Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times

§ 8. By this Act the Case of the Ministers was made so hard, that many thought themselves necessitated to break it, not only by the necessity of their office, but by a natural impossibility of keeping it, unless they should murder themselves and their Families.

As to a moral Necessity, as they durst not be so Sacrilegious as to desert the Sacred Office wholly, to which they were consecrated (which would be worse than Ananias and Sapphird 's Alienating their devoted Money) so they could hardly exercise any part of their Office, if they did obey this Act. For,

1. The Cities and Corporations are the most considerable part of the Kingdom, and also had, for the most part, the greatest need of help; partly, because of the numerousness of the People: For in many Parishes in London, the fourth part (nay in some the tenth part) cannot be contained in the public Temples, if they came, so as to hear what is said. Partly also, because most Corporations having smaller Maintenance than the Rural Parishes, are worse provided for by the Conformists: And everywhere the private Work of Over-sight, and Ministerial Help, is through their Numbers, greater than many Ministers can perform; and it is a work that I never yet knew one Prelatist well perform, to my remembrance; and few of them meddle with it at all, any farther than to read Common Prayer some time to a dying Man, if any one of a Multitude desire it.

2. Many of them had Pastoral Charges in Cities and Corporations, from the obligation of which they take not themselves to be well released, by the bare prohibition of Man, while then Peoples needs and desires continue, and where their places are supplied with Men so ignorant and vicious, as to be un-meet for such a charge of Souls: And it must be more than the Will of Man, that must warrant them to fly and forsake their Flocks, to which they had a lawful Call, and to leave their Souls to those notorious Perils, as in very many places they must do.

3. And in the rest of the Land, where can a Minister labor with advantage, but with those that know him, and are known of him, and have formerly profited by him, and will afford him Entertainment?

4. If it be lawful to desert the Souls of all Cities and Corporations, and all other Parishes where-ever we preached, it will follow that it is lawful to desert all the rest, and so sacrilegiously to desert our office.

5. Christ saith, When they persecute you in one City, fly to another. Therefore we are not obliged to desert them all, as soon as we are commanded.

6. The Preaching of Christ's Apostles, and of all his Ministers, for 300 Years, was against the will of the Princes, and Rulers of the Countries where they preached: And yet they planted Churches, and ordained Elders principally in all the Cities where they came, and would rather suffer Imprisonment and Death, than to desert them any further, than by flying from one to another.

§ 9. 2. But natural necessity also constrained many: For many had Wives, and many Children to maintain, and had not one Penny of yearly Revenue, nor any thing but the Gifts of charitable People to maintain them: And if they had a poor Cottage to live in, and no Money to pay their Rent, nor to buy Fire, Food, or Cloathing, they had much less enough to take another House, and pay for the removal of their Goods far off, and the Charges of a new Settlement; and there to dwell among Strangers, far from those whose Charity relieved them, was but to turn their Families to famish, which is more inhumane, than to see a Brother have need, and to shut up the Bowels of our compassion from him, which yet is contrary to the Love of God.

§ 10. And indeed, in many Countries, it was hard to find many places which were not within five Miles of some Corporation, or of some place where we had Preached before (for some Ministers preached in a great number of Parishes at several times:) And if such a place were found, was it like that there would be Houses enough found untenanted, to receive so many Ministers? Or, if there were, perhaps the Landlords would be so much for Prelacy, as to refuse such Tenants, or so timorous as to be afraid, lest by receiving such, they should bring themselves under Suspicion of favoring Non-conformists, and so be ruined, or so covetous, as knowing their advantage, to ask more for their Houses, than poor Ministers that had hardly anything left to subsist on, could be able to give. Besides that, almost all Country Houses are annexed to the Farms or Land belonging to them. And Ministers are ill Farmers, especially when they have no Money to Stock their Land.

§ 11. Yea, they allowed them not to be kept as common Beggars, on the Alms of the Parish; but when by the Law, every Beggar is to be brought to the place of his Birth, or last abode, and there to be kept on Alms; No Minister must come, within five Miles of the Parish where he ever exercised his Ministry; nor any that were born in Cities and Corporations, must come within five Miles of them for relief.

§ 12. In this strait, those Ministers that had any Maintenance of their own, did find out some Dwellings in obscure Villages, or in some few Market-Towns, which were no Corporations: And those that had nothing, did leave their Wives and Children, and hid themselves abroad, and sometimes came secretly to them by night. But (God bringing Good out of Men's Evil) many resolved to preach the more freely in Cities and Corporations till they went to Prison: Partly, because they were then in the way of their Calling, in which they could suffer with the greater peace; and partly, because they might so do some good before they suffered; and partly, because the People much desired it, and also were readier to relieve one that labored for them, than one that did nothing but hide himself; and partly, because when they lay in Prison for preaching the Gospel, both they, and their Wives and Children, were like to find more pity and relief, than if they should forsake their People, and their Work. Seeing therefore the Question came to this, Whether Beggary and Famine to themselves and Families, with the deserting of their Callings, and the People's Souls, was to be chosen, or the faithful performance of their Work, with a Prison after, and the People's Compassion? They thought the latter, the more eligible.

§ 13. And yet when they had so chosen, their Straits were great, for the Country was so impoverished, that those of the People who were willing to relieve the Ministers, were not able: And most that were able, were partly their Adversaries, and partly worldly-minded, and strait-handed, and unwilling. And, alas! it is not now and then a Shilling, or a Crown given (very rarely) which will pay House-Rent, and maintain a Family. Those Ministers that were unmarryed, did easilier bear their Poverty; but it pierceth a Man's Heart to have Children crying, and Sickness come upon them for want of wholesome Food, or by drinking Water, and to have nothing to relieve them. And Women are usually less patient of Suffering than Men; and their Impatience would be more to a Husband than his own wants. I heard but lately, of a good Man, that was fain to Spin as Women do, to get something towards his Family's relief (which could be but little;) and being Melancholy and Diseased, it was but part of the Day that he was able to do that. Another (Mr. Chadwick in Somerset ) for a long time had little but brown Rye Bread and Water for himself, his Wife, and many Children, and when his Wife was ready to lie in, was to be turned out of Door, for not paying his House-Rent. But yet God did mercifully provide some Supplies, that few of them either perished, or were exposed to sordid unseemly Beggary: But some few were tempted against their former Judgments to Conform.

§ 14. The Oath imposed on them was this.

I A B, De Swear, That it is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King: And that I do abhor that Traytorous Positon, of taking Arms by his Authority, against his Person, or against those that are Commissionated by Him, in pursuance of such Commission: And that I will not at any time endeavor any alteration of Government, either in Church or State.

The Reasons of Men's refusal to take this Oath, were such as these following.

1. Because they that were no Lawyers must Swear, not only that they think it is unlawful, but that it is so indeed.

2. Because they think that this setteth a Commission above an Act of Parliament. And that if one by a Law be made General or Admiral, during Life, another by a Commission may cast him out: And though the Law say, He shall be guilty of Treason, if he give up his Trust to any upon pretence of a Commission: Yet by this Oath he is a Traitor, if he resist any one that hath a Commission.

3. Because they fear they are to Swear to a contradiction, viz. to set the King's bare Commission above a Law, which is the Act of King and Parliament; and yet not to endeavor the Alteration of Government, which they fear least they endeavor by taking this Oath.

4. Because they think that by this means the Subject shall never come to any certain Knowledge of the Rule of his Duty, and consequently, of his Duty itself For it is not possible for us to know, 1. What is to be called a Commission, and what not; and whether an illegal Commission be no Commission (as the Lawyers, some of them, tell us) and what Commission is illegal, and what not; and whether it must have the broad Seal, on only the little Seal, or none. 2. Nor can we know when a Commission is counterfeit. The King's Commanders in the Wars, never shown their Commissions to them that they fought against, at least ordinarily. There was a Colonel of the King's, since his coming in, that brought a Commission, Sealed with the broad Seal, to seize on all the Goods of a Gentleman in Bishopsgate-street, in 〈◊〉 ; by which he carried them away: But the Commission being proved counterfeit, he was hanged for it. But a Man that thus Seizeth on any Gentleman's Money, on Goods, may be gone before they can try his Commission, if they may not resist him. But the Parliament, and Courts of Justice, are the Legal, public Notifiers of the King's mind; and by them the Subjects can have a regular certain notice of it. So that if the Parliament were concluded to have no part in the Legislative Power, but the King's mere will to be our Law; yet if the Parliament and Courts of Justice, be erected as the public Declarers of his will to the People, they seem more regardable and credible, than the words of a private unknown Man, that saith he hath a Commission.

5. And they think that this is to betray is to the King, and give the Chancellor, or Lord-Keeper, power at his pleasure, to depose him from his Crown, and dispossess him of his Kingdoms. For if the King (by Law or Commission) shall settle any Trusty Subject in the Government, of Navy, or Militia, or Forts, and command them to resist all that would disposse •• them; yet if the Lord Chancellor have a design to depose the King, and shall Seal •• Commission to any of his own Creatures or Confidents, to take possession of the said Forts, Garrisons, Militia and Navy, none, upon pain of Death, must resist them, but • e taken for Traitors; if they will not be Traitors, yea, though it were but whilst they send to the King to know his Will. And when Traitors have once got possession of all the Strengths, the detecting of their stand will be too late, and to Sue them at Law will be in vain. And he that remembereth, That our Lord Chancellor is now banished, who lately was the chief Minister of State, will think that this is no needless fear.

6. And they think that it is quite against the Law of God in Nature which obligeth • s to quench a Fire, or save the Life of one that is assaulted (much more of our selves) against one that would kill him; and that else we shall be guilty of Murder. And according to the preper Sense of this Oath, If two Foot-boys get from the Lord Chancellor a Commission to kill all the Lord's and Commons in Parliament, or to set the City and all the Country on Fire, no Man may be Force of Arms resist them; Lord's and Commons may not save their Lives by force, not the City their Houses: And by this way no Man shall dwell or travel in safety; while any Enemy or Thief may take away his Life, or Purse, or Goods, by a pretended Commission; and if we defend ourselves, but while we send to try them, we are Traitors: and few have the means of such a Trial.

7. They think by this means, no Sheriff may by the Posse Comitatus execute the Decrees of any Court of Justice, if 〈◊〉 can but get a Commission for the contrary.

8. They think that Taxes and Subsidies may be raised thus without Parliaments; and that all Men's Estates and Lives are at the mere will of the King, or the Lord Chancellor: For if any be Commissioned to take them away, we have no remedy: For to say that we have our Actions against them in the Courts of Justice, is but to say, that when all is taken away, we may cast away more if we had it. For what good will the Sentence of any Court do us, if it pass on our side, as long as a Commission against the Execution of that Sentence must not be resisted, unless a piece of Paper be as good as an Estate?

9. And they think that by this Oath, we Swear to disobey the King, if at any time he command us to endeavor any alteration of the Church-Government, as once by this Commission to some of us, he did, about the Liturgy.

10. And they think that it is a serving the Ambition of the Prelates, and an altering of the Government, to Swear never to endeavor any alteration of Church-Government; yea, and to put the Church-Government before the State-Government, and so to make the Prelacy as unalterable as Monarchy, and to twist it by an Oath into the unalterable Constitution of the Government of the Land, and so to disable the King and Parliament from ever endeavoring any alteration of it. For if the Subjects may not at any time, nor by any means endeavor, the King will have none to execute his Will if he endeavor it. And if Divines, who should be the most tender avoiders of Perjury, and all Sin, shall lead the way in taking such an Oath, who can expect that any others after them should scruple it? And it was endeavored to have been put upon the Parliament.

11. And they think that there is a great deal in the English Diocesian Frame of Church-Government, which is very sinful, and which God will have all Men in their places and callings to endeavor to reform (as that the Bishop of the lowest degree, instead of ruling one Church with the Presbyters, ruleth many hundred Churches, by Lay-Chancellors, who use the Keys of Excommunication and Absolution, &c. ) And they take it for an Act of Rebellion against God, if they should Swear never to do the Duty which he commandeth; and so great a Duty as Church-Reformation in so great a Matter: If it were but never to pray, or never to amend a fault in themselves, they durst not Swear it.

12. This Oath seemeth to be the same in Sence, with the Et caetora Oath, in the Canons of 1640. That we will never consent to an alteration of the Government, by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans, &c. And one Parliament voted down that, and laid a heavy charge upon it; which no Parliament since hath taken off.

13. As the National Vow and Covenant seemeth a great Snare to hinder the Union of the Church among us, in that it layeth our Union on an exclusion of Prelacy; and so excludeth all those learned worthy Men from our Union, who cannot consent to that Exclusion; so the laying of the Kingdoms and Churches Union upon the English Prelacy, and Church-Government, so as to exclude all that cannot consent to it, doth seem as sure an Engine of Division. We think that if our Union be centered but in Christ the King of all, and in the King, as his Officer, and our Sovereign under him, it may be easy and sure: But if we must all unite in the English Frame of Prelacy, we must never Unite.

§ 15. Those that take the Oath, do (as those that Subscribe) resolve that they will understand it in a lawful Sense (be it true or false) and so to take it in that Sense: To which end they say that nullum iniquum est in Lege praesumendum, and that all public Impositions must be taken in the best Sense that the Words will bear. And by force and stretching, what words may not be well interpreted? But the Nonconformists go on other grounds, and think that about Oaths Men must deal plainly and sincerely, and neither stretch their Consciences, nor the Words; nor interpret universal. Terms particularly, but according to the true meaning of the Law-givers, as far as they can understand it; and where they cannot, according to the proper and usual signification of the Words. And the Parliament themselves tell us, That this is the true Rule of interpreting their Words. Beyond which therefore we dare not stretch them.

§ 16. And therefore, 14. They dare not take the Oath, because if it be not to be taken in the proper or ordinary Sense of the Words, then they are sure that they cannot understand it (for it doth not please the Parliament to expound it.) And Oaths must be taken in Truth, Judgment, and Righteousness, and not ignoranatly, when we know that we understand them not.

§ 17. The Lawyers (even the honestest) are commonly for a more stretching Exposition. And those that speak out, say, That an illegal Commission is none at all. But we ourselves go further than this would leads us; for we judge, That even an illegally commissioned Person, is not to be resisted by Arms, except in such Cases as the Law of Nature, or the King himself, by his Laws, or by a contrary Commission, alloweth us to resist him. But if Commissions should be contradictory to each other, or to the Law, we know not what to Swear in such a case.

§ 18. But, because much of the Case may be seen in these following Questions, which upon the coming out of that Act, I put to an able, worthy, and sincere Friend, with his Answers to them. I will here Insert them, ( viz. Serjeant Fountain. )

Sir John Maymard also told me, That an illegal Commission is no Commission, (though privately, being the King's Serjeant.)

§19. But that all these Answers should rather resolve me not to take this Oath, than any way satisfy me to take it, may thus appear.

1. He confesseth, that the Principle feared was, That in some Cases it is lawful to take up Arms against the Supreme Magistrate, or by his Authority against those Commissioned by him. And yet implicitly granteth it in the Cases intimated in the Eighth Question.

2. He confesseth that another feared Principle was, That private Persons may endeavor to alter the Government of the Church: And he confesseth, That by lawful means we may endeavor it, in a great part of it.

And as to the Particulars: 1. He thinketh that the Words [on any pretence whatsoever] refer to the King only: whereas in my Conscience, I think that the Authors of the Oath meant it also [as to any Commissioned by him;] otherwise there is nothing in all this Oath against taking Arms against any Commissioned by the King, so they do not pretend his own Authority for it. And upon my knowledge, a great part of those that Fought for the Parliament went on other grounds; some thinking Parliaments and People above the King, as being singulis Major, & universis Minor, (as Hooker speaks, Eccles. Pol. Lib. 8.) some thinking that the Law of Nature did warrant them; and some, that the Scripture did require them to do what they did. And can I believe that it was none of the Imposers Intention by the Oath, to provide against any of these Opinions? If really it were not, then a Man that taketh this Oath may, notwithstanding it, believe, That though it be not lawful to take Arms against the King, nor against his Armies, by pretence of his Authority, yet upon four other grounds it is lawful to take up Arms against his Army. 1. Because as Willius, and other Politicians say, the Majestas realis is in the People. 2. Because some Lawyers say, That the People of England have, as Hooker and B • lson calls them, fore-prized Liberties, which they may defend, and the Parliament hath part of the Legislative Power, by the Constitution of the Kingdom. 3. Because the Law of Nature and Charity requireth the Defense of our Selves, Posterity and Country. 4. And because Scripture requireth the same.

They that will say, That the Oath hath left all these Pleas or Evasions for Fighting against the King's Armies, do make it utterly useless to the ends for which it was intended, and make the Authors to have been strangely blinded.

2. Note, That he takes the Word [Lawful] to extend to all Laws, of Nature, Scripture, or whatever: And,

3. That he takes these Words [It is not Lawful] to mean no more than [I judge, or think it is not Lawful.] As if all our Parliament Men, with the Learned Bishops, had not had Wit enough to have said so, if they had meant so; but said one thing, and meant another.

4. I confess, I stick not much on the Fourth Quaere; but its plain, that the Subject named is capable of various Predicates, yea, of contrary; and [of taking Arms] may be applied to an opertet, a litet, a factum est, yea, or a non licet; though the licet I doubt not is their Sense.

5. Note, That the Answer to the Fifth, is a mere putting off the Answer: For the Question is, Whether the Act of Parliament, or the private Commission be more Authoritative? And he answereth, That which is Lawful; which implieth, that he was not willing to speak out.

6. Note, that he plainly concludeth, that a Sheriff hath the King's Authority, to resist by the Posse Comitatus the King's Commissioned Officers, that would hinder him from Executing the Decrees of a Court of Justice: And doth not this either cross the intent of the Imposers, or give up the whole Cause? Doth it not grant, that either it is lawful by the King's Authority given to the Sheriff by the Law, &c. for him by Arms to resist the King's Commissioners? Or else, that they be resisted, as not Commissioned, because their Commission is unlawful? And what did the Parliament's Army desire more? If a Sheriff, by the Sentence of an inferior Court, may raise Arms against the King's Army, as not Commissioned, you will teach the Parliament to say, That their Judgment is greater than an inferior Court's.

7. And it is possible, That Commissions may be contrary (of the same date) who then can know which is the Traitor?

8. The Seventh is a putting off the Answer, like the Fifth.

9. Note especially that of the Eighth Quaere, which implieth divers Instances of Cases, in which Grotius, Barclay, Bilson, &c. say, That it is Lawful to take Arms against the King, he seemeth wholly to grant it, and maketh it but like a Cavil, to suppose that those Cases ever came into the Parliament's Thoughts. And I am much in that of the good Man's Mind. But if they will Swear me to an Universal, while they forget particular Exceptions, that will not make the Oath Lawful to me. For, 1. It is not certain to me, That they would have excepted those things if they had remembered them. 2. Much less can I tell which, and how many things they would have excepted. 3. And how could the wit of Man devise Words more exclusive of all Exceptions, than to say [It is not Lawful on any pretence whatsoever?] Are those in the Eighth Quaere [no pretences whatsoever?] I dare not thus stretch my Conscience about an Oath, when I know that the Authors were Learned, Crasty, willing to extend it far enough, and Men that understood English, and spake in a matter of their own Concernment and Employment. Therefore by [any pretence whatsoever] I cannot think that they meant to exclude so many Pretences, as the Eighth Case speaks of.

10. Note also, That he alloweth Parliaments, Judges, or private Men, even by the King's Authority in his Laws, to defend their Lives, their Houses, Estates, Purses, and Companions, against such as are Commissioned to Surprize them. Which is because he taketh such to be really no Commissions. And so the Parliament, and their Army, would say in a Word, That the King's Commissions to his Armies were no Commissions. But this (which the Lawyers wholly rest on) I think in my Conscience was so contrary to the Imposers Sense, that if it had been then mentioned, they would have expressly put in some Words against it. And if an illegal Commission be no Commission, then there are not two sorts of Commissions, one legal, and the other illegal (unless speaking Equivocally.) And this comes up to what Richard Hooker, and the long Parliament said, viz. That the King can do no wrong; because if it be wrong, it is not to be taken for the King's Act.

11. Note also, That a Commission must be shewn, if required, and an illegal one is null. And which of the Parliament's Soldiers ever saw the Commissions of those whom they Fought against? Not one of many Thousands. And was this, think you, the meaning of the Imposers of the Oath, that it should be left to Men's Liberty to take an illegal Commission for none? If this were declared, who of all the Parliament's Army would not take this part of the Oath?

12. To the Eleventh he answereth, That the Oath is against altering Monarchy, (which none doubts of:) But whether the Power of Parliaments, or Courts of Justice be included, the good Man thought it not best to understand.

13. He thinks that by [Government] is meant only the Species (Monarchy) and not the Person of the King (as being sufficiently secured elsewhere) whereas there is no such limitation in the Words; but that he is to be esteemed a Changer of the Government, who would depose the King, and set up an Usurper.

14. But if it do secure the King's Person (as I think it doth, and should do) he thinks it extendeth not to the Persons of the Church-Governors, because by Law they may be altered. But 1. Here is no difference made in the Oath, unless it be that the Government of the Church, is put before that of the State. 2. Therefore the Question is, Whether this Oath be not contrary to those former Laws, and do not settle the Bishops and Chancellors as fast as the King? As to the plain Sense of the Words, I find no difference: And as to the meaning of the Law-makers, it is hard otherwise to know it, seeing they are of so many minds, and various degrees of Capacity among themselves.

15. And it is here confessed, That the Clergy-Government is included; yea, and that the Oath meaneth the English Species; and yet he thinketh that it prohibiteth not lawful Endeavors, to make more Bishops, and to take down Lay-Chancellors: whereas, 1. Chancellors are the Governors, for the greatest part, 2. And as a Congregational Church doth specifically differ from a Diocese of 1000, or 600 Churches; the former de fine, being for Personal Communion in God's Worship, and not the latter; so therefore the Bishop of a Congregation must needs differ specifically, from the Bishop of such a Diocese. Therefore so to change, were to change the Species of the Government, as I am confident the Bishops themselves would say, if the Question were put to them.

16. By [Endeavouring] here he understandeth only [unlawful endeavoring] and not Petitioning, or other lawful means: whereas the Word in the Oath, is absolute and unlimited; And I cannot be so bold as to Swear [not to endeavor] and secretly mean [except it be by petitioning, or other lawful means] for no sober Man will think, that we may do it by unlawful means, if he know them to be so: And the old Et caetera Oath, in 1640. (the Antecessor of this) had [not consenting] which could not be so limited.

And further, it seems plain, that this cannot be their Sense, because it is equally applied to both Governments in the Oath (save that the Church-Government is put first:) And who dare say, that this is the meaning, as to the Government of the State [I will not endeavor the deposing of the King, or the change of Monarchy, unless it be by lawful means.] Whereas the Oath seemeth to me, that it is never to be done at all; and no means is lawful for such an Aid: And therefore we must so understand it, as to the Diocesans too; if we will not Swear absolutely, or universally, and mean limitedly, and particularly, yea, and limit, and not limit the same Word, as respecting the several Governments, without any color from the Terms.

17. Lastly, When the Oath Sweareth us [not at any time to endeavor] which is as plainly an Exclusive of Exceptions as to Time, as can briefly be uttered, he thinketh that by [any time] is meant, [any time, except when the King shall command me the contrary, or the Law shall change, &c.]

Now when so much violence must be used with the Words of such an Oath, and when the Imposers will not (after many Years knowledge of our Doubts and Difficulties) make them any plainer; and so when they are at the best to us so unintelligible, and no Lawyer, nor Parliament, that we can speak with, can resolve us; but all the Answer we can get from the Parliament Men, is [You must understand it in the proper, usual Sense of the Words:] And from the Lawyers, [An unlawful Commission is none, and lawful Endeavors are not forbidden] who can take such an Oath in Judgment and Uprightness of Heart, that is satisfied in the Points forementioned?

§ 20. The Act which Imposeth this Oath, openly accuseth the Nonconformable Ministers (or some of them) of Seditious Doctrine; and such heinous Crimes: wherefore when it first came out, I thought that at such an Accusation no Innocent Persons should be silent • ; especially when Papists, Strangers, and Posterity may think, That a Recorded Statute is a sufficient History to prove us guilty; and the Concernments of the Gospel, and our Callings, and Men's Souls, are herein touched: Therefore I drew up a Profession of our Judgment, about the Case of Loyalty and Obedience to Kings and Governors; and the Reasons why we refused the Oath. But reading it to Dr. Seama • , and some others wiser than myself, they advised me to cast it by, and to hear all in silent Patience; because it was not possible to do it so fully and sincerely, but that the malice of our Adversaries would make an ill use of it, and turn it all against ourselves: And the wise Statesmen laughed at me, for thinking that Reason would be regarded by such Men as we had to do with, and would not exasperate them the more.

§ 21. After this, the Ministers finding the pressure of this Act so great, and the loss like to be so great to Cities and Corporations, some of them studied how to take the Oath lawfully: And Dr. Will, Bites, being much in seeming Favor with the Lord-Keeper Bridgeman, consulted with him, who promised to be at the next Session, and there on the Bench to declare openly, That by [Endeavor] to change the Church-Government was meant [only lawful Endeavor:] which satisfying him, he thereby satisfied others, who to avoid the Imputation of Seditious Doctrine, were willing to go as far as they durst: And so Twenty Ministers came in at the Sessions, and took the Oath, viz. Dr. Fates, Mr. Sam. Clarke, Mr. Sheffield, Mr. Hall, or Mr. Church, Mr. Matth. Pool, Mr. Lood, Mr. Stancliffe, Mr. Roles, Mr. Lewis, Mr. Smith, Mr. Arthur, Mr. Bastwick, Mr. Brooks, Mr. Overton, Mr. Batcheler, Mr. Cary, Mr. Butler, Mr. Wild • ore, Mr. Hooker. And not long after, Dr. Iacomb took it, and Mr. Ma •• , and Mr. Newton of Taunton in Somersetshire, being then in London: Mr. John Howe in Devonshire; and in Somersetshire, Mr. William Thomas, Mr. Cooper of Southwark (then there:) And in Northamptonshire, Dr. Conant (late Regius Professor of Divinity, and Vice-Chancellor in Oxford ) and about Twelve more with him: I heard of no more Nonconformists that took it.

§ 22. Dr. Bates wrote me presently the following Letter, which because it showeth the Truth of their Case and Inducements, I think meet here to add; the rather, because when they took the Oath, the Lord-Keeper left out the Word [only.] And Judge Keeling openly told them, That he was glad that so many of them renounced the Covenant, with more such like; which made Mr. Clarke openly tell him, That they took this Oath only in such a Sense as they conceived to be not inconsistent with the Covenant: And because the People in London reviled the Ministers as Turn-Coats when they had done; which Insultings and Revilings much grieved some of them.

After my Lord Keeling 's Speech, Sir John Babor inquired of Lord Bridgman, whilst he was on the Bench, Whether the Ministers had renounced the Covenant? He answered, the Covenant was not concerned in it. Mr. Calamy, Watson, Gouge, and many others, had taken the Oath this Week, but for this unhappy Accident. My Lord Bridgman, came to the Sessions, and declared the Sense of the Oath, with my Lord Chancellor's allowance.

But all the Reasons contained in this Letter, seemed not to me to enervate the force of the fore-going Objections, or solve the Difficulties.

§ 24. A little before this, L. B. and Sir— S. committed such horrid wickedness in their Drinking (acting the part of Preachers, in their Shirts, in a Balcony, with Words and Actions not to be named,) that one (or both) of them was openly censured for it in Westminster-Hall, by one of the Courts of Justice. (You will say, Sure it was a shameful Crime indeed.) And shortly after a Lightning did seize on the Church where the Monuments of the—were, and tore it, melted the Leads, and brake the Monuments into so small pieces, that the people that came to see the place, put the Scraps, with the Letters on, into their Pockets, to show as a Wonder, and more wonderful than the consumption of the rest by fire.

§ 25. In this time the Haunting of Mr. Mompesson 's House in Wiltshire, with strange Noises and Motions, for very many Months together, was the Common Talk; Of which Mr. Ios. Glanvil having wrote the Story, I say no more.

§ 26. The Number of Ministers all this while, either imprisoned, sined, or otherwise afflicted for preaching Christ's Gospel, when they were forbidden, was so great that I forbear to mention them particularly.

§ 27. The War began with the Dutch whom the French assisted.

§ 28. The Plague which began at Acton, July 29. 1665. being ceased on March 1. following, I returned home; and found the Church-yard like a plow'd field with Graves, and many of my Neighbors dead; but my House (near the Church-yard) 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 uninfected, and that part of my Family, which I left there, all safe, thro' the great mercy of God, my merciful Protector.

§ 29. About this time the French surprised St. Christophers, and some other of our Plantations in the West Indies, and the Dutch took our Plantation of Siranam. And the Wars proceeding nearer home, in the end of June 1666. in the which many were killed on both sides, and the D. of York so near the danger, as that he ventured himself in fight no more. Among others, the E. of Marlborough being slain, there was found about him a Letter written to Sir Hugh Pollard, Comptroller of the King's Household; in which (being awakened by Sea-dangers) he disclaimed Sadducism, and pleaded for the Soul's Immortality; which was Printed, because being intimate Friends, they were both before supposed to be Infidels and Sadducees, that believed no Life after this.

§ 30. On July 25. was the 2d great Sea-fight, in which the English had the better: And in August we seemed to prevail yet more; insomuch that Monk was said to proceed so far as to enter their Harbor, and burn 120 Ships in the River, and to burn a Thousand Houses on the Land, and give the Seamen the Plunder; for which; in the end of August the King appointed a Day of Thanksgiving to be kept in London, which was done; though many muttered, that it was not wisely done, to provoke the Dutch, by burning their houses, when it was easy for them to do the like by us, on our Sea-Coasts; and so to teach them the way of undoing us, while neither party gained by such doings. And that it was no good sign of future prosperity, when those that believed not, that there is a God, or at least that his providence disposeth of such things, would give God solemn Thanks for an unprofitable burning of the Houses of innocent Protestants. And our Confidence was then grown so high, that we talked of nothing but bringing down the Dutch to our mercy, and bringing them to Contempt and Ruin: But our Height was quickly taken down, by the loss of many Hamborough ships first, and then by a loss of many of our men, in an Attempt upon their Merchant ships in the Sound at Denmark; but especially by the firing of the City of London.

§ 31. On September. 2. after midnight, London was set on fire; and on Sept. 3. the Exchange was burnt; and in Three Days almost all the City within the Walls, and much without them. The season had been exceeding dry before, and the Wind in the East, where the Fire began. The people having none to conduct them aright, could do nothing to resist it, but stand and see their Houses-burn without Remedy; the Engines being presently out of Order, and useless. The streets were crowded with People and Carts, to carry away what Goods they could get out: And they that were most active, and befriended (by their Wealth) got Carts, and saved much; and the rest lost almost all. The Loss in Houses and Goods is scarcely to be valued: And among the rest, the Loss of Books was an exceeding great Detriment to the Interest of Piery and Learning: Almost all the Booksellers in St. Paul 's Church-Yard brought their Books into Vaults under St. Paul 's Church, where it was thought almost impossible that Fire should come. But the Church itself being on fire, the exceeding weight of the Stones falling down, did break into the Vault, and let in the Fire, and they could not come near to save the books. The Library also of Zion-College was burnt, and most of the Libraries of Ministers, Conformable and Nonconformable, in the City; with the Libraries of many Nonconformists of the Country, which had been lately brought up to the City. I saw the half burnt Leaves of Books near my Dwelling at Acton six miles from London; but others found them near Windsor, almost twenty miles distant. At last, some Seamen taught them to blow up some of the next Houses with Gunpowder, which stopped the Fire. And in some places it stopped as wonderfully as it had proceeded, without any known Cause. It stopped at Holborn-Bridge, and near St. Dunstan 's Church in Fleet-street, and at Sepulcher 's Church (when the Church was burnt,) and at Christ 's Church (when the Church was burnt,) and near Aldersgate and Cripplegate, and other places at the Wall, and in Austin Friars (the Dutch Church stopped it, and escaped,) and in Bishopsgate-street and Leadenhall-street, and Fenchurch-street, in the midst of the Streets, and short of the Tower, and all beyond the River (Southwark) escaped. Thus was the best, and one of the fairest Cities in the world turned into Ashes and Ruines in Three Days space, with many score Churches, and the Wealth and Necessaries of the Inhabitants. The Number of Houses are recorded by others.

§ 32. It was a fight that might have given any Man a lively sense of the Vanity of this World, and all the Wealth and Glory of it, and of the future conf • agration of all the World. To see the Flames mount up towards Heaven, and proceed so furiously without restraint: To see the streets filled with people astonished, that had scarce sense left them to lament their own calamity. To see the fields filled with heaps of Goods, and sumptuous Buildings, curious Rooms, costly Furniture and Household-Stuff: Yea, Warehouses and furnished Shops and Libraries, &c. all on a flame, and none durst come near to receive anything. To see the King and Nobles ride about the streets, beholding all these Desolations, and none could afford the least Relief. To see the Air, as far as could be beheld, so filled with the smoke, that the Sun shined through it, with a color like Blood; yea even when it was setting in the West, it so appeared to them that dwelt on the West side of the City. But the dolefullest sight of all was afterwards, to see what a ruinous confused place the City was, by Chimneys and Steeples only standing in the midst of Cellars and heaps of Rubbish; so that it was hard to know where the streets had been, and dangerous, of a long time to pass through the Ruines, because of Vaults, and fire in them. No man that seeth not such a thing, can have a right apprehension of the dreadfulness of it.

§ 33. The Extent of the Fire (consuming the City within the Walls) calleth to my remembrance, that a Fortnight before, one Mr. Caril, a Gentleman of a great Estate in Sussex, and said to be one of the most understanding and sober sort of Papists, first sent, and then come to have visited me, as earnestly desiring my Acquaintance; and then sent me a Paper to answer, being Exceptions against the Preface to my book, called, The • afe Religion; written by one that professed great Respect to me, and a desire to debate those Controversies with me; (and it proved to be Cressy, the Champion that at that time was most forward and successful in Disputes.) And in that Paper, speaking of the Pope's Licensing Whore-houses at Rome; he saith, that it is worse in London, where are whole streets that have not so much as the Rebuke of any Penalty, but when they die, the Churchmen bury them as the rest, with confidence, that God in mercy hath taken to himself the Souls of those dear Brethren and Sisters departed. I answered his Paper, and to that passage said, That I was not acquainted in the Suburbs (towards the Court): but I never heard of any such thing; and if he knew it, he would do well to tell the Magistrates (who know it not) what streets those be: But for the City, within the Walls, my Acquaintance more enabled me to say, that I did not believe that there was in all the World such a City for Piety, Sobriety and Temperance. And about a Fortnight after, that part was burned, and the rest, that he accused, did escape.

§ 34. And this is the Third terrible Judgment which London suffered, since the King's Return. First, many score of their Faithful Teachers were silenced, and cast out, and afterwards banished, or confined Five Miles from the City: And next, in 1665. the Plague and other sickness consumed about an Hundred Thousand: And when they began to be settled in their Habitations again, the Flames devoured their Houses and their substance. And it is not hard for the Reader here to imagine how many Thousands this must needs cast into utter Want and Beggary: And how many Thousands of the formerly Rich were disabled from relieving them. And how doleful the Case then must needs be, when good people, that were wont to relieve others, were cast into such distress, and few able to help them. And at the same time so many Hundred Families of silenced Ministers to be relieved, that looked to London most for Help. And after the Fire the Charitable were disabled; and also were in no small straits when they had a little to give, between the Ministers and the distressed Citizens, whom to give it to: such are easilier heard of than felt. And it was not the least part of the Calamity, that when people saw the Number of the indigent to be so great, that when they had done their best, it seemed as if they had done nothing; and also that on this pretence, other lying Beggars pretended themselves to be Londoners, it discouraged many from doing what they could and ought.

§ 35. Among others, the Famousest Person in the City, who purposely addicted himself to works of Mercy, was my very dear Friend, Mr. Henry Ashurst, a Draper (a man of the Primitive sort of Christians for Humility, Love, Blamelessness, Meekness, doing good to all as he was able, especially needy silenced Ministers (to whom, in Lancashire alone, he allowed 100 l. per Ann. and in London was most famous for their succor), and doing hurt to none. His care now was to solicit the Rich abroad, for the relief of the poor honest Londoners: And Mr. Thomas Gouge (the silenced Minister of Sepulchers Parish, Son to Dr. Will. Gouge, and such another man, who made Works of Charity a great part of the business of his Life,) was made the Treasurer: And once a Fortnight they called a great Number of the needy together, to receive their Aims. I went once with Mr. Ashurst to his Meeting, to give them an Exhortation and Counsel, as he gave them Alms, and saw more cause, than I was sensible of before, to be thankful to God, that I never much needed relief from others.

§ 36. It was not the least observable thing in the time of the Fire, and after, considering the late Wars, and the multitudes of disbanded Soldiers, and the great grief and discontent of the Londoners, for the Silencing and Banishing of their Pastors, that yet there were heard in the time of their Calamity, no passionate Words of discontent or dishonor against their. Governors, even when their Enemies had so oft accused them of feditious Inclinations, and when Extremity might possibly have made them desperate.

§ 37. But yet alas! the Effect of all these dreadful Judgments was not such as might have been hoped for, but still one Party cast all the Cause upon another, and the two Extreams did look more at each other's Faults than at their own. There was no confessing the Sin of Persecution, or silencing Christ's Ministers by the one side, but they justified their ways, and hated those that differed from them, as much as ever: There was no lamenting the Corporation PERJURY by the Citizens that had taken the Declaration and Oath, and had succeeded them that were put out, because they feared an Oath. There was no lamenting former Scandals, Rebellions, or Divisions, by the other Extreme; but the Dividers cried out, its long of the Persecutors, and the persecutors cried out, its long of the Schismatics, and it is God's just Judgment on the City, that hath been so much against the King and the Bishops; and God would not pardon them though the King did: So that while each side called the other to repentance, they did both fly from repentance more and more: And if there were not between them a sober party, that lamented sin most but were guilty of least. We should see no Prognostics of anything but utter desolation.

§ 38. The great talk at this time was, Who were the burners of the City? And there came in so many Testimonies to prove that it was the plotted weapon of the Papists, as caused the Parliament themselves to appoint a Committee to inquire after it, and receive information: Whereupon a Frenchman (proved a Papist at last, though the prodigal Son of a French Protestant) confessed openly and constantly to the last, that he began the fire, hired to it by another French Papist (a debauched fellow) that was gone: The Man was sent through all the ruins, and shown them truly the house which he fired (where it began), which then the Neighbors themselves could not easily have done. For which he was tried at the Sessions, and upon his constant Confession was condemned and hanged. Sir Robert Brooks being Chairman of the Committee, abundance of Testimonies were received; that in many parts of the City men were seen to cast fire balls into the houses; and some strangers taken with fiery materials in their pockets; and some that were taken firing houses were brought to the Guard of Soldidiers, and to the Duke of York, and never heard of afterward: With more such matter out of the Country where Divers Papists foretold the fire; And the Testimonies were shortly after Printed, which is the reason why I give them to you no more parcularly. And many stories go about with very credible and undenied Reports, that be not in the Printed papers: As that of Sir Francis Peter (a Jesuited Papist ) who had Lodgings in Holborn, next to a house that had stood empty since the plague: Where a smoke breaking out, caused the Lord Cravan and the Lord Astley to seek to quench the fire; but they were sain to break open Sir Francis Peter 's Doors, because he would not let them in: And afterward he defended his stayers with his sword, and wounded one Man before they could apprehend him: And they found between the two houses upon the Gutters, a fire kindled with bed-mats and such like things, which they put out: But the matter was silenced and no more said of it. In Shropshire a Papist came to Sir Thomas Wolrich, and took his Oath that one of the Pendril 's brethren that had hid the King after Worcester flight, had told him before, that London would be shortly burnt. Many other such testimonies were given in; but it came to nothing; and Sir Robert Brooks the Chairman of the Committeee, went shortly after into France, and as he was ferryed over a River was drowned (with his Kinsman) and the business meddled with no more. So that the discontented Citizens feared not to accuse the Courtiers, as the fautors of the Papists in the plot; the rather because that some cried out rejoicingly. Now the Rebellious City is ruined, the King is absolute, and was never King indeed till now. But of the rest I refer you to the Printed papers.

§ 39. But some good • ose out of all these Evils: The Churches being burnt, and he Parish Ministers gone (for want of places and maintenance) the Nonconformists were now more resolved than ever, to preach till they were imprisoned: Dr. Manton had his rooms full in Covent-Garden; Mr. Thomas Vincent, Mr. Thomas Doolittle, Dr. Samuel 〈◊〉 , Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Ianoway at Rotherfrith, Mr. Chester, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Turner, Mr. Grimes, Mr. Nathaniel Vincent, Dr. Iacomb, (in the Countess of Exeter 's- House and Mr. Thomas Watson, &c. Did keep their Meetings very openly, and prepared large Rooms, and some of them plain Chapels, with Pulpits, Seats, and Galleries, for the reception of as many as could come. For now the people's necessity was unquestionable: For they had none other to hear, saving a few Churches that could hold no considerable part of the people: So that to forbid them now to hear the Nonconformists, was all one as to forbid them all public worshiping of God, and to Command them to forsake Religion and to live like Atheists: And thus to forbid them to seek for Heaven when they had lost almost all that they had on Earth, and to take from them their spiritual Comforts, after all their outward Comforts were gone, they thought a Cruelty so barbarous, as to be unbeseeming any Man, that would not own himself to be a Devil. But all this little moved the Ruling Prelates, saving that shame restrained them from imprisoning the Preachers so hotly and forwardly as before. The Independents also set up their Meetings more openly than before; especially Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Brooks, Mr. Caryl, Mr. Barker, &c. And Dr. Owen (who had before kept far off) and Mr. Philip Nie, and Dr. Thomas Goodwin, who were their Leaders, came to the City. So that many of the Citizens went to those Meetings called private, more, than went to the public Parish Churches.

§ 40. Yet at the same time it happily also fell out that the Parish Churches, that were left standing, had the best and ablest of the Conformists in them; especially Dr. Stillingfleet, Dr. Tillotson, Mr. White, Dr. Outram Dr. Patrick, Mr. Gifford, Dr. Whitchcot, Dr. Horton, Mr. Nest, &c. So that the moderate sort of the Citizens, heard either sort, in public and private indifferently; Whilst those on the one extreme reproached all Men's preaching save their own as being seditious Conventicles; And those on the other extreme, would hear none that did Conform; Or if any heard them, they would never join with them in the Common prayers nor the Sacraments.

§ 41. Mr. Philip Nye before this (seeing the Independents like to fall under the greater sufferings, if they refused to hear in public) had written a Manuscript to prove it lawful to hear Conformable Parish Ministers (but not meddling with Common Prayer or Sacraments). (For before the Wars in 1639 or 1640 he and Mr. Thomas Goodwin, had fallen off from hearing or joining in Common Prayer and Sacraments with the Parishes, and my Lord Say and Mr. Pim and some others had got them to a dispute with Mr. John Ball, the Nonconformist who as fame saith, utterly ba • fled them). But when Mr. Nye 's Manuscript came out, one Mr. Stoneham of their own party confuted it, maintaining that to hear the Conformable Ministers was a sin. And before that a Pamphlet came out in Mr. John Goodwin's name before his death, to prove Prelatical Preachers to be no Teachers or Ministers of Christ, and the Common Prayer to be Idolatry: And a sharper than that to the same parpose came out from a young hot fifth Monarchy Preacher of Worcestershire called Mr. Brown. Which Mr. John Tombes the Anabaptist answered, proving Parish Communion lawful. To which Brown largely replied, and Mr. Tombes made some short defense.

§ 42. About this time they renewed the talk of liberty of Conscience (for their ordinary ends, to keep people in hopes): Whereupon many wrote for it (especially M • r. John Humfrees and Sir Charles Wolsley), and many wrote against it, as Dr. Perinch • f, and others mostly without Names; for the Conformists were now grown so hardened as not only to do all themselves that was required of them, but also to think themselves sufficient for the whole Ministerial work through the Land, and not only to consent to their silencing of their brethren, but also to oppose their restitution, and write most v • hemently against it, and against any toleration of them: So little do men know when they once enter into an Evil way, where they shall stop. Not that it was so with all, but with too many, especially with most of the young men, that were of pregnant wits, and ambitious minds, and had set themselves to seek preferments.

§ 43. On which accounts a great part of those that were called Latitudinarians began to change their temper, and to contract some malignity against those that were much more Religious than themselves. At first they were only Cambridge Arminians, and some of them not so much; and were much for new and free Philosophy, and especially for Cartes; and not at all for anything Ceremonious: But being not so strict in their Theology or way of piety as some others, they thought that Conformity was too small a matter to keep them out of the Ministry. But afterwards many of them grew into such a distaste of the Weakness of many serious Christians, who would have some harsh phrases in Prayer, Preaching and discourse, that thence they seemed to be out of Love with their very Doctrines, and their manner of worshiping God: Of which more anon.

§ 44. In June 1667. the Dutch came up the River of Thames, and Sir Edward Sprag, a Papist, that was Governor of our Fort at Sheerness had not fortified it, and deserted it; And so they came up to Chatham, and burnt some of our greatest Ships, and took away some, while we partly looked on, and partly resisted to no great purpose. And had they but come up to London, they might have done much more. This cast us into a great consternation.

§ 45. At this time the King came in person among the Citizens, to persuade them not to desert him, and made a Speech to them at Tower-Hill (not here to be recited): And he had now great Experience of the Loyalty of the Citizens, who after such sufferings, and under such pressures in matters of Conscience, and of worldly Interest, even in such extremity, were neither proved to do or say anything that was contrary to their fidelity to the King.

§ 46. The firing of London (which was most commonly supposed to be done by the Papists, and the Wars with the French, did raise greater Jealousies of the Papists than had appeared before; so that weekly News came to London from many Counties, that the Papists were gathering Horse and Arms, and that some of them had got Troops, under pretence of the Militia or Volunteers to be ready for our defense. The Parliament hereupon declared themselves more against them than was expected; which greatly troubled the Papists. The Royalists in many Countries were almost ready to disarm them; especially the E. of Derby in Lancashire, was wholly true to the Protestant Interest. Whereupon the Papists thought it policy to live more privately, and to cease their ostentation, and to obscure their Arms and Strength, and to do their work, in a more secret way. And some of them Printed an Address to the Royalists, to plead kindness and affinity of dispositions with them, telling them that they hoped that they, that had fought, and suffered in one cause for the King, against the Puritans, should have continued in the same Union and Kindness, and that they would not have been so much against them: This was answered solidly by Dr. Loid. And doubtless the Papists had never so great a dejection and disappointment since the King came in. For they seemed to think that the Parliament and Royalists had been so distracted with malice and revenge, against the Puritans, as that they would have been content that London was burnt, and would have done anything that they would have them, even against themselves, their Country, their Religion and Posterity, so it had but favored of that revenge. But it proved otherwise.

§ 47. Whilest that all these Calamities, especially our loss and disgrace by the Dutch, must be laid on some or other, the Parliament at last laid all upon the Lord Chancellor Hide; And the King was content it should be so. Whereupon many Speeches were made against him, and an Impeachment or Charge brought in against him, and vehemently urged; and among other things, that he counseled the King to Rule by an Army (which many thought, as bad as he was, he was the chief means of hindering.) And, to be short, when they had first sought his Life, at last it was concluded that his banishment should satisfy for all: And so he was banished by an Act, during his Life. The sale of Dunkirk to the French, and a great comely House which he had new built, increased the displeasure that was against him: but there were greater Causes which I must not Name.

§ 48. And it was a notable providence of God, that this Man that had been the grand Instrument of State, and done almost all, and had dealt so cruelly with the Nonconformists should thus by his own friends be cast out and banished, while those that he had persecuted were the most moderate in his Cause, and many for him. And it was a great ease that befell good people throughout the Land by his dejection. For his way was to decoy men into Conspiracies, or to pretend plots, and when upon the rumour of a plot the innocent people of many Countries were laid in prison, so that no man knew when he was safe. Whereas since then, though Laws have been made more and more severe, yet a Man knoweth a little better what to expect, when it is by a Law, that he is to be tried. And it is notable, that he, that did so much to make the Oxford Law for banishing Ministers from Corporations that took not that Oath, doth in his Letter from France since his banishment say, that he never was in favor since the Parliament Sat at Oxford.

§ 49. Before this the Duke of Buckingham, being the head of his Adversaries, had been overtopped by him, and was fain to hide himself, till the Dutch put us in fear, and then he appeared and rendered himself, and went prisoner to the Tower; but with so great Acclamations of the People in the Streets as was a great Discouragement to the Chancellor: And the D. of Buckingham was quickly set at liberty. Whereupon as the Chancellor had made himself the head of the Prelatical party, who were all for setting up themselves by force, and suffering none that were against them; so Buckingham would now be the head of all those parties, that were for liberty of Conscience: For the Man was of no Religion, but notoriously and professedly lustful; And yet of greater wit and parts, and sounder Principles as to the interest of Humanity, and the Common good, than most Lord's in the Court. Wherefore he Countenanced Fanatics and Sectaries among others, without any great suspicion, because he was known to be so far from them himself. Though he married the Daughter and only Child of the Lord Fairfax • late General of the Parliament's Army, and is his heir hereby, yet far enough from his mind; but yet a defender of the Privileges of Humanity.

§ 50. Before this also the Earl of Bristol had attempted to pull down the Chancellor, and to bring in a Charge against him into the Parliament: But the King soon quelled him; And being a Papist, he hath lain latent or quiet ever since, as unfit to appear in public businesses; And Buckingham performed the Work.

§ 51. In October following the Parliament gave thanks to the King for removing the Lord Chancellor: But they were vehement in seeking an account of the Moneys which have been granted for the public service, and also to have an account of the business at Chatham, by whose fault it was that the Dutch were unresisted and surprised our shipping: And Committees were appointed for these purposes, and a great deal of talk and stir was made about them for a long time; but they could never attain their ends; but they that were faulty had friends enow to procure their security; And though the Parliament grudged at it, and sometimes talked high, yet this made no alteration in our Affairs.

§ 52. One notable disadvantage which we had by the Dutch attempt was, that it drew down our new raised In-land Soldiers into Kent towards Sherness, where the unhealthful Air cast such abundance of them into sickness, and killed so many, as greatly weakened many; Divers of the most forward Gentlemen of the Country there lost their Lives; And thus we have taught an Enemy how to undo us, if he can but force us to keep our Inland-Soldiers who are not used to that Air, about the mouth of the Thames; their bodies are no more able to endure it, than if it were the mortallest of our Foreign plantations.

§ 53. But the great stir of these Times was about Money: The Parliament said, that never had the like sums been laid on the subjects of this Land; and that the old way of payments by five or six subsidies at a time, was such a trisle in Comparison of this, as that it would be scarce observable: After many vast sums granted by way of Land-Taxes, Royal Aid, Poll-money, &c. there was fetled, for continuance, the Chimney-money, and several Excises, and the Customs, and the Wine-Tax for a limited Time, &c. But all was so much too little, that more was still needed and demanded. The Country-people cried out, We are undone. The Tenants at Will did so many of them give up their Farms, that the Gentlemen cried out, If we have any more Land-Taxes, we are undone. What the People said of the Parliament, and what of the Court, and what of the Bishops, and what of the Women. I shall not write: But Losers and sufferers will take leave to talk. But the Parliament grew more urgent to have an account of the moneys, as not believing that it was possible fairly to expend so much. The Persons that were made a Committee for examining Accounts, were very eminent for Ability, and Impartiality, and sincerity; (Mr. William Pierpoint, the Lord Bruerton, Col. Thompson, and abundance more) They laid the great blame on Sir Geo. Carteret, Treasurer for the Navy • He was accused deeply in the House of Commons: He excused himself by laying much on the King's Privy-seals; The Parliament said, that those Moneys were not to have been laid out on private Uses. After long time, the King and Council called the Lord Bruerton, Col. Thomson, and some others, and sharply rebuked them, as injurious Persons, and such as sought to discontent the Parliament, and make Differences, &c. And His Majesty undertook the Decision of the Business, and acquitted Sir George Carteret; and the Parliament grudged, but acquiesced.

§ 54. When the Chancellor was banished, Sir Orlando Bridgman was made Lord Keeper; a Man that by his seeming moderation to the Nonconformists, (though a zealous Patron of Prelacy) got himself a good Name for a time; and at first, whilst the D. of Buckingham kept up the Cry for Liberty of Conscience, he seemed to comply with that Design, to the great displeasure of the Ruling Prelates. But when he saw, that that Game would not go on, he turned as zealous the other way; and now wholly serveth the Prelatical Interest, but is not much valued by either side; but taken for an uncertain, timorous man. High Places, great Businesses and Difficulties, do so try Men's Abilities and their Morals, that many who in a low or middle station, obtained and kept up a great Name, do quickly lose it, and grow despised and reproached Persons, when Exaltation and Trial hath made them known. Besides that, as in prosperous times, the Chief State Ministers are praised, so in evil and suffering times, they bear the blame of what is amiss.

§ 55. About this time, the E. of S (a Papist) having a very fair Wife (Daughter to the E. of C. ) a Papist also (with whom lived Mr. Johnson, alias Terret, the Disputing Champion for Popery); she liked other men so much better than her Husband, that she forsook him, and kept herself secret from his knowledge: But he believing that the Duke of Buckingham kept her secretly, was not content to lose his Wife, but he would also lose his Life. And sending the Duke of Buckingham a Challenge, they met and fought the Duke having Capt. Holmes and Ienkins with him, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, Bernond, Howard, and another: Where Howard killed Ienkins, and the Duke wounded the Earl, of which wounds he died; And the King pardoned the Duke; but strickly prohibited Duels for the future. The Duke also and the Marquess of Dorcester had a skuffle at boxing in an open Committee of Parliament.

§ 56. When the D. of Buckhingham came first into this high favor, he was looked on as the chief Minister of state instead of the Chancellor; and shown himself openly for Toleration or Liberty for all parties in matters of God's worship: And then others also seemed to look that way, as thinking that the King was for it. Whereupon those that were most against it grew into seeming discontent. The Bp. of Winchester Morley, was put out of his place of Dean of the Chapel, and Bp. Crofts of Hereford (who seemed then to be for moderation) was put into the place: But it was not long till Crofts was either discouraged, or as some said upon the Death of a Daughter, for grief did leave his place and the Court; And the Bp. of Oxford was brought into his place, and Dr. Crew (the son of that wise and pious Man the Lord Crew ) was made Clerk of the Closet.

§ 57. At the same time the Ministers of London who had ventured to keep open Meetings in their houses, and preached to great Numbers contrary to the Law, were by the King's favor connived at; So that the people went openly to hear them without fear: Some imputed this to the King's own inclination to liberty of Conscience; some to the D. of Buckingham 's prevalency; some to the Papists Interest, who were for liberty of Conscience for their own Interest: But others thought that the Papists were really against Liberty of Conscience, and did rather desire and design that utmost severities might ruin the Puritans and cause Discontents and Divisions among ourselves, till we had broken one another all into pieces, and turned all into such Confusions, as might advantage them to play a more successful Game, than ever Toleration was like to be. But whatever else was the secret cause, It is evident that the great visible cause was the burning of London, and the want of Churches for the people to meet in; It being at the first a thing too gross, to forbid an undone people all public worshiping of God, with too great rigor; And if they had been so forbidden, poverty had left them so little to lose as would have made them desperately go on. Therefore some thought all this was, to make Necessity seem a favor.

§ 58. But whatever the cause of the Connivance was, it is certain that the Country Ministers were so much encouraged by the boldness and liberty of those at London, that they did the like in most parts of England, and Crowds of the most Religiously inclined people were their hearers; And some few got, in a travelling way, into Pulpits where they were not known and the next day went away to another place. And this, especially with the great discontents of the people for their manifold payments, and of Cities and Corporations for the great decay of Trade, and the breaking and impoverishing of many Thousands by the burning of the City, together with the lamentable weakness and badness of great Numbers of the Ministers that were put into the Nonconformist's places, did turn the hearts of the most of the Common people in all parts against the Bps. and their ways, and inclined them to the Nonconformists, though fear restrained men from speaking what they thought, especially the richer fort.

§ 59. Here Ralph Wallis a Cobbler of Gloucester published a book containing the Names and particular histories of a great Number of Conformable Ministers, in several Parishes of England, that had been notoriously scandalous, and named their scandals, to the great displeasure of the Clergy; And I fear to the great temptation of many of the Nonconformists, to be glad of other Men's sin, as that which by accident might diminish the interest of the Prelatists.

§ 60. The Lord Mohune, a young man, gave out some words, which caused a Common Scandal in Court and City against the Bp. of Rochester, as guilty of most obscure Actions with the said Lord; the reproach whereof was long the talk of many sorts of persons, who then took liberty to speak freely of the Bishops.

§ 61. About this time (Ian. 1668.) the news came of the Change in Portugal, where by no means of the Queen, the King who was a debanched person (and Charged by her of insufficiency or frigidity) was put out of his Government (though not his Title, and his brother by the consent of Nobles, was made Regent, and married the Queen, (after a Declaration of Nullity or a divorce) and the King was sent as a Prisoner into an Island, where he yet remaineth: Which News had but an ill sound in England, as things went at that time.

§ 62. In Ian. 1668. I received a Letter from Dr. Manton, that Sir John Barber told him that it was the Lord Keeper's desire to speak with him and me, about a Comprehension and Toleration: Whereupon coming to London, Sir John Barber told me, that the Lord keeper spake to him, to bring us to him for the aforesaid end, and that he had certain proposals to offer us; and that many great Courtiers were our friends in the business, but that to speak plainly, if we would carry it, we must make use of such as were for a Toleration of the Papists also: And he demanded how we would answer the Common Question, What will satisfy you? I answered him, That other Men's Judgments and Actions about the Toleration of Papists, we had nothing to do with at this time: though it was no work for us to meddle in. But to this question, we were not so ignorant whom we had to do with, as to expect full satisfaction of our desires, as to Church-Affairs: But the Answer must be suited to the Sense of his Question: And if we knew their Ends, what degree of satisfaction they were minded to grant, we would tell them what means are necessary to attain them. There are degrees of satisfaction, as to the Number of Persons to be satisfied; and there are divers degrees of satisfying the same Person. 1. If they will take in all Orthodox, Peaceable, Worthy Ministers, the Terms must be the larger. 2. If they will take in but the greater part, somewhat less and harder Terms may do it. 3. If but a few, yet less may serve: for we are not so vain as to pretend that all Nonconformists are in every particular of one mind.

And as to the Presbyterians now so called, whose Case alone we were called to consider, 1. If they would satisfy the far greatest part of them in an high degree, so as they should think the Churches settled in a good condition; the granting of what was desired by them in 1660. would do it, which is the settling of Church-Government according to that of A. Bp. Usher 's Model, and the granting of the Indulgences mentioned in his Majesty's Declaration, about Eccles. Affairs. 2. But if they would not give so high satisfaction, the Alterations granted in his Majesty's Declaration alone, would so far satisfy them, as to make them very thankful to his Majesty; and not only to exercise their Office with Chearfulness, but also to rejoice in the Kingdom's happiness, whose Union would by this be much promoted. 3. But if this may not be granted, at least the taking off all such impositions, which make us uncapable of Exercising our Ministry, would be a mercy, for which we hope we should not be unthankful to God or the King.

§ 63. When we came to the Lord Keeper, we resolved to tell him, That Sir John Barber told us, his Lordship desired to speak with us, left it should be after said, that we intruded, or were the movers of it, or left it had been Sir John Barber 's Forwardness, that had been the Cause. He told us why he sent for us, to think of a way of our Restoration; to which end he had some Proposals to offer to us, which were for a Comprehension for the Presbyterians, and an Indulgence for the Independents and the rest: We asked him, Whether it was his Lordship's pleasure that we should offer him our Opinion of the means, or only receive what he offered to us. He told us, That he had somewhat to offer to us; but we might also offer our own to him. I told him, That I did think we could offer such Terms, no way injurious to the welfare of any, which might take in both Presbyterians and Independents, and all found Christians, into the Public Established Ministry. He answered, That that was a thing that he would not have; but only a Toleration for the rest. Which being none of our business to debate, we desired him to consult such persons about it, as were concerned in it. And so it was agreed, that we should meddle with the Comprehension only. And a few Days after he sent us his Proposals.

§ 64. When we saw the Proposals, we perceived that the business of the Lord Keeper, and his way, would make it unfit for us to debate such Cases with himself: And therefore we wrote to him, requesting, that he would nominate Two Learned peaceable Divines to treat with us, till we agreed on the fittest Terms; and that Dr. Bates might be added to us. He nominated Dr. Wilkins (who we then found was the Author of the Proposals, and of the whole business, and his Chaplain, Mr. Burton. And when we met, we tendered them some Proposals of our own, and some Alterations which we desired in their Proposals (for they presently rejected ours, and would hear no more of them; so that we were fain to treat upon theirs alone.)

§ 65. The Copy of what we offered them is as followeth.

I. That the Credenda and Agenda in Religion, being distinguished, no Profession of Assent be required, but only to the Holy, Canonical Scriptures in general, and to the Creeds and 36 Articles in particular. And no Oath, Promise or Consent he required, save only the renewing of the Covenant which in Baptism we made to God, and a promise of Fidelity in our Ministry, and the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to the King. And for all lesser matters, let it suffice, that the Laws may restrain us from preaching against any Established Doctrine, or against Episcopacy, Liturgy or Ceremonies, and from all Male-Administrations, or Church-Tyranny, or Injustice about the Sacraments; and that we be punishable according to the quality of the Offence.

II. The Fire having now caused a Necessity of many more public Assemblies for God's Worship, besides those in the yet standing Parish-Churches, we humbly conceive that it would much conduce to the re-edifying of the Churches and City, and the contenting of many, and the drawing off the people from more private Meetings; if a competent Number of the Ruin'd Cnurches be allowed to such sober Protestants, as will repair them, with the same liberty and Security for possession, as the French and Dutch in London have their Churches; the people choosing their Pastors, and maintaining them: Or if his Majesty's Bounty allow them any Stipend, that none have that Stipend whom his Majesty approveth not. And that the Pastors be not suffered to introd • ce there any Heresy or Idolatry; but shall preach the Doctrine of the sacred Scriptures, not opposing the Doctrines or Orders of the Church, and shall worship God according to the Liturgy, or the Assembly's Directory, or the Reformed Liturgy offered by the Commissioners 1660. as they desire.

III. That all such be capable of Benefices, who subscribe and swear as is aforesaid, and being of Competent Abilities, shall be lawfully Ordained; or if already ordained, are confirmed by the late Act, or shall be confirmed by any Commissioned by his Majesty; they being obliged some time to read the Liturgy, and sometimes to administer the Sacrament according to it (abating the Ceremonies). And to be often present when it is read; which shall be ordinarily or constantly done, and the Sacrament administered as oft as is required by Law, by himself, or some other allowed Minister. And that those who will only subscribe and swear as is abovesaid, being ordained also as aforesaid, but cannot so far conform to the Liturgy may be allowed to preach and Catechize publicly, as Lecturers, or Assistants to some others; and to have such further Liberty about the Sacraments, as by just Regulations shall be made safe to Religion and the public peace.

There is another way which would satisfy almost all; by allowing each party such a Minister whose Ordination and Ministration they do make no scruple at; which would prevent all private Churches, and perhaps all Face of Schism among us; which is, if in every Parish where any party dissenteth from the Established way, the Dissenters be left at liberty, either to communicate with any Neighbor-Parish, or to choose an Assistant for the Incumbent, which Assistant shall be maintained by themselves; (unless the Incumbent will voluntarily contribute); And shall officia • e one half of the Day, as the Incumbent doth the other, having leave to do it according to the foresaid Directory, or the Additional Liturgy offered 1660. (or at least to have the use of the Church at such Hours as the Incumbent doth not there officiate): The people receiving the Communion from each, according to their several Iudgments. And though so great a Rupture as ours is, cannot be cured without some inconveniences, which may be here objected, yet such Laws may be made for the Regulation of this Liberty, as may restrain all Faction, Contention, and Mutual Contempt, or Injuries, and even the Naming themselves Members of distinct Churches, as might be shown:

§ 66. The Copy of the Lord Keeper's, or Dr. Wilkins 's Proposals.

§ 67. Upon Consultation we altered their paper in some things, and added some more (for we were held to those proposals) only leaving the point for Toleration to be debated with our Brethren of the Congregational way: And I privately acquainted Dr. Owen with the substance of the business, and consulted him, that they might not say, we neglected them. And we offered them the following form which was not what we desired, but more than Dr. Wilkins (after Bp. of Chester ) would grant us (still professing himself willing of more, but that more would not pass with the Parliament, and so would frustrate all our Attempts.)

§ 68. The paper offered by us.

1. Those who have been ordained only by mere Presbyters, or the Presidents of their Synods shall be instituted, and authorized to exercise their Ministry (and admitted to Benefices) therein in such manner and by such persons as by his Majesty shall be thereto appointed, by this form and words alone [Take, &c. ] Provided that those who desire it, have leave to give in their professions that they renounce not their Ordination, nor take it for a nu ••• ty, and that they take this, as the Magistrates License and Confirmation, and that they be not constrained to use any words themselves which are not consistent with this profession.

2. All persons to be admitted by Ordination, Institution, License, or otherwise, into any Ecclesiastical function and dignity, or to any preferment in either Vnivesity, or to the Employment of a Schoolmaster, shall first take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and instead of all other Oaths, Subscriptions and Declarations (except the Ancient University Oath) shall be required only to subscribe to this form of Words:

J. A. B. Do hereby profess and Declare my unfeigned assent to the truth of all the holy Canonical • criptures, and to the Articles of the Creed [and to the Doctrine of the Church of England contained in the 36 Articles] or [to the Doctrinal part of the 39 Articles of the Church of England ] or [excepting only the 3 Articles of Ceremonies and Prelacy.] And I do hold that the Doctrine, Worship and Government there established doth contain all things absolutely necessary to salvation: And I will not knowingly by myself or any other, endeavor to bring in any Doctrine contrary to this aforesaid so established. And it is my true Resolution to hold Communion with the Churches of England, and faithfully to preserve the peace and happiness thereof.

And all those who are qualified with abilities according to the Law, and take the Oaths and Declarations abovesaid, shall be allowed to preach Lectures and Occasional Sermons and to Catechize and to be presented and admitted to any Benefice, or to any Ecclesiastical, or Academical promotions, or to the teaching of Schools.

3. Every person admitted to any Benefice with cure of Souls, shall be obliged himself, on some Lord's day, within a time prefixed to read the Liturgy appointed for that day (when it is satisfactorily altered), and the greatest part of it in the mean time, and to be often present at the reading of it and sometimes to administer the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the said Liturgies; And it shall by himself or some other allowed Minister be constantly used in his Church, and the Sacraments frequently administered as is required by the Law.

4. The 4th was against the Ceremonies without alteration, in their own words save about bowing at the Name • esus, as after.

5. No Bishop, Chancellor, or other Ecclesiastical Officers shall have power to silence any allowed Minister, or suspend him 〈◊〉 officio vel beneficio, arbitrarily, or for any cause without a known Law: And in case of any such arbitary or injurious silencing and suspension there shall be allowed an appeal to some of his Majesty's Courts of Justice, so as it may be prosecuted in a competent time, and at a tolerable expense, being both Bishops and Presbyters and all Ecclesiastical persons are under the Government of the King, and punishable by him, for gross and injurious male-administrations.

6. Though we judge it the Duty of Ministers to Catechize, instruct, exhort, direct and comfort the people personally as well as publicly upon just occasion, yet lest a pretended necessity of Examinations before the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, or an unwarrantable strictness should introduce Church-Tyranny, and wrong the faithful by keeping them from the Communion, let all those be admitted to the Communion who since their Infant baptism have at years of discretion manifested to the Bishop, or the Ministers of the Parish Church where they live, a tolerable understanding of the Essential points of Faith and Godliness, that is, of the Baptismal Covenant, and of the nature and use of the Lord's Supper, and have personally owned before them or the Church, the Covenant which by others they made in Baptism, professing their Resolution to keep the same, in a Faithful, Godly, Righteous, Charitable and Temporal Life, and are not since this profession revolted to Atheism, Insidelity, or Heresy, (that is the denying of some Essential Article of faith) and live not impenitently in any gross and scandalous sin; And therefore in the Register of each Parish let all their Names be written, who have either, before their Confirmation or at any other time thus understandingly owned their Baptismal Covenant, and a Certificate thereof from the Minister of the place shall serve without any further examination, for their admission to Communion in that or any other Parish Church where they shall after live, till by the aforesaid revolts they have merited their suspension. 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉

7. Because in many families there are none who can read or pray, • or call to remembrance what they have heard to edify themselves and spend the Lord's day in holy Exercises, and many of these live so far from the Church, that they go more seldom than the rest, and therefore have great need of the assistance of their Neighbors, it is not to be taken for a Conventicle or unlawful meeting when Neighbors shall peaceably join together in reading the Scripture or any good books, or repeating public Sermons, and praying, and • ging • salms to God, whilst they do it under the inspection of the Minister, and not in opposition to the public Assemblies. Nor yet that meeting where the Minister shall privately Catechize his Neighbors, or pray with them, when they are in sickness, danger, or distress, though persons of several Families shall be present.

8. Whereas the Canon and Rubric forbid the ad • ission of notorious scandalous sinners to the Lord's table, be it enacted that those who are proved to deride or scorn at Christianity, or the holy Scriptures, or the Life of Reward and Punishment, or the serious practice of a Godly Life, and strict obedience to God's Commands, shall be numbered with the Scandalous sinners mentioned in the Canon and Rubric, and not admitted, before repentance, to the holy Communion.

§ 69. The following paper will give you the reasons of all our alterations of their form of Words: But I must add this, that we thought not the form of Subscription sufficient to keep out a Papist from the established Ministry (much less from a Toleration, which we meddled not with). And here and in other alterations I bore the blame, and they told me that no Man would put in such doubts but I. And I will here tell Posterity this Truth as a Mystery (yet only to the blind) which must not now be spoken, that I believe that I have been guilty of hindering our own Liberties in all Treaties that ever I was employed in: For I remember not one in which there was not some crevice, or contrivance, or terms offered, for such a Toleration, as would have let in the moderate Papists with us: And if we would but have opened the Door to let the Papists in, that their Toleration might have been charged upon us; as being for our sakes, and by our request or procu • ement, we might in all likelihood have had our part. But though, for my own part, I am not for Cruelty against Papists, anymore than others, even when they are most cruel to us, but could allow them a certain degree of liberty, on Terms that shall secure the common Peace, and the People's Souls; yet I shall never be one of them that by any renewed pressures or severities, shall be forced to petition for the Papists liberty; if they must have it, let them Petition for it themselves: No craft of Jesuits or Prelates, shall thunder me, cudgel me, or cheat me into the Opinion, that it is now necessary for our own Ministry, Liberty, or Lives, that we, I say, we Nonconformists, be the famed Introducers of the Papists Toleration; that so neither Papists, nor Prelatists may bear the odium of it, but may lay it all on us. God do what he will with us, his way is best, but I think that this is not his way.

§ 70. Upon these Alterations, I was put to give in my Reasons of them; which were as followeth.

§ 71. But because the grand stop in our Treaty was about Re-ordination, and Dr. Wilkins still insisted on this, That those Consciences must be accommodated who took them for no Ministers who were ordained without Bishops, and some Words were 〈◊〉 into their Proposals, which seemed to signify a Reordination; though he denied such a signification, we were put to give in this following Paper.

§ 72. Besides the foresaid Alterations of their Proposals, we offered them this following Emendation of the Liturgy, containing in some Points less, and in some Points more, than their own Proposals (for in this Dr. Wilkins was not straight.)

Let there be liberty to use Christ's own Form of Delivery, recited by St. Paul, 1 Cor. 11. changing only the Person, [Take, Eat, this is Christ's Body, which, &c. ]

Let Christian Parents be permitted to offer their own Children to God in Baptism, and enter them into the Holy Covenant, by using those Words that are now imposed on the Godfathers.

That where any Minister dare not in Conscience Baptize the Child of proved Atheists, Infidels, gross Heretics, Fornicators, or other such notorious Sinners, as the Cannon forbiddeth us to recive to the Communion (both Parent being such, and the Child in their power and possession) that Minister shall not be forced to do it; but the Parents shall procure some other to do it.

For [ ••• t thou be Baptized] put [ • ilt thou have this •• ld Baptized.]

The Cross and the Surplice left at liberty, and kneeling at the Act of Receiving, and bowing at the Name [ • esus] rather than [ • hrist, God, &c.]

After Baptism put [Seeing this Child is Sacramentally Regenerated.] And in the Prayer following put it, [That it hath pleased Thee Sacramentally to Regenerate and Adopt this Infant, and to incorporate him into thy Holy Church.]

Instead of the new Rubric [it is certain by God's Word, &c.] put [True Christian Parents have no cause to doubt of the Salvation of their Children, dedicated to God in Baptism, and dying before they commit any actual sin.]

In the Exhortation put it thus, [Doubt not therefore, but earnestly believe, That if this Infant be sincerely dedicated to God, by those who have that power and trust, God will likewise favourably receive him, &c.

Let not Baptism be privately administered, but by a lawful Minister, and before sufficient Witnesses: and when it is evident that any was so Baptized, let no part of the Administration be reiterated.

Add to the Rubric of Confirmation (or the Preface) [And the tolerable Understanding of the same Points, which are necessary to Confirmation, with this owning of their baptismal Covenant, shall be also required of those that are not confirmed before their admission to the holy Communion.

Let it be lawful for the Minister to put other Questions besides those in the Catechism, to help the Learners to understand; and also to tell them the meaning of the Words as he goeth along.