Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times

§ 119. But my greatest doubt was whether the King would not take it ill, that I rather sought to the Law than unto him; or if I sought any release rather than continued in Prison. My Imprisonment was at present no great Suffering to me, for I had an honest Jailor, who shown me all the Kindness he could; I had a large room and the liberty of walking in a fair Garden; and my Wife was never so cheerful a Companion to me as in Prison, and was very much against my seeking to be released, and she had brought so many Necessaries, that we kept House as contentedly and comfortably as at home, though in a narrower room, and I had the sight of more of my Friends in a day, than I had at home in half a Year: And I knew that if I got out against their Will, my sufferings would be never the nearer to an end. But yet on the other side, 1. It was in the extremist heat of Summer, when London was wont to have Epidemical diseases: And the hope of my dying in Prison I have reason to think was one great inducement to some of the Instruments, to move to what they did. 2. And my Chamber being over the Gate. which was knocked and opened with noise of Prisoners just under me almost every Night, I had little hope of sleeping but by day, which would have been likely to have quickly broken my strength, which was so little, as that I did but live. 3. And the number of Visiters by day, did put me out of hope of Studying, or doing anything but entertain them. 4. And I had neither leave at any time to go out of Doors, much less to Church on the Lord's Days, nor on that Day to have any come to me, nor to Preach to any but my Family.

Upon all these Considerations, the advice of some was, that I should Petition the King, but to that I was averse, 1. Because I was indifferent almost whether I came out or not; and I was loath either to seem more afflicted or impatient than I was, or to beg for nothing. 2. I had avoided the Court, and the Converse of all great Men so many years on purpose, that I was loath to creep to them now for nothing. 3. And I expected but to be put upon some promise which I could not make, or to be rejected. 4. I had so many great Men at Court who had professed extraordinary Kindness to me, (though' I was never beholden to one Man of them all for more than Words) that I knew if it were to be done, they would do it without my seeking. And my Counselor, Serjeant Fountain, advised me not to seek to them, nor yet refuse their Favor if they offered it, but to be wholly passive as to the Court: but to seek my Freedom by Law, because of my great weakness, and the probability of future Peril to my Life. And this Counsel I followed.

§ 120. The Earl of Orery I heard, did earnesty and speedily speak to the King how much my Imprisonment was to his dis-service. The Earl of Manchester could do little, but by the Lord Arlington, who with the Duke of Buckingham seemed much concerned in it: But the Earl of Lauder dale, (who would have been forwardest had he known the King's mind to be otherwise) said nothing. And so all my great Friends did me not the least Service, but made a talk of it, with no Fruit at all. And the moderate honest Part of the Episcopal Clergy were much offended, and said, I was chosen out designedly to make them all odious to the People. But Sir John Babor often visiting me, assured me, That he had spoken to the King about it, and (when all had done their best) he was not willing to be seen to relaxe the Law, and discourage Justices in executing it, &c. but he would not be offended if I sought my Remedy at Law (which most thought would come to nothing.)

§ 121. Whilst I was thus unresolved which way to take, Sir John Babor desiring a Narrative of my Case, I gave him one, which he shown the Lord Arlington; which I will here insert, and I will join with it two other Scripts, one which I gave as Reasons to prove, That the Act against Conventicles forbad not my Preaching: Another which I gave all my Counselors when they were to plead my Cause about the Error of the Mittimus.

§ 122 The Narrative of my Case.

The Oath cannot be imposed on me by the Act.

First, Because I never kept any Conventicle or Unlawful Assembly proved.

1. By Conventicles and Unlawful Assemblies for Religious Exercises, the Laws do mean only the Meetings of Recusants, Separatists, or such as Communicate not with the Church of England, or such Assemblies as are held in opposition to the Church-Assemblies, and not such as are held only by the Conformable Members of the Church, in mere Subordination to the Church-Assemblies, to promote them. But all Meetings which I have held are only of this latter sort.

The former Proposition is thus proved.

1. The Canons give the Sense of the Word [Conventicles] (for it is a Church-Term, about Church-Matters.) But the Canons mention but two sorts of Conventicles, one of Presbyters, when they meet to make Orders or Canons for Church-Discipline; the other of People who meet under the Profession of being a Church distinct from the Church of England; (and neither of these is my Case.)

2. The Statute of the 35 of Eliz. expoundeth it accordingly; charging none of Unlawful Assembling, but such as Separate, or Communicate not with the Church.

3. There is no other Statute that saith otherwise.

4. The Rubric and Law alloweth Conformable Ministers to keep many Religious Assemblies, which are not in the Church, being but Subordinate, as 1. At the Visitation of the Sick, where no numbers of Neighbors are prohibited to be present: Sermons at the Spittle, Sturbridge-Faire, &c.

2. At private Baptisms.

3. At private Communions, where any Family hath an impotent Person that cannot Communicate at Church.

4. At the Rogation Perambulations, where it was usual to Feast at Houses in their way, and there for the Minister to instruct the People, and to Pray, and sing Psalms.

5. The Laborious sort of Conformable Ministers, have many of them used to repent their Sermons to all that would Assemble at their Houses: Which Repeating was as truly Preaching, as if they had Preached the same Sermon in several Pulpits. Therefore all Meetings, besides Church-Meetings, are not Conventicles, nor those that are in Subordination to them.

5. Even the late Expired Act against Conventicles, forbiddeth no Religious Exercises, but such as are otherwise than the Liturgy or Practice of the Church; and distinguishing expressly between the Exercises and the Numbers, doth forbid no number, when the Exercises are not otherwise, as aforesaid, tolerating even unlawful Exercises to the number of Four, but not to more.

The Second Proposition [That my Meetings were never Unlawful Conventicles] is proved.

1. I do constantly join with the Church in Common Prayer, and go at the beginning. 2. I Communicate in the Lord's Supper with the Church of England. 3. I am no Nonconformist in the Sense of the Law, because I Conform as far as the Law requireth me (having been in no Ecclesiastical Promotion, May 1. 1662. the Law requireth me not to subscribe, declare, &c. till I take a Cure or Lecture, &c. 4. I sometimes repeat to the Hearers, the Sermon which I heard in the Church. 5. I exhort the People to Church-Communion, and urge them with sufficient Arguments, and Preach ordinarily against Separation, and Schism, and Sedition, and Disloyalty. 6. I have commanded my Servant to keep my Doors shut at the time of Public Worship, that none may be in my House that while. 7. I go into the Church from my House, in the Peoples sight, that my Example, as well as my Doctrine, may persuade them. 8. In all this, I so far prevail, that the Neighbors who hear me, do commonly go to Church, even to the Common-Prayer; and I know not three, or two of all the Parish, that use to come to me, who refuse it; which success doth show, what it is I do. 9. I have long offered the Pastor of the Parish (the Dean of Windsor ) that if he would but tell me, that it is his Judgment, that I hinder his Success, or the People's Good, rather than help it, I will remove out of the Parish, which he never yet hath done. 10. I have the Now-Arch-Bishop's License (not reversed, nor disabled) to Preach in the Diocese of London, which I may do by Law if I had a Church. And I offered the Dean to give over my Meetings in my House, if he would permit me to Preach (without Hire) sometimes occasionally in his Church, which I am not disabled to do. By all this it appeareth, that any Meetings are not Unlawful Conventicles. 11. And riotous they are not, for my House being just before the Church Door, the same Persons go out of the Church into my House, and out of my House into the Church; so that if one be riotous, both must be so. And I perform no Exercise at all, contrary to the Doctrine or the Practice of the Church; but when the Curate readeth only in the Evening, and doth not Preach or Catechize, when he hath done one part, I do the other which he omitteth.

2. The Oath cannot be imposed on me, because I am none of the three sorts of Offenders there mentioned. The first sort in the Act are such as have not Subscribed, Declared, and Conformed, according to the Act of Uniformity, and other Acts, I am none of them, because the Laws require it not of me (being, as aforesaid, in no Church Promotion on May 1. 1662.) The second sort, are other Persons not Ordained according to the Order of the Church, but I am so Ordained. The third sort is School-Teachers, which is not my Case (though I have also a Lice • se to Teach School.) And that the two Descriptions of the Conventicles in the Preamble, are to be the Expositions of the following prohibitous Parts of the Act, is plain by the answerable distinction of them. And also, 1. Because the very Title and plain design of this Act, is only to restrain Nonconformists. 2. Because the express end and business of it, is to preserve People from Seditious and Poisonous Doctrine. But the Clergy which are not Nonconformists, are not to be supposed to be defamed, or suspected by the Laws, of Preaching poisonous seditious Doctrine nor can it be imagined, that they mean to drive them five Miles from all their Parishes in • ngland, if they should once be at a private Meeting, or put the 40 l. Fine on them, if they preach one Sermon after such Meeting, to their Parishes, before they have taken the Oath, though no Man offer it them, which would follow if it extended to them. And I am exempted from the Suspicion of that Preaching.

1. By being chosen and Sworn His Majesty's Chaplain in ordinary, and Preaching before Him, and Publishing my Sermons by His Special Commands, and never since accused of ill Doctrine, but the sharpest Debates written against Nonconformists, do quarrel with them, for quarrelling with my Doctrine.

2. Some think the words [have kept] in the Act, refer to the time past before the Act; and then 'tis nothing to me.

3. Should I not have been Convict in my presence of someone unlawful Conventicle, and of not departing after five Miles from the place: for how should I be bound to forsake my Dwelling, as an Offender, before I knew of my Offence?

Lastly, I told the Justices, That I did not refuse the Oath, but professed, that I understood it not, and desired time to learn to understand it, if I could; which they denied me; and would neither tell me who were my Accusers, or Witnesses, nor show me the Words of the Accusation or Depositions, nor suffer any Person but us three (themselves and me) to be at all present, or to hear anything that was said by them or me. And though I shall never take Oaths which I cannot possibly understand, nor in a Sense which is contrary to the plain importance of the Words, till they are so expounded, nor shall ever number deliberate Lying, or Perjury, with things indifferent; yet I so far defy any Accuser, who will question my Loyalty, that (as I have taken the Oaths of Supremacy and of Allegiance, and a special Oath of Fidelity, when I was Sworn (I know not why) as His Majesty's Servant, so) I am ready to give a much fulle • signification of my Loyalty than that Oath, if I had taken it, would be: And to own all that is said, for the Power of Kings, and of the Subject's Obedience and Non-resistance, by any (or all) the Councils and Confessions of any Christian Churches upon Earth, whether Greeks or Romans, Reformed, Episcopal, Presbyterian, or any that are fit to be owned as Christians (that ever came to my notice) besides what is contained in the Laws of our own Land. And if this will not serve, I shall patiently wait in my Appeal, to the Un-erring Universal Judgment.

§ 123. 2. [In other manner than is allowed by the Liturgy or Practice of the Church of England —At which Conventicle, Meeting, or Assembly, there should be Five Persons, or more, Assembled over and above those of the Household.

Pos. 1. To Preach or Teach in a House not Consecrated for a Temple, is not contrary to the Liturgy and Practice of the Church of England.

Arg. 1. That which the Scripture expressly alloweth, is not contrary to the Liturgy and Practice of the Church of England. But to Preach and Teach (even Multitudes) in Houses (and other places) not so Consecrated, the Scripture expressly alloweth: Ergo.—

The Major is proved, 1. Because the Book of Ordination requireth, that all that are Ordained, shall promise to [Instruct the People out of the Holy Scripture, being persuaded that they contain sufficiently all Doctrine required of Necessity to Salvation; and to teach no other: And with all Faithful Diligence to banish all Doctrines contrary to God's Word: And to use both public and private Monitions and Exhortations, as well to the Sick as to the whole, as need shall require, and occasion shall be given.

2 The same Sufficiency of the Scripture is asserted in the 6th. Article of the Church. And Article 20. bindeth us to hold, That it is not lawful for the Church to ordain anything contrary to God's written Word. So Art. 21. more.

3. The said Scriptures are appointed by the Rubric to be read as the Word of God himself.

4. The Law of the Land declareth, That nothing shall be taken for Law which is contrary to the Word of God.

5. The First and Second Homily show the sufficiency of it, and necessity to all Men.

The Minor is proved 1. from Acts 20. 20. 7, 8, & 28. last, & 8. 4, 25, 35. & 10. 34. & 12. 12. 2 Tim. 4. 1, 2. Mat. 5. 1, 2. Mark 2. 13. & 10. 1. Luke 5. 3. & 13. 26.

2. From those Texts which command Christ's Ministers to Preach, and not forbear: Therefore if they be forbidden to Preach in the Temples, they must do it elsewhere. John 21. 15, 16, 17. 1 Cor. 9. 16. Acts 4. 18, 19, 20. 2 Tim. 4. 1, 2. Luke 9. 62.

3. From the Expository Practice of the Church in all Ages.

4. From the Expository Practice of the Universal Church of England, who Preached in Houses in the time of their late Restraint by Cromwell.

Arg. 2. The Church of England bindeth Ministers to Teach both publicly and privately, in their Ordination, as afore recited.

2. In the Liturgy for the Visitation and Communion of the Sick, it alloweth private Exhortation, Prayer, and Sacraments.

3. The 13 Canon requireth that the Lord's Day, and other Holy-Days, be spent in public and private Prayers. And the very Canon 71. which most restraineth us from Preaching and Administring the Sacrament in private Houses, doth expressly except Times of necessity, when any is so impotent as he cannot go to Church, or dangerously sick, &c.

4. The instructing of our Families, and Praying with them, is not disallowed by the Church. And I myself have a Family, and Persons impotent therein (who cannot go to Church) to Teach.

Arg. 3. The 76 Can. condemneth every Minister, who voluntarily relinquisheth his Ministry, and liveth as a Lay-Man: Ergo, We must forbear no more of the Ministerial Work than is forbidden us.

Pos. 2. The number of Persons present above Four, cannot be meant by this Act, as that which maketh the Religious Exercise to be [ in other manner than allowed by the Liturgy or Practice of the Church. ]

Arg. 1. Because the manner of the Exercise, and the number of Persons are most expressly distinguished: And the restraint of the number is expressly affixed only to them who shall use such unallowed manner of Religious Exercises; not meddling at all with others. The Words [ at which Conventicle, &c.] do show the Meeting to be before described by the manner of Exercise. Otherwise the Words would be worse than Non-sense.

2. Because if the Words be not so interpreted, then they must condemn all our Church Meetings for having above four. As if they had said [ where Five are met, it is contrary to the Liturgy of the Church ] which cannot be.

If it be said, That for above Four to meet in a House is not allowed by the Church.] I Answer;

1. That is a Matter which this Act meddleth not with, as is proved by the foresaid distinguishing the manner of Exercise, from the number of Persons.

2. Nor doth the Act speak of private Houses, or put any difference between them and Churches, but equally restraineth Meetings in Churches, which are for disallowed Exercises of Religion.

3. Nor is it true in itself, that the Church disalloweth the number of Five in private Houses, as is proved before. But it contrarily requireth, that at private Communions there shall be [Neighbors got to Communicate] and not fewer than three or two.] And at private Baptisms, and other occasions, the number is not limited by the Church at all.

3. Because the Act is directed only against seditious Sectaries, and their Conventicles.

4. Because the Words of the Act show, that the Law-makers concur with the sense of the Church of England, which is nowhere so strict against Nonconformity as in the Canons: And in these Canons, viz. 73, and 11. A Conventicle is purposely and plainly descibed to be such [other Meetings, Assemblies or Congregations, than are by the Laws held and allowed, which challenge to themselves the Name of true and lawful Churches:] Or else secret Meetings of Priests or Ministers to consult [upon any matter, or course to be taken by them, or upon their motion or direction by any other, which may any way tend to the impeachment, or depriving of the Doctrine of the Church of England, or the book of Common-Prayer, or of any part of the Government and Discipline] of the Church. So that where there is no such Consultation of Ministers, nor no Assemblies that challenge to themselves the Name of true and Lawful Churches, distinct from the allowed Assemblies, there are no Conventicles in the sense of the Canons of the Church of England, which this Act professeth to adhere to.

The same Sence is expressed also in Can. 10. which describeth Schismatics: [Whosoever shall affirm that such Ministers as refuse to subscribe to the Form and manner of God's Worship in the Church of England, prescribed in the Communion-Book, and their Adherents may truly take unto them the Name of another Church, not established by Law; and dare presume to publish, that this pretended Church hath long groaned under, &c.—

And in the 9th Canon, where the Authors of Schism are thus described; [Whosoever shall separate themselves from the Communion of Saints, as it is approved by the Apostle's Rules in the Church of England, and combine themselves together in a new Brotherhood, accounting the Christians who are conformable to the Doctrine, Government, Rites, and Ceremonies of the Church of England, to be profane, and unmeet for them to join with in Christian Profession.—]

Pro. 3. If our manner of Religious Exercises did differ in some mere degrees or Circumstances from that which is allowed by the Liturgy, and Practice of the Church, it ought not no be taken to be the thing condemned in this Act.

Arg. 1. Otherwise the Justices themselves, and almost all his Majesty's Subjects, either are already obnoxious to the Mulcts, Imprisonments, and Banishments, or may be they know not how soon.

Arg. 2. And otherwise no Subject must dare to go to Church, for fear of incurring Imprisonment or Banishment.

The reason of both is visible. 1. Almost all conformable Ministers do either by some omissions of Prayers, or other parts of the Liturgy, or by some alterations, many times do that which is dissonant from the Liturgy, and practice, or Canons of the Church. I have seldom been present where somewhat was not contrary to them. 2, Because most conformable Ministers do now Preach without Licenses; which is contrary to the express Canons of the Church. 3. Because few of the King's Subjects, or none can tell when they go to Church, but they may hear one that hath no License, or that will do somewhat dissonant from the manner of the Church.

Pro. 4. Preaching without License bringeth me not within the Penalty of the Act.

Arg. 1. Because I have the Archbishop's License.

Arg. 2. Because a License is not necessary for Family Instruction.

Arg. 3. Because else most of the Conformists would be as much obnoxious, which is not so judged by the Bishops themselves.

§ 124. (3.) The Errors of the Mittimus, with the explication of the Oxford Act.

THis Act containeth, 1. The end and Occasion; that is, the preserving of Church and Kingdom, from the Danger of poisonous Principles.

II. The Description of the dangerous Persons. 1. in the Preamble: Where they are 1. Nonconformists, or such as have not subscribed and declared according to the Act of Uniformity, and other subsequent Acts. 2. They, or some of them, and other Persons not ordained, according to the Form of the Church of England, who have since the Act of Oblivion preached in Unlawful Assemblies, and have settled themselves in Corporations.

2. In the Body of the Act, where are two parts answering the two aforesaid in the Preamble. 1. The first Subject described is, Non-subscribers, and Non-declarers, according to the Act of Uniformity, &c. That is, Non-conformists; who also have not taken the Oath, (which is here prescribed as a preventing Remedy. 2. The second Subject is [All such Persons as shall Preach in unlawful Meetings, contrary to Laws, which must needs refer to the second branch of the Preamble, and mean only [such Nonconformists, and unordained Persons as shall so Preach; ] the Word [ shall ] signifying that it must be after the passing of this Act.

III. The Offence prohibited is being, or coming after March 24. 1665. within five Miles of any Corporation, or of any place, where since the Act of Oblivion, they have been Parsons, Vicars, Lecturers, &c. Or have preached in an unlawful Assembly, contrary to the Laws, before they have in open Sessions taken the Oath. That is, who have done this since the Act of Oblivion before this Act (it being the purpose of this Act to put all those who shall again after this Act preach in Conventicles, in the same Case with them, who since the Act of Oblivion were Parsons, Vicars, &c. That is, that none of them shall come within five miles of any place where they were either Incumbents, or Conventiclers, before this Act since the act of Oblivion.

IV. The Penalty is, 1. 40 l. for what is past, (which the after taking of the Oath will not save them from.) 2. And six months Imprisonment also for such of them as shall not Swear, and subscribe the Oath and Declaration offered them.

So that in this Act the Offence itself prohibited is Coming within five miles, &c. But the qualification of the subject offending, is absolutely necessary to it.

So that the Mittimus for an offense against this Act, must signify, That N. N. having not subscribed and declared, according to the Acts of Uniformity, and other subsequent Acts; or being not ordained according to the Form of the Church of England, having since the Act of Oblivion preached in an unlawful Assembly: and also hath so preached since this Act; and hath not taken the Oath here required, is proved by Oath to us to have been, or come since Mar. 24. 1665. Within five Miles of a Corporation, or a place where he was an incumbent, or preached in a Conventicle, before this Act since the Act of Oblivion; and also hath refused before us to swear and subscribe the said Oath, &c.

Now in this Mittimus. 1. Here is no mention that R. B. hath not subscribed and declared already according to the Act of Uniformity; or is a Non-conformist; nor yet that he is not ordained according to the Form of the Church of England.

2. Nor is there any mention that he hath preached in an unlawful Assembly since the Act of Oblivion; much less, since this Act, (which must be said)

3. Nor that ever they had proof of his not taking the Oath before, or that ever he was Convict of Preaching before he took it.

4. The Offence itself is not here said to be proved by Oath at all, viz. Coming or being within five Miles, &c. But another thing, viz. his Preaching in an unlawful Meeting, is said to be proved by Oath, which this Act doth not enable them to take such proof of.

As for the Word in the Mittimus, [where he now dwelleth] it cannot be understood as a part of Deposition. 1. Because it is expressed but as the Justice's Assertion, and not so much as an [ and ] or Conjunction put before it to show that they had Oath made of it, as well as of Preaching.

2. Because the Word [ now dwelleth ] must be taken strictly or laxly; if strictly, it referreth but to the time of the Writing of the Mittimus, which was two days after the Constable's Warrant; and no Accuser, Witness, or other Person was suffered to be present; and therefore it must needs be but the Justice's own Words, or Assertion, without proof. Or if [ now dwelleth ] be taken laxly for a distant time; then note, that here is not any mention of Proof that there was any just or considerable distance between his [ Preaching ] and his [ dwelling here ] but he might go away the next hour after his Preaching, notwithstanding any thing here mentioned. For any Man that Preacheth, is in the place where he Preacheth while he Preacheth; and if he go away the next hour, it must be considered in what time he can go five Miles. But if [ now ] be taken for the Witnesses Words, here is no intimation of the least distance. And none can imagine that the Law meaneth that the Preacher shall be five Miles off the next Minute, or Hour. And indeed, seeing no Man can tell how many hours must be allowed, it is plain that the Act meaneth that the Person must be first legally Convict of Preaching in an unlawful Assembly (and also of not having conformed or taken the Oath) before the Oath is made of his not removing five Miles.

3. This Act, not at all enabling the Justices to take Oath about the Conventicles; but only about [not coming within five Miles] and there being but one Deposition mentioned [ where he now dwelleth ] being a very part of that one Testimony, if it be not the Justice's own Words; it followeth that this Oath must be made before the Act against Conventicles was expired; because no other Act enableth them to take such an Oath: And then the [ now dwelleth ] will signify long ago, without any notified distance from his Preaching.

4. If [ where he now dwelleth ] be part of the Deposition, then so must the following Words [ not having taken and subscribed the Oath, ) which Charity forbiddeth us to believe that they swore, seeing I was never accused of it, and it's not possible that they, or any Man living should know that I have not taken it heretofore.

5. Here is no Oath that Richard Baxter Preached in a Conventicle before this Act, which is to be proved as well as that he did it after.

The great difficulty in this Act is, whether the general Words [ all such Persons as shall take on them to Preach ] be not to be taken as expounded in the Preamble limited to Non-conformists, and the un-ordained, as aforesaid. And it's plain, that it's not to be extended to Conformists. 1. Because the Law doth not dishonor them so far as to suspect them of poisonous Principles. 2. Else what ruin would it make in the Church, when every Pastor must no more come within five Miles of his Charge (no not the dignified Clergy) if any Enemy shall secretly swear that they once preached in an unlawful Assembly. 3. All the Conformable Clergy, and their Council are of this mind: For none of them take this Oath at the Sessions; and therefore none of them think they are bound to take it. Note, it is to be taken unoffered; and that on the Penalty of 40 l. if they come within five Miles of their Charge, though they were never so willing to take it after.

Objection 1. The Conformists need it not, because they keep no Conventicles.

Answ. 1. They are commanded many private Meetings, as private Visitations of the Sick, Baptisms, Communions, Perambulations in the Rogation-Week (when they use in Houses by the way to spend the time in Pious Instructions, Prayers, &c. ) And many of them repeat their Sermons in their Houses, which is as much Preaching as anything I have ever done.

2. And there are few public Assemblies, where some-what is not done contrary to the Liturgy, by Omissions, &c.

3. And every Man hath some Enemy, who may Swear that these are unlawful Assemblies.

Obj. 2. The Conformists have already Subscribed.

Answ. 1. That proveth that this Act intendeth them not, (and therefore not me, who Conform as far as any Law requireth me.)

2. It is one thing to [say I am of Opinion] and another thing to [Swear that so it is.]

3. I may say that [the Covenant bindeth me not to endeavor any Alteration of Church-Government] easilier than Swear [That I will never at any time endeavor it] when we once already so far endeavored it by Command, 1660. as His Majesty's Gracious Declaration about Eccles. Affairs expresseth; even while contrary Laws were in force.

§ 125. While I stayed in Prison, I saw some-what to blame myself for, and some-what to wonder at others for, and some-what to advise my Visitors about.

1. I blamed my Self that I was no more sensible of the Spiritual part of my Affliction, such as was the interruption of my Work, and the poor People from whom I was removed, and the advantage Satan had got against them, and the loss of my own public Liberty, for worshipping in the Assemblies of his Servants.

2. I marvelled at some who suffered no more than I, (as Mr. Rutherford, when he was confined to Aberdeen ) that their Sufferings occasioned them so great Joys as they express! which sure was from the Free Grace of God, to encourage others by their Examples, and not that their own Impatience made them need it much more than at other times. For surely so small a Suffering needeth not a quarter of the Patience, as many poor Nonconformable Ministers (and Thousands others) need, that are at liberty; whose own Houses, through Poverty, are made far worse to them, than my Prison was to me.

3. To my Visitors I found Reason, 1. To entreat my Acton -Neighbors, not to let their Passion against their Parson, on my account, hinder them from a due regard to his Doctrine, nor from any of the Duty which they owed him.

2. To blame some who aggravated my Sufferings, and to tell them, That I had no mind to fancy myself hurt before I felt it: I used at home to confine myself voluntarily almost as much: I had ten-fold more public a Life here, and converse with my Friends, than I had at home: If I had been to take Lodgings at London for six Months, and had not known that this had been a Prison, and had knocked at the Door and asked for Rooms, I should as soon have taken this which I was put into, as most in Town (save only for the Interruption of my sleep:) That it showeth great weakness to magnify a small Suffering, and much worse to magnify ourselves and our own Patience, for bearing so small a thing; (than which most poor Men in England bear more every Day.)

I found Cause to desire my Brethren, that when they suffered, they would remember that the design of Satan was more against their Souls than their Bodies: and that it was not the least of his hopes to destroy their Love, which w • s due to those by whom they suffered, and to dishonor Superiors, and by aggravating our Sufferings, to render them odious to the People: As also to make us take such a poor Suffering as this, for a sign of true Grace, instead of Faith, Hope, Love, Mortification, and a Heavenly Mind; and that the loss of one Grain of Love, was worse than a long Imprisonment: And that it much more concerned us, to be sure that we deserved not Suffering, than that we be delivered from it, and to see that we wronged not our Superiors, than that they wrong not us; seeing we are not near so much hurt by their Severities, as we are by our Sins. Some told me, that they hoped this would make me stand a little further from the Prelates and their Worship, than I had done. To whom I answered, That I wondered that they should think that a Prison should change my Judgment: I rather thought now it was my Duty to set a stricter watch upon my Passions, lest they should pervert my Judgment, and carry me into Extreams, in opposition to my Afflictors. (And not past a Year and half after, two Gentlemen turned Quakers in Prison.) If Passion made me lose my Love, or my Religion, the loss would be my own. And Truth did not change, because I was in a Goal. The temper of my Visitors called me much to this kind of talk.

§ 126. When I was in Prison, the Lord Chief Baron, at the Table at Serjeant's Inn, before the rest of the Judges, gave such a Character of me openly, without fear of any Man's displeasure, as is not fit for me to own, or recite, who was so much reverenced by the rest (who were everyone Strangers to me, save by hear-say) that I believe it much settled their Resolutions. The Lord Chief Justice Vaughan was no Friend to Nonconformity, or Puritans, but he had been one of Selden 's Executors, and so Judge Hale 's old Acquaintance: Judge Tyrell was a well-affected sober Man, and Serjeant Fountain 's Brother-in-Law by Marriage, and sometime his Fellow-Commissioner for keeping the Great Seal and Chancery: Judge Archer was one that privately favored Religious People: And Judge Wild, though greatly for the Prelates way, yet (was noted for) a Righteous Man. And these were the Four Judges of the Court.

§ 127. My Habeas Corpus being demanded at the Common Pleas, was granted, and a Day appointed for my Appearance: But when I came, the Judges, I believe, having not before studied the Oxford -Act, when Judge Wild had first said [I hope you will not use to trouble this Court with such Causes,] asked whether the King's Council had been acquainted with the Case, and seen the Order of the Court: which being denied, I was remanded back to Prison, and a new Day set: They suffered me not to stand at the Bar; but called me up on the Table (which was an unusual respect;) and they sent me not to the Fleet, as is usual, but to the same Prison, which was a greater favor.

§ 128. When I came next, the Lord Chief Justice coming towards Westminster Hall, went into White-Hall by the way, which caused much talk among the People. When he came, Judge Wild began, and having shown that he was no Friend to Conventicles, opened the Act, a • d then opened many defaults in the Mittimus, for which he pronounced it invalid; but in Civility to the Justices said, that the Act was so Penned, that it was a very hard thing to draw up a Mittimus by it (which was no Compliment to the Parliament.) Judge Archer next spake largely against the Mittimus, without any word of disparagement to the main Cause: And so did Judge Tyrell after him (I will not be so t • dious as to recite their Arguments:) Judge Vaughan concluded in the same manner, but with these two Singularities above the rest.

1. That he made it an Error in the Mittimus, that the Witnesses were not named; seeing that (the Oxford -Act giving the Justices so great a power) if the Witnesses be unknown, any innocent Person may be laid in Prison, and shall never know where, or against whom to seek remedy (which was a Matter of great moment.)

2. When he had done with the Cause, he made a Speech to the People, and told them, That by the appearance, he perceived that this was a Cause of as great Expectation as had been before them, and it being usual with People to carry away things by the halves, and their misreports might mislead others, he therefore acquainted them, That though he understood that Mr. Baxter was a Man of great Learning, and of a good Life, yet he having this singularity, the Law was against Conventicles, and it was only upon the Error of the Warrant that he was released; and that they use in their Charge at Assizes to inquire after Conventicles, and they are against the Law; so that if they that made the Mittimus had but known how to make it, they could not have delivered him, nor can do it for him on any that shall so transgress the Law.

This was supposed to be that which was resolved on, at White-Hall by the way. But he had never heard what I had to say in the main Cause, to prove myself no Transgressor of the Law: Nor did he at all tell them how to know, what a Conventicle is which the Common Law is so much against.

§ 129. Being discharged of my Imprisonment, my Sufferings began; for I had there better Health, than I had of a long time before or after; I had now more exasperated the Authors of my Imprisonment; I was not at all acquit as to the main Cause; they might ame • d their Mittimus, and lay me in again: I knew no way how to bring my main Cause (whether they had power to put the Oxford -Oath on me) to a legal Trial: And my Counselors advised me not to do it, much less to question the Justices for false Imprisonment, lest I were born down by power. I had now a great House of great Rent on my Hands, which I must not come to: I had no House to dwell in; I knew not what to do with all my Goods and Family; I must go out of Middlesex; I must not come within five Miles of City, Corporation, &c. where to find such a place, and therein a House, and how to remove my Goods thither; and what to do with my House the while, till my time expired, were more trouble than my quiet Prison by far; and the Consequents yet worse.

§ 130. Gratitude commandeth me to tell the World who were my Benefactors in my Imprisonment, and Calumny as much obligeth me, because it is said among some, that I was 〈◊〉 by it; Serjeant Fountain 's general Counsel ruled me; Mr. Wallop, and Mr. Offley sent me their Counsel, and would take nothing. Of four Serjeants that pleaded my Cause, two of them, Serjeant Windham (afterwards Baron of the Exchequer) and Serjeant Sise, would take nothing. Sir John Bernard (a Person that I never saw but once) sent me no less than Twenty Pieces; and the Countess of 〈◊〉 Ten Pound; And Alderman Bard Five; and I received no more; but I confess more was offered me, which I refused; and more would have been, but that they knew I needed it not. And this much defrayed my Law, and Prison Charges.

§ 131. When the same Justices saw that I was thus discharged, they were not satisfied to have driven me from Acton, but they make a new Mittimus, by Counsel, as for the same (supposed) Fault, naming the Fourth of June as the Day on which I preached, and yet not naming any Witness (when the Act against Conventicles was expired long before.) And this Mittimus they put into an Officer's hands in London, to bring me not to Clerkenwell, but among the Thieves and Murderers, to the common Jail at Newgate, which was since the Fire (which burnt down all the better Rooms) the most noisome place that I have heard of (except the Tower Dungeon) of any Prison in the Land.

§ 132. The next Habitation which God's Providence chose for me, was at Totteridge, near Barnet, where for a Year, I was fain, with part of my Family separated from the rest, to take a few mean Rooms, which were so extremely smoky, and the place withal so cold, that I spent the Winter in great pain; one quarter of a Year by a sore Sciatica, and seldom free from such Anguish.

§ 133. It would trouble the Reader for me to reckon up the many Diseases, and Dangers for these ten Years past, in, or from which, God hath delivered me; though it be my Duty not to forget to be thankful. Seven Months together I was lame, with a strange Pain in one Foot; Twice delivered from a Bloody Flux; a spurious Cataract in my Eye (with incessant Webs and Net-works before it.) hath continued these eight Years, without disabling me one Hour from Reading or Writing: I have had constant Pains and Languors, with incredible Flatulency in Stomach, Bowels, Sides, Back, Legs, Feet, Heart, Breast, but worst of all, either painful Distentions, or usually vertiginous or stupefying Conquests of my Brain, so that I have rarely one Hour's, or quarter of an Hour's ease. Yet, through God's Mercy, I was never one Hour Melancholy, and not many Hours in a Week disabled utterly from my Work, save that I lost time in the Morning, for want of being able to rise early: And lately, an Ulcer in my Throat, with a Tumour, of near half a Year's continuance, is healed without any means. In all which I have found such merciful Disposals of God, such suitable Chastisements for my Sin, such plain Answers of Prayer, as leave me inexcusable if they do me not good. Besides many sudden and acuter Sicknesses, which God hath delivered me from, not here to be numbered; his upholding Mercy under such continued weaknesses, with tolerable, and seldom disabling Pains, hath been invaluable.

§ 134. I am next to give some short account of my Writings since 1665. 1. A small MS. lieth by me, which I wrote in Answer to a Paper which Mr. Caryl of Sussex sent me, written by Cressy (called now Serenus ) about Popery.

§ 135. 2 Mr. Yates of Hambden, Minister, sending me the Copy of a Popish Letter, as spread about Oxford, under the Mask of one doubting of Christianity, and calling the Scholars to a Trial of their Faith, in Principles, did by the Juggling Fraud, and the slightness of it, provoke me to write my book called, The Reasons of the Christian Religion. And the Philosophy of Gassendi, and many more besides the Hobbians, now prevailing, and inclining men to Sadducism, induced me to write the Appendix to it, about the Immortality of the Soul.

§ 136. 3. Oft Conference with the Lord Chief Baron Hale, put those Cases into my mind, which occasioned the writing of another short Piece, of the Nature and Immortality of the Soul, by way of Question and Answer (not printed.)

§ 137. 4. The great Weaknesses, and Passions, and Injudiciousness of many Religious Persons, and the ill effects; and especially perceiving that the Temptations of the Times, yea the very Reproofs of the Conformists, did but increase them among the separating party, caused me to offer a book to be Licensed, called, Directions to weak Christians how to grow in grace, with a second part, being Sixty Characters of a Sound Christian, with as many of the Weak Christian and the Hyyocrite; Which I the rather writ to imprint on men's minds a right apprehension of Christianity, and to be as a Confession of our Judgment in this malignant Age, when some Conformists would make the World believe, that it is some menstruous thing composed of Folly and Sedition, which the Nonconformists mean by a Christian and a Godly Man. This Book came forth when I was in Prison, being long before refused by Mr. Grigg.

§ 138. 5. A Cristian Directory, or Summ of Practical Divinity in Folio, hath lain finished by me, many years; (and since twice printed.

§ 139. 6. My Bookseller desiring some Additions to my Sermon before the King, I added a large Directory of the whole Life of Faith, which is its Title, which is published.

§ 140. 7. Abundance of Women first, and Men next growing at London, into separating Principles; Some thinking that it was sin to hear a Conformist; and more, That it is a sin to pray according to the Common Prayer with them; and yet more, That it is a sin to Communicate with them in the Sacrament: And the Conformists abominating their House-Meetings as Schismatical; and their Distance and Passions daily increasing, even among many, to earnest desires of each other's Ruin, I thought it my Duty to add another part to my book of Directions to weak Christians, being Directions what course they must take to avoid being Dividers, or troublers of the Churches: The rather because I knew what the Papists and Infidels would gain by our Divisions, and of how great necessity it is against them both, that the honest moderate part of the Conformists, and the Nonconformists, be reconciled, or at least grow not into mortal Enmity against each other. This Book was offered to Mr. Sam. Parker, the Archbishop's Chaplain to be Licensed, but he refused it; and so I purposed to cast it by: But near two years after, Mr. Grove, the Bishop of London 's Chaplain (without whom I could have had nothing of mine Licensed, I think) did License it, and it was published; of which more anon.

§ 141. 8. About this time I heard Dr. Owen talked very yieldingly of a Concord betweent the Independents and Presbyterians (which all seemed willing of.) I had before, about 1658. written somewhat in order to Reconciliation; and I did (by the invitation of his Speeches) offer it to Mr. Geo. Griffiths to be considered: And near a twelve-month after he gave it me again, without taking notice of anything in it. I now resolved to try once more with Dr. Owen: And though all our business with each other had been contradiction; I thought it my Duty without any thoughts of former things, to go to him, and be a Seeker of Peace: which he seemed to take well, and expressed great desires of Concord, and also many moderate Concessions, and how heartily he would concur in anything that tended to a good agreement. I told him, That I must deal freely with him. that when I thought of what he had done formerly, I was much afraid lest one that had been so great a breaker, would not be made an Instrument in healing: But in other Respects I thought him the fittest man in England for this Work; partly because he could understand the Case, and partly, because his Experience of the Humours of Men, and of the mischiefs of dividing Principles and Practises, had been so very great, that if Experience should make any man wise, and fit for an healing Work, it should be him: And that a book which he had lately written (a Catechism for Independency) offensive to others, was my chief Motive to make this Motion to him; because he there giveth up two of the worst of the Principles of Popularity; acknowledging,

1. That the People have not the Power of the Keys.

2. That they give not the Power of the Keys, or their Office-Power to the Pastors. I told him that I had before this driven on an Agreement between the Presbyterians and Independents, in another manner, but that I plainly saw, that while the Lord Chancellor, and such others, were still talking of Plots and Conspiracies, they would be so jealous of our Union, that they would give out, that we were strengthening ourselves by it, as Confederacy against the King; and it would have tended to the sudden increase of our Suffering. He answered me, That for his part, he thought the Work so necessary, that he would trust God, and overlook such dangers. I told him, That the danger being so visible, Prudence in the management of the Work was our Duty, though not carnal Policy to desert it. The great difficulty had always been to find out the Terms on which we must be United, if ever it be done: This was it which could not be done in the Assembly at Westminster, nor in all the Years of our Liberty and Difference ever since. And this is a thing which a few Hands may dispatch, much better than many. I told him therefore, that my Opinion was, That he and I only should first try whether we could come to Agreement in Principles; and that none living might know of our Attempt till it was fininished; that if we could not agree, the notice of our Failing might not be a hindrance to others, nor a reproach to ourselves; but if we did agree, it were easy to make use of the Terms agreed on, when ever Prudence should tell us it was conducible to our Ends; and to get two or three of a side to Subscribe it first, till it were fit to make it public for the use of more.

This much we agreed on, and our next Question was of the method. I told him that as to the positive Terms of Concord, I thought that those Essentials of Religion and Communion, which are the Terms that all Christians must agree in, must be ours; and that we had not any new Terms to devise; but only some new Means to bring us to consent to Communion upon those Terms. To which end I thought it would be a good way to draw up a Writing, containing all the Points of Discipline, which the two Parties are really agreed in (great and small,) that while the World seeth the extent of their Agreement, the few things which they differ in may seem so small, among all those, and not to be sufficient to hinder their Communion. He approved of the Motion, and desired him to draw it up; which when he put off, I desired that each of us might bring in a Draught; but he would needs cast it on me alone.

When I had drawn up abundance of Theses as the Matter of our common Concord, and left them with him, the next time I came to him, he commended the thing, but said, that they were too many, and I could do it in a narrower room. I perceived by this, that his Thoughts were, that many that were among them, would not grant all those Points, and so it must be wider yet. I told him, that if he changed the Design, we must change the Means: If he thought it the better way to draw up only those Points which are necessary to our Agreement, then we must do it in as narrow a compass as may be; which being determined of, I urged him again in vain to do it: but he cast it upon me, and I brought him speedily a Draught of so many of the things which both Presbyterians and Independents are agreed in, as are necessary to their Practical Concord and Communion, with respect to the things in which they are, or seem disagreed. When he had kept them a few Weeks, I waited on him again and again; and he told me, that it was the fairest Offer, and the likeliest Means, that ever he yet saw; and he saw nothing yet but that it might well conduce to the End intended. I desired him to give me his Animadversions, 1. Of all that he took to be false or unfound in it. 2. Of all that he thought the two Parties were not agreed in. 3. Of all that he thought inconvenient and unapt to the End intended. 4. Of all that he thought unnecessary: which he consented to, and shortly after sent me this Letter (which intimateth his purpose of coming to me, because I invited him to take the Country Air with me, in a Cold that he had, &c. )

§ 142.

§ 143. For the Understanding of this, you must know, 1. That the way which we came to at last, for the publication of the Terms, if he and I had agreed secretly, should be, That as I had Printed such a thing called Universal Concord, 1660. which was neglected, so I would Print this as the Second Part of the Universal Concord, that it might lie some time exposed to view in the Shops, before we made any further use of it, that so the State might not suspect us for our Union, as if we intended them any ill by doing our Duty: which course he approved. 2. That I oft went to him, and he had written this Letter ready to send me, and so gave it me into my hand; but we first debated many things in presence, in all which there remained no apparent Disagreement at all, so far as we went: And in particular, the great Point about separating in the Cases enumerated, he objected no more but what I answered, and he seemed to acquiesce. 3. But I so much feared that it would come to nothing, that I ventured to tell him what a difficulty I feared it would be to him to go openly and fully according to his own Judgment, when the Reputation of former Actions, and present Interest in many that would censure him, if he went not after their narrowed Judgment, did lie in his way, and that I feared these Temptations more than his Ability and Judgment. But he professed full Resolutions to follow the Business heartily and unbyassedly, and that no Interest should move him. And so I desired him to go over my Proposals again, and fasten upon every Word that was either unsound, or hurtful, or unapt, or unnecessary, and every such Word should be altered: which he undertook to do; and so that was the way that we agreed on: but when I came home, I first returned him this following Answer to his Letter and Exceptions.

§ 144. After this I waited on him at London again, and he came once to me to my Lodgings, when I was in Town (near him;) And he told me, that he received my chiding Letter, and perceived that I suspected his Reality in the Business; but he was so hearty in it, that I should see that he really meant as he spake, concluding in these Words [You shall see it, and my Practice shall reproach your Diffidence.] I told him, That if I fore-saw his Temptations, and were willing to help him by Premonition to overcome them, I meant not that as an Accusation; but I thank'd him for his Promise, to reproach my Diffidence by his Practice, and such an Event would be his Honor, and let it reproach me and spare not, so be it the Work were done. But again, I desired that no one living might know of it, till he and I had finished our attempt. And thus I waited for his Animadversions.

§ 145. About a Month after I went to him again, and he had done nothing, but was still hearty for the Work. And to be short, I thus waited on him time after time, till my Papers had been near a Year and quarter in his Hand, and then I desired him to return them to me, which he did, with these Words, [I am still a well-wisher to those Mathematics;] without any other Words about them, or ever giving me anymore Exception against them. And this was the issue of my third Attempt for Union with the Independents.

§ 146. Having long (upon the Suspension of my Aphorisms) been purposing to draw up a Method of Theology, I now began it: I never yet saw a Scheme, or Method of Physicks or Theology, which gave any Satisfaction to my Reason: Tho' many have attempted to exercise more accurateness in Distribution, than all others that went before them, (especially Dud'ey, Fenner, Tzegedine, Sobnius, Gomarus, Ames, Treleatius, Wollebius, &c. and our present busy-boaster, Dr. Nich. Gibbon, in his Scheme) yet I could never yet see any whose Confusion, or great Defects, I could not easily discover, but not so easily amend. I had been Twenty Six Years convinced that Dichotomizing will not do it; but that the Divine Trinity in Unity, hath expressed itself in the whole Frame of Nature and Morality: And I had so long been thinking of a true Method, and making-some small Attempts, but I found my self insufficient for it; and so continued only thinking of it, and studying it all these Years. Campanella I saw had made the fairest Attempt that ever I saw made, in the Principles of Nature (and Commenius after him;) but yet as I believe, he quite mist it in his first operative Principles of Heat and Cold (mistaking the nature of Cold and Darkness;) so he run his three Principles, which he calleth Primalities, into many subsequent Notions, which were not provable or coherent: Having long read his Physicks, Metaphysics, de Sensu rerum, and Atheismus Triumphatus, I found him mention his Theology, which put me in hope, that he had there also made some Attempt, but I could never hear of any one that had seen any such Book of his: At last Mr. Geo. Lawson 's Theopolitica came out, which reduced Theology to a Method more Political and righter in the main, than any that I had seen before him: But he had not hit on the true Method of the Vestigia Trinitatis; and some long Debates by Writing between him and me, which had gone before (about 7 Years) had engaged him to make good his first Papers, in those mistakes about the Office of Faith in Justification (as Justifying only as Christ's Propitiation as the Object of it:) Of which in that Book he saith so much (to the pity rather than satisfaction of the Judicious:) his Book being otherwise the soundest, and most abounding with Light of any one that I have seen. But the very necessity of explaining the Three Articles of Baptism, and the Three Summaries of Religion (the Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Decalogue) hath led all the common Catechisms that go that way (of which Vrsine Corrected by Pareus is the chief.) into a truer Method, than any of our exactest Dichotomizers have hit on, (not excepting Treleatius, Solinius, or Ames, which are the best.)

§ 147. The Nature of things convinced me, That as Physicks are presupposed in Ethics, and that Morality is but the ordering of the Rational Nature and its Actions, so that part of Physicks and Metaphysics, which opened the Nature of Man, and of God, which are the Parties contracting, and the great Subjects of Theology and Morality, is more nearly pertinent to a Method of Theology, and should have a larger place in it, than is commonly thought and given to it: Yet I knew how Uncouth it would seem to put so much of these Doctrines into a Body of Divinity: But the three first Chapters of Genesis assured me, That it was the Scripture-Method. And when I had drawn up one Scheme of the Creation, and sent it the Lord Chief Baron (because of our often Communication on such Subjects, and being now banished from his Neighbourhood, and the County where he lived) he received it with so great Approbation, and importuned me so by Letters, to go on with that work, and not to fear being too much on Philosophy, as added somewhat to my Inclinations and Resolutions. And through the great Mercy of God, in my Retirement at Totteridge, in a troublesome, poor, smoky, suffocating Room, in the midst of daily pains of the Sciatica, and many worse, I set upon, and finished all the Schemes, and half the Elucidations in the end of the Year 1669. and the beginning of 1670. which cost me harder Studies than anything that ever I had before attempted.

§ 148. In the same time and place, I also wrote a large Apology for the Nonconformists: Partly, to prove it their Duty to Exercise their Ministry as they can when they are Silenced; and partly to open the State of the Prelacy, the Subscriptions, Declarations, &c. which they refuse: for the furious Revilings of Men did so increase, and their Provocations, and Accusations, and Insultings, were so many and great, that it drove me to this work as it were against my will: But when I had done it, I saw that the Publication of it would (by Imprisonment or Banishment) put an end to my other Labors, which made me lay it by; for I thought that the finishing of my Methodus Theology was a far greater work: But if that had been done, I think I should have published it whatever it had cost me.

§ 149. This Year 1670 my forementioned Cure of Church Divisions came out. which had been before cast by, which occasioned a storm of Obloquy among almost all the separating Party of Professors, and filled the City and Country with matters of Discourse: which fell out to be as followeth. I had long made use of two Booksellers, Mr. Tyton, and Mr. Simmons, the former, lived in London and the later in Kidderminster: But the latter removing to London, they envied each other, in a mere desire of gain, one thinking that the other got more than he was willing should go besides himself. Mr. Tyton first refused an equal Co-partnership with the other: Whereupon it fell to the others share to Print my Life of Faith, and Cure of Church Divisions, after my Directions to weak Christians, together: Which occasioned Mr. Tyton to tell several that came to his Shop, that the Book, as he heard, was against private Meetings, at least, at the time of Public, and made those Schimaticks that used them: Mr. Simmons met with a credible Citizen that gave it him under his Hand, that Mr. Tyton said that [he might have had the Printing of the Book, but would not, because it spake against those things which he had seen me Practice &c. ] which were all gross Untruths; for the Book was never offered him, nor had he never seen a word of it, or ever spoken with any one that had seen it, and told him what was in it. Mr. Tyton being a Member of an Independent Church, this sort of People the ea • ilier believed this; and so it was carried among them from one to one, first that I wrote against private Meetings, and then that I accused them all of Schism, and then that I wrote for Conformity, and lastly, that I conformed; so that before a Line of my Book was known, this was grown the common Fame of the City, and thence of all the Land, and sent as certain into Scotland and Ireland: yea, they named the Text that I preached my Recantation Sermon on before the King, as stirring him up to Cruelty against the Nonconformists. So common was the Sin of Back-biting and Slandering among the Separating Party, so it were but done at the second hand; and they that thought themselves too good to join with the Conformists, or use their Liturgy, or Communion, yet never stuck at the common carrying of all these Falshoods, because they could say, a good Man told it me. So that Thousands made no bones of this, that would not have defiled themselves with a Ceremony, or an imposed Form of Prayer, by any means. Yea, the Streets rang with Reproaches against me for it, without anymore proof.

Some said that I took part with the Enemies of Godliness, and countenanced their Church-Tyranny; and some said that I sought to reconcile myself to them, for fear of further Suffering: And thus the Christians that were most tenderly afraid of the Liturgy and Ceremonies, were so little tender of receiving and vending the most disingenuous Falshoods, as if they had been no matter of Scruple. So easy is a sinful Zeal, and so hardly is true Christian Zeal maintained.

§ 150. At the same time there fell out a Case which tended to promote the Calumny. The old Reading Vicar of Kidderminster died, about the Day of the Date of the Act against Conventicles) Sir Ralph Clare, his chief Friend, and my Applauder, but Remover, being dead a little before; the old Patron, Colonel John Bridges, Sold the Patronage to Mr. Thomas Foley, with a condition, that he should present me next, if I were capable; which he promised, as also, that he would Present no other but by my consent. Because I had done so much before to have continued in that place, and had desired to Preach there but as a Curate, under the Reading Vicar, when I resused a Bishopric, and the Vicarage was now come to be worth 200 l. per Ann. and this falling void at the same time, when the Independents had filled the Land with the Report that I was Writing against them for Conformity; hereupon the Bishops themselves believed it, that the love of Kidderminster would make me Conform; and they concurred in vending the Report, insomuch that one certainly told me, that he came then from a worthy Minister, to whom the Arch-bishop of York (Sterne) spake these Words, [ Take it on my Word, Mr. Baxter doth Conform, and is gone to his Beloved Kidderminster.] And so both Parties concurred in the false Report, though one only raised it.

§ 151. Another Accident fell out also, which promoted it. For Mr. Crofton having a Trial, (as I hear upon the Oxford Act of Confinement) at the King's Bench, Judge Keeling said, You need not be so hasty, for I hear that Mr. Crofton is about to Conform] And Judge Morton said, [ And I hear that Mr. Baxter hath a Book in the Press against their private Meetings: Judge Rainsford said somewhat, that he was glad to hear it; and Judge Morton again, That it was but time, for the Quakers in Buckingham-shire, he was confident were Acted by the Papists; for they spake for Purgatory already.] This Talk being used in so high a Court of Justice, by the Grave and Reverend Judges, all Men thought then that they might lawfully believe it and report it. So Contagious may the Breath of one Religious Man be, as to infect his Party; and of that Religious Party, as to infect the Land, and more than one Land, with the belief and report of such ungrounded Lies.

§ 152. At the same time, in the end of my Life of Faith, I Printed a Revocation of my Book called Political Aphorisms, or A Holy Common-wealth; which exasperated those who had been for the Parliament's War, as much as the former, but both together did greatly provoke them. Of which I must give the Reader this Advertisement. I wrote that Book 1659. by the provocation of Mr. James Harrington, the Author of Oceana; and next by the Endeavors of Sir Hen. Vane for a Commonwealth: Not that I had any Enmity to a well ordered Democracy; but 1. I knew that Cromwell and the Army, were resolved against it, and it would not be. 2. And I perceived that Harrington 's Common-wealth was fitted to Heathenism, and Vane 's to Fanaticism; and neither of them would take: Therefore I thought that the improvement of our Legal Form of Government was best for us: And by Harrington 's Scorn (Printed in a half Sheet of Gibberish ) was then provoked to write that Book. But the madness of the several Parties, before it could be Printed, pulled down Rich. Cromwell, and changed the Government so oft in a few Months, as brought in the King, contrary to the hopes of his closest Adherents, and the expectations of almost any in the Land.

And ever since the King came in, that Book of mine, was preached against before the King, spoken against in the Parliament, and wrote against by such as desired my Ruin: Morley, Bishop of Worcester, and many after him, branded it with Treason, and the King was still told that I would not retract it, but was still of the same mind, and ready to raise another War, and a Person not to be endured. New Books every Year came out against it; and even Men that had been taken for Sober and Religious, when they had a mind of Preferment, and to be taken notice of at Court, and by the Prelates, did fall on Preaching or Writing against me, and specially against that Book, as the probablest means to accomplish their Ends. When I had endured this ten Years, and found no stop, but that still they proceeded to make me odious to the King and Kingdom, and seeking utter ruin this way, I thought it my Duty to remove this stumbling Block out of their way, and without recanting any particular Doctrine in it, to revoke the Book, and to disown it, and desire the Reader to take it as non Scriptum, and to tell him that I repented of the writing of it. And so I did: Yet telling him, That I retracted none of the Doctrine of the first Part, which was to prove the Monarch of God; but for the sake of the whole second Part, I repented that I wrote it: For I was resolved at least to have that much to say, against all that after wrote, and preached, and talked against it, That I have revoked that Book, and therefore shall not defend it. And the incessant bloody Malice of the Reproachers, made me heartily wish, on two or three accounts, that I had never written it. 1. Because it was done just at the fall of the Government, and was buried in onr ruins, and never, that I know of, did any great good. 2. Because I find it best for Ministers, to meddle as little as may be with Matters of Poli • y, how great soever their Provocations may be: and therefore I wish that I had never written on any such Subject. 3. And I repented that I meddled against Vane and Harrington (which was the second Part) in Defense of Monarchy, seeing that the Consequents had been no better, and that my Reward had been to be silenced, imprisoned, turned out of all, and reproached implacably, and incessantly, as Criminal, and never like to see an end of it: He, that had wrote for so little, and so great displeasure, might be tempted as well as I, to wish that he had sat still, and let GOD and Man alone with Matters of Civil Policy. Though I was not convinced of many Errors in that Book, so called by some Accusers to recant, yet I repented the writing of it as an infelicity, and as that which did no good but hurt.

§ 153. But because an Appendix to that Book had given several Reasons of my adhering to the Parliament at first, many thought I changed my Judgment about the first part of the Parliament's Cause: And the rather, because I disclaimed the Army's Rebellious Overthrows of Government (as I had always done.) I knew I could not revoke the Book, but the busy pevishness of censorious Professors would fall upon me as a Revolter: And I knew that I could not for bear the said Revocation, without those ill Effects which I supposed greater. And which was worst of all, I had no possible Liberty further to explain any Reasons.

§ 154. When my Cure of Church Divisions came out, the sober Party of Ministers were reconciled to it; especially the Ancienter sort, and those that had seen the Evi • s of Separation: But some of the London Ministers, who had kept up Public Assemblies, thought it should have been less sharp; and some thought because they were under the Bishop's Severities, that it was unseasonable. For the Truth is, most Men judged by Sense, and take that to be good or bad, which they feel do them good or hurt at the present: And because the People's Alienation from the Prelates and Liturgy, and Parish-Churches, did seem to make against the Prelates, and to make for the Nonconformist's Interest, they thought it not Prudence to gratify the Prelates so far as to gain-say it. And so they considered not from whence dividing Principles come, and to what they tend, and what a disgrace they are to our Cause, and how one of our own Errors will hurt and disparage us more, than all the cruelty of our Adversaries; and that sinful means is seldom blessed to do good.

§ 155. But upon fore-fight of the tenderness of Professors, I had before given my Book to the Perusal of Mr. John Corbet, my Neighbor, (accounted one of the most Calm, as well as Judicious Nonconformists) and had altered every Word that he wished to be altered: And the same I had done by my very worthy Faithful Friend, Mr. Richard Fairclough, who Perused it in the Press, and I altered almost all that he wished to be altered, to take off any Words that seemed to be too sharp. But all did not satisfy the guilty and impatient Readers.

§ 156. For when the Book came out, the Separating Party, who had received before an odious Character of it, did part of them read and interpret it by the Spectacles and Commentary of their Passions and fore Conceits; and the most of them would not read it all; but took all that they heard for granted: The hottest that was against it was Mr. Ed. Bagshaw, a young Man, who had written formerly against Monarchy, had afterward written for me agains • Bishop Morley; and being of a resolute Roman Spirit, was sent first to the Tower, and then laid there in the horrid Dungeon (where the damp casting him into the Haemorrhoids, the Pain caused that Sweat which saved his Life:) Thence he was removed to Southb • y-Castle, near Portsmouth, in the Sea, where he lay Prisoner many Years; where Vivasor Powel (an honest injudicious Zealot of Wales ) being his Companion, heightened him in his Opinions. He wrote against me a Pamphlet so full of Untruths and Spleen, and so little pertinent to the Cause, as that I never met with a Man that called for an Answer to it: But yet the ill Principles of it made me think, that it needed an Answer, which I wrote. But I found that Party grown so tender, expecting little but to be applauded for their Godliness, and to be flattered, while they expected that others should be most sharply dealt with, and indeed to be so utterly impatient of that Language, in a Confutation which had any suitableness to the desert of their Writings, that I purposed to give over all Controversial Writings with them, or any other, without great necessity: And the rather, because my own Style is apt to be guilty of too much freedom and sharpness in Disputings.

§ 157. The next to Mr. Bagshaw (now again in Prison for not taking the Oath of Allegiance itself,) who behind my Back did most revile my Book, was Dr. Owen; whether out of Design or Judgment, I cannot tell; but ordinarily he spake very bitterly of it; but never wrote to me a Word against it: He also divulged his dissent from the Proposals for Concord, which I offered him, though he would say no more against them to myself, than what I have before expressed.

§ 158. At this time also one Hinkley of Norfield, near Worcester-shire, desiring to be taken notice of, wrote a virulent Book against the Nonconformists, and particularly some Falshoods against me, and a vehement Invitation to me to publish the Reasons of my Nonconformity; when he could not be so utterly ignorant as not to know, that I could never get such an Apology Licensed, and that the Law forbad me to Print it unlicensed, and that he himself taketh it for a Sin to break that Law. But such impudent Persons were still clamouring against us.

§ 159. By this time my own old Flock at Kidderminster began (some of them) to Censure me: For when the Bishop, and Deans, and many of their Curates, had preached long to make the People think me a Deceiver; as if this had been the only way to their Salvation, the People were hereby so much alienated from them, that they took them for Men unreasonable, and little better than mad; insomuch as that they grew more alienated from Prelacy than ever. Also, while they continued to repeat Sermons in their Houses together, many of them were laid long in Jayls, (among Thieves and common Malefactors; which increased their Exasperations yet more. They continued their Meetings whilst their Goods were Seised on, and they were Fined and Punished again and again. These Sufferings so increased their Aversation, that my Book against Church-Divisions coming out at such a time, and a Preface which I put before a Book of Dr. Bryan 's, in which I do but excuse his Speaking against Separation, they were many of them offended at it as unseasonable; and judging by feeling Interest and Passion, were angry with me for strengthening the Hands of Persecutors, as they call it; whereas if I had called the Bishops all that's naught, I am confident they would not have blamed me. And they that fell out with the Bishops for casting me out, and speaking ill of me, were (some of them) ready to speak ill of me, if not to cast me off, because I did but persuade them of the Lawfulness of Communicating in their Parish-Church, with a Conformable Minister in the Liturgy.

§ 160. At this time, as is said, the old reading Vicar dying it was cast on me to choose the next: But the Religious People (who were the main Body of the Town, and Parish) would not so much as choose a Man, when they might have had their choice; no, nor so much as write or send one word to one about it, lest they should seem to consent to his Conformity, or to be obliged to him in his Office. Whereupon I also refused to meddle in the Choice, and the rather because some of the malignant slanderous Prelatists who write of me, as Durel, L'strange, and many others have done, would in likelihood have said, that I contracted for some Commodity to myself; and because Mr. Foley the Patron was a truly honest Religious Man, who, I knew would make the best choice he could.

§ 161. When he had chosen them a Minister (whom they themselves commended for an honest Man and a good Preacher, and rather wished him than another) I wrote a Letter to them to advise them to join with the said Minister in Prayers and Sacrament; because I had before advised them not to own the Ministry of Mr. Dance, for his utter incapacity and insufficiency, but if ever they had a tolerable Man, to own him, and Communicate with him. And because he was the best, that the Patron by their Consent, could choose, and for many Reasons, which I gave them. But their Sufferings had so far alienated them from the Prelates, that the very rumour of this Letter was talked of as my Book against Divisions was, so that it was never so much as read to them.

§ 162. And here it is worth the nothing, how far Interest secretly swayeth the Judgments of the best. A few Ministers, who have a more taking way of Preaching than the rest, and being more moving and affectionate, are for that way now which most suiteth with the Inclination of the People who most esteem them, which is to go far enough from the Conformists, (or too far) but the rest who are less followed by the People, are generally more for Peace and Moderation.

§ 163. This Year the Act against Conventicles was renewed, and made more severe than ever: And (as all that ever I spake with of it, supposed) with an Eye upon my Case, they put in divers Clauses: As that the fault of the Mittimus should not disable it; that all doubtful Clauses in the Act should be interpreted, as would most favor the suppression of Conventicles; that they that fled or removed their Dwelling into another County, should be pursued by Execution, (to this Sense). What a strait is a Man in among People of such Extremes? One side pursueth us with implacable Wrath, while we are charged with nothing but Preaching Christ's Gospel in the most peaceable manner we can: And the other censureth us, as Compliers with Persecutors and Enemies to Piety, because we desire to live peaceable with all Men, and to separate from them no further than they separate from God.

§ 164. Their own Laws against Conventicles hinder us from doing their own Wills. They write and clamour against me for not persuading the People to Conformity: And when I would draw them but to that Communion, which I had within myself, the Law disableth me to Communicate a Letter to them, seeing no more than four must meet together; which way among many hundred or thousand Dissenters, would make many Years work of Communicating that one part of my Advice. Thus do our Shepherds use the Flocks.

§ 165. At this time Mr. Giles Firmin, a worthy Minister that had lived in New-England, writing against some Errors of Mr. Hooker, Mr. Shepherd, Mr. Daniel Rogers, and Mr. Perkins, gave me also also a gentle reproof, for tying Men too strictly to Meditation; whereto I wrote a short answer, called, A Review of the Doctrine of Meditation.

§ 166. A worthy Lady was perverted from the Lord's Day to the Saturday -Sabbath, desiring my Judgment, and Mr. Francis Bamfield, a Minster, who hath lain about seven Years in Dorchester -Goal (the Brother of Sir John Bamfield, deceased) being gone to the same Opinion, and many following them, I wrote by the Perswasion of some Friends, a small Tractate also on that Subject, to prove the divine appointment of the Lord's Day, and the cessation of the Jewish Sabbath.

§ 167. Dr. Manton (though he had the greatest Friends, and promise of Favor of any of the Presbyterians) was sent Prisoner to the Gatehouse for Preaching the Gospel in his own House, in the Parish where he had been called formerly to the Ministry, and for not taking the Oxford -Oath, and coming within five Miles of a Corporation; where he continued six Months: but it proved convenient to his • ase, because those six Months were spent in London, in a hot pursuit of such private Preaching, by Bands of Soldiers, to the terror of many, and the death of some.

§ 168. Madam, the King's Sister died in France, when she returned from visiting His Majesty in England, to his very great grief.

§ 169. Sir John Babor talked to the Lord Arlington of our late Treaty upon the Lord Keeper's Invitation, with Bishop Wilkins; whereupon Dr. Manton sent to me, as from him, to Communicate the Terms and Papers. But they were at Acton from whence they had driven me, and I had meddled enough in such Matters only to my cost. So that though he said the King was to see them, I could not then answer his desire, and I heard no more of it.

§ 170. Upon the Publication of my Book against Divisions, and the Rumour of my Conforming, the Earl of Lauder dale invited me to speak with him: Where he opened to me the purpose of taking off the Oath of Canonical Obedience, and all Impositions of Conformity in Scotland, save only that it should be necessary to sit in Presbyteries and Synods with the Bishops and Moderators (there being already no Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Subscription save only to the Doctrine of the Church:) Hereupon he expressed his great Kindness to me; and told me he had the King's Consent to speak with me, and being going into Scotland, he offered me what place in Scotland I would choose, either a Church, or a College in the University, or a Bishopric: And shortly after, as he went thither, at Barnet he sent for me; and I gave him the Answer following in these Papers, besides what I gave him by word to the same purpose. But when he came thither, such Acts against Conventicles were presently made, as are very well worthy the Reader's serious Persual, who would know the true Complexion of this Age.

§ 171.

One Reason more also, as additional, moveth me, That the People of Scotland would have such jealous Thoughts of a Stranger, especially at this time, when Fame hath rung it abroad that I Conform, that I should do little good among them, and especially when there are Men enough among themselves, that are able, if Impediments were removed.

§172. When the E. of Lauderdale was gone into Scotland, Sir Rob. Murrey, (a worthy Person, and one of Gresham -College-Society, and the Earl's great Confident) sent me the Frame of a Body of Church-Discipline for Scotland, and desired my Animadversions on it. I had not Power to Transcribe them, or make them known; but you may Conjecture what they were by my Animadversions. Only I may say, That the Frame was very handsomely contrived, and much Moderation was in it, but the main Power of Synods was contrived to be in the King.

§ 173. I had forgotten one passage in the former War of great remark, which put me into an amazemeut: The Duke of Ormond, and Council, had the cause of the Marquess of Antrim before them, who had been one of the Irish Rebels in the beginning of that War, (when in the horrid Massacre two hundred thousand Protestants were murdered:) His Estate being sequestered, he sought his restitution of it, when King Charles II. was restored. Ormond, and the Council judged against him as one of the Rebels: He brought his cause over to the King, and affirmed that what he did was by his Father's Consent, and Authority. The King referred it to some very worthy Members of his Privy-Council, to examine what he had to show: Upon Examination they reported that they found that he had the King's Consent, or Letter of Instructions for what he did, which amazed many: Hereupon His Majesty, Charles II. wrote to the Duke of Ormond and Council to restore his Estate, because it appeared to those appointed to examine it, that what he did was by his Father's Order or Consent: Upon this the Parliament's old Adherents grew more confident than ever of the righteousness of their Wars: And the very destroyers of the King (whom the first Parliamentarians called Rebels) did presume also to justify their Cause, and said that the Law of Nature did warrant them.

But it stopped not here: For the Lord Mazarine, and others of Ireland, did so far prosecute the Cause, as that the Marquess of Antrim was forced to produce in the Parliament of England in the House of Commons, a Letter of the King's, ( Cha I.) by which be gave him order for his taking up Arms: Which being read in the House, did put them into a Silence. But, yet so egregious was their Loyalty and veneration of Majesty, that it put them not at all one step out of the way which they had gone in. But the People without Doors talked strangely: Some said, Did you not persuade us that the King was against the Irish Rebellion? And that the Rebels belied him when they said that they had his Warrant or Commission? Do we not now see with what Mind he would have gone himself with an Army into Ireland to fight against them? A great deal more not here to be mentioned was vended seditiously among the People, the Sum of which was intimated in a Pamphlet which was Printed, called, Murder will out; in which they published the King's Letter, and Animadversions on it. Some that were still Loyal to the King did wish, that the King that now is, had rather declared, that his Father did only give the Marquess of Antrim Commission to raise an Army as to have helped him against the Scots, and that his turning against the English Protestants in Ireland, and the murdering of so many hundred thousand there, was against his Will: But quod scriptum erat, scriptum erat. And though the old Parliamentarians expounded the Actions and Declarations both of the then King and Parliament, by the Commentary of this Letter, yet so did not the Loyal Royalists; or at least thought it no reason to make any change in their Judgments, or stop in their Proceedings against the English Presbyterians, and other Non-conformable Protestants.

§ 174. In the beginning of December 1670. The Duke of Ormond, as he was returning home to Clarendon House in the Night, was seized on by six Men, who set him on Horseback to have carried him away. But he was rescued before they could accomplish it.

Shortly after, some of his Majesty's Life-Guard surprised Sir John Coventrig, a Member of the House of Commons, and cut his Nose, which occasioned a great heat in the House, and at last that Act which is newly passed for preventing of the like. Many Murders and outrages, and cutting of Noses were committed also on other Persons. But the greatest Noise was made by certain Dukes and Lord's that went in a torrent of Jovialty to a defamed House in a Street, called Whetstone-Park, and when the wretched Women cried for help, the Beadle came in with some Watchmen, and they killed him presently. Whilst such things went on, the House of Commons was busy about an Act to make all forbidden Meetings for God's Worship, Preaching and Praying by the silenced Ministers, to be severelier yet punished as Routs and Riots.

§ 175. There happened a great rebuke to the Nobility and Gentry of Dublin in Ireland, which is related in their Gazette in these words. [ Dubl. Dec. 27.

So far the Gazette. About seventeen or eighteen died then, and of their Wounds. The first Letters that came to London of it, filled the City with the report, that it was a Play in scorn of Godliness, and that I was the Person acted by the Scorner, as a Puritan, and that he that represented me was set in the Stocks, when the fall was, and his Leg broke. But the Play was Ben. Johnson 's Bartholomew-Fair, with a sense added for the times, in the which the Puritan is called a Banbury Man, and I cannot learn that I was named, nor meddled with more than others of my Condition, unless by the Actor's dress they made any such reflecting Intimations.

§ 176. The Lord Lucas, and the Earl of Clare made two vehemently cutting Speeches before the King (who now came frequently to the Lord's House.) The first declaring the frustration of their hopes, and the addition of much more to their sufferings, Calamities, and dangers since the King came in, and aggravated the stupendous expense of Moneys; and the of the Commons in a Bill then sent up for giving no less than three Millions (said he) at once, and provoking the Lord's to stop their Excesses: The other was against the King's sitting so ordinarily in the Lord's House, and that without his Robes, &c. There were Copies of the Lord Lucas 's Speech given out, which increased the offense; and at last it was burned by the Hangman, and ere long he died.

§ 177. The Irish Men, called the Rebels, petitioned the King by the hands of Colonel Richard Talbot, a Papist, Servant to the Duke of York ) for a re-hearing against the former Judgments that had deprived many of them of their Lands; that so they might be restored to them, and the English dispossessed, which offended the House of Commons as well as the English Nation, and caused some Votes, which signified their Offence, and the King at present cast aside their Petition.

§ 178. Lamentable Complaints came from the Protestants of France for the severities more and more used against them; their Churches pulled down, and after Montaban, their other University of Lanmors decreed to be prohibited.

§ 179. In the latter end of this Year, the Bishops and their Agents gave out their great fears of Popery, and greatly lamented that the Dutchess of York was turned Papist, and thereupon gave out that they greatly desired that some of the presbyterians (as they called even the Episcopal Nonconformists) might by some abatement of the New Oaths and Subscriptions have better invitation to conform in other things: Bishop Morley, Bishop Ward, and Bishop Dolbin spake ordinarily their desires of it; but after long talk there is nothing done, which maketh Men variously interpret their Pretensions, which time at last will more certainly expound. Some think that they are real in their desires, and that the • indrance is from the Court: And others say, they would never have been the grand causes of our present Case, if it had been against their Wills, and that if they are yet truly willing of any healing, they will show it by more than their discourses, (as a Man would do when the City was on Fire, that had a mind to quench it) and that all this is but that the Odium may be diverted from themselves, while that which they take on them to fear, is accomplished. But I hope yet they are not so bad as this Censure doth suppose. But it's strange that those same Men that so easily led the Parliament to what is done (when they had given the King thanks for his Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs) can do nothing to bring them to moderate abatements, and the healing of our Breaches, if they are truly willing. For my part, I suspend my Judgment of their Intents, till the Event shall make me understand it. Grant Lord that it be not yet too late; for Charity commandeth us to take nothing of others minds for certain, till we have certain Proof; how perilous soever our Charitable hopes may prove.

§ 180. Mr. Bagshaw wrote a Second Book against my Defense, full of untruths, which the furious, temerarious Man did utter, or the rashness of his Mind, which made him so little heed what he had read, and answered, as that one would scarce think he had ever read my Book: I replied to him in an Admonition, telling him of his mistakes. To which he pretended a Rejoinder in a third Libel, but I found as I was told, that his design was to silence almost all that I said, and to say all that he thought might make me odious, because that those that read his Books would not read mine, and so would believe him, and be no whit informed by my answers at all.

§ 181. This same year 1671. I was desired by my Friend and Neighbor, Mr. John Corbet, to write somewhat to satisfy a good man that was fallen into deep melancholy, feeding it daily with the thoughts of the number that will be damned, and tempted by it to constant Blasphemy against the goodness of God, who could save them, and would not, but decreed their damnation: And I wrote a few Sheets, called, The vindication of God's Goodness, which Mr. Corbet with a prefixed Epistle published.

§ 182. Also Dr. Ludov. Molineus was so vehemently set upon by the crying down of the Papal, and Prelatical Government, that he thought it was the work that he was sent into the World for, to convince Princes that all Government was in themselves, and no proper Government, but only Perswasion belonged to the Churches; to which end he wrote his Paraenesis contra aedificatores Imperii in Imperio, and his Papa Vltrajectinus, and other Tractates, and thrust them on me, to make me of his mind; and at last wrote his Iugulum Causae, with no less than seventy Epistles before it, directed to Princes and men of Interest, among whom he was pleased to put one to me. The good Man meant rightly in the main, but had not a head sufficiently accurate for such a Controversy, and so could not perceive that anything could be called properly Government, that was no way coactive by Corporal Penalties: To turn him from the Erastian Extreme, and end that Controversy by a Reconciliation, I published an Hundred Propositions conciliatory, and of the difference between the Magistrate's power, and the Pastor's.

§ 183. Also one Dr. Edward Fowler (a very ingenious sober Conformist) wrote two Books: One an • Apology for the Latitudinarians, as they were then called; the other entitled, Holyness the design of Christianianity; in which he sometimes put in the word [only] which gave offense, and the Book seemed to some to have a scandalous design, to obscure the Glory of free Justification, under pretence of extolling Holiness as the only design of Man's Redeemption: Which occasioned a few Sheets of mine on the said Book and Question for reconciliation, and clearing up of the Point: Which when Mr Fowler saw, he wrote to me to tell me that he was of my Judgment, only he had delivered that more generally which I opened more particularly, and that the word [only] was Hyperbolically spoken, as I had said; but he spake feelingly against those quarrelsome men that are readier to censure than to understand. I returned him some advice to take heed, lest their weakness, and censoriousness, should make him too angry and impatient with Religious People as the Prelates are, and so run into greater Sin than theirs, and favor a looser Party because they are less censorious. To which he returned me so ingenious and hearty thanks, as for as great Kindness as ever was shown him, as told me that free and friendly Counsel to wise and good men is not lost.

§ 184. I was troubled this Year with multitudes of melancholy Persons, from several Parts of the Land, some of high Quality, some of low, some very exquisitely learned, some unlearned; (as I had in a great measure been above twenty years before.) I know not how it came to pass, but if men fell melancholy, I must hear from them or see them (more than any Physician that I know.) Which I mention only for these three uses to the Reader; that out of all their Cases I have gathered. 1. That we must very much take heed lest we ascribe Melancholy Phantasms and Passions to God's Spirit: for they are strange apprehensions that Melancholy can cause (though Bagshaw revile me for such an intimation, as if it were injurious to the Holy Ghost.) 2. I would warn all young Persons to live modestly, and keep at a sufficient distance from Objects that tempt them to carnal Lust, and to take heed of wanton Dalliance, and the beginnings or Approaches of this Sin, and that they govern their Thoughts and Senses carefully. For I can tell them by the sad Experience of many, that venerous Crimes leave deep wounds in the Conscience; and that those that were never guilty of Fornication, are oft cast into long and lamentable Troubles, by letting Satan once into their Phantasies, from whence 'till Objects are utterly distant, he is hardly got out; especially when they are guilty of voluntary active Self-pollution. But above all I warn young Students, and Apprentices, to avoid the beginnings of these Sins; for their Youthfulness and Idleness are oft the incentives of it, when poor laboring Men are in less danger; and they little know what one Spark may kindle. 3. I advise all Men to take heed of placing Religion too much in Fears, and Tears, and Scruples; or in any other kind of Sorrow, but such as tendeth to raise us to a high Estimation of Christ, and to the magnifying of Grace, and a sweeter taste of the Love of God, and to the firmer Resolution against Sin: And that Tears and Grief. be not commended inordinately for themselves, nor as mere Signs of a Converted Person: And that we call Men more to look after Duty than after Signs as such; •• t Self-love on Work and spare not; so you will call them much more to the Love of God, and let them know that that Love is their best sign, but yet to be exercised on a higher Reason, than as a sign of our own Hopes: for that Motive alone will not produce true Love to God. And as the Antinomians. too much exclude Humiliation and signs of Grace, so too many of late have made their Religion to consist too much in the seeking of these out of their proper time and place, without referring them to that Obedience, Love and Joy, in which true Religion doth principally consist.

Reader, I do but transcribe these three Counsels for thee, from a Multitude of Melancholy Persons sad Experiences.

§ 185. This Year Salisbury -Diocese was more fiercely driven on to Conformity, by Dr. Seth Ward, their Bishop, than any place else, or than all the Bishops in England besides did in theirs. Many Hundreds were Prosecuted by him with great Industry. And among others, that learned, humble, holy Gentleman, Mr. Thomas Grove, an Ancient Parliament-Man; of as great Sincerity and Integrity, as almost any Man I ever knew: He stood it out a while in a Law-Suit, but was overthrown, and fain to forsake his Country, as many Hundreds more are quickly like to do.

§ 186. And his Name remembereth me, that Ingenuity obligeth me to Record my Benefactor. A Brother's Son of his, Mr. Rob. Grove, is one of the Bishop of London 's Chaplains, who is the only Man that Licenseth my Writings for the Press, (supposing them not to be against Law, which else I could not expect;) And besides him alone, I could get no Licenser to do it. And because being Silenced, Writing is the far greatest part of my remaining Service to God for his Church, and without the Press my Writings would be in vain, I acknowledge that I owe much to this Man, and one Mr. Cook, the Arch-bishop's Chaplain heretofore, that I live not more in vain.

§ 187. And while I am acknowledging my Benefactors, I add, that this Year died Serjeant John Fountain, the only Person from whom I received an Annual Sum of Money; which though through God's Mercy I needed not, yet I could not in Civility refuse: He gave me 10 l. per Ann. from the time of my Silencing 'till his Death: I was a Stranger to him before the King's Return; save that when he was Judge (before he was one of the Keepers of the Great Seal) he did our Country great Service against Vice. He was a Man of a quick and sound Understanding, an upright impartial Mind and Life, of too much testiness in his weakness, but of a most believing serious Fervency towards God, and open zealous owning of true Piety and Holiness (without owning the little Partialities of Sects) as most Men that ever I came near in Sickness: When he lay sick, (which was almost a Year) he sent to the Judges and Lawyers that sent to visit him, such Answers as these: [I thank your Lord, or Master, for his kindness: Present my Service to him, and tell him, It is a great Work to Die well; his time is near; all worldly Glory must come down; entreat him to keep his Integrity, over-come Temptations, and please God, and prepare to Die.] He deeply bewailed the great Sins of the Times, and the Prognostics of dreadful things which he thought we were in danger of: And though in the Wars he suffered Imprisonment for the King's Cause, towards the end he came from them, and he greatly feared an inundation of Poverty, Enemies, Popery and Infidelity.

§ 188. The great Talk this Year was of the King's Adjourning the Parliament again for about a Year longer; and whether we should break the Triple League, and desert the Hollanders, &c.

§ 189. Before they were Adjourned, I secretly directed some Letters to the best of the Conforming Ministers, telling them how much it would conduce to their own, and the Churches Interest, if they that might be heard, would become Petitioners for such Abatements in Conformity, as might let in the Non-conformists, and unite us; seeing two things would do it. 1. The removal of Oaths and Subscriptions, save our Subscription to Christianity, the Scriptures, and the 39 Articles, and the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. 2. To give leave to them that cannot use all the Liturgy and Ceremonies, to be but Preachers in those Churches where they are used by others; submitting to Penalties if ever they be proved to Preach against the Doctrine, Government, or Worship of the Church, or to do any thing against Peace, or the Honor of the King and Governors. But I could get none to offer such a Petition. And when I did but mention our own petitioning the Parliament, those that were among them, and familiar with them, still laughed at me for imagining that they were reasonable Creatures, or that Reason signified anything with them in such Matters. And thus we were Silenced every way.

§ 190. During the Mayoralty of Sir Samuel Sterling, many Jury's Men in London were Fined and Imprisoned by the Judge, for not finding certain Quakers guilty of violating the Act against Conventicles. They Appealed and sought remedy. The Judges remained about a Year in suspense; and then by the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan delivered their Resolution against the Judge for the Subject's Freedom from such force of Fines, that when he had in a Speech of two or three Hours long, spoke vehemently to that purpose, never thing, since the King's Return, was received with greater Joy and Applause by the People; and the Judges still taken for the Pillars of Law and Liberty.

§ 191. The Parliament having made the Laws against Nonconformists Preaching, and private Religious Meetings, &c. so grinding and terrible as aforesaid, the King (who consented to those Laws) became the sole Patron of the Nonconformist's Liberties; not by any Abatements by Law, but by his own Connivance as to the Execution, the Magistrates for the most part doing what they perceived to be his Will. So that Sir Rich. Ford, all the time of his Mayoralty in London (though supposed one of their greatest and most knowing Adversaries) never disturbed them. The Ministers in several Parties were oft encouraged to make their Addresses to the King, only to acknowledge his Clemency by which they held their Liberties; and to profess their Loyalty: Sir John Babor introduced Dr. Manton, and some with him; Mr. Ennis, a Scotch Non-conformist by Sir Rob. Murray, introduced Mr. Whittakers, Dr. Annesley, Mr. Watson, and Mr. Vincent 's. The King (as they say themselves) told them, That though such Acts were made, He was against Persecution, and hoped ere long to stand on his own Legs, and then they should see how much he was against it. By this means many score Nonconformable Ministers in London kept up Preaching in private Houses: Some 50, some 100, many 300, and many 1000, or 2000 at a Meeting, by which for the present, the City's Necessities were much supplied. For very few burnt Churches were yet built up again, (about 3 or 4 in the City) which yet never moved the Bishops to relent, and give any Favor to the Preaching of Nonconformists. And though the best of England of the Conformists, for the most part, were got up to London, alas! they were but few: And the most of the Religious People were more and more alienated from the Prelates and their Churches.

§ 192. Those that from the beginning thought they saw plainly what was doing, lamented all this: They thought that it was not without great Wit, that seeing only a Parliament was trusted before the King with the People's Liberties, and could raise a War against him, (Interest ruling the World) it was contrived that this Parliament should make the severest Laws against the Nonconformists to grind them to dust, and that the King should allay the Execution at his pleasure, and become their Protector against Parliaments; and they that would not consent to this should suffer. And indeed, the Ministers themselves seemed to make little doubt of this: But they thought, 1. That if Papists shall have liberty, it is as good for them also to take theirs, as to be shut out: 2. And that it is not lawful for them to refuse their present Liberty, though they were sure that Evil were designed in granting it. 3. And that before Men's desig • s can come to ripeness, God hath many ways to frustrate them, and by drawing one Pin, can let fall the best contrived Fabric. But still remember, that all Attempts to get any Comprehension (as it was then called) or abatement of the Rigour of the Laws, or Legal Liberty and Union, were most effectually made void.

§ 193. At this time there was Printed in Holland, the Thesis, or Exercise Performed at the Commencement, for the Degree of Dr. of Law, by one of the King's Subjects, a Scots-Man, Rob. Hamilton: In which he largely proveth the Necessity of a standing Treasury in a Kingdom, and the power of the King to raise it, and impose Tributes without the People's Consent, and Dedicating it to the King, and largely applying it to England, he showeth that Parliaments have no Legislative Power but what the King giveth them, who may take it from them when He seeth Cause, and put them down, and raise Taxes according to his own Discretion, without them: And that Parliaments and M • gna Charta, are no impediments to him, but Toys; and that what Charter the former Kings did grant, could be no Band on their Successors (forgetting that so he would also disoblige the People from the Agreements made by their Predecessors (as e. g. that this Family successively shall rule them, &c. ) with much more. Whom Fame made to be the Animater of this Tractate, I pass by.

§ 194. There was this Year a Man much talked of for his Enterprises, one Major Blood, an English-man of Ireland. This Man had been a Soldier in the old King's Army against the Parliament, and seeing the Cause lost, he betook himself towards Ireland, to live upon his own Estate. In his way he fell in Company with the Lancashire Ministers, who were then Writing against the Army, and against all violence to King or Parliament. Blood being of an extraordinary Wit, falls acquainted with them, and not thinking that the Presbyterians had been so true to the King, he is made the more capable of their Counsel; so that in short he became a Convert, and married the Daughter of an honest Parliament Man of that Country: And after this in Ireland he was a Justice of Peace, and Famous for his great Parts and upright Life, and success in turning many from Popery. When the King was Restored, and he saw the old Ministers Silenced in the Three Kingdoms, and those that had Surprized Dublin-Castle for the King from the Anabaptists, cast aside, and all things go contrary to his Judgment and Expectation, being of a most bold and resolute Spirit, he was one that plotted the Surprizing of the D. of Ormond, and of Dublin Castle. But being de • ected and prevented, he fled into England: There he lived disguised, practicing Physic, called Dr. Clarke, at Rumford, When some Prisoners were carried to be put to Death at York, for a Plot, he followed and Rescued them, and set them free: At last it was found to be He, with his Son, and three or four more, that attempted to Surprize the D. of Ormond; and to have carried him to Holland, where he had a Bank of Money, and to have made him there to pay his Arrears. Missing of that Exploit, he made a bolder Attempt, even to fetch the King's Crown and Jewels out of the Tower; where pretending Friendship to the Keeper of it, He, with two more (his Son, and one Perrot ) suddenly Gag'd the old Man, and when he cried out, he struck him on the Head, but would not kill him, and so went away with the Crown. But as soon as ever they were gone, the Keeper's Son cometh in, and finds his Father, and heareth the Cafe, and runs out after them, and Blood, and his Son, and Perrot were taken. Blood was brought to the King, and expected Death; but he spake so boldly that all admired him: telling the King, How many of his Subjects were disobliged, and that he was one that took himself to be in a State of Hostility: and that he took not the Crown as a Thief, but an Enemy, thinking that lawful which was lawful in a War; and that he could many a time have had the King in his power, but that he thought his Life was better for them than his Death, lest a worse succeed him; and that the number of Resolute Men disobliged were so great, as that if his Life were taken away, it would be revenged: That he intended no hurt to the Person of the D. of Ormond, but because he had taken his Estate from him, he would have forced him to restore the value in Money: and that he never Robb'd, nor shed Blood, which if he would have done, he could easily have killed Ormond, and easily have carried away the Crown. In a word, he so behaved himself, that the King did not only release and pardon him, but admit him frequently to his presence. Some say, because his Gallantry took much with the King, having been a Soldier of his Father's: Most say, That he put the King in fear of his Life, and came off upon Condition that he would endeavor to keep the discontented Party quiet.

§ 195. Mr. Bagshaw (in his rash and ignorant Zeal, thinking it a Sin to hear a Conformist, and that the way to deal with the Persecutors was to draw all the People as far from them as we could, and not to hold any Communion with any that did Conform) having Printed his Third Reviling Libel against me, called for my Third Reply, which I Entitled [ The Church told of, &c.] But being Printed without License, Lestrange, the Searcher, Surprized part of it in the Press (there being lately greater Penalties laid on them that Print without License, than ever before:) And about the Day that it came out, Mr. Bagshaw died (a Prisoner, though not in Prison:) Which made it grievous to me to think that I must seem to write against the Dead. While we wrangle here in the dark, we are dying and passing to the World that will decide all our Controversies: And the safest Passage thither is by peaceable Holiness.

§ 196. About Ian. 1. the King caused his Exchequer to be shut up: So that whereas a multitude of Merchants, and others, had put their Money into the Banker's hands, and the Bankers lent it to the King, and the King gave Order to pay out no more of it, of a Year, the murmur and complaint in the City was very great, that their Estates should be (as they called it) so surprised: And the rather, because it being supposed • o be in order to the Assisting of the French in a War against the Dutch, they took a Year to be equal to perpetuity, and the stop to be a loss of all, seeing Wars use to increase Necessities, and not to supply them. And among others, all the Money (and Estate, except 10 l. per Ann. for 11 or 12 Years) that I had in the World of my own (not given away to others, whom Charity commanded me to give it to for their Maintenance, before) was there: which indeed was not my own; which I will mention to Counsel any Man that would do good, to do it speedily, and with all their might. I had got in all my Life the just Sum of 1000 l. Having no Child, I devoted almost all of it to a Charitable Use (a Free-School, &c. ) I used my best and ablest Friends for 7 Years with all the Skill and Industry I could, to help me to some Purchase of House or Land to lay it out on, that it might be accordingly settled: And though there were never more Sellers, I could never by all these Friends hear of any that Reason could encourage a Man to lay it out on as secure, and a tolerable Bargain: So that I told them, I did perceive the Devil 's Resistance of it; and did verily suspect that he would prevail, and I should never settle, but it would be lost: So hard is it to do any good when a Man is fully resolved, that divers such Observations verily confirm me, That there are Devils that keep up a War against Goodness in the World.

§ 197. The great Preparations of the French to invade the Vnited Provinces, and of the English to assist them, do make now the Protestants Hearts to tremble, and to think that the Low Countries will be Conquered, and with them the Protestant Cause deeply endangered: (Though their vicious worldly Lives deserve God's Judgments on themselves; yet they are a great part of the Protestants Human Strength.) But the Issue must expound God's purposes, without which Men's Designs are vain.

§ 198. This Year a new Play-House being built in Salisbury-Court in Fleet-Street, called the Duke of York's, the Lord Mayor (as is said) desired of the King, that it might not be; the Youth of the City being already so corrupted by Sensual Pleasures; but he obtained not his desire: And this Ian. 1671. the King's Play-House in Drury Lane took Fire, and was burnt down, but not alone, for about fifty or sixty Houses adjoining, by Fire and blowing up, accompanied it.

§ 199. A Stranger, calling himself Sam. Herbert, wrote me a Letter against the Christian Religion, and the Scriptures, as charging them with Contradictions, and urged me to answer them, which I did: And his Name inviting my memory, I adjoined an Answer to the Strength of a Book heretofore written, by Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury, some-time Ambassador in France, the Author of the History of Henry VII. called de Veritate, being the most powerful Assault against the Christian Religion, placing all the Religion that's certain, in the Common or Natural Notices: I entitled the Book, More Reasons for the Christian Religion, and none against it: Or, a Second Appendix to the Reason for the Christian Religion.

§ 200. The foresaid Mr. Hinkley by his impertinent Answer to my former Letters, extorted from me a large Reply; but when I was sending it him in Writing, I heard that he intended to Print some scraps of it with his Papers, the better to put them off: Whereupon I sent him word he should not have them, till he satisfied me that he would not so abuse them, &c. The rather because, 1. The Subject of them was much to prove that the War was raised in England by an Episcopal Parliament, jealous of other Episcopal Men, as to Popery and Propriety. 2. And it was so much against Diocesans, and their new Oaths, as would much displease them, 3. And in a sharper style than was fit for public View: And as to the first Reason, I was afraid lest any Papists would lay hold of it, to make any Princes, that already hate the the Non-conformists, and Presbyterians, to hate the Conformists and Prelatists also; and so to seem themselves the most Loyal: And I had rather they hated, and cast off the Non-conformists alone, than both. This mindeth me to add that.

§ 201. About a Year ago one Henry Fowlis, Son to Sir David Fowlis, an Oxford Man, who had wrote against the Presbyterians with as filthy a Language almost as a man in his Wits could do, having written also against the Papists, His Book (after his Death) was Printed in a large Folio, so opening the Principles and Practices of Papists against Kings, their Lives and Kingdoms, by multitudes of most express Citatio • s from their own Writers, that the like hath not before been done by any Man; nor is there extant such another Collection on that Subject (though he left out the Irish Massacre:) But whereas the way of the Papists is, to make a grievous Complaint against any Book, that is written effectually against them, as injurious (as they did against Pet. Moulin 's Answer to Philanax Anglicus, and against Dr. Stillingfleet 's late Book) or the contrary; this Book being copious true Citations and History, is so terrible to them, that their method is to say nothing of it, but endeavor to keep it unknown; for of late they have left the disputing way, and bend all their endeavors to creep into Houses, and pervert Persons in secret; but especially to insinuate into the Houses and Fantiliarity of all the Rulers of the World, where they can be received.

§ 202. The Death of some, the worthy Labors, and great Sufferings of others, maketh me remember that the just characterizing of some of the Ministers of Christ, that now suffered for not swearing, subscibing, declaring, conforming, and for refusing Re-ordination, is a duty which I owe to the honor of God's Graces in them. But because no Man can expect that I should be so voluminous as to describe particularly all the Eighteen hundred silenced, I shall but tell you what my own Neighbors were, not speaking by hearsay, but personal acquaintance; herein imitating Thuanus, Micrelius, and many others in the truth and brevity of the Character, but giving you nothing of any unknown Person by bare report.

1. In the County where I lived, in Worcester City, was silenced Mr. Joseph Baker, born in Stourbridge (whose Wifes Funeral Sermon and Life I printed.) He was a Lear • ed Man, of a blameless Life, Preaching constantly, Catechising the People, and conferring with the several Families (especially before he first admitted them to the Lord's Supper) personally: But of extraordinary Prudence, Calmness, Patience, Gravity • and Soundness of Judgment; neither for Prelacy, Presbytery, nor Independency, as then formed into Parties; but for that which was • ound in all the Parties, and for Concord upon such Catholic terms: The Parish of St. Andrew's, where he was Minister, had but about six Pound a year maintenance, of which he took none, but gave it to a Woman to teach the poor Children of the Parish to read, living upon his own, and some small augmentation granted by the Parliament.

2. At the Cathedral, Mr. Simon Moor was silenced, an old Independent, who somewhat lost the Peoples Love, upon Reasons which I here omit.

3. In the same City was silenced Mr Iuice, (his Son-in-Law) a moderate Independent, and a sober, grave, serious, peaceable, blameless, able Minister.

4. In the same City was silenced Mr. Fincher, a moderate Independent, a zealous able Preacher, of a good Life.

5. At Kemsey, was put out Mr. Tho. Bromwich, an ancient, reverend, able Minister, of an upright Life: But when Bishop Morley was there, and Mr. Collier of Blockley had conformed, he was over-persuaded to take the Declaration: But before he came to profess his Assent and Consent openly, and fully to conform, he was cast into great and long distress of Conscience, and went no farther: But yet by Preaching he used that Liberty that he had so procured.

6. At Vpton, upon Severn, was silenced Mr. Benjamin Baxter, Son to that old holy, reverend Mr. George Baxter, Pastor at little Wenlock in Shropshire, near the Wrekon-Hill, who lived there till about eighty six years of Age, in the constant faithful Preaching and practicing of the Gospel. His Son now mentioned was a Preacher of extraordinary Skill, especially in matter and method, so that few that ever I heard excelled him: He lived uprightly to near fifty seven Years of Age, and suffered much by the lowness of his Estate by his Ejection, who before had lived plentifully.

7. His Brother, Mr. Stephen Baxter, though below him in utterance, was of a solid Understanding, and a calm, peaceable Spirit, most humble, and blameless in his Life, and liveth since his silencing in the practice of Physic.

8. At Evesham was silenced Mr. George Hopkins, Son to Mr. William Hopkins, the most eminent, wise, and truly Religious magistrate of Bewdley, (my old dear Friend) at last a member of the long Parliament. This his Son, having long been Pastor at Evesham, was many Years silenced; and when the Oxford Oath came out, he was over persuaded to take it, in his own Sence, and so not to be forced five miles from the People: But he died either on, or very near the same day that he should have had the benefit of it: He was a very judicious, godly, moderate, peaceable, and upright man: He hath one Writing extant, called Salvation from Sin.

9. At Martley was silenced and ejected Mr. Ambrose Sparry, heretofore School-master at Stourbridge, where he was born; he was an ancient sober, peaceable, moderate, humble, godly, judicious man; formerly for the Conformists, but now cast out among the rest: But his great Prudence, and moderation, and Learning, and the chief of Stourbridge being his Friends, caused the Chancellor to connive at last at his teaching the School at Stourbridge again, where he had been in his Youth, where he is yet connived at, and liveth with great acceptance, though he was a while maliciously laid in Goal.

10. At Bewdley was silenced Mr. Henry Oatland, the most lively, servant, moving Preacher in all the County, of an honest, upright Life, who rode about, from place to place Preaching fervently, and winning many Souls to God, besides all his very great Labors with his own People, publicly, and from House to House: And he yet continueth Preaching up and down privately where he can have opportunity, with zeal and diligence: And though those that excelled others in zealous Preaching and acceptance with the People, were apter to be carried (in my Judgment) a little too far from Conformity, and the Prelate's Indignation against the Church-Tyranny, but not at all forsaking Orthodox, and sound Principles, yet so was not he.

11. At Stourbridge was silenced Mr. Iarvis Bryan, Brother to Dr. Bryan of Coventry, a most humble, upright, faithful Minister, of a blameless Life, and sound Doctrine.

12. At Stone was silenced Mr. Richard Serjeant, formerly my Assistant, a man of such extraordinary Prudence, Humility, Sincerity, Self-denial, Patience, and blamelessness of Life; that I know not of all the Years that he assisted me, of any one person, in Town or Parish, that was against him, or that ever accused him of saying or doing any thng amiss. So that though many excelled him in Learning and utterance, yet none that ever I knew, as far as I could Judge, in Innocency and Sincerity; which made him beloved of all above many abler Men.

13. At Broom was silenced Mr. Humphrey Waldern, my Assistant after Mr. Serjeant, exactly agreeing in the same Character I gave him, in the next degree; of good Learning and Utterance.

14. At Womborne was silenced Mr. Wilsby, an ancient, judicious, peaceable, moderate Divine (who had long kept one of the most learned of the Prelatists in his House.) At Bremicham, where he lived privately, he was troubled by Sir Robert Holt, but (under many Infirmities) is yet alive, a man of humility, and an unblameable Life. I mention not the Judgment of any of these, that I may say of all together, that as far as I could perceive, they were neither for Prelacy, Presbytery, or Independency, as now in Parties, but as I said of them before, of the primitive temper, for Concord, on the Terms that all sound and good men are agreed in, and for the practice of that, rather than contending about more: And of the primitive extraordinary Humility and Innocency.

15. The same I must say of Mr. Andrew Tristram, first of Clent, then silenced at Bridgnorth, a Man of more than ordinary ability in Preaching and Prayer, and of an upright Life, and now a Physician.

16. The same I must say of Mr. John Reynolds, silenced at Wolverhamptom, a Man of more than ordinary Ability, for Learning and Preaching, and now also a Physician.

17. At Avely was silenced Mr. Lovel, formerly Schoolmaster at Walverley, who having been supposed still to be not only against the Parliament's Cause, but for the Prelates and Conformity, and never coming into our ministerial Meetings, where we monthly kept up disputations and Discipline, but only extraordinary constant at my Lecture at Kidderminster, he was as a stranger to us all, till the silencing time came, and then he suffered with the most patient and resolved, and hath since appeared, on fuller notice, a prudent and very worthy Man, and is yet living in his patient Silence, aged about sixty two.

18. At Bromsgrove was silenced Mr. John Spilsbury, born in Bewdley, a man accounted an Independent, but of extraordinary worth, for moderation, peaceableness, ability, and ministerial diligence, and an upright Life.

19. At Whitley was silenced Mr. Joseph Read, born in Kidderminster, and sent by me to Cambridge, and after living in my House, and for one Year my assistant at Kidderminster, a man of great sincerity, and worth.

20. At Churchil was cast out Mr. Edward Boucher, another young man, born in Kidderminster -Parish, of great humility, sincerity, peaceableness, and good ministerial parts; Brother to James Boucher, a Husbandman, who can but write his Name, and is of as good understanding in Divinity as many Divines of good account, and moreable in Prayer than most Ministers that ever I heard. And of so calm a Spirit, and blameless a life, that I never saw him laugh, or sad, nor ever heard him speak an idle Word, nor ever heard Man accuse him of a sinful Word or Deed, which I note with Joy, and to tell the Reader, that he, and others of his Temper, in Kidderminster, did by their Example exceedingly farther my success.

21. At Clent was silenced Mr. Tho. Baldwin, a godly, calm, sober Preacher, of a blameless Life.

22. From Chaddesley was cast out Mr. Thomas Baldwin, Senior, who had been our Schoolmaster at Kidderminster, sent to me by Mr. Vines from Cambridge; a good Scholar, a sober, calm grave, moderate, peaceable minister, whose Conversation I never heard one Person blame, for any one Word or Deed; an extraordinary Preacher: Wherefore I desired when I was driven from Kidderminster, that the People would be ruled by him and Mr. Serjeant, and he liveth yet among them, and teacheth them privately from House to House. He was present with me when I had Conference with Bishop Morley when he silenced me, and the witness of our Discourse; which; with the imprisonment of the most Religious and blameless of the Flock, and the experience of the Quality of some Preachers that were sent to the People in my stead, and the rest of the havoc made in the Churches, did alienate him so much from Prelacy, and Conformity, and the People with him, that though afterward they got a godly, Conformable Minister, I could not get them to Communicate with him, though I got them constantly to hear him.

On this occasion I will mention the great Mercy of God to that Town and Country in the raising of one Man, Mr. Thomas Foley, who, from almost nothing, did get about five Thoosand Pound per Annum, or more, by Iron-works, and that with so just and blameless Dealing, that all Men that ever he had to do with, that ever I heard of, magnified his great Integrity and Honesty, which was questioned by none: And being a Religious, Faithful Man, he purchased among other Lands, the Patronage of several great places, and among the rest of Stourbridge and Kidderminster, and so chose the best Conformable Ministers to them that could be got: And not only so, but placed his Eldest-Son's Habitation in Kidderminster, which became a great Protection and Blessing to the Town; having placed two Families more elsewhere of his two other Sons, all three Religious worthy Men. And in thankfulness to God for his Mercies to him, built a well-founded Hospital near Stourbridge, to teach poor children to read and write, and then set them Apprentices, and endowed it with about five hund Pounds a Year per Annum: Such worthy Persons, and such strange Prosperity, and holy use of it are so rare, and the interest of my poor Neighbors in it so great, that I thought meet to mention it to God's Praise and his.

§ 203. There were more Ministers silenced of that Country, but I will not be tedious i • naming more of them. A word of the other places where I my self had lived. In Coventry, both the Ministers were cast out. 1. Dr. John Bryan, an ancient Learned Divine, of a quick and active Temper, very humble, faithful, and of a Godly, upright Life, who had so great a fitness to teach and educate Youth, that there have gone out of his House more worthy Ministers into the Church of God, than out of many Colleges in the University in that time. And he had three Sons that were all worthy Non-conformable Ministers, all silenced.

2. Dr. Grew, a Man of a different natural temper, yet both Concordant lovingly in the work of God, a calm, Grave, sober, sedate Divine, more retired, and of less activity, but godly, able, and faithful in his Ministry.

3. At Birmingham was silenced Mr. Wills, a sedate, retired, peaceable, able Divine also, born in Coventry.

4. As for Mr. Anthony Burgess of Sutton Coldfield (a place of near 300 l. per Annum, which he left) I need not describe him, he was so famously known in the Assembly, and London, and by his many Learned, Godly Writings, for a Man eminently Learned, and Pious: And though in the old Conformity he was before a Conformable Man, yet he was so far from the New Conformity, that on his Death-bed he professed great satisfaction in his Mind that he had not Conformed.

5. From Walshall was cast out Mr. Burdall, a very Learned able and Godly Divine, of more than ordinary parts and worth, now dead also.

6. At Wedgbury was silenced Mr. Fincher, whom I have seen, but was not much acquainted with, but he was reputed a very Godly Man, and a good Preacher. But I pass by all those I knew not myself.

7. From Rowley had lately removed Mr. Joseph Rock, and was silenced; a very calm, humble, sober, peaceable, godly, and blameless Minister, and of very good Abilities; like our Worcestershire Ministers before described, as to his temper, and judgment of Church-Government.

8. At Kings-Norton was silenced Mr. Tho. Hall, an ancient Divine, known by his many Writings, of a quick Spirit, a Godly, upright man, and the only Presbyterian whom I knew in that County.

9. At Tippon, Mr. Hinks was silenced, a Godly Preacher, a moderate Independent.

10. At Hales-Owen was silenced Mr. Paston, a sober, moderate, peaceable Minister, of a godly, upright Life.

11. Near Newcastle was silenced Mr. Sound, an ancient Divine, of great Learning, moderation, judgment, and calmness of Spirit, and of a Godly, upright Life, born by Worvile, near Bridgworth, known to me about thirty years ago, who, though, with others, he was of old a Conformist, is far enough from the new Conformity.

12. At Shrewsbury was silenced Mr. Heath, an ancient, grave minister, moderate, sedate, quiet, religious, eminent for his Skill in the Oriental Languages.

13. In the same Town was silenced Mr. Francis Talents, an ancient Fellow of Magdalene College in Cambridge, and a good Scholar, a godly, blameless Divine, most eminent for extraordinary Prudence, and moderation, and peaceableness towards all, who in our Wars lived at Saumours in France, and is now there again.

14. In the same Town was silenced Mr. Brian, Son to Dr. Brian, a Godly, able Preacher, of a quick and active Temper, but very humble.

15. At Whitchurch was silenced and cast out Mr. Porter an ancient, grave Divine of great integrity, blamelessness and Diligence, and so excellent a Preacher, that few arrived to his Degree that ever I have heard.

16. At Baschurch was cast out and silenced Mr. Lawrence, a solid, calm, peaceable, godly man, and a good Preacher, who hath wrote a Treatise about Sickness: He was lately in trouble, and his Goods taken away for preaching in a private House, where but four Neighbors were present, on pretence that a little Daughter of the House that came newly from School, and another Child made the Supernumeraries, which put him to a tedious Suit: A • d Mr. Powis, an able Lawyer of that Country, who had ever before carried it moderately, and soberly, being entertained against him, whether pro more, or why I know not, at the Bar called him a Seditious Fellow (who was far from it) and spake of him revilingly, and eagerly, and about a week or fortnight after died almost suddenly.

17. At Wem was silenced, and long imprisoned in the Common Goal, Mr. Parsons, a moderate, ancient Minister, having but used the word [ King ] in his Sermon, relating to Christ, an ignorant profane Enemy witnessed that he said somewhat against the King, for which he so long suffered: And for the very same Cause Dr. Brian was accused, and Mr. Field before-mentioned, kept in Prison in the Gatehouse till he there died.

18. At C • un was silenced Mr. Froysell, an ancient Divine, of extraordinary worth, for Judgment, moderation, Godliness, blameless living, and excellent Preaching; who (as many of the rest) hath in poverty, and Sickness, and great Suffering continued to preserve the Peace of his Conscience.

19. Many more worthy men in that County were cast out and silenced. Mr. Barns, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Berry, Mr. Malden of Newport, (a very Learned Man) Mr. Champian, Mr. Thomas Wright of Kinnersley, (a Man of extraordinary Learning, Ability, and Moderation, and Peaceableness) and divers others, all men of Godliness, and upright Lives, and great Ministerial Diligence, those of them that survive living in great Poverty, most of them having nothing, or next to nothing, of their own: And the Charity that should maintain them and their Families, is clogged with so great Poverty, through the burning of London, the decay of Trade, Taxes, &c. that alas their Relief is very small.

§ 204. To give any Description of the London Ministers so well known, would be superfluous; viz. 1. Old Mr. Simon Ash, old Mr. Arthur Jackson, Mr. Asalton, all dead: (three, Men of excellent Humility, and sincere Godliness, and good Abilities) Mr. Calamy, Dr. Seaman, (of great Learning) Mr. Sheffield, Mr. Cowper, Mr. Gouge, (that wonder of Charity, Humility, Sincerity, and moderation) Mr. Wickins, Mr. Hawler, Mr. Cradacote, Mr. Peter Vink, Mr. Blackmore, Mr. Haviland, Mr. Samuel Clark, Mr. Ienkins, (that Sententious Elegant Preacher) Dr. Bates, (a Learned, Judicious, moderate Divine) Mr. Matthew Pool, (that Learned most industrious Man known by his Abreviation of the Critics) Mr. Sangar, Mr. Needler, (two very humble, grave, peaceable Divines) Mr. Rawlinson (an ancient grave Divine of great Ability,) Mr. John Jackson, Mr. Lie, Mr. Case, (an old faithful Servant of God,) Dr. Drake, (that wonder of Humility and Sincerity, now with God) Mr. White, (such another, now with him,) Mr. Croston, Mr. Woodcock, (a Man of great ability, and readiness) Mr. Hurst, Mr. Pledger, Mr. Tatnall, Mr. Lee, (known by his Learned Latin Tract on the Revelation, ) Mr. Low, (an ancient grave Divine, whom I have heard at Ludlow forty Years ago) Mr. Church, (a calm worthy man, lately dead, that had abundance of Children, and almost nothing.) Mr. Benton, Mr. Barham, Mr. Wells, Mr. Parsons, Mr. Strethill, Mr. Dawkes, with more that I cannot remember. And those called Independents, Mr. Nye, Mr. Caryll, Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Greenhill, Mr. Brookes, Mr. Wood, Mr. Rose, (an humble Godly man) Mr. Mead, Mr. Barker, and Mr. Venning, (two excellent Preachers, and moderate godly, worthy men:) Besides those that are come thither since, Dr. Tho. Goodwin, and Dr. Owen from Oxford (Men better known than my Description could make them) Dr. Wilkinson (thence also (Mr. Collins, &c. John Goodwin, now dead, I need not describe.

§ 205. But because there are some few who by Preaching more openly than the rest, and to greater Numbers, are under more Men's displeasure and censure, I shall say of them truly but what I know. 1. Dr. Manton (who lately lay six Months in Prison) is a Man of great Learning, Judgment, and Integrity, and an excellent, most laborious, unwearied Preacher, and of moderate principles.

2. Dr. Iacomb is known to be a Man of Gravity, sober and moderate Principles, and hath still held on Preaching, in the House, and under the Protection of the excellent, sincere, humble, godly, faithful Lady, the Countess Dowager of Exeter, Daughter to the Earl of Bridgewater, to the utmost of her Power a comfort to all suffering, faithful Ministers and People, and in all this excelling those of her Rank and Generation.

3. Dr. Annesley is a most sincere, godly, humble Man, totally devoted to God, worthily to be joined with his two great intimate Friends, Dr. Drake, and Mr. White, whose Preaching in those two greatest Auditories, Giles 's Cripplegate, and Paul 's Church, did very much good till he was silenced.

4. Mr. Thomas Vincent is a serious, humble, godly Man, of sober Principles, and great Zeal and Diligence, whose Experience in the Plague time engaged him in the work, as is before declared: His Brother equal to him, and is but lately come out of Prison.

5. Mr. Ienoway is a Man of extraordinary devotedness to God, and zeal for the good of Souls, and of great humility, and holiness of Life, and an excellent Preacher.

6. Mr. Wadsworth is an able judicious man, devoted wholly to God, and to do good. Before he was cast out, he preached constantly, and zealously taught all his People also House by House, hired another to help in that work; gave Bibles to the poor People of his Parish, and expended not only his time and strength, but his Estate on these Works, with much also which he got from others towards it: Insomuch that when he was turned out, the Peoples Lamentation might have melted a heart that had any Compassion. Since then he preacheth (through the Peoples desire and necessity) at one Congregation there, at Newington-Butts, and another at Theobalds by turns, and never taketh any maintenance from either. His Assistant. Mr. Parsons, I before named.

7. Mr. Watson is so well known in London for his Ability and Piety that I need not describe him, however, quarrelled with by the debate-maker.

8. Mr. Thomas Doolittle, born in Kidderminster is a good Scholar, a godly man, of an upright Life, and moderate Principles, and a very profitable, serious Preacher.

9. Mr. Chester is a man of a very sober, calm, peaceable Spirit, sound in Doctrine and Life, and a grave and fruitful Preacher.

10. Mr. Turner is a man of great Sincerity, and extraordinary humility, and profitable Labors and Industry.

11. Old Mr. Stubbs, who joineth with him, is one of a Thousand, sometimes Minister at Wells, and last at Dursley in Gloucestershire, an ancient, grave Divine, wholly given up to the Service of God, who hath gone about from place to place Preaching with unwearied Labor since he was silenced, and with great Success, being a plain, moving, fervent Preacher for the work of converting impenitent Sinners to God: And yet being settled in peaceable Principles by aged Experience, he everywhere expresseth the Spirit of Censoriousness, and unjust Separations, and Preacheth up the ancient zeal and sincerity, with a Spirit suitable thereunto.

12. Mr. Whitaker, Son to the famous Jeremiah Whitaker, is a Man of great calmness, Moderation, peaceableness, and Soundness in Doctrine, and in Life.

13. Some others there are, Mr. Grimes, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Patrick, Mr. West, &c. whom I am not acquainted with.

§ 206. Besides these, there are many in London that come out of other Countries. I will name but some few that I can speak of with most assurance. 1. Mr. John Corbet, sometimes Preacher in Gloucester, and after at Chichester, and after at a place in Hampshire (200 l. per Annum, which he left to keep the Peace of his Conscience,) liveth privately, and quietly; a Man of extraordinary Judgment, 〈◊〉 , moderation, peaceable Principles, and blameless Life, a solid Preacher, well known by his Writings, (the interest of England, the History of Gloucester War, Rushworth 's Collections, which were much of his Composure.

2. Mr. Wilson, sometime of the Charter-House, and since of Peterborough, hath such universal Praises follow him from all the Country about Peterborough, of his • are Skill, ability, Piety, diligence, and extraordinary success, the multitude of People there that he did good to, that it made my Heart ache to think that our Sins had brought us under such Prelates as think it a Service acceptable to God to deprive Cities and Countries of such Men, and put no better in their places than they have done.

3. Mr. Stancliff from Stanmore an Excellent Man, of marvelous fullness and accurateness in Prayer, and it's like he is the same in Preaching, though I never heard him.

4. Mr. Vaughan, Minister of Grantham, where he was laid in Goal for not Conforming, and thence went to Barmudas with his Family; and from thence was discouraged by the Quakers, and returned to England, and liveth in London, obscurely, and in a very low Condition; an able, sober, Godly, Judicious, moderate man, and of great worth.

5. Mr. Silvester, from Nottinghamshire, (Mr. Trueman 's Friend) a Man of excellent meekness, temper, • ound, and peaceable Principles, godly Life, and great ability in the ministerial Work.

6. Mr. Hodges, (living lately with the Lord Hollis, ) a grave, ancient, Godly, moderate Divine, who answered the Debate-maker.

7. Mr. Richard Fairclough, a Man of great sincerity, and soundness of Judgment, moderate Principles, and a godly, upright Life, and of great quickness of parts, and fervency, and diligence, by which at Mells in Somersetshire, he excelled most Men in excellent Labors and success.

8. His Brother, a very solid, judicious, grave, and worthy Minister, of equal moderation, and peaceableness.

9. Mr. Tobias Ellis, a Man of great sincerity and zeal, and desire to do good, and devotedness to God, (who falling into the Life of a private Schoolmaster) doth follow it with almost unimitable diligence, living with very little Sleep, less Food, great Labor, and delight in all, by which he hath been saved better than by all physic from a Melancholy Inclination.

10. Richard Morton, Dr. of Physic, whom I should have named as Minister of Kinvar, near Kidderminster, Son to my old Friend, Mr. Robert Morton, Son-in-Law to Mr. Whateley of Banbury, minister at Bewdley; Dr. Norton is a Man of great gravity, calmness, sound Principles, of no Faction, an excellent Preacher, of an upright Life, now practicing Physic.

11. Mr. Button, though not a Clergy-man (being never ordained, or in the Ministry, yet) is not to be left out: Being put out of his place of Canon of Christ-church in Oxford, Orator to the University, an Excellent Scholar, but of a greater Excellency, a most humble Man, of a plain, sincere Heart, and blameless, and a great Sufferer, who, besides a great loss in his Estate, was about six Months in Goal for teaching privately two Knights Sons, who persuaded him to it: Many of his Neighbors of Brentford being imprisoned with him for serving God privately, by Ross, the Scottish Justice, who imprisoned me, which they cheerfully endured.

But there are so many more that I must proceed no further.

§ 207. Besides there are many in the Villages round about London, and that were thence cast out. As; 1. Mr. Clarkson from Mortclack, a Divine of extraordinary worth, for solid Judgment, healing, moderate Principles, acquaintance with the Fathers, great Ministerial Abilities, and a Godly, Upright Life.

2. Mr. Samuel Cradock, Elder Brother to Dr. Cradock, of Greys-Inn, who left a place in Somersetshire of about 300 l. per Annum to preserve his Conscience, a Man of great Solidity and Piety, and Ministerial Ability, but extraordinary for meekness, Humility, Moderation, and Peaceableness, known by his useful Writings.

3. Mr. Pareman put out at Harrow on the Hill an ancient, grave, sound, pious, sober, and peaceable Divine.

4. Mr. Taverner, put out at Vxbridge, an ancient, grave, peaceable Divine, of an unblamed Life.

5. Dr. Spurstow