of the Scriptures. In the first article all did agree to make Traditions equal with the Scriptures, excep Antonius Marinarus a Carmelite, whose discourse was called Lutheran. They all agree to canonize the Apocrypha: on these two they spend six congregations, In the third article was difference between them who were ignorant of the languages, and a few having a taste of Greek. Frier Aloisius de Catanea did prove by authority of Jerome and Cardi. Cajetan, that the Hebrew edition of the old Test. and the Greek of the New are the pure fountains; and all Latin translations are but impure brooks, and so have been accounted in all time by past. The greater number said, This opinion openeth a door unto Lutherans: the doctrine of the Roman Church is by Popes and Divines founded upon the Latin Bible, and if it be lawful to scan, whether it be rightly translated, the base Grammarians shall be preferred unto the Bishops and Cardinals; and the Inquisitors shall have no place, if they be ignorant of Hebrew and Greek. Do Isidorus Clarus a Brescian, and Benedict an Abbot discourse historically of the old and later Translations, and of their account at the first, and how at last that which is called vulgata was patched of them both. Andreas Vega a Franciscan commends that Latin, but preferreth the Hebrew and Greek. In the end six Divines were deputed to correct the Vulgata, to be printed by auhority of the Council. There was no less difference concerning the expounding of Scripture: some alleging the authority of Car. Cajetan, said, The Spirit of God is tied to no age, and all men should be encouraged unto the diligent and sober study of God's Word. Others said, Vnbridled spirits must be curbed, or else can be no hope to see an end of the late pretences; neither do the Lutherans gain upon any but such who study the Scriptures: the study of Aristotle is safer, and the Word of God should be kept in due reverence : from it is much derogated, when it is too common. Dominicus Soto a Dominican said, In matter of faith everyone should be tied to the exposition of the Church, but in manners let everyone abound in his own sense, so that piety and charity be preserved; otherwise men may fall into inconvenients by contrariety of expositions among the ancient Fathers, who never required, that they should be absolutely followed. The opinion prevailed, which held that the Scriptures are already so well expounded, that there is not hope of anymore good: and if any man will not be content with the Ancients, let him not trouble the world with his whimsies. The Divines had discoursed so irresolutely, that the Prelates (who scarcely understood the discourses, and yet have the power of suffrage) doubted what to say in the canons and anathema's: therefore overture was found to add anathema unto the Decree concerning the number and species of the books, but the other canons should have no anathema, lest they accuse their own Divines. They talk of many abuses, and a Decree was made against the pettiest, for hast, because the Session was approaching. There the Decrees were read, and the fifth Session was appointed to be Juny. 17. Five Cardinals were present, and 48 Bishops, and none of them (saith my author) remarkable for learning. The canons were sent to Rome. The Court after information how particulares were debated, began to think, they must attend the Synod more narrowly: therefore the Pope sendeth moe Cardinals, and admonishes the Legates, that the Decrees should not be published, before they be advised at Rome: he admonishes also to avoid too much flowness, but bewar of celerity, lest there be not time to receive order from him what to propound, deliberate and conclude; and spend not time in points not controverted, as they had done now in some undoubted points; finally take heed that the Papl authority be not permitted unto disputation. At that time the Pope had deposed Herman Bishop of Colein for heresy (as was pretended) and ordained Adolph Count of Scavenburgh into his place; and he wrote unto the Emperor for this effect. Charles loved not Herman for the same heresy, yet fearing that he would join with the ptotes • ants, would not consent. Hence arose a new jealousy between the Pope and the Empetour. The Protestants complain, that they were condemned not only being not heard, but without the Council, by the Pope alone: and therefore it is needless for them to go unto Trent.
IV. In the first congregation the Prelates urge two points of Reformation, that were propounded and left-of in the former Session. The Legates would treat of original sin. Because they could not agree, Letters were sent to Rome; and in the mean while another order was prescribed for dispatching affairs, to wit, there must be a congregation of Divines to treat of doctrine, and Canonists must be joined with them, when they come to Reformation; yet so that Prelates might be present, if they please; And another Congregation of Prelates, to frame the Heads of doctrine and Reformation; which being examined and digested according to the most common opinion, should be brought unto the general congregation, and there the voice of everyone being known, decrees may be framed by the determination of the greater part, and then established in the Session. In this manner they debate of Lectures and Sermons: but no draught of article could be devised to please them all: for the Prelates would curb the liberty of Friets, and have them to depend on the Bishops; but the Legates stood for the liberties granted by the Popes, especially unto the Mendicants. In this contention the Legates sent complaint unto Rome, namely, against Bracius Marcellus Bishop of Fisole, and against the Bishop of Chioza, craving that those two should be removed from Trent. The Pope answered, He will send order in convenient time concerning these two; as for matters, if they regard the petitions of Princes, the Synod shall be confused, and the resolutions shall be hard: therefore they should proceed in orginal sin: he forbids the Deputies to proceed in correcting the Vulgar Translation, until those in Rome had determined of their course. The Legates obey the last point, but fearing that the Imperialists would leave the Synod, they treat in two congregations concerning the reforming of Sermons, and the philosophical part of them : decrees were framed, as giving way unto the Bishosps, yet so cunningly that the Friers had liberty still. Then they come to original sin. The Imperialists said, The Synod was assembled principally to reduce Germany, and the articles of difference cannot be known, but only unto him that sits at the stern of Germany: therefore it were expedient to crave by Letters the opinion of the principal Prelates of that Nation, or the Pop • s Nuntio should speak of this with the Emperor. The Legates commend the advice, but intending to follow their instruction, say, They will inform the Nuntio, and in the mean while articles may be gathered out of their books, and debated, for gain of time. The Imperialists were • atiffied hoping to put off the Summer, ere anything were concluded. So new articles were propounded, as drawn out of Lutheran books, but for the most part they were calumnies, as the contradictory canons do show. The Divines would not speak of them in that order as they were propounded : but spake first of Adams transgression, what sin it was: here how many heads, so many opinions. Then they inquired what is that sin derived from Adam? Some alleging the authority of Augustine, said, It is concupiscence: others following Anselm, said, It is the want of orginal righteousness : others conjoined them both: and those were again divided, some following Bonaventura, gave the first place to concupiscence, because it is positive: others after Aquinas held that concupiscence is but the material part. And because John Scotus had followed Anselm, the Franciscans stood for his opinion. They were more troubled about the propagation of it : but all agreed, that it is not by imitation only. In the fourth place they all held, that inclination to ill is not a sin▪ Yet here the Franciscans fell upon their cardinal controversy with the Dominicans: the Franciscans would have the blessed Virgin excepted expressly, and the Dominicans would not. Cardinal de Monte had much ado to divert them from this point. They all agree, in the remission of original sin, that it is taken away by baptism, and that the soul is restored into the estate of innocence by an infused quality (which they called original grace) albeit the punishment do remain for exercise of the just. Only Antonius Marinarus did oppose, saying, Concupiscence remaining in them who are baptized, is verily a sin in itself, but it is not accounted sin in them, because it is covered with the righteousness of Christ. Soto joined with him: therefore others calling to mind, that lately in a Sermon he had condemned all trust in works, and had called the best works of the famous heathens, splendida peccata, he was suspected to be a Protestant. They held the punishment of this sin to be only the want of blessedness, excep Gregorius Ariminensis; he alleged the authority of Augustine, and therefore was called a Tormenter of children. When the Bishops heard so many controversies among the Divines, they knew not what to decern: only they would condemn the articles as they were propounded. Marcus Viguerius Bishop of Sinigaglia, Jerome General of the Augustinians, and Vega a Franciscan said, They cannot condemn an opinion as heretical, unless they first declare what is truth. But the Prelates made no account of their words, and were out of all hope to determine those school-points to the contentmen of all parties. So they frame five canons and so many anathema's: but the Dominicans and Franciscans could not be satisfied in the point of excepting the blessed Virgin, until direction was brought from Rome, that they should not touch doctrines, which may foster schism amongst themselves. Then they were both stilled, so that opinions be not preiudged. Therefore it was added in the Decree, They have no mind to comprehend the blessed Virgin; and the Pope added, The constitution of Sixtus 4. should be observed. So whether, the Imperialists would or not, the fifth Session was held Iuny 17: the five decrees of doctrine, and one having two parts concerning the reforming of Lectures and Sermons, were read, and the sixth Session was appointed to July 29.
V. In the congregation it was propounded to speak first of justification. The Imperialists would delay it for the above named reasons: but three Bishops and three Divines were named to frame articles. In the congregation for reformation, the residence of Pastors and Prelates was set a soot. Concerning justification. 25. Articles were brought, some of works done before justification, some of works after it, and some of the essence of grace. At the first, none of the Divines knew what to say (because the School-men had not handled that matter, as the other of original sin) until they had guessed about; and then the Franciscans following Scotus, said, Works done by power of nature only, deserve before God by way of congruity, and God were unjust, if he give not grace to the man who doth what he can. The Dominicans following Thomas, say, No kind of merit goeth before grace, and the very beginning of good works should be ascribed unto God, as indeed congruous merit was never heard in the Church, even when they had most to do against the Pelagians. Concerning the works of grace all held, that these are perfect, and do merit salvation. In the point of the essence of grace, it was a common consideration, that the word Grace in the first signification signifieth benevolence: which in him who hath power, brings forth necessarily a good effect, and that is the gift, which is also called grace. They say; The Protestants think so meanly of God's Majesty, that they restrain the word Grace unto the first signification. And because some might say, God can bestow no gift greater then his Son, they said, That benefit is common unto all men, and it is fit, he should bestow a particular benefit on several persons; and this is habitual grace or a spiritual quality created by God, and infused into the soul, whereby that man is made acceptable unto him. Here a new controversy is started, about the word Justificare: some said, It must be taken effective, to make just, and not declarative. Amongst those was Soto: but the Ca • melite Marinarus would prove from. Rom. 8. by the judicial process of accusing and condemning, that justification must also be a judicialact. Hereupon was another sharp dispute, Whether the habit of grace be the same with the habit of charity, or a distinct one? The Scotists held the first part, and the Thomists the later. In this neither party would yield into the other. Then they dispute, Whether beside that inherent justice the justice of Christ be imputed unto the justified person, as his own? All said, Christ dd merit for us, and we are made partakers of his righteousness, but some loved not the word Imputed, because it is not among the Fathers, and for the bad consequences, which Lutherans draw from it, to wit, this only is sufficient without inherent righteousness; the sacraments confer not grace; punishment is abolished with the guilt; there remains no place for satisfaction, &c. These contentions were fostered by sundry persons upon several interests: the Imperialists would had them leave the doctrine, and the Pa palines sought a way to divide the Council, and so a void the apparent or aimed-at reformation: others sought to deliver themselves from appearing and heavier incommodities in Germany, and they feared dearth, and others had little hope to do good. At that time the Emperor sent Letters unto the Pope, and unto the Council, representing a necessity of holding the Council on foot, for avoiding mis-reports, if it be dissolved; and he promised to bend up all his wit, to keep Trent secure; he earnestly entreated, that they would not handle controversies, lest the Protestants be provoked with contrary decrees: and therefore to treat of reformation only, or at most medle with points of lesser weight. The Pope was desirous to be freed of the Synod; but to gratify the Emperor (in respect of the present confederacy) he wrote unto the Lega • s, to hold the Council a foot, but without any Session until he give new advertisment, and to entertain the Prelates and Divines with congregations and such exercise, as seemed best. July. 25. a Jubilee was published at Trent, to pray for good success unto the German wars, and the Session was adjournied until a new intimation, and the congregations were discharged for 15. days, nor did they sit until the 20. day of August. Then the Legat de Monte judged it inconvenient, to suspend the Fathers any longer: but De Sancta Cruce a man of melancholy nature took it upon him. When they came to the congregation, this Legate and three Bishops and three Generals were deputed to frame the Decrees and anathematisms. So he set on edge the heads of the former opinions, showing that the points were weighty; and should be sifted; and he gave place to other controversies, as, whether a man can be assured of grace? Some said, It is presumption, pufts up, and makes a man negligent in doing good; and to doubt is more profitable and meritorious: to this purpose they cited Eccles. 9. 1. and 1. Pet. 1. 17. and some testimonies of the Fathers. Those were Vega, Soto, &c. On the other side Catharinus, Marinarus and others alleged other passages of the same Fathers; and they said, The Fathers had spoken occasionally, sometimes to comfort, and at other times to repress: but if we hold close to the Scripture, it shall be more certain, seeing Christ said often, Believe that thy sins are forgiven: but He would not give occasion of pride nor drowsiness, neither would he deprive men of merit, if doubting were useful; The Scripture bids give God thanks for our justification, which we cannot do, unless we know that we have obtained it; St. Paul confirms this, when he willeth the Corinthians to know that they are in Christ, except they be reprobates; The Holy Spirit bears witness with our Spirit that we are the children of God; and to deny his testimony is no less then to accuse them of temerity, who believe the Holy Ghost speaking with them: for S. Ambrose saith, The Holy Ghost never speaks to us, but when he makes known that he speaks; then they added the words of Christ, The world cannot receive the holy Ghost, because it knows him not, but the disciples know him, because he dwells in them; It is like a dream to say, A man hath received grace, and cannot know whether he hath received or not. The other party shrunk a little with the force of these reasons, some granting a conjecture, and some confessing a certainty in the Apostles and Martyrs, and them who have been lately baptized, and some by extraordinary revelation. Vega fearing conformity with the Lutherans, said, Certainty is not Divine faith, but human and experimental, as he who is hot, is sure by sense, that he is hot. Then the defenders of certainty ask, Whether the testimony of the Holy Ghost can be called Divine? and whether everyone be tied to believe what God reveeles? They went so far in sifting this question, (as who listeth may see in the large history) that the Legate willed them make an end of it. It was twice commanded to leave it as doubtfuli, but their affections led them to it again. Then the Legate propounded to speak again of preparatory works, and the observation of the law, whereupon depends the question of free-will. So six articles were framed as maintained by the Protestants. Of the first, God is the total cause of our works both good and bad; Some said, It was a fanatik doctrine, condemned anciently in the Manichees, Abelhard and Wicklif, and deserves not dispute but punishment. Marinarus said, As it is foolish to say, No action is in our power, so it is absurd to say, Every action is in our power, seeing every man finds that he hath not his affections in his power. Catharinus said, A man hath no power to do moral good works without God's special assistance. Vega spake a while with ambiguity, and concluded, there is no difference in this point. But it seemed unto some to be a prejudice, to reconcile different opinions, and composition is for Colloquies. Here arose that question, Whether it be in man's power to believe or not to believe? The Franciscans said, As knowledge necessarily follows demonstrations, so faith follows persuasions; and it is the understanding, which is naturally moved by the object, and experience teaches that no man believes what he willeth but what seems true; and none could feel any displeasure, if he could believe what he pleases. The Dominicans said, Nothing is more in the power of the will then to believe and by the determination of the will only, a man may believe that the number of the stars is even. The second article was to the same purpose. On the third, Whether free-will be loosed by sin, many passages were brought from Augustine to the affirmative. So to answered, There is a liberty of necessity, and another from servitude; and Augustine speaks. of this This difference was not understood, and so Luther was said not worthy of blame, in the tittle of his book, Of servile will. Many thought the fourth article absurd, Man hath free-will to do ill only: for (said they) free-will is a power to both contraries. But they were made to acknowledge their error, when they heard, that the good Angels have power to do good only. In examining the 5. and 6. articles, concerning the consent of the free-will unto Divine inspirations or preventing grace; the Franciscans strove, that the will is able to prepare itself, and hath more power to accept the Divine prevention, when God gives assistance, then before when it acteth by strength of nature. The Dominicans denied▪ that works preceeding our calling are truly preparatory; and they gave the first place unto God. But these were at variance among themselves: So to held, Albeit a man cannot obtain grace without the special prevention of God, yet the will may ever some way refuse; and when the will accepts, it is because it gives assent; and if our assent were not required, there were no cause why we are not all converted: for God stands ever at the door, and gives grace unto everyone who will have it: to say otherwise, were to take away the liberty of the will, and as if one would say, God useth violence. Aloisius a Catanea said, God worketh two sorts of preventing grace (as Aquinas teaches) one sufficient, and the other effectual: the will may refuse the first, but not the other: for it is a contradiction to say, Efficacy can be resisted. And he answered unto the contrary reasons; All are not converted, because they are not efficaciously prevented; The fear of everting free-will is removed, because things are violently moved by a contrary cause, but not by their own cause : but seeing God is the cause of the will, to say, The will is moved by God, is to say, The will is moved by itself; And God converts, albeit man will not, or spurn at him; and it is a contradiction, to say, The effect spurneth against the cause; It may happen, that God effectually converts one, who before had spurned against sufficient prevention, but afterwards he cannot, because when gentleness is in the will, the efficacy of Divine motion must nieds follow, yet so that the will follows not as a dead or unreasonable creature, but it is moved by its own cause as reasonable. and follows as reasonable. Soto replied, Every Divine inspiration is only sufficient, and that whereunto free-will hath assented, obtains efficiency by that consent, without which it is not effectual, not by defect of itself, but by defect of the man; or else it would follow, that the separation of the elect from the reprobate were from man, and this is contrary unto the perpetual doctrine of the Church, that vessels of mercy are separated by grace from them of wrath. Each party thought their own reasons invincible, and admonished the other to take heed that they leap not beyond the mark, by too earnest desire to condemn Luther. Here the Legate had occasion to wave any conclusion by propounding the question, Whether Divine election be by foreseen works? So it was ordained to collect articles of this matter. In the books of Luther they found nothing worthy of censure: out of the books of Zwingli they drew 8. articles; 1. Predestination and reprobation are only in the will of God. The most part judge this to be Catholik, and agreeing with Thomas and Scotus; because before the creation God of his mere mercy hath out of the common mass elected some unto glory, for whom he hath prepared effectual means of obtaining it: their number is certain; and others, who are not chosen, cannot complain: for God hath prepared for them sufficient means, albeit only the elect can or shall be saved: to this purpose they cited the examples of Jacob and Esau, and the similitude of the potter Rom. 9, and the conclusory words of the Apostle there, and 1. Cor. 3: 5, & 4, 7, & 2. Tim. 2: 19, &c. Others, called this hard and inhumane, as if God were partial, if without any motive he choose one and not another; or he were unjust, if of his only will, and not for men's fault, he created so great a multitude unto damnation; and it destroys free-will, because the elect cannot finally do evil, nor can the reprobate do good; it casts a man into dispair; it gives occasion of bad thoughts, in not caring for penance: for men think, if they be elected, they cannot perish. They confessed, not only that works are not the cause of God's election, because it is before them, but also that works foreseen cannot move God to predestinat, because he is willing in his infinite mercy, that all should be saved, and for this cause he prepares sufficient assistance for all, and this grace man acceptes or refuses as he listeth▪ but God in his eternity foreseeth both who will accept this help, and who will reject it, and He rejectes these, and chooseth those. The first opinion keeps the mind humble, and not relying on itself, but on God; and the other is more plausible, and being grounded on human reason, prevailed more: but when the testimonies of Scripture were weighed, it was manifestly overcome. For resolving the passages of Scripture, Catarinus propounded a middle course; God of his goodness hath elected some few, whom he will save absolutely, and unto them he hath prepared infallible and effectual means: he also desireth for his part that all others be saved, and hath provided sufficient means for all, leaving it to their choice to accept or refuse: amongst those some few accept, and are saved, albeit they were not elected; and others will not cooperate with God, and are damned: it is the only good will of God, that the first are saved; and that the second sort are saved, it is their acceptation and cooperation with Divine assistance, as God has foreseen; and that the last sort are reprobated, it is their foreseen perverse will: the number of the first is determined, but not the second: and according to this distinction, the different places of Scripture are understood diversely, He said, he wondered at the stupidity of them, who think the number to be certain, and yet others may be saved; and also of them, who say, Reprobates have sufficient assistance for salvation, and yet a greater assistance is necessary to him who is saved: then (said he) the first is a sufficient insufficient, or an insufficient sufficiency. The second article was, The elect cannot be condemned, nor the reprobate be saved. The different opinions of the first caused diverse censures of this. Catharinus held the first part true in respect of his first sort of men, and the other part false in regard of the second sort. Others ascribing predestination in all unto man's consent, condemned both parts. Who adhered unto Augustine, said, it was true in a compound sense, but damnable in a divided sense. This distinction was called dark, though it was declared thus, As he who moves, cannot stand still, when he moves, but he may at another time. The 3 article, The elect only are justified: and the 6 article, Those who are called, and are not of the number of the elect, never receive grace. In these was admirable concord, saying, It hath been always the opinion of the Church, that many receive grace, and afterward loose it, and are damned, as Saul, Solomon, Luther. As for the 6. that calling were an ungodly derision, when those who are called, and nothing wanting on their side, are not admitted: Against the 5, The justified cannot fall from grace; they brought the words of Ezekiel, If the just leave his righteousness, &c. and the example of David falling into adultery, and of Peter denying Christ: and they derided the folly of Zwingli, who said, A just man cannot fall from grace, and yet sinneth in every work. The other articles concerning the certainty of grace, were condemned of temerity, excepting extraordinary revelation. When they came to frame decrees of those three particulares, justification, free-will and predestination, it was hard to please all parties: from the beginning of September until the end of November, scarcely passed one day, in which the Legate took not some pains in changing some words, as he was advised now by one party, and then by another, until they were couched in this frame as • hey are, and then because of their ambiguity they pleased them all, and the Superintendent Court of Rome also. As for the Reformation, the residence of Bishops was the only purpose, and after much jangling an article was framed, as the prelates would, yet derogating nothing from no-residents, except the inferior sort.
V, In time of those disputes, the Emperor prevailed in his wars : then the Pope being jealous thought to provide for himself, before all Germany were subdued: he considered, the Emperor might be along time busied there, and so not able to vex him with forces, unless he could juduce the Protestants to come unto the Council: To dissolve the Council, it seemed too scandalous a remedy, seeing they had treated seven months, and nothing was done or published: Therefore he intends to publish the • hings that were already digested, and then the Protestants either will not come, or shall be forced to accept, and the chief controversies consisting in those points, The victory were his own; And it were sufficient to prove good for him, that the Emperor would have had no controversies decided. So as he directed, at Trenta congregation was held January 3. 1547: the Imperialists oppose the holding of a Session: nevertheless on the 13 day in the Session the Decrees were published, and the next Session is to be held March 3. The same year So to the Dominican wrote three books de Natura et gratia, as a Commentary on these Decrees of doctrine. When these came abroad, Vega a Franciscan set forth 15 greater books as a Commentary on the same Decrees. They both allowed the anathematismes, but in expounding the canons they were directly contradictory: who reads them, will marvel, how those two leading men did not understand the sense of the Synod: and Catharinus writing differently from them both, gave (at least, occasionally) all men to understand, that the Synod agreed in words, but never in sense. Each party dedicates their books unto the Synod, and printed apologies and antapologies, making complaints that the adverse party did impute unto the Synod that which they never said, and bringing testimonies of the Fathers to confirm their own opinion. The Prelates were divided: some neutrals said, They knew no difference, but allow the Decrees. De Santa Cruce went with Vega and Catharinus; De Monte was for the third party. The Bishop of Biponto said in a Sermon, The Synod was a congregated body, and the Holy Ghost assisting them made them determine the truth, though not understood by them, as Cajaphas prophesied. Others said, God makes reprobates to prophecy without understanding, but believers prophecy by illumination of their mind. Others said, Divines say uniformly, Synods do not deliberate of faith by Divine inspiration, but by human disquisition, which the Spirit doth assist to keep them from errors, so that they cannot determine without understanding of the matter. But truly they debating the contrary opinions, when they were framing the decrees, everyone refused the words that were contrary unto his own mind, and were all contented with the words, which they thought appliable to his own opinion; and they were not so curious in condemning the Protestants, (where-in they all did agree) as what were said against themselves. But in all these broils behold the hand of God! The Pope and the Emperor had contrary interests; so had the Legates and the Prelates; and so had the Dominicans and Franciscans (even from their first beginning, and could never agree, so that the old phrase, vatinianum odium, was turned into, Theologorum bellum, when men would express an irreconcilable difference). At that time all those parties professed an unity, and yet were clashing one against another like flint-stones, and God made the truth to spark out from among them, even against all their wills; yea and to flash upon them, when they were busiest to smother it.
VI. After that Session, a general congregation was assembled the next day to advise of the matter for the 7 Session. In doctrine they resolve to follow the order of the Augustan Confession, where the next point is of Ecclesiastical Ministry, containing the authority of preaching and administering the sacraments. Hence arises a controversy, which of the two to debate first, or both jointly. The Legates fearing that in speaking of the first, they might fall upon the authority of Councils and of the Pope, inclined unto the reasons for beginning with the sacraments. Concerning Reformation, the chief points of not-residence were yet remaining, here the Spanish Bishops and some others hoping to recover episcopal authority in their own Diocies, as when the reservation of Benefices, of Cases, absolutions, dispensations and the like were not known; these (I say) brought many reasons to prove that residence of Bishops is de jure Divino: and therefore the Pope cannot call them from their charge, neither dispence nor restrain their authority. On the other side the Legates and others did cunningly shun that purpose, and said, His Holiness understanding to his great grief their former debates, craves this question to be handled before himself at Rome, and to assist the Synod with his counsel: and because such is the Popes will, no more speech should be of that particular, but look to the Reformation of inconvenients, which have caused the abuses of not-residence, especially the plurality of Benefices, seeing it is impossible to reside in many places. Concerning the sacraments generally, 14 articles were given, 17. of baptism, and 4 of confirmation. On the number of sacraments all agree, that they be seven: but to say, There be neither moe nor fewer, it was questioned. Some said, It is sufficient to determine the general, but to decide the proper saeraments, presupponeth the definition and essence of a sacrament, which is difficult, seeing nether the Scholasticks, nor the Fathers can be reconciled among themselves: for some take the word largely, and make moe; and some take it strictly, and make fewer; and Augustine sometimes calleth every rite whereby God is honouted, a sacrament, and in other places he taking the word strictly, reckoneth but two sacraments of the New Test. Others said, It is necessary to say, There are neither moe nor fewer, because some heretics reckon moe, and some fewer; and if they be not named particularly, some may thrust out a true sacrament, and put in a false one. And here hold your laughter at their reasons for the number, to wit, There be 7 natural things whereby man's life is preserved, 7 virtues, 7 capital vices, 7 defects coming from original sin, 7 days of the week, 7 regions of Egypt, 7 Planets, &c. Then they talk of the Author of the sacraments: Some said, The Lutherans hold, that only Christ is the author of them under the New Testament. Others said, They should not go so far on; for the Master of Sentences gives sundry authors unto sundry sacraments, as unction unto S. James; confirmation is of a later invention, and many attribute marriage unto God in paradise, &c. The Dominicans said, The Fathers may be saved by distinctions, especially, they would have submitted unto the Church, but rhe Lutherans will not. The second article, of the necessity of the sacraments, Some thought it not to be condemned, because all sacraments are not absolutely necessary. Others said, The necessity of one infringes the general article, Sacraments are not absolutely necessary. Others said, All the sacraments are necessary, some absolutely, some by conveniency, and some for utility. In the last words of the 2 article it was said, Men may attain grace without sacraments. Some approve these words by examples of Cornelius. the saved thief, and many Martyrs. Others said. These received the sacrament voto. Others said, Subtile distinctions should not be brought into articles of faith, neither can it be known but by divination, whether many Martyrs had a desire of a sacrament, or knew of them. It was replied, There is a twofold desire, habitual, and actual, that is, howbeit they had it not actually, yet they would have had it, if they had been informed. The difficulties were referred unto the general congregation. The 3 article, One sacrament is not of more worth then another; all did condemn, because some do excel in utility, some in signification, and some in regard of the Minister. Some would have thoseniceties and school-fooleries (as they spake) omitted; others said, The particular respects must be expressed; and others said, It is enough to say generally, For diverse respects. The 4 article, The sacraments of the New Testament do not confer grace unto those who do not resist. This was universaly condemned; as also they agreed in the manner how sacraments confer grace; to wit, grace (said they) is gained by all actions that excite devotion; and this proceeds not from the work itself, but from the virtue of devotion in the worker, or ex opere operantis, whereas some other actions work grace not by devotion of the doer no • receiver, but by virtue of the work itself, or ex opere operato: and of this kind are Christian sacraments, seeing by them grace is conferred, though no devotion be in the persons, if there be not a bar of mortal sin either habitual or actualy persevering; and such men cannot receive grace, not because the sacrament hath not virtue to produce it, but because the receiver is not capable, being possessed with a contrary quality. Though they all did agree so far, yet the Dominicans said, Albeit grace be a spiritual quality created immediately by God, yet it is an affective and instrumental virtue or work of the sacraments; which causeth a disposition in the soul to receive it; not that grace is in them as in a vessel, but as a chissel is active in giving form unto a statue or stone, and not only in scabling the stone. The Franciscans said, It cannot be conceived, how God (being a spiritual cause) doth use a bodily instrument for a spiritual effect : and therefore the sacraments have no effective or dispositive virtue, but only by the promise of God: when they are administered, he gives grace unto them, as signs; and therefore they contain grace as an efficacious sign, not by any vi •• ue in them, but by Divine promise of infallible assistance unto the Ministry; and that ministry is a cause of grace, because the effect follows by the promise of God to give grace at that time, as a merit is a cause of a reward without any activity of the merit. They confirmed this by the authority of Scotus, Bonaventura and Bernard, who all say, that grace is received by a sacrament, as a Chanon is invested by a book, and a Bishop by a ring. The Dominicans reply, This opinion is near unto Lutheranism. The Franciscans answer, The other opinion being impossible gave occasion unto heretics, to calumniat the Church. Some (as neutrals) said, It is sufficient, if all agree in the general, that sacraments contain grace. The Legates considering the multiplication of controversies, called for the Generals of the Orders, and entreated them to cause their Friers speak with more modesty and charity, seeing their purpose is to condemn heresies; and not to multiply controversies. And they wrote again unto the Pope, that more moderation is necessary. It was thought fit, to omit the 5 article, Not the sacraments, but faith of the sacrament hath grace or remission of sins: But Frier Barth. Miranda said, By this paradox Luther drew another conclusion, that the sacraments of the old and new law are of equal virtue; and now it is granted, that the sacraments of the New law confer grace; but those of the old law were only signs. None contradictes him; but the Franciscans said, In place of the old law, it should be said, the law of Moses, in respect of circumcision, which wrought grace, albeit Paul call it a sign. Then said Frier Gregory de Padua, It is a clear rule in Logik, Things of the same kind have both difference and identity among themselves: If the old sacraments and ours had difference only, they were not sacraments but equivocally; and if they had only identity, they were the same things: therefore put not difficulty in plain things for diversity in words; and S. Austin saith, These are different in sign, but equal in the thing signified, or diverse in visible signs, and the same in the intelligible signification: those were promissory, and these are demonstrative; or as others speak, the old were prenuntiative, and the new are contestative. Therefore it is not expedient to put that in a Decree. Others said, The opinion of the Lutherans and Zwinglians must be condemned without descending into particulares, seeing they say, there is no difference but in rites, and no other difference hath been shown. Article 6; Immediatly after the sin of Adam the sacraments were instituted by God, and by means of them grace was given. The Dominicans would have this absolutely condemned. The Scotists said, It is probable, because of the sacrifices and circumcision: and if (as Thomas saith) children were saved before Christ by faith of their parents, children now are in a worse estate, seeing the faith of parents avails not their children without baptism: for Augustine holds, if a parent were carrying his child to be baptized, and the infant to die on the way, this infant were condemned. They all condemned the 7. and 8. articles; In the sacrament grace is given unto him only who believes that his sins are remitted▪ Grace is not always given in the sacraments, nor unto all, in respect of the sacrament itself, but when and where and to whom it pleaseth God. The 9. article denying a character in a sacrament, gave occasion of more talking. Soto said, It is grounded on holy Scripture, and was ever held as an Apostolical tradition, albeit the word character was not used by the Fathers. Others said, Gratian makes no mention of it, and Scotus saith, It is not necessary by the words of Scripture nor Fathers, but only by authority of the Church: this is usual unto that Doctor by a kind of courtsy. Then it was questioned, What is a character? where is it? Some called it a quality: and those were of four several opinions, as there be so many sorts of qualities. Some called it a spiritual power, some, an habit; others, a spiritual figure; and others called it a metaphorical quality. Others called it a relation: Some said, It is ensrationis. No less variety was for the subject of it: some placed it in the essence of the soul; some in the understanding; some in the will; and some in the tongue or hands. Then how many sacraments have a character? Some said, Only three, which are not iterated. Others said, That is probable, but not necessary. Others said, It is a necessary article of faith, because Innocentius 3. mentioneth it, and it was so defined by the council of Florence. Article 10. All Christians of whatsoever sex have equal power in the ministration of word and sacraments. Albeit none hold this article so much as the Romish Church doth, especially in baptism, yet they condemned it as contrary unto Scripture, to tradition, and the use of the Church. As also they condemned article 11. A bad Minister conferreth not a sacrament. Article 10. Every pastor hath power at his pleasure to protract or contract or change the forms of the sacraments. It was distinguished as having a double sense: by forms may be understood the essential words, as it is said, A sacrament hath a sensible element for the matter, and a word for form; or may be understood the rites, which include some things not necessary, but decent. In the first sense they made a canon, condemning the article; and for the other they made another canon, that albeit accidental things admit mutation, yet when a rite is received by public authority, or confirmed by common custom, it should not be in every man's power to change it, excep the Pope only. Concerning article. 3. of the Minister's intention, they would not change from the council of Florence, holding the Minister's intention necessary. But what intention? The common opinion was, Intention to do as the Church doth, is sufficient. Here arose a difficulty; Because men's opinions are different in that, What the Church is, their intention to do as the Church doth, might also be different. Some said, It might rather be said, It is not different, when one hath the same aim to do what was instituted by Christ, and observed by the Church, though a false Church be taken for the true, if the rite be the same. The Bishop of Minori said, It is no difficulty among the Lutherans for the Minister's intention; but it is otherwise amongst us, holding that the sacrament gives grace, and it seldom happeneth that grace is obtained by any other means: surely little babes and many having but small understanding are saved no other way; If a priest having the charge of 4. or 5000. souls, were an infidel or hid hypocrite, and had intention not to do as the Church doth, it must follow, that the children are damned, and all penitents and communicants were without fruit; Neither is it sufficient to say, Faith suppleeth the defect : because faith suppleeth nothing to the children according to our doctrine; neither availeth it unto others so much as the sacrament: and to attribute so much unto faith, were to take it from the sacraments, as the Lutherans do. He nameth other in convenients, and then said, He who saith, God suppleeth by his omnipotency, will sooner make one believe, that God hath provided, that such accidents should not happen, by ordaining that to be a sacrament, which is administered according to the instituted rite, albeit the Minister hath another intention; This doth not cross the common doctrine or Florentin counsel, because that intention is only to be understood which is manifested by external work, though inwardly it may be contrary. He confirmed this by example of Athanasius being a child, and the censure of his fact by the famous Alexander Bishop of Alexandria. The Divines, abode still for the intention either actual or virtual, as if without it a sacrament can be of no force. And (to speak by anticipation) this Bishop wrote a little book of this question the year following, and said, The determination of the Synod is understood, and should be expounded in this his sense. The 14 article was readily condemned, Sacraments were ordained only to cherish faith. There was not much debate of baptism, or confirmation: some of them were calumnies, and others were contradictory to all their Divines. They agreed • asily in framing the anathematismes; but no way could they agree in the positives of doctrine nor of reformation. In the doctrine every sect was stieve for their own opinions▪ wherefore some said, Positive articles are not necessary, lest one party be condemned. Others said, The order that is begun, cannot be left, and diligence may be used to satisfy all parties. Some said, Albeit the factions were contentious in delivering their opinions, yet all submit unto the determination of the Synod. Others said, Such protestations of submission are terms of reverence, and should be ansvered with no less respect. Here was mentioned the example of Luther, who having to do with the German Friers, and Doctors of Rome, did submit himself unto the Pope, and when Leo took the words as real, and did against the man's mind, Luther was more invective against the Pope, then he was before against the pardon-mongers. Neither could the Legates and the Italian Prelates accord with the Imperialist and Spanish Bishops in the articles of Reformation, the one party striving to recover their ancient liberty, and to crub the Roman Cardinals; and the other being zealous of the prerogatives of the Court. The Pope is advertised of all these, and by advice of the Super-Synod framed the articles of doctrine: and judged it hard to deny all the articles of reformation, or to grant them all: at last he directed the Legates to yield in some, and to cause so many as they could, to be delayd unto the next Session. In the mean while he consulteth, what may ensue upon such difficulties, both from the Prelates and Divines: he feareth worse a coming: he knew, the Emperor had temporized with him, and now when he prevails in Germany, he will by all means use the Council for subduing Italy, and Rome. The nearest remedy (thinks the Pope) is to secure himself against the Synod. But how? to dissolve it, is not seasonable, so many things being as yet not spoken of; To suspend it, will require some weighty cause, and were to little purpose: for they would immediately remove that cause; To transfer it into another place, where himself had absolute power, seems fittest. He could not judge Rome a fit place, because the Germans would talk of it: Bolonia seems fittest, because it is nigh the Alps, and in a fertile soil. Then for the manner, he will not be named in it, but let the Legates do it by authority of their former Bull of the date Febr. 22. 1545: in so doing, the blame might be imputed unto them, and yet he uphold them; or if by any emergent occasion he shall change his mind, he may do it without dishonor. This he directeth a cousin of Car. De Monte unto the Legates with Letters of credit. At the first, the Legates were amazed, not knowing what show to pretend: but then they talk of the intemperatnes of the air, as appears (said they) by the infirmity of some Prelates, and the • estimony of Fracastorius Physician of the Synod (and the Pop's pensionary). So the Session VII. was held on March. 3. An. 1547.
VII. The next day in a General congregation they begin to talk of removing the Council. The Imperialists said, There is not so epidemik a disease, as was pretended. Nevertheless the Legates will have it voiced, and by degrees prevailed to leap into Bolonia. A Session was held March 13: a decree was read for removing, and to keep the ninth Session at Bolonia Aprile 21. Thirty and five Bishops, and three Generals did assent: Card. Pacceco and 17 Bishops were for the negative. The Imperial Ambassador required that these remove not, until his Ma. were informed, and gave order. Those News were offensive unto the Emperor, taking it as a contempt of him, and judging that a weapon was wrested from him, by managing of which he had the fairer opportunity to have brought all Germany into obedience. He wrote unto the Fathers at Trent, commending their constancy, and requiring that they remove not. Those consult, Whether they should do any Synodal Act: but all did judge, it would turn to a schism. Letters were sent mutually between them at Trent and them at Bolonia, and both used the name of the Synod. The Pope sent more Prelates unto Bolonia : where in many congregations nothing was handled, but how their removing might be defended. The Emperor directeth his Letters unto Bolonia and unto Rome, representing some inconvenients of removing the Synod, and proffering some advantages, if it be set on foot at Treat again. The Bolonians answer, They can do nothing without order from the Head of the Church. The Pope answered, He had already committed his full power unto the Council. The Ambassadors called those answers ascoffing of their Master, and according to their Order they made Protestation, that the Translation is unlawful, and that all things are void, which have followed or shall follow thereupon, seeing the authority of those few cannot give laws unto all Chistendom; and because the Pope and those Fathers are deficient, the Emperor will not fail to provide for the Church, as it becomes unto him by ancient laws, and consent both of holy Fathers and of the whole world. Nevertheless the Council was not restored, until Car. De Monte became P. Julius February 2. in the year 1551. The Emperor sent to congratulate his coronation, and to reduce the Synod. This P. is now put to his thoughts: on the one side he considereth, that he was not only called the chief Agent of Transsering it, but he had also hitherto mantained it; and the same motives of Pope Paul were as yet pressing, to wit, the designs of the Emperor, and of the Prelates, aiming at their own interests, to the prejudice of the Papal See. On the other hand, if he called not the Council again, it were scandalous to the world, and beget a bad conceit of him in the beginning of his Papacy, it would provoke the Emperor, to use National Councils, yea and forces against him. As for the dissuading reasons, he thought, It could not be called levity in him, because before he was a Servant, and obedient unto his Lord, but now he is Lord; and the present dangers must be shunned. So he calleth a Congregation of the Cardinals, especially the Imperialists, that they may fall upon that advice, where unto he was inclining. They judge it fittest to restore the Council, because before the election in the Conclave he had sworn to do it, and again at his coronation, besides other reasons. He objecteth principally the danger of the Papal authority. Some answered, God, who had founded the Roman Church, and avanced it above others, will dissipate all contrary counsel. Some in simplicity think so, and others knew not what to say. Car. Crescentius said, Greatest exploits are difficult, because of some causes unknown or lightly accounted of: for the present, there is more fear, that the Princes and world will depart de facto, than in the Synod by disputs or decrees: there is danger both ways, but the most honorable and least dangero • s must be chosen; The appearing dangers in the Synod may be preveened, by holding the Fathers upon other purposes; many, especially the Italians may be persuaded with hope; Princes may be counterpoised; differences may be fomented, and a wise man will find remedies upon emergent occasions. This opinion was embraced, and Nuntij were dispatched into Germany and France, to represent the ingenuous applause of the Pope unto their common desire. Unto the Emperor it was propounded, that in respect of the vast charges of the Papal Chamber upon the Legates, the poor Italian Bishops, and other extraordinaries, it were expedient to calculat the time of beginning and proceeding, and that no hour be spentidly; As also it is necessary, that before hand his. Ma. were assured of the Germans, both Catholics and Protestants, and bind themselves unto the Decrees; especially what things are already established should not be called into question; As he had condescended to further the affairs of his Ma. by holding the Synod in that place, so he craves that his sincerity be not abused unto a burdening of himself; and hopeth, if any shall attempt against him by caviliations or calumnies, his Ma. will not marvel, if he use the remedies, that shall occur for defense of the authority which he hath received immediately from God. The Emperor returns answer, extolling his wisdom both in remitting the Synod and in his considerations; As for himself and Germany, in a Decree at Ausburgh a year ago they all, even Protestants had submitted themselves, as the Copy (which he sent) shows : but of the particulars that are determined, it will be expedient to speak of them, when parties are brought together; And he promiseth to be a Protector of his Holiness and of his life, if occasion require. About that time the Emperor propounded in another Diet at Ausburgh, that now the Synod was to be opened at Trent. It pleased the Popish; but the Reformed submitted themselves conditionally, 1. that the Pope should not preside, but himself be subject unto the Synod. 2. the things that were acted against them should be rëexamined. 3. The Divines of the Augustan Confession should have decisive voices. Now the Emperor gives unto the Pope account of the absolute submission of the one party, and of the conditions required by the other; and he demandeth a copy of the Bull of convocation, before it be published, to the end, he may make a Decree concerning it in the Diet, and cause it be received by them all. Those things did not please the Court of Rome; and a Bull was sent conform to the late one: for the Pope said, If the Germans will refuse, he is delivered from his fears of the Synod, as also from the scandal for the want of it; or if they accept it, they shall not be able to practice anything against him. All both Papists and Protestants spoke against the Pop's pride appearing in that Bull: but the Emperor calmed their animosities by fair promises. He sent unto the Pope for more smooth words in the Bull; but all in vain. The opening of the Synod was appointed to be May. 1. An. 1551. In the beginning of the year the Pope consulteth, how to have trusty Presidents, and to save great charges: many Legates must have much moneys, and he dareth not trust one alone: wherefore he sent Marcellus Crescentius Car. de S. Marcello Legat, and two Nuntij Sebastianus Pighinus arch Bishop of Siponto, and Aloi • us Lipomanus Bishop of Verona, all of equal authority, and as large as the Letters of his predecessor did bear: he commanded them to open the Synod at the day appointed, even though there were no other Prelates present.
VIII. Very few Prelates came: nevertheless a Session was held, and a Decree was published, to wit, The Synod is open, and the next Session shall be September 1. At that day another Decree was made, The third Session shall be October 2. In this second Session Letters were presented from Henry King of France : the Inscription was offensive, because he called them not a Synod, but a Convent: they refuse to open the Letter, as not directed unto them. Then said the Bishop of Mainz, If ye will not receive Letters from the King of France, calling you a holy Convent, how will ye he arken unto the Protestants calling you a malignant Convent? Then the Legate said, The word may be taken in good part, and otherwise we protest, that it shall not be prejudicial. The Contens of the Letter was, to show the equity (on his part) of the present wars against the Emperor and Pope, in protecting Octavius Farnes. Duke of Parma; he was devote unto the Apostolical See, albeit he be compelled to take Arms agaigst Pope Julius; he had sent unto Rome, and there had protested, that if the Pope do judge the protection of Parma (which he had so lawfully undertaken, even by the Pop's permission) to be a just cause of stirring up all Europ into war, he was sory, but it cannot be imputed unto him, who is most willing to accept the Decrees, if due order be observed in making them: If the Pope will continue in warring, he cannot send his Prelates unto Trent, where they have not secure access; nor can France be tied unto their Decrees; but he will use the remedies of his Ancestors by National Councils. When the Letters were read, the Orator makes protestation to the same purpose. The Speaker of the Synod; after some private conference with the Legate, said, The Kings modesty is acceptable, but they cannot accept the person of the French Abbot, who had made the protestation, and according to Law they summon him apud acta to be present October 2, to receive answer and they forbid to make any note of these actions. There was variety of opinions concerning this protestation. The Imperialists said, It is null, because an Act of the greater part of any Universality is esteemed lawful, when the lesser, being called, will not be present, and the French Bishops might have come without passing thorough any of the Pop's territories. Others said, To cal in word, and exclude indeed, is not to envite; and albeit one may come from France to Trent, not passing thorough the Pop's territo • ies, yet he must come through the Emperors La •• s, which is all one in respect of the time; The Major part hath full authority, when the lesser part cannot or will not appear, and is silent, because silence presupposeth consent: but when it protests, it hath it's place, especially if the hindrance be from him who calleth. The French Orator said, This cannot be a lawful Synod, because the Presidents confer privately with the Emperors Embassador, nor communicate with any other, and yet the Speaker saith, The holy Synod receives the Letters: and when the Letters were read, the answer of the Presidents only was given in name of the Synod: They cannot say, these are matters of small importance, seeing it is a matter of dividing the Church. But truly those and other delaying answers were devised, until they were informed from Rome. In the mean while the French King was the more bitter against the Reformed, lest he be suspected of Lutheranism. The Prelates at trent held congregations now, and treated of the E • charist, but after another manner than they had done before: because the Prelates understood not the subtilities of the Divines, the Presidents gave articles collected (as they said) out of the books of Zwingli and Luther, and they commanded the Divines to confirm their opinions by holy Scripture, by Apostolical traditions and approved Councils, by authorities of the holy Fathers; to use brevity, and avoid superfluous questions; they who were sent by the Pope should speak first, then they who were sent by the Emperor, and in the third place the Secular Divines after the order of their promotion, and lastly the Regulars after the precedence of their Orders. This method pleased not the Italian Divines, and they said, It is a novelty, condemning all School-Divinity, which in all difficuities useth reasouning in the first place, as Thomas and others have done; and the collecting of Sentences out of the Fathers and Scriptures, is a faculty of the memory, and full of toil in writing: it was used in old times, but it is known to be insufficient and unprofitable, as appears by those Doctors, who in these 350. years have defended the Church; yea it is to grant the victory unto the Lutherans, who do always overcome by those weapons : for they know many tongues, and read many Authors. But those reasons had no place.
IX. In sundry congregations they censured ten articles of the E • charist: little is noted worthy of memory, until they came to the framing of the Decrees. Some would had anathematisms only, condemning the contrary doctrine, as they had done in the other sacraments. Others said, The first order was better, decerning the positiues with the anathematisms, as was done in Justification. The Italians cherished this opinion, because they thought it to be some mean of regaining their former reputation. The Cownt of Montfort Ambassade of the Emperor, and the Orator of King Ferdinand dissuade to make any Decree concerning the communion with both kinds, because it would offend the Protestants, who certainly shall not be brought unto the Synod, if that be put in Decree, and so both the Emperor and Council have labored in vain. These show also that the Emperor had given a safe-conduct unto the Protestants, and they are not content with it, alleging that it was decreed in the Council at Constance, and also executed, that a Council is not tied to the Safe-conduct of any man: and therefore they demand a Safe-conduct from the Synod, and the Emperor hath promised it unto them, as also he hath commanded them to crave and purchase it. The Presidents referred the answer unto the next Session [or rather unto the Pope] and the Ambassade said, It is not fit, that the points of the Eucharist be debated before their coming, especially seeing they want not matter of reformation, where is no controversy. The Legate answered, This method is already decerned. An account of all those is sent to Rome, where the Safe-conduct found variety of opinions. Some said, It should not be granted, because the like was never done but at Basil, and that should not be followed, because it is a prejudice unto the Synod, to tie themselves unto rebels, especially when there is no hope to gain them. Others said, Not for hope to gain them, but to take from them all excuse, it were not amiss to give them all probable satisfaction, seeing the Emperor is so earnest for it: As for prejudices, it may be so framed, that it shall tie little or nothing : for if it be conceived generally of Ecclesiastical and Secular persons in the German Nation, and of every condition; it may be said afterward, that the Protestants are not comprehended, or that it is meaned only of the Catholics, and a special mention is necessary for the Protestants; Or the Synod may give a Safe-conduct, and the Pop's authority shall be safe. According to this opinion a form of a Safe-conduct was sent to Trent, and a direction to omit the question of the cup, and to expect the Protestants, but not beyond three months; neither to be idle in the mean while, but hold a Session within 40. days, and treat of penance. While this consulation was a Rome, they were proceeding at Trent, as is before: but when they came to declare the manner, how Christ is in the sacrament, and of transubstantiation, a contention arose between the Dominicans and Franciscans. The Dominicans said, All the substance of the bread is turned into Christ's body, and the body is in the place, where the bread was: and because the whole bread is turned, that is, the matter of the bread is turned into the matter of his body, and the form of the bread into the form of his body, therefore it is called transubstantiation: and so there be two sorts of Christ's existence, both real and substantial; the one natural, as he conversed on earth, or is now in heaven; and the other as he is in the sacrament, which is a proper manner of his existence, and cannot be called natural nor sacramental, as if ye would say, He is not there really but as in a sign, seeing a sacrament is but a sign; Unless by sacramental, ye understand a real existence proper unto this sacrament. The Franciscans would have it said, One body by God's omnipotency may be truly and substantially in many places at once, and when it comes into a new place, it is in it, because it goeth thither, not by a successive mutation, a • leaving the first place, but in an instant it getreth the second without losing the first; and God hath so ordained, that where the body of Christ is, no other substance • hall abide there, but by annihilation, because the body of Christ succeeds in steed of it: so it is truly called transubstantiation, not because the one substance is made of the other, but because the one succeeds unto the other; The manner of Christ's being in heaven and i • the sacrament, differ not in substance, but in quantity only, because in heaven the magnitude of the body possesseth a place proportionable unto it, and it is substantially in the sacrament, not possessing a place: therefore both sorts are substantial and natural in regard of the substance, but in respect of the quantity, the existence in heaven is natural, and in the sacrament is miraculous, differing only in that in heaven the quantity is truly a quantity, and in the sacrament it hath the condition of substance. Much dispute was for hearing and understanding this matter, but none could give satisfaction, namely, unto the Nuntio de Verona, who for the time had the place of moderating. October 11. was the Session: the decrees of faith with the anathematisms, and of reformation were read; with express reserving some points of faith until the coming of the Protestants; and the Safe-conduct was framed according to the direction from Rome; yet so that the Presidents caused all the same things be first concluded in the congregations. The French Orators appeared not to receive answer to their protestation: for they had received order, not to contest: nevertheless the Council framed an answer, denying that they were assembled for private ends; beseeching the King, to send his Prelates unto the Synod, where they shall have all liberty: adding, albeit those shall not come, the Synod shall not want it's own reputation: and requiring that he assemble not National Synods, which his Ancestors have abrogated, and that he be not unthankful unto God and the Church his mother, but rather he should pardon personal offenses for the public good. When the Protestants received that Safe-conduct (to speak by anticipation) they perceived • he meaning of the Court, and demanded one conform to that which was granted at Basil unto the Bohemians, without alteration of any word, excep persons, place and time. The Pope would never grant that : therefore the Protestants would never come unto the Synod, excep some few, as follows. After the Session was a public congregation: it was resolved to treat of penance and extrem unction, and to proceed in the Reformation. The former Act of their manner in discussing the articles was confirmed, because the Divines had contentiously transgressed it. Order is taken to hold congregations twice a day, that the moe things may be dispatched before the coming of the Protestants. Before, the School-men were curious, and scarcely intelligible; but then they becam inpertinent and ridiculous: for they speaking of penance, for confirming their opinions brought all the places of Scripture, where the Latin Translation hath confiteor or confessi • : they allege, it was prefigured in the Old Testament, and he was called the most learned, who brought manyest types of it : they allege all the signs of humility, and out of the Fathers they report many miracles, and the prosperous successes of them who were given much unto confession, and the bad success of them who had despised it &c. After such discourses the Presidents with such Deputies, as they pleased to name, framed the Decrees, and sent them to Rome; and when they were canvassed there, they were propou • ded in the general congregation. Sundry Divines spake against sundry parts of them, as for example, The Divines of Lovan and Colein spake against the reservation of some sins unto the Pope. Those of Colein said, The words, Whose sins ye forgive, &c. are not meaned of the sacrament: and they were not sati • fied, that public confession was omitted, albeit so much mentioned by the Ancients, and so necessary. The Franciscans said, Contrition, confession and satisfaction are not the parts of the sacrament, because they are the acts of the receiver, and not applied by the Minister: They complained also, that it is called heresy, to say, Sacramental absolution is declarative, seeing Jerome, Gratian and all the School-Divines have taught, absolution is a declaration. Many Fathers judged those remostrances considerable. But Car. Crescentius said, Those things were maturely established, and may not be altered for satisfying the fancies of particular persons: but if all be not satisfied, it may be propounded generally in the congregation, Whether the Decrees may be altered? and then they may come to particulares. And in private he show his mind unto some friends, that they should not suffer men to speak so freely, which were dangerous, if the Protestants were come: It is sufficient for the liberty of the Synod, that men deliver their opinions, when the articles are disputed, but when all men are heard, and the decrees are framed by the Deputies, allowed by the Presidents, examined and authorized at Rome, it is too great license to call them into question. In the article of Reformation concerning episcopal jurisdiction, the old contention was renewed, the Prelates still aiming to recover their ancient power, and the Presidents striving to yield as little as they could : but one thing moved them give way to many articles, to wit, the Canonists have a law, Whatsoever is spoken generally, touches not the Pope nor his Court, unless they be named. Therefore the Presidents would never suffer the Pop's name be expressed; and the prelates were satisfied, hoping that the decrees being framed generally, might (at least) make way for after-times. So the Session was held November 25, and the next appointed to January 25.