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Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4

John Mayer (1583-1664) · 5,916,165 words · 26294 min

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Section 37/184
And he rebelled against the King of Assyria and served him not: that is, he refused to pay tribute unto him, as his father Ahaz had bound himself to do, chap. 16. 7. neither would he and his kingdom be subject to him anymore. But how may this be justified, seeing he could have his kingdom no otherwise then his father left it unto him, therefore if he hold it as tributary to this king, his son ought to have held it so likewise, seeing the fathers covenant made in this case bindeth the son also, and that which he did being called rebelling against him intimateth it to have been unlawful. To this Wolfius answereth, that Ahaz his father did either covenant to be his servant, that he might be under his protection forever, or else for certain years, or as long as he lived. If forever, he saith, it bound both him and his, and this fact of Hezekiah cannot be justified: but if for certain years only, or for his time alone, Hezekiah was now free. but he rather thinketh, that by his rebelling is meant nothing else, but his ordering of matters concerning Religion contrary to his liking, which he might lawfully do, seeing the higher power is to be obeyed in God and for God and not against him, as Origen saith, upon these words, He that resisteth the power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; this is not to be understood of such higher powers as persecute the faith, for in such case that saying must rather be taken up, We ought rather to obey God then men. And Tertullian upon these words, [Give to Caesar the things of Caesar, and to God the things of God.] saith, this is well opposed, otherwise what shall be left for God, if all be Caesar's? Paulinus Tr ••••• sis, Lucifer Sardiniae, and Dionysius Mediolanens. being required to write against Athanasius an Orthodox Bishop by Constantius an Arian Emperor, answered, that the kingdom was not his, but God's, of whom he received it, and that he is to be feared, lest he suddenly take away that, which he even now gave him. Trajan also is reported to have said to a certain Praefectus Praetorii, when he gave him a sword and belt, If I shall rule justly, use it for me, if unjustly, against me. And another Emperor said, He did not desire, that his wills should have any power against right; but if they seem to fight against right, to have them abrogated, would be most pleasing unto him. Thus he bringing many arguments to the same purpose, and concluding, that it is Catachresticos called a rebelling. But because these words are added, [and served him not] it is plain, that not any act of reformation in the worship of God is meant, but his casting off the Assyrian yoke, which I doubt not, but he might justly do, what contract soever his father had made with that King. For although he being an idolatour fled to his patronage and trusted in an arm of flesh, covenanting therefore to pay him tribute, it was not necessary, that Hezekiah, who trusted not in man, but in God should also do likewise. Wherefore by the word [rebelled] here is not meant any unlawful act, but only, as the next words explain, he would not serve him, as his father had done; and so did God defend him against that mighty king, that he could never by all his power be brought to the like servile condition, but lived a free and glorious king, bringing his enemies under his feet.

Therefore, that his prosperity might the more appear, it is said, v. 8. He smote the Philistines even to Azzah and the coasts thereof, from the tower of the keepers to the fenced city.] The like phrase unto which see before ch. 17. 9. These towers some expound by cottages, where vine-dressers and shepherds shelter themselves. Theodoret by towers, on which fires were made, Vatablus by strong towers, the meaning is, that he smote them in all places, whether solitary or frequented by people howsoever they were fortified. Azzah, otherwise called Gaza, was one of the five Lordships of the Philistines. Into this war against the Philistines, Hezekiah entered to revenge the wrongs by the Philistines done in the time of his father unto his kingdom, 2 Chron. 28. 18. And because the Assyrim king came not till anno 14 of his reign, and this appears to have been done before anno 4. at what time Israel was carried away captive into Ashur, some think, that this his expedition against the Philistines, was before his revolt from the obedience of the Assyrian kings, and that his rebelling against them was after the Israelitish captivity, seeing it is most probable, that if he had rebelled sooner, the Assyrian king would not have returned, when he had subdued Israel, without fighting against him. Wherefore they hold, that he being lifted up with the victory against the Philistines, began to refuse the paying of tribute to Assyria, hoping that he should be able now to withstand any power through God's help, that should come against him. But before this victory they think, that for some time he paid it. But to me it seemeth by these arguments not so probable, as therefore to yield a neglect of order in the sacred historian, who placeth his rebelling against the king of Ashur first, and then his smiting of the Philistines. Because if upon this reason it be held, that his rebelling was not till after his victory over the Philistines, animating him thus to do, for the like reason it must be held, that there is a disorder also in relating this victory before the carrying of Israel away captive, seeing if it were before, then he was before lifted up thereby to rebel, which according to this reason could not be, since it was so long before the Assyrian king came to chastise him for it. And if he had at any time paid him tribute, it would not have been said, that he served him not without some addition touching the time, when, for otherwise it is as much as if it had been said, he never served him. Again, if he at any time served him, there was a time after he was king, that he had not such confidence in God, whereupon he neglected man, the contrary to which seemeth to be most true, in that he was very godly from the first month of the first year, as appeareth before at large. But why then did the king of Ashur forbear so long to come against him, and to take his opportunity to be revenged? Answ. It was God's singular providence over him, whilst he was busied in settling things touching religion, that he should not be disturbed, and when the Assyrian host came against Israel, his men being made courageous by their victory over the Philistines, it might haply not be thought a fit time, without first returning and increasing his forces, for the Assyrian king to set upon him. Being returned and carrying away the people of Israel, and putting others in their places, thus strengthening himself in those parts, he thought baply to come again with a greater puissance, but he was prevented by death: for we read no more of Salmanasars coming to war, but of Sennacherib, which implieth, that he died. And who knoweth, what troubles his successor might have at home, before he could enjoy the kingdom quietly, or whether he were of that warlike disposition at the first to prepare for this war? Thus then time might pass away, and nothing be done till anno 14 of Hezekiah, although the provocation were made anno 1 o . Touching the Philistines now subdued, they were a warlike people, and therefore the greater was Hezekiah's glory to smite and bring them under, as Plutarch doth hence praise the Romans above Alexander, because he subdued Asiaticks, that were weaker and more effeminate, but these the Germans, Spaniards, Britons. &c. most valiant nations.

In the fourth year of Hezekiah, which was the seventh year of Hoshea, came Shalmaneser, &c.] How this is to be reconciled to chap. 17. 1. where the beginning of Hoshea his reign is in the twelfth of Ahaz, and therefore it was his eight or ninth year, and not his seventh, when it was the fourth of Hezekiah, seeing Ahaz reigned sixteen, how the time of Hoshea two ways counted, maketh a seeming difference, in comparing the time of his predecessor and his together, see before upon chap. 17. 1. Here the same thing is again declared, which was said before, chap. 17. 6. The reason whereof, as Pelican thinketh may be, that the great favor of God, whereby he now protected godly Hezekiah and his kingdom when danger was so near might be manifested, and so in what a safe condition a [Note.] godly king and state are, when the wicked go to ruin, as Hoshea now did together with his people.

In the fourteenth of Hezekiah came Sennacherib king of Assyria against all the defensed cities of Judah and took them, &c.] After the prosperity of Hezekiah set forth, now followeth his adversity by the invasion of the Assyrians. He had revolted from their obedience, in which his father lived, and therefore they come now to be revenged upon him and prevail very much. Then he sent to Sa ••• cherib at Lachish, one of the strong cities of Judah, saying, I have sinned, but go from me, and whatsoever thou shalt lay upon me I will bear; and three hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold being imposed upon him, he paid it out of the treasures of the Lord's house, and with the ornaments thereof pulling off the plates of gold upon the doors, which he had formerly fastened there. Lyra thinketh, that the sins of his father Ahaz and of the people in his time were the cause of his adversity, and that when Hezekiah confessed to the king of Ashur, that he had sinned, he meant that sinning of others against the Lord, which yet he taketh to himself, as being now king. Pelican, that the hearts of the people were to idolatry even in the time of this godly king, which soon appeared in that immediately after his death in the time of Manasseh they fell away most foully again; and for this cause God now brought the Assyrians against them, sparing the king. And by his sinning, which he accknowledgeth, he understandeth that against the Assyrian king in refusing to serve him. And Wolfius will have it a sin indeed in Hezekiah to refuse to serve the king of Ashur, because that he was by his father bound unto it, of which enough already, and because he made a league with Tirhakah the king of Egypt and Ethiopia, trusting to which he withdrew his obedience from the Assyrian, and that contrary to the warning given him, and the invectives made by the Prophet Isaiah against it. Thus he; but looking into Isaiah I find nothing spoken against Hezekiah for trusting to the Egyptians and Ethiopians help, but against the Philistines: one of those chief cities the king of Assyria fought against, viz. Ashdod, but they comforting themselves in expectation of help from this king, are by the prophets threatened, and by the sign of his going naked shown that the Egyptians and Ethiopians being subdued by the Assyrians should be so carried away out of their own country to their shame. And concluding, v. 6. he saith, Then shall the inhabitants of that country say, Behold, thus is it with our hope, to which we fled for help, &c. that is, not as some would have it, whom Wolfius followeth, the inhabitant of the country of Judea, but of Palestine, as Junius rightly expoundeth it, and the whole course of the history directeth seeing here is nothing said of Judea, but of Palestine only, whereas this may seem to belong to another kings time, and not to Sennacherib's, seeing he is called Sargon, king of Assyria, v 1. It is to be understood, as Jerome hath it and others after him, that the same king had both these names Sennacherib and Sargon, as is also intimated in that Thartan said to be a captain of Sennacherib's, 2 King. 18. 17. is said to be a captain of Sargon, Esa. 20. But let us proceed to Esa. 22. there Judah is threatened with a dismal time, and upbraided by keeping in the waters and strengthening the wall, v. 9, 10, 11. and not looking to the Lord by fasting and prayer to seek unto him: of which practices for fortification against the coming of the enemy, see 2 Chron. 32. 3, 4, 5, &c. But what is all this to prove a confedency with the king of Egypt and Ethiopia? verily nothing; or to the taxing of Hezekiah, as if the Lord were offended with him for revolting from the king of Assyria? For he is not once named, but Shebnah who is threatened and the people of the city, who when they were thus strengthened, were secure.

And whereas Esa. 30. a threatening is denounced for their trusting in Egypt, it is not to be understood of the time of Hezekiah as Junius well observeth, but of Zedekiah, who was long after, although this were prophesied, as also the straight besieging of the city of Jerusalem, ch. 29. 1, 2, 3. in the days of Hezekiah, but happened not, till after wards, as in some passages here following appeareth. Wherefore Hezekiah brought not this judgment upon his kingdom by any sin, which he had committed, as Wolfius would have it: but rather according to others, it came for the hollow heartedness and wickedness of the people having so godly a king and so holy a prophet as Isaiah: for that they did most of them conform to the Ordinances of God only externally, their hearts being bent a clean contrary way. Hezekiah then sent to Sennacherib, saying, [I have sinned] only by way of humbling himself before so mighty a King, who taxed him of sin and rebellion against him, if haply by this means he might stop his further proceedings in destroying his country, and specially Jerusalem. And this he did not out of any distrust in God, seeing, he was before for his trusting in him commended above all others, 2 King. 18. 5. but because the people were wicked, and had committed in his father Ahaz his time so great abominations, he feared, as he might justly do, some great judgment to be now in coming against them. Moreover, how he comforted himself and others in God, and what a confidence he had in him, see 2 Chron. 32. 7, 8. where his exhortation to the citizens of Jerusalem is set forth: Be ye valiant and fear not, neither be dismayed with the fear of the king of Ashur, and the multitude with him, for he is more that is with us, then with him, &c. which speech is said to have been cordial to the people, v. 6. And it is said, v. 1. that after the godly orders before spoken of firmly settled by Hezekiah, came Sennacherib, intimating, that his coming was only or chiefly to exercise his faith and to make it the more glorious, when as by so great a power coming against him he being tried quailed not, but encouraged others, and finally so miraculously prevailed against him, by his fervent prayers bringing down destruction upon his army and him also.

But whereas, 2 King. 18. 13. it is said, that he came against all the defensed cities of Judah and took them, here it is said only that he invaded Judah and pitched his tents against the defensed cities thereof, thinking to subdue them to himself. The meaning of that 2 King. 18. 16. that he presumed soon that he should take them, neither did the Jews themselves make any other account, by reason of his unresistable forces, wherefore the writer of the Chronicles, to make it more plain saith, that he thought, or as it is in the Hebrew, he said, meaning in his heart, that he would, &c. For 2 Chron. 32. 9. it is plainly said, that he was besieging Lachish, when he sent messengers to Hezekiah, and therefore all the cities of Judah were not taken, neither when it is said, that he came against them all, is it to be understood, that he did so any otherwise, but in purpose and resolution, because he could not so do, they being very many, but he must necessarily begin with some first, and most probably, he having taken some of less strength, proceeded to besiege Lachish, a city that might not be so easily subdued. And if he had taken any, then those words 2 King. 18. 13. must be understood, he took some of them, when it is said, he took them; but others which he had not won, he laid siege unto, as he came at any of them. Josephus relating this history saith, that Sanneherib bringing with him the whole strength of Asia, divided his army into two parts, one of which he sent with his captain Tartan, against Azotus or Ashdod of the Philistines, of which see Esa. 20. and with the other he came against Judah, so likewise Chron. Hebr. c. 13. In the same hour that he came against Judah he sent Tartan a against Azotus. Thinking, because he had forces sufficient, with one part of them to keep the Philistines, who were at this time subject to Hezekiah from coming to help him, and withal to stop the passage of the Egyptians and Ethiopians, whom he most feared, whilst he was busied in the Jewish wars. Whether this were so or not, certain it is, that about this time the Philistines were overcome by him, and not long after the Egyptians under Tirhakah, according to Esa 20. Hezekiah his sending to pacify the Assyrian king, which was the first thing done on his part after his coming into this country, being sufficiently set forth 2 King. 18. is in the Chronicles omitted. And what he did after that, he sought by so great a price to buy his peace, but was by the perfidious king notwithstanding come against, is only set down, as being omitted in the Kings. But how it happened that when he submitted himself for the safeguard of his country, as a provident king, to pay such a mass of silver and gold, he had the Assyrian forces yet bent against him, is left untouched in both. Josephus saith, and we may easily conjecture the same, that Sanneherib promised by oath, that if Hezekiah did pay unto him so much silver and gold, he would depart with all his power, and not invade his land any further, but he sware this deceitfully, intending first to draw from him what treasure he could, and then to go against him and subdue his whole kingdom. This being perceived by Hezekiah, he consulted with his people about using the best means that he could, to keep off so great an army from lying near to Jerusalem, and for this end, with the help of his people, he dammed up all the fountains of water thereabouts, and stopped the course of that, which ran from the city through the midst of the country, that is, into other parts; and this Lyra conjectureth, that he did by digging a great head or pond to receive that water, and when that was full and ran over, making it a passage under the ground, that the Assyrians might have no benefit by it, and for want of water be forced eftsoons to depart from thence, see 2 Chron. 32. 30. And then having also repaired the wall, which had been broken by Joash king of Israel in the days of Amaziah, 2 King. 14. 13, 14. and built an outer wall for more strength, he called the people together and made that oration unto them so cordial and comfortable, v. 6, 7. And if the wall remained broken from the days of Amaziah till this time, it lay in ruin above 98. years, that is, 52 in the reign of Vzziab, 16 under Jotham, 16 Ahaz, and 14 to this year of Hezekiah, which is a marvel, considering that Uzziah is said to have had a prosperous time, and to have built towers in Jerusalem, 2 Chron. 26. 9. yet indeed nothing is spoken of his repairing the broken wall, so that it might probably remain in the same state, in which Amaziah his father left it, Uzziah haply intending after his towers building to do it, but being prevented by the judgment of leprosy, which befell him, left it, and so it continued, till this time, yet not in that length broken, but being almost all rebuilt before, now in the time of this danger it was with speed finished, and another such wall added, as they were able in that shortness of time to make. Thus Hezekiah did now, and thus he expressed his sure trust and confidence in God, which showeth, that he sent not to compound before, out of any base fear, but that he might use the most effectual ordinary means, if haply so, this tyrant would have been moved to depart, to save the shedding of much blood of his people. If he shall seem to have committed sacrilege (which he ought not to have done) in that he took away the treasures and ornaments of the temple; I answer, that the present necessity was a dispensation unto him, neither is it sacrilege in any king, but warantable by this example to do the like in the like case, having a mind to give again as much to the house of God, when he shall be able, as he taketh away, for necessity hath no law, and so precious are men's lives in God's sight, that to save them he is not unwilling, that his rights should be taken, seeing the faithful are his living temples, in which he dwelleth by his Spirit.

After this preparation made for defense and an oration full of faith unto the people to stir them up to believe, Sennacherib being still at the siege of Lachish sent messengers to Hezekiah, 2 King. 18. 17. He sent Tarthan, Rabsaris and Rabshakeh with a great army. But how could this be, seeing he with all his domination laid siege to Lachish? the Vulg. Lat. [he with all his army] It is to be understood of that part, the leading whereof he took upon himself: as may be gathered from that, which hath been already said about this dividing of his forces into two parts, whereof he committing one to Tarthan according to Esa. 20. And he sent these men with this great company to terrify the Jews, that they might deliver the city of Jerusalem unto him, and not yet to lay siege unto it; neither indeed ever did he, according to the Prophesy of Isaiah, 2 King. 19. 32. but lost his army, and was himself destroyed for attempting it in so insolent a manner. Touching the reason why Sennacherib sent against Hezekiah after the composition before spoken of made with him; Pelican himself thinketh, that Hezekiah made account, that when he paid so great a sum of silver and gold, the Assyrian would not have expected also a yearly tribute from him, but he requiring this, Hezekiah by the persuasion of God's Prophets refused & so rebelled the second time against him, whereupon he sent, as here followeth; but for as much as no such thing is said in the text, this is uncertain, and it is rather to be held, as was before said, that when he had received the money, he would not depart, but most injuriously would have the city delivered unto him also, and this being denied, he sent thus to threaten and expostulate with the people. Amongst the persons of note sent, Rabshakeh in particular is the mouth, v 19. and it seemeth, v. 26. that he spake in the Hebrew tongue. The Rabbins, as Jerome hath it, upon this, say, that he was the son of the Prophet Isaiah, who fell from the true religion and ran away to the Assyrians, and therefore was now employed by them; but the ground hereof is so weak, that it is not worth the confuting, viz. because Isaiah had another son called Iasub, signifying Left: but it followeth not from hence, that he had his name for this reason. And they add, that by the menaces of Rabshakeh, Shebnah, one of them, who was sent by Hezekiah to speak to the Assyrian Ambassadors, was so terrified, that he betrayed part of the city Jerusalem into their hands, and for this the Prophet Isaiah speaketh so bitterly against him, Esa. 22. 15, 16, &c. and threateneth his putting out and placing Eliakim in his room by a decree not to be altered.

But although he were thus threatened, yet it nowhere appeareth, that this was the ground or cause, but rather his relying upon outward means, and not trusting in God; and for his betraying of any part of the city, there is nothing to intimate it, but rather the contrary; both because he went with Hilkiah after this to the Prophet Isaiah, and it was by him promised that he should not enter this city or do any hostile act against it, 2 King. 19. 32. Junius upon Isaiah 22. 15. saith, that Shebnah, who was now over the house, held that Office in the days of wicked Ahaz, father to Hezekiah, being, as his old master, wicked in heart, and secretly a favourer of wicked idolaters, and an hinderer of reformation, yet he could not at the first be outed by reason of his greatness, only since the time of Isaiah his prophesying against him, he was put from that Office and made the Kings Scribe, that so he might have less power and Eliakim placed in his room. For which both here and Esa. 36. 3. Eliakim is said to be over the house, and Shebnah the Scribe or principal Secretary to the King, haply his age being pretended, which made him unfit to hold that place any longer; and this being an honorable place, and because it was of little pains, fit for a man now grown old, Isaiah 36. 2. Because Rabshakeh was the only speaker, he only is mentioned, as sent by Sennacherib.

Now for the speech of Rabshakeh, some parts of it only are set forth, 2 Chron. 32. 9, 10, &c. because it is contained at large in this place, v. 19, 0, 21. and Esa. 36. we have the same set forth verbatim, from whence most probably both this and the whole 19. chapter, and 20. to v. 19. was taken and inserted here, which maketh this history of Hezekiah king of Judah so complete as that the writer of the Chronicles had nothing left him to add hereunto, as his manner hath hitherto been touching all other kings of Judah, but only before this conflict with Sennacherib as hath been already shown, and after his recovery from his dangerous sickness, from v. 25. of 2 Chron. 32. to v. 31. where some remarkable passages more are set forth then in Kings.

The place, where Rabshakeh stood, was at the conduit of the upper fishpoole, as the way lay to the fullers field, a place near Jerusalem, where Fullers used to wash and dry their clothes, being a plain place near to the walls of the city. Here Sennacherib's messengers call to the king, but he not thinking it safe to come out unto them in person, who were so false hearted, (for the person of the King is not to be hazarded) nor yet to stand with his honor to deal any otherwise with the king of Assyria, then he dealt with him, viz. by messengers, sent his servants to speak with the servants of that king, Eliakim governor of the house, Shebnah the Scribe, and Joash Recorder. Concerning which offices enough hath been said before upon 2 Sam. 20. 24, 25, 26.

For the speech of Rabshakeh, v. 19. Say to Hezekiah, thus saith the great king, the King of Assyria, What is that trust in which thou trustest, &c,] Which was spoken out of intolerable pride in respect of the king of Ashurs unresistable strength, as thinking it vain for Hezekiah to trust either in God or man to be saved out of his hands. For so he goeth on, to beat him from all confidence, in the king of Egypt, calling him a broken staff of reed; not that Hezekiah sought help from Egypt, as Pelican noteth, but because he was his next neighbor; and it is the manner of kings in time of danger to seek to some neighbor king for aid: wherefore Rabshakeh presuming also, that he did so, as Hoshea the last king of Israel had done before, propounds this as true, when it was false, and Hezekiah was not so profane as to do thus, seeing if he had done it, some record in the Sacred History would have been made thereof. Yet Wolfius holdeth, that he did, but without ground, as I have made it appear before by examining the prophesy of Isaiah: the allegory of a broken staff of reed was very apt both for the situation of Egypt in a low reedy ground, and because a reed leaned upon giveth a man a fall, and hurteth his hand by piercing it. 2. He proceedeth to show, that if he trusted in God, this was vain, seeing he had broken down his high places and altars in other places, restreining all his worship to one place at Jerusalem only. And this be spake after the manner of an heathen. (which showeth, that he was no lew) for they thought that it tended greatly to the honor and glory of their gods to set up altars and temples to them in many places, and that to break down any formerly set up was a dishonor which could not, but greatly incense them. But he was herein deceived, for when one stately temple was by Solomon built to the honor of the true God, to show, that he was one only and his religion one, he forbade sacrificing in any other place. 3. He propounds to his consideration, how much he was overmatched, seeing he had not men enough to manage two thousand war horses, and he had so many to spare, if he would, for him, and yet too great a power for him to encounter, although he had Egypt on his side. 4. Which might more him most, he saith, that God bade him come against that country and destroy it. This, saith Wolfius, he spake from their own principles, viz. that nothing comes to pass without God's providence, and according to Esa. 10. 5. where Ashur is called the rod of God's anger against Jerusalem: but that it should not remain long upon it. And accordingly the king thereof at this time distressed it, and probably took some other parts belonging to the king Hezekiah, that reigned in Jerusalem, but that he should destroy the country cannot from thence be truly gathered.

Eliakim hearing his oration, together with his fellows, besought him to speak unto them in the Syriac tongue, and not in the Jews tongue in their hearing, who were upō the wall, lest they should be terrified by his words. Lyra saith, not only the Rabbins, but also our doctors commonly gather, that Rabshakeh was a Jew, because he spake Hebrew; but this is no argument, seeing it seemeth, he could have spoken Syriac also; and Lyra himself noteth, that men near the king learned more languages commonly, that they might be the fitter to entertain foreign ambassadors. But why would they have him to speak in the Syriac tongue? and not rather in the Assyrian or Chaldee? seeing he came from the king of Assyria. Sol. The Syrians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians, used all one and the same tongue, as Wolfius noteth, and the Jews language not differing much from it, but as one dialect in the Greek tongue from another, came afterwards in their captivity easily to be turned into it, their own being forgotten. But whereas they sought from hence to move this Rabshakeh to speak unto them in this tongue, that it might not be understood of the people, which he said, he condemneth as most foolish, absurd, and pernicious, because it could not but be conceived, as it fell out indeed, that he would by this motion be more provoked then stayed, from speaking whatsoever he could devise, to stir up the people to revolt from the obedience of Hezekiah, and their saying so, shown a fear in them of the people's fidelity towards their king, and was enough to stir them up to a jealousy against him, that he would have them kept hood-winked, that they might not know their danger, till it came upon them, which could not but greatly exasperate them. Yet that such an aspersion might not be cast upon Eliakim, or Joash, who were good men, he conceiveth that this was the devise of wicked Shebnah, purposely to provoke Rabshakeh to rail the more, and to lay open that, whereby the people might be moved to yield up the city, and yet he thought, that by making this motion he should be conceived to be very godly, and a great lover of his country, when he secretly meditated the betraying of it into the Assyrians hands. And if otherwise it came from Eliakim, he imputeth it to his fear, which made him speak unadvisedly; thus he. But others blame them not for thus saying, because either that the people might by this means be provoked to shoot at him from the wall, or would be overmuch terrified, was to be feared. I hold with those that lay no blame upon these messengers of Hezekiah, for making this motion, because they thought haply, that he spake in the Jews language, as supposing that they understood none other, and it irked them, that all the people should hear their good king thus traduced, making no doubt, but that his errand being to the king, he would hereupon be moved to alter his language, as having in commission not to speak to any other, but to commissioners sent from the king, however it fell out to the contrary.

Rabshakeh utterly refusing to hearken to this motion, takes oceasion hereupon to traduce it, as if he that made it, cared not to what miseries the poor people were exposed, saying, hath my lord sent me to speak to thy lord and to thee these words, and not to the people, that they might eat their own dung? &c. Hereby intimating a long siege, which they must necessarily endure, and at the last be forced to yield, and therefore that they should provide best for their own good, to do it now at the first.

Then he spake with a loud voice to the people, Let not Hezekiah deceive you, for he shall not be able to deliver you, &c.] That is, to make you abide quietly in the city, and to hold it against Sanneherib. For neither is his power sufficient to secure you in thus doing, neither can his God in whom he would have you to trust, defend you from him. Because other gods, as experience had already shown, could not save their people; viz. the gods of Hamath and Arphad, Sephervaim, Hevah, and Ivah, nor the gods of Samaria. Of Hamath and Sephervaim and Henah, see before ch. 17. 24. Arphad, saith Junius, was a country in the upper part of Assyria. Ivah, called Ingilines in Epiphanius, in Mesopotamia. Of Samaria, it hath been shown, how that was taken by the Assyrians, ch. 17. and 18. 10. He therefore moveth them in time to provide for their own good, by coming forth with a present to Sanneherib, as Junius rendereth it, by doing that which might be profitable for them, saith the vulgar Latin, but in the Hebrew it is, make a covenant with him, that is, by voluntary submitting and making oath unto him to be his subjects. Then he promiseth on Sanneheribs behalf, if they would do so, that they should remain in safety in their own land, living as they had done in times past, everyone in his possession, till that he should remove them to one like their own most fruitful, that is, at his return out of Egypt, Gloss. Ordin. For so he had already dealt with the Israelites their brethren, and with the Syrians, who were removed into other countries, in policy to keep them the better under. And thus he concludeth, that they might live, but otherwise die, because neither Hezekiah nor his God could save them. But herein he blasphemed the living God, as also his Lord Sanneherib doth ch. 19. 12. in comparing dumb idols, the work of men's hands with him, for such were the gods of the gentiles, and therefore his judgment was not long delayed. To this railing and blasphemous oration, no man made any answer, for so the king had commanded, lest Rabshakeh should be provoked to blaspheme the more, according to Lyra. They had a most wise and godly king, who would have the answering of this reserved to himself, and therefore they did better to obey him in silence, then to be moved by Rabshakeh to answer, so Pelican. But not only for this cause, saith Wolfius, and that reason rendered by Lyra, was this silence enjoined, but also lest liberty of answering being left unto the people, something might rashly have been uttered, whereby the enemy might have had advantage given him, to gather the disposition of the people, or the state of the city; And lastly, to show his contempt of the Assyrian King, and how much he slighted him for the vile speeches of his messenger, as a dog or swine, before whom pearls and holy things are not to be cast. And to teach us to answer such in their calumnies [Note.] with silence, whom we have no hope to amend by speaking; And the strict obedience of the people to their king in this case is worthy the imitation of all subjects, as being the safest way in times of greatest danger, the king being wise and godly, and careful to preserve the kingdom. Then they that were sent, returned with their garments rent unto the king, relating all unto him. For thus in sorrow the Jews commonly used to do for blasphemy, or some great misery, as hath been sometimes noted before, and in the high Priest, supposing that Christ had blasphemed.

CHAP. XIX.

HEzekiah hearing this, rent his clothes, and putting on sackcloth went to the house of the Lord, &c.] 2 Chron. 32. 18. it is said, that the servants of Sanneherib spake more against God and the king, wherefore he presently humbled himself in prayer, and whilst he was thus doing, sent to the prophet Isaiah. He considered, saith Gloss. ordin. that the sins of the land might be the cause of this misery, and therefore he mourned. And although it be not expressed, what he now prayed, Lyra conjectureth, that it was for pardon, and help, and mercy towards the people, and justice towards blasphemers, and because he thought there was more merit in the prayers of Isaiah then in his own, he sent to him to pray also; he should have said, because he thought, that his prayers could more prevail, seeing he was a prophet of the Lord, and so most gracious with him, as sometime Elijah and Samuel, and Moses, &c. had been. For what can the poor merit at the hands of the rich by begging? And therefore another of the same religion saith better, he sent to Isaiah, as to one, that had most inward familiarity with the Lord, and he sent the same messengers that came unto him with their clothes rent, together with certain priests clad also in sackcloth. Whereas coming to Isaiah they complain of their common calamity, and say, the children are come to the birth, and there is no power to bring forth; that is, the state is now like unto a woman in travel full of pangs, which are so much the greater, because she cannot bring forth: for even so was Hezekiah and his people in Jerusalem; they conceived great indignation and horror at the blasphemies of the Assyrian king, being desirous to revenge this wrong done to their God, but his forces were so great, and theirs so small, that they were no way able to do it, which made their sorrows to continue, and them to flee to the divine Majesty, who only is able to judge him according to his demerits, thus, but more briefly Lyra and some others. But Wolfius more fully. We are full of sorrow, as a woman in travel, that cannot be delivered, both for the great power which is come against us, and because our God is so vilified, as unable to help, and his servant Hezekiah, as a deceiver and oppugner of his worship, to promote which his chief care hath been, insomuch, as if a woman at the point of bringing forth be not presently holpen, there is danger of perishing both to her and her children, so if God make not haste to help his people in these extremities, there will be present danger of ruining all, both the city and religion. By the children come to the birth, he meaneth the people in distress, unto whom he being as a mother, labored to bring them forth of it, by doing what in him lay by great gifts sent to Sanneherib, but he was not able, for still the danger continued. Pelican likeneth the conscience of their own sins, thought to be the cause of Rabshakeh his blasphemies to the pangs of a woman in travel, that cannot be delivered, because they are as bitter to a godly soul. I rest in the first, Hezekiah and his people were as much pained at these blasphemies, as a woman that wanteth strength, when the child is even now come to the birth; because they went to their hearts, making their spirits ready to fail, and power they had not to overcome them, wherefore he did flee to God for help, being otherwise ready by and by, together with his people to perish, and desired Isaiah to pray for the remnant of the people, that is, them being but a remnant, in comparison of the great number that were of them, before they were wasted in the time of Ahaz, so Lyra; or a remnant he calleth them, with reference to their brethren of Israel, who were carried away captive before.

The kings messengers coming to Isaiah, are comforted against these their great sorrows, and sent back with comfort unto him. For the prophet biddeth from the Lord, that he should not fear Sanneheribs brags, saying moreover, I will send a spirit unto him, and he shall hear a message, and return into his own land, and fall by the sword there. That is, a spirit of trouble at the message brought touching the king of Ethiopia coming to fight against him, and when he hath gone against him and is returned, his host being cut off and destroyed, he shall return and fall by the sword in his own land, all which came to pass accordingly, but not till he came again from fighting against the Ethiopians, so Lyra. But Wolfius, by the spirit, which he would send unto him at the hearing of a message, understandeth a panic fear, wherewith he should be surprised at the hearing of the destruction of his army by the Angel of God sent out in the night against it, the lamentable cries whereof should come to his ears and affright him. Some by this spirit understand the fear, wherewith he should be stricken at the hearing of the Ethiopian king, lest the Ethiopians and Egyptians joining together against him, whilst he went to fight against them, the Jews should come upon him at his back, and so being beset with three nations at once, he should be endangered with his whole army. Junius, by this spirit understandeth a mind to return. But I prefer that of Wolfius, because he was not so much afraid of the Ethiopians, that we read of, nor at the hearing of that message, nor caused hereby to return home, but still continued as full of courage, and insulted as much over the God of Israel, and Hezekiah his servant, as appeareth by his letters unto him, as he did before. But so soon as, his army being destroyed, the noise thereof came to his ears, he presently fled away. Neither doth the word rendered Message in the vulgar Latin, signify anything else, but an hearing, he shall hear an hearing, or sound, Junius hath it, a rumour. It is therefore to be conceived, that the prophet overpassing the impediment, which he met withal by reason of the Ethiopian king, comforteth Hezekiah and his people by this, wherein the greatest comfort lay, viz. the enforcing of Sanneherib to flee to his own country, never to come against Jerusalem, or any other city of Judah again, which yet was not immediately fulfilled, as we may gather from v. 9. but a year after, when he had ended his war against the Ethiopian, and returned, thinking to take Jerusalem. For there the prophet giveth this sign to confirm his words. This year ye shall eat that which groweth of itself, and the next year, and the third sow and reap. Implying an whole year to come after that, wherein he thus prophesied, before their full deliverance.

Rabshakeh having no answer, and thereby perceiving, that the Jews meant to hold Jerusalem against his Master, returned unto him at Libnah, for he heard that he was gone from Lachish, being, as is generally thought by expositors, taken, because it is improbable, that he would otherwise have gone from the siege thereof to another. Rabshakeh coming to him at Libnah relateth unto him the stoutness of the Jews at Jerusalem: Whereupon he wrote as followeth, v. 9. Because he being enforced to go against Tirachah king of Ethiopia, and Egypt, as is commonly held, could not go immediately against Jerusalem as he desired. But this coming of the Ethiopian king against Sennacherib is not thought to have been against his country in this his absence, but in the place, where he then was, whereas indeed it seemeth rather to have been against his country, both because it is here said, he returned, although Junius for this word hath nothing else but again, he wrote letters, &c. but in Hebrew it is, he returned, and wrote. And so Josephus saith, he heard, that the king of Ethiopia led an army through the desert against the Assyrians, whereupon he returned: so like wise Genebrard and Severus Sulpitius, but as Josephus saith, he left Rabshakeh with two others to continue the wars against the Jews in the mean season, so that they could not in his absence intend their husbandry, but lived upon that, which grew of it self, according to the forementioned Prophesy. And the long time, that he was in this expedition against Tirhakah, viz. an whole year at the least makes it the more probable, that he took a long journey to repress the Ethiopians, even to Assyria, which was seven hundred miles, and not that the Ethiopians came near Judea to fight against his army there, for then he should doubtless have sooner ended that war. Of what great power the Ethiopian King was, so that he had need with all his might to oppose him, see in the example of Zerah king of Ethiopia, 2 Chron. 14. 9. who came against Asa with 100000. men.

For his writing to Hezekiah, it is said, that he sent messengers to him, that should say, Let not thy God deceive thee, in whom thou trustest, saying, Jerusalem shall not be delivered into the hands of the king of Assyria, &c. and yet v. 14. When Hezekiah had received the letters, &c. So that it seemeth he both wrote and committed the same to be delivered by word of mouth to these his messengers also. To this effect Lyra saith, He threatened him both by word and writing to strike the greater terror into him. See also 2 Chron. 32. 17, 18.

And in this speech and letter is nothing, but the same, which Rabshakeh had said before, nor all that, yet coming to reckon up the countries, which the Kings of Assyria had subdued, v. 12. he is more full, then Rabshakeh had been, saying, Have the gods of the nations, which my ancestors destroyed delivered them? For whereas Rabshakeh addeth next to these words, Where be the gods of Hamath and Arphad, &c. He before his coming to Hamath inserteth others thus, Gozan, Charan, and Rezeph, and the children of Eden, which are in Thelassar. Junius thinketh Gozan to be the same, that is called Nehar Gozan, chap. 17. 6. Charan, that city in Mesopotamia, Gen. 11. 31. Rezeph also, according to Ptolemy, he placeth in Mesopotamia. The children of Eden in Thelassar, about the midst of Euphrates, being a garrison appointed to that place by the king of Babylon, where they pitched their tents, as the word Thelassar signifieth. Wolfius saith, that Ptolemy in his Geographicks sometime placeth Rezeph in Syria, as may be seen in his description of Syria, and sometime in Mesopotamia, & that some hold it to be the same with the city Petra in Arabia; but most probably it lay in Syria, because that country was now certainly subdued by the king of Assyria. By the children of Eden he understandeth a people of Eden Eastward now inhabiting the city Talathah standing according to Ptolemy between Apamia and the Persian bosom. It being of no great consequence to know these things more certainly, and haply the certain knowledge hereof not to be attained, we may be content to know only thus much, that for their chastisement for sin God gave many kingdoms into his hands, whom he to have them more certainly at his obey, removed from their native countries to others, as the children of Eden in particular, of whom also mention is made, as of fellows to Tyre Ezek. 27. But he not knowing by whose gift he obtained these countries took occasion from hence proudly to magnify his own power and to extenuate the Lord's, and if he made any promise, as having power against him, he blasphemously called it a deceiving and not to be trusted to, threatening Hezekiah, that he should not be delivered by all that he could do, and therefore the best way for him were to yield the city quietly into his hands.

Hezekiah having heard this message, and received letters to this effect spreadeth the letters before the Lord and prayeth, saying, (O Lord God of Israel, who sitteth between the cherubims, &c. That is, as Lyra hath it, rulest over the glorious angels represented by the cherubims set in the most holy place, and therefore the Mercy-seat was supported, between them, which was the seat of God. And he mentioneth his sitting there, saith Pelican, as intimating his readiness, according to his promise to Moses, to meet such as seek him in his house. And to show the confidence, that he had in his power over all things in heaven and earth, he calleth him Lord of all kingdoms, and maker of heaven and earth. He had before a promise against Sanneherib, so as that he might have contemned his threats: but because he iterated the same message again, he sought the second time unto the Lord, that he might be further confirmed, and by hearing answer from the Lord again comforted against the sorrow, which he could not but conceive at these iterated blasphemies, teaching us in his example still to seek by prayer even that, [Note.] which God hath promised.

When Hezekiah had made an end of praying, the Lord suffered him not to stay for an answer, but prevented his sending again to Isaiah by causing the Prophet to send to him, saying, Thus saith the Lord, I have heard thy prayer against Sanneherib. And this is the word which the Lord hath spoken concerning him; The virgin, the daughter of Zion hath despised thee, and laughed thee to scorn, &c. That is, the faithful king and people of Zion, the highest part of the city Jerusalem have contemned and derided thy boasts and brags made against her, knowing assuredly, that all thy power is weakness to do her hurt, having the Almighty on her side. And be saith, the virgin daughter of Zion, because there were some always there, that persisted in the true faith uncorrupted. Then he turneth his speech to Sanneherib, saying, Whom hast thou upbraided and blasphemed, &c. Even the holy one of Israel, that is, the most holy God, who is peculiarly the God of Israel, because he chose Israel above all people's, and only there was he worshipped aright.

Thou hast upbraided the Lord by the hand of thy messengers,] That is, by Rabshakeh and others sent the second time, whereby the proud kings abasing of the Lord is aggravated, in that he did not only blaspheme with his own mouth and pen, but by his servants who were of an inferior condition.

Then he addeth other words full of insolency which he spake, With the multitude of my chariots I have ascended unto the high places of the mountains, &c.] Hereby, saith Lyra, he meaneth Jerusalem. To the top of Libanus and cut down the Ceders thereof. That is, destroyed the temple made of Cedars of Libanus, which he is brought in speaking, not because he had already done it, but did as certainly promise himself in his own heart, that he should do, as if by this time it had been done. He also by Cedars understandeth the Nobles of the land, and by the lorrest of Carmel the common sort: and whereas he saith, I have drunk the waters of others and dried them up by the steps of my feet: It is meant, that he had gotten all the cisterns and wells with water made at other men's cost, and had so many men and beasts in his army, that all the waters of Judea would not suffice them to drink by a vainglorious hyperbole. But we may better with Wolfius understand Libanus properly, the height whereof was such, as that it was impregnable. Yet this tyrant bragged of coming over this huge mountain, and cutting down the Cedars thereof, which were preserved for special uses by the kings of Indah for the building of houses of greatest note, as the house of the Lord, and the kings, but he in spite of Hezekiah would cut them down; and adding to this the forest of Carmel also, another high mountain towards the sea, it is meant, that he would bring under his power all places of greatest note both far and wide. Lastly, in saying, I have digged and drunk others waters,] He meaneth, that the work, which Hezekiah and his people had done in stopping the waters about Jerusalem before spoken of, that Sanneherib coming with his host might find none, should little avail them; because he with his great multitudes were soon able to dignity new wells of water sufficient for them to drink, and to make their waters within the city soon to fail. Of which words, although we read nothing before, yet probably they were spoken by his servants at his first sending, seeing it is said, that they spake much more, then was expressed, 2 Chron. 32. 16.

But what doth the Lord now answer to this? v. 25. Hast thou not heard long ago, that I have done it, and of ancient times, that I have formed it, and now that I bring it to pass, that thou shouldst be to the troubling of defensed places, &c.] That is, saith Lyra, at the beginning of the world, that I made it and all things contamed therein: for this the very heathen Philosophers taught, when they said, there was one cause of all other things, viz. the God of gods, and now for the sins of divers nations, I appoint thy ancestors and thee as my scourage to bring to ruin many strong cities, not by any might or power of your own, but by me given unto you, and to be taken away again when I please. For which cause the Lord calleth Ash •• his rod and staff, Esa. 10. 5. 6. to scourage and beat many nations withal, but because he did it, as by his own might proudly being puffed up hereby, a woe is denounced against him. Wolfius analysing this speech of the Lord, makes it to answer to Sanneheribs letters in the three parts thereof. First, whereas he bragged of his many conquests, this is answered v. 25, 26. Secondly, whereas he magnifieth himself, this is answered, v. 27. Thirdly, whereas he throatned what he would do further, this is answered v. 28. 32, 33. To the first, he did nothing by his own, but the power of God; to the second, he was well known to the Lord, and how we •• and unable to subsist any longer then he pleased; to the third, he should do nothing against Jerusalem, but be carried back into his own country and be slain there. Touching these words, hast thou not heard of old that I made it, &c. he saith, that some understand them as spoken of Pharaoh, and what he did many ages before, but this cannot be, because it is added, and now I bring it to pass. Some by it understand Jerusalem, which the Lord made and formed in that beauty, long before the Assyrian Monarks were: but neither can this stand, because the thing pointed at here, is the laying desolate of defensed cities, as Jerusalem should never be by him. Wherefore he setteth this down rather, as the true meaning. Haste thou not heard of old, that I have done that which thou speakest of, viz. set up thy ancestors and thee in this height of worldly glory, and made other nations of no strength, before them and thee, and he addeth, that in ancient times he formed it, that is, laid down from the beginning of the world in his mind, a platform of all this, which is now come to pass. And he asketh him, if he had not heard it, because he was not so barbarous; but he must needs ascribe to the divine power the l va •• on of his own house and kingdom, and the pulling down of others, yea he said before by his messenger Rabshakeh, that God bade him come up against Jerusalem, and destroy it. From this dissenteth not Jerome, who also understandeth the word [it] of that which by God's providence and predetormination the Assyrian kings had done against other nations, taking away all heart and courage to resist from them; and making them as weak as grass, as here followeth v. 26. So likewise Junius; Pediean and others; neither can it be understood otherwise by any, that duly consider these two verses together.

I knew thy sitting down, or dwelling, and thy going out and rage against me, &c.] That is, although thou hadst not in words boasted of thy greatness, and uttered thy fury against my city and servants, I know well enough what counsels thou to ••• st in thy mind; yea all thy very thoughts and intentions, for by God's knowing of his helling down and rising up, David showeth, that all the most secret cogitations and counsels of his mind were known unto God, but these of Sanneherib were both known and derided, as mere vanities. And because the Lord knew him to be ragling like abeast, he threateneth to use him accordingly, viz. to put an hook in his nostrils, &c. alluding to the manner of men towards a bufle or wild ox, into whose nostrils an hook being put, he is led to the house or wild ox, into the Lord shown by thus saying, that he would with shame and disgrace thus bring him back to Assyria, as to his slaughter-house.

And to thee (O Hezekiah) this shall be a sign, eat this year what thou findest. the second year that which groweth of it self, &c.] Thus the Vulg. Lat. but Pagninus whom Junius, Wolfius and other Translatours follow: eat this year what groweth of it self, and likewise the second. But for so much as two divers words for these two years are used, for the first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Saphiach, coming of [Saphic] togather: for the second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sachish, signifying that which groweth of it self, Wolfius well acknowledgeth, that the store then by them, which they had before gathered and laid up, might well be meant hereby; so also Lyra. And it agreeth hest with reason, that they should one year live of the old store, and when this failed, God hereby promised a supply extraordinary of fruits and self-sown corn haply increasing the more by means of the corn the year before beaten down and spoiled by the Assyrian armies. So that Hezekiah and his people are hereby comforted and confirmed against the fear of want during the time, that their enemies placed in that country by Sanneherib annoyed them. For although they could not go forth to plow and sow, yet God promiseth by his blessing to cause the earth to bring forth so much fruit even in this troublesome time, (suffered happily by the Assyrians to grow to maturity in hope to enjoy it themselves) as should satisfy them and keep them from famishing. And if it be doubted how they should come to reap it, seeing their enemies were in the land? It is to be conceived, that at the very time, when it was to be gathered in, the Assyrians were smitten, as is here by and by related, and then they had their full liberty. For although the sign given is extended to the third year, when he saith, The third year sow and reap: Yet it is not to be understood so, as if they should do thee before their deliverance, but that when they had been preserved one whole year by their old store, the enemy all that while ranging about the country, so that they could not provide for the next, in it they should be extraordinarily provided for by come growing of it self, as well as if they had followed their wonted course of husbandry; and by this m •• ns they should also have seed to sow the ground to be reaped the third year, being at the time of reaping the second years crop miraculously set free from the fear of their enemies. It was not then the term of three years that passed before the putting of the book into Sannehoribs nostrils, and that prodigious slaughter of his men, nor much less then a year after his so foully blaspheming of the God of Isreal, and yet a sign is given of three years continuance, where of part must needs follow after the thing signified hereby, but so plain show was in the second year made hereof, that they might well believe it, seeing the earth so to fructify without labor, that they should not in the third went either provision for sustenance, or seed. For why should it be doubted, when they had and used means, whether God who had promised, would make the earth to bring forth abundantly, when as without means he had sufficiently furnished them with provision the year before? If it be demanded, how this could be a sign to confirm their saith, considering that they saw it not performed, till their deliverance? I answer, they did se the earth fructifying the second year, although unsown, and in the year wherein this was prophesied, their store haply was almost spent, providence, and divine favor towards them, how could it but confirm them touching his promised mercy against Sanneherib?

For the residue of the house of Judah, shall take rooting downward, and bring forth fruit, &c.] Here he proceedeth from the increase of the fruits, which should come of their sowing, when their enemies should be destroyed, unto their firm and stable habitation in the land, which remained, and escaped in Judah, wherein many doubtless had been slain by the Assyrians, by continuing his speech, as he had begun metaphorically. For what is a people's taking rooting downward, but the firm establishing them in their place? as trees, the more deeply they are rooted stand the surer, and what is their bringing forth of fruit upward, but their increasing in posterity, although Lyra expoundeth it of good works, but without reason.

And the remnant shall come out of Jerusalem, &c.] That is, although now they shut up themselves within their walls for fear of the enemy, yet being delivered, they shall come forth again, as men at liberty, to plow, and sow, and reap, as in former times: The zeal of the Lord will do this, and not their own merits, as Lyra well noteth. Whereas one expoundeth all this of the residue of their corn, which should greatly increase, insomuch as that they should go out with it to sell to men of other countries, and have no need to lay it up at home for fear of another siege to come, I think it to be altogether from the purpose, because it is not said, the residue of the corn in Judah, but the residue of the house of Judah, and not the residue shall be brought forth as speaking of corn, but shall come out, as speaking of men, that have life and motion. Pelican extendeth that which is said of their going out, yet further, thus, they shall go out and take the rich spoils of three nations, Assyria, Ethiopia, and Egypt, by a singular providence brought thither, to become a prey unto them, conceiving, that Sanneherib having gone out to fight against the Ethiopians and Egyptians, and overcoming them, brought their spoils to his camp, which now came into the hands of the men of Judah; but forsomuch as nothing is spoken of the spoils taken by them, but only of the destruction of their enemies, I pass this over, as depending merely upon conjecture. Comestor saith, that these words [shall go out] have reference to the men of other parts of the land, who in this time of danger, came for shelter to Jerusalem, but now returned to their own places and multiplied there, as they had formerly done, Eccles. histor.

He shall not enter into this city, nor shoot an arrow against it, &c.] The Lord hereby promiseth, that he should not only not overcome it, but not be suffered to come and besiege it, but before that he with his host should approach so near as to shoot an arrow unto it, he should by the utter loss and overthrow of his army, be forced to flee away most shamefully. And this he promised to do for himself, that is, his gloty, when all men hearing of it should extol his power, and for David's sake, because of the covenant made with him. Lyra saith erroneously, for his merits. And therefore Jerome is rather to be heard, who is far more ancient, who saith, for David's sake, that is, for, or in the remembrance of him, adding moreover, that so highly accepted of are some of the holy servants of God, that he is delighted to remember their piety long after, and maketh it to go the better with their posterity therefore many generations after, as he also promiseth in the second Commandment. And as Wolfius hath it, his saying that he would do this for David's sake, is to be understood, for the promise sake made unto David, 2 Sam. 7. that the kingdom should be established to his posterity forever.

Wherefore it came to pass the same night that the Angel of the Lord went out and smote in the tents of the Assyrians 185000.] That God, whom the proud King of Assyria had vilified and contemned, would not have execution done upon his army by any other, but his Angel, that he might against his blasphemies vindicate his power from contempt and prove it to be above all men and gods. But where this army now was, by what kind of death it was smitten, and what night is meant by the same night, is uncertain. But most probably his army was brought again back from his Ethiopian expedition into the coasts of Judah, because the Lord sweareth, Esa. 14. 25. in that land to tread him under his feet, and chap. 10. 12. having threatened to destroy his power, and v. 16. shown the manner, how, viz. as it were by the burning of fire, and v. 26. as the Midianites and the Egyptians were destroyed, whom his Angel smote, he showeth, v. 28. by what places he should pass, when this should be done, viz. Haiana, Migron and Michmash Gibeah Ramah and Madmenah, naming Nob as the uttermost to which he should come towards Jerusalem, intimating the destruction of the Assyrians there, v. 32. Whereby we may gather, that at his return from Ethiopia, he being come to Nob some sixteen miles off towards the North, where he appointed all his army to come together to him; for it is said, That he should appoint a day at Nob, his host was thus smitten. For the manner, it is thought by some, because of that, which is said, Esa 10. 16. to have been by fire, being further confirmed, Esa. 33. 11, 12. Some think, that an earthquake and horrible tempest and fire together destroyed them grounding upon, ch. 29. 6. and some, that they were smitten with the plague. But that of fire burning in their breasts and stifling them is most probable, in which the Hebrews consent, saying, that their bodies were •… urnt, but their garments untouched, so that the Jews might take the spoil of •… hem. Lastly, although Wolfius by the same night understandeth the night following the delivery of the foregoing message of comfort from the Prophet, yet Lyra •… etter determines, that it was the night after Sanneheribs return to fight against Jerusalem when he had been gone near two years; or rather, as I shown before, •… bout a year to fight first against the Ethiopians, when he was come with his army •… o Nob, as also R. Solomon saith, nearer then which place he came not towards Jerusalem. For it is against the tenor of the prophesy beforegoing, This year eat •… f your store, the second that which groweth of it self, &c. Implying, that a long time was to come between the prophesy and their full deliverance from the Assyrians, •… nd not that it should be wrought by and by.

Whereas it is here said, The Angel of the Lord smote 185000 and when they rose in the morning, behold, all were dead corpses, 2 Chron. 32. 22. it is said, The Lord sent his Angel, who smote every strong man and warrior, and the prince of the host of the king of Assyria. Whereby we may gather, that some of the weaker sort were spared, the prime men only being smitten, without whom he and his host remaining became contemptible, wherefore it is said, that he returned with shame •… nto his own land. He had then many more doublesse in his army according to the manner of such mighty Monarchs, who used not to go forth to war, but with 500000. or 1000000. men, but all his captains and officers of bands being destroyed and the General, so that none were left to order the battle, he was so confounded, that he speedily provided for his own safety by fleeing home with those weak and inferior persons, that remained in his campe, not daring to abide in the •… eld any longer. Wherefore Josephus saith, that he fled with his army, and Heb. tradit. his head and his beard being as it were shaved by singeing, according to Isaiah. They that rose then in the morning and saw them dead, were the refuse of the army, who brought word hereof to the king: but the Vulg. lat. rendereth it, When be arose in the morning he saw, as if it were meant of the king, contrary to the Hebrew verity.

Sanneherib then returning to Nineveh, the chief city of Assyria was slain by his own sons Adrammelech and Sharezer, as he was worshipping in the temple of his god Nisroch. For the cause, why his own sons slew him, R. Solomon, whom Lyra citeth, hath a pretty invention. The great men of the country having lost each one his son, brother or friend in that expedition against Jerusalem by means of his blasphemies, were provoked so, that they meant to destroy him, which he bearing, fled to the idols temple and prayed and vowed, that if his god would deliver him from this danger, he would give these two sons for sacrifice unto him; then they hearing this, came and slew him there.

But this savoreth as a Rabinicall invention, for by what means came he to know this, and how should his sons know so soon what he said in praying? It is therefore more probable, which Lyra rejecteth, that they slew him, because he neglecting them, that were haply elder, appointed Esarhaddon another son of his, to reign after him, but they not being able after this appointment to alter it, contented themselves only to take this revenge, and then fled away. Thus the people of God were by degrees made more and more safe from the enemies sword. First, by the sudden destruction of his host. Secondly, in that he returning, is said to dwell in Nineveh, that is, giving himself to sloth and pleasure, not applying his mind to make war anymore, or haply, as some other tyrants have done, in their elder years, when they became weary of the wars, they have betaken themselves to a monastery, that they might spend the rest of their time in blind devotion, so he, and then it may well be conceived, how he came at this time to be taken in his idols temple. Thirdly, by his cutting off, as was threatened, Wolfius rejecting the reason of his coming to this temple at his return, rendered, by Jerome, viz. to give him thanks for his victories, saith that he fled hither to complain before his god of his ill success, but because it is said he dwelt in Nineveh, I rather think, as was before said, that he spent most of his time in blind devotion to an impotent idol, thinking thus to live the more securely the rest of his days, because the terror of the Angels stroke which he had received in his host, would not yet go out of his mind. So far was he from learning by that scourge of God, that there was but one only true God of power, viz. the God of Israel, and acknowledging the impotency of dum idols. Wherefore his blaspheming of God was now fully punished, when he praying in the temple of his god, that it might appear, that the idol had no power either to save his host or him afar off, or being nearest to him, seeing it may be, that he ascribed the preservation of his own person in that great massacre to this tutelary god and therefore worshipped him still, notwithstanding his armies overthrow in the land of Judea. But if Tobit. 2. 24. may be credited he lived not 55. days after his return to Nineveh. Touching this idol Nisroch nothing is recorded amongst Writers, saith Wolfius, but by Jerome. in tradit. Hebr. that he was of old worshipped amongst the relics of Noah's Ark, and calleth him Dagon. The Assyrians worshipped Jupiter Belus for their god, as saith Dion, Cyril, Eusebius and others; and haply the same was called also Nisroch, because he was a refuge to such, as fled and escaped out of battle, this being supposed by the ignorant heathens to have been under his protection, and through his tender care, according to the signification of the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nes, fleeing, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rech, tender. But the Lord to show the vanity of such as trusted to this, would not have him slain by the Angel coming upon his army, but after his return, before his idol, in which he trusted, and that by his own sons, that came out of his own bowels, as is added, 2 Chron. 32. 22. both that his sufferings might be the greater, who had sinned so greatly, in seeing first the principal of all his army slain, and in fleeing so many hundred miles with great shame and fear: and also that he might be punished in his kind for the striking of terror into all others, by being led as an ox to the house of slaughter, who thought none either man or God comparable to him in power and puissance, and by their lifting up of their hands against him most unnaturally, to whom he had given their being, as he had ungraciously lifted up his blasphemous tongue against him, that had so greatly magnified him and set up his throne above the nations about both far and near.

The place, that his sons who slew him fled unto, was Ararat in Armenia, of which see Gen. 8.

After this, 2 Chron, 32. 23. it is added, that God saved Hezekiah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem out of the hands of Sanneherib and gave him peace round about, and many brought sacrifices to Jerusalem, and gifts to Hezekiah, &c. That is, this miracle of the Assyrians destruction being divulged amongst the nations, they both sent great gifts to Hezekiah for honors sake to one so highly in the favor of the Lord, all their hatred against him and his people being turned into love and admiration, and a desire, (all hostility being laid aside) of their amity, and so they had quiet on every side, and in acknowledgement, that the God of Israel was the only true God and the Almighty, they sent sacrifices to be offered in his temple in Jerusalem, being, as Pelican thinketh, converted to the true faith by this great miracle, that being in part now fulfilled, which is prophesied, Esa. 2. of the flocking of all nations to the mountain of the Lord. So that however the ten tribes were carried away captive for their sins and no more sacrifices came from them, which before had been prophesied against, as abominations, and forbidden, Esa. 11. Yet there was now no defect, but rather a superabundance of them, by reason of the nations about, who brought them in from every place haply being moved also in part, because they having been under the oppression of the Assyrian tyrants, shared with the Jews now in the comfort and freedom coming by this their miraculous destruction.

CHAP. XX.

IN those days Hezekiah was sick unto the death, and Isaiah the son of Amos came to him, saying, Set thy house in order, for thou shalt die and not live.] The Hebrews, saith Pelican, think that this sickness was three years before the destruction of the Assyrians before going, ch. 19. although it be related after, because it is said, v. 6. And I will deliver thee out of the hand of the Assyrians, and will defend this city for myself, and for David my servant: and they say three years, because after the Assyrians coming against Jerusalem, three years are spoken of, that should •… e to Hezekiah a sign of deliverance. But if it be taken as it lieth in order, a good reason may be rendered of the promise of deliverance from the Assyrians after Sanneheribs death, because there might be danger again by Esarhaddon his son, who reigned in his steed, and might threaten to come and be revenged upon the Jews for the overthrow of his people past, and thus to vindicate the credit of the Assyrians, who were then put to great shame.

Lyra is for that of the Hebrews, alleging R. Solomon, in confutation of the opinion of some, that Hezekiah was smitten with this sickness, because he was not worthily thankful for his great deliverance. For this, saith R. Solomon, cannot be so, because that deliverance was after his sickness, and the cause of his sickness, was for that he would not take a wife to continue the line of David, but lived a single life, till after his recovery of health, as is probable, if the time be considered of which his son Manasseh was, when he died, viz. twelve years old, whereas from this sickness were 15. But Wolfius well confuteth this of the Rabbin, because there was no law, whereby he was bound to marry, but when he himself thought fittest, and if his life be considered from the beginning of his reign to this present, a fit time for his marrying could not hitherto be found; for first the service of God was so disordered, at his coming to the crown, that much time was requisite for the re-ordering thereof, and then his wars with the Philistines followed; after which anno 4 o . of his reign, his neighbor kingdom of Israel came into great calamity by the Assyrians, and therefore, he having refused to pay him tribute, could not but expect the like, and labor to fortify all his cities against the time of their coming. But letting all this pass, who knoweth, but that he was married, and went so long childless, or without a son, as others had done at sundry times, or having children, no son lived with him, till Manasseh. Touching the cause yielded by others of his sickness, viz. his unthankfulness and pride, wherewith his heart was lifted up from his great victory, it is both contrary to Josephus, who saith, that he offered many eucharistical sacrifices, and to the piety, which was always known to be in him, although Jerome somewhat taxeth him for this, and he is thus charged in part, 2 Chron. 32. 26. but it was after his deliverance from his sickness. But that which maketh most for the confutation of this opinion, is the allegation of R. Solomon brought before, viz. that his sickness did precede, and not follow after his deliverance from Sanneherib, as appeareth from the consideration of the time, when the Assyrian came, viz. anno 14. and the time of his life after this sickness, viz. 15 years, and the whole time of his reign 29 years. Therefore this sickness must needs have befallen him, about the time of the Assyrians first coming into his land, and not after Sanneheribs departure, from which to the death of Hezekiah could not be 15, but only 13 or 14 years at the most. It must needs be yielded then, that his sickness and danger by Sanneheribs coming against him, were about the same time, the army of that blasphemer not being yet destroyed, and unto this agreeth the promise made here v. 6. But what then was the cause? Verily none that we can know, but as in the case of the man that was born blind, John. 9. that God might be glorified, and his servant Hezekiah tried, and his faith made the more illustrious by this miracle, wrought upon his faithful praying, [Note.] to the encouragement of all others, to fervent and faithful praying in their sicknesses and dangers. Wherefore although it be set down after his deliverance from Ashur, it is only said, In those days Hezekiah was sick, nothing being spoken denoting the time either before or after, but that being left to be gathered by the diligent reader. He was sick unto the death; that is, according to the nature of his sickness, and in human reason. For it is hereby intimated, that his sickness was such, as that he could not by all the help of physic or chirurgerie escape death, had not the divine power miraculously healed him. But to find what sickness it was, we must look to v. 7. a bile, the same word being used, that is Exod. 9. 9. a bile so painful through inflamation, as that a man cannot long endure it, and by the same word, the biles of Job are set forth. But this certainly was the most dangerous of all others, a very swelling full of pestilential matter, as Wolfius and other think, which neither by lanceing, or out ward application could be made to break, but must needs kill without supernatural remedy. And accordingly the prophet denounceth death unto him, which Lyra noteth to have been done with respect unto secondary causes, and not by divine revelation. For then it could not have been otherwise, neither would Hezekiah have prayed against it as he did. It is to be conceived then, that Isaiah, as the duty of a good pastour is, hearing of the kings sickness, went to visit him, and finding him to labor with such a sickness, as always killeth, he dealt faithfully with him, and told him, there was no way for him now to go but one, viz. down the grave, exhorting him therefore to make his last will and testament, for the settling of his worldly estate, that he might wholly dispose himself towards God, and to a better life. And as Hezekiah, so every man that hath possessions or riches to be disposed of, is to be exhorted to make his will before his death, and because the time of that is uncertain, especially in these times, wherein men do often die suddenly, without delaying, till warning be given by sickness. Of making wills see Wolfius at large, upon this place, and touching Hezekiah in particular, he having no heir to his kingdom, and the danger being great, if this were left undetermined, whom should succeed him by reason of the contention likely to arise, the enemy also now being at hand to destroy it, the wise prophet thought it of great importance for him to make his will, and therefore moveth him in it. Whereas he saith, for thou shalt die and not live, some Rabbins make a strange construction of the words, viz. that he should die soon of this sickness and not live in the world to come: but considering the piety of the king, and that God's ministers are not instruments to drive into desperation, but of comfort in times of danger, this is to be exploded, and it is rather to be held, that having said he should die, he added, and not live, lest he still being in hope to live, should defer the making of his will, about which the Prophet was very solicitous.

Hezekiah hearing this, turned his face to the wall and prayed. Remember I beseech thee O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart, and have done that which is pleasing in thy sight, and he wept sore.] The news of death approaching, is naturally terrible to any, the most courageous man, although St. Paul, since the breaking of the power of death, by the death and resurrection of Christ Jesus, desired rather to be dissolved, then to live. And to hear of dying now, did pierce the heart of this good king the more, because the worship of God had by him been but newly reformed, and there would by his death so soon, be great danger of corrupting it again, and he was also yet without a son, to continue the line of David, touching which God had promised, that a light should not fail unto him in Israel forever. That of Jerome is not to be heard, that he was thus troubled, because he was uncertain, whither he should go: for he was of greater faith, and whereas he inferreth upon this, that no man is certain of salvation, till he be in possession of it, Cyprian is rather to be heard, who saith, that death is not to be feared of the godly, because they were not ignorant, whither they go when they die.

Touching the words of Hezekiah his prayer, they may seem, saith Wolfius, both to savor of arrogancy and discontent, in that he assumeth to himself perfectness of heart, and expostulateth with the Lord, as if he were injuriously dealt withal, to be made to suffer, by such a sickness as was incurable, when as he had not displeased, but pleased the Lord: but he saith, that Hezekiah spake not thus to justify himself to God, but in way of appeal against the blasphemy of Sanneherib, not by way of complaining against God's just dealing, but of imploring his help to heal him again by his almighty power, that all mouths might be stopped, from taking occasion upon this his stroke to calumniate him as an hypocrite. For Rabshakeh in declaiming against him, had sought to infringe his piety, in saying, that he had put down the high places of the Lord, and that he deceived the people, in making them believe that he was in so much favor with him, when he had greatly incurred his displeasure by thus doing, and if he did any acts of godliness, it was not for any other but his own ends, as hypocrites do. Now this deadly sickness concurring with that exprobration, if he should die thereof, would make the world believe that he was such an one indeed, to his infinite discredit, wherefore he maketh here God the judge of his sincerity, and the rather uttereth his grief by weeping, to think of dying at this time in such infamy, thus striving with the Lord of pity for restitution to health, believing, that he was easily able to raise him up, how deadly soever his sickness was. Yet he prayed not to have his life prolonged, saith Jerome, remembering how acceptable Solomon was to God, for his not desiring long life, therefore he left that unto God. When he had prayed, he turned himself to the wall, partly because it was next to the temple, and partly that he might be more private, and not interrupted by any object occurring, whilst he was praying, and that he might not make ostentation of his tears, so Rabanus; who also faith, that Hezekiah spake here as the Pharisee, Luk. 18. but not from the like heart, for Hezekiah spake out of humility being necessitated, he out of pride, therefore the one is justified, the other condemned by him, that looks not at the words, but at the heart.

When Isaiah was scarce gone out of the kings court, the word of the Lord came unto him, saying, return to Hezekiah, &c.] Here for the word [court] Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying the city, and so Junius, who confesseth, that having sometime rendered it so, now he rather thinks it fit to be rendered city; but in the margin it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , court, and the Chaldee. and Sept. follow that, and the Hebrews generally, and of the court made by king Solomon we read, 1 King. 7. 8. and it may be conceived, that the kings court was like a city; wherefore in the text it is put down city, and that it might be understood what city was meant, in the margin it is court: for it is not to be thought, that the prophet was gone so far as the midst of the city, because this countermand is spoken of, as coming to Isaiah immediately after the kings praying, in the time whereof being so short, he could not be gone far. Whereas Pelican thinketh, that Isaiah was bidden before to denounce death to the king, but •… ow he had a new revelation to the contrary: I rather hold me still to that of Lyra and others, that he spake not before by revelation, but by conjecture, seeing what his disease was, and now first was the will of the Lord made known unto him, touching his recovery. And what doth the Lord now say? Truly, that he had heard his prayer and healed him, and he should go up the third day to the house of the Lord, that is, to praise him for this great deliverance. And R. Solomon saith, for the destruction of the Assyrians the same day, but I leave that as uncertain. And it is thought most probably, that by the third day, is meant the third from that wherein the prophet spake unto him including it, so there was but one day for the medicine to work between.

And I will add 15. years unto thy days more, &c.] This is not so to be understood as if he should live longer then the time first set in God's decree, but whereas he was now according to the nature of this sickness a dead man, that he should be raised up again, and live from henceforth one 15 years more. For as S t . Augustine saith, it was from the beginning by God determined, that Hezekiah should be smitten with this mortal sickness, and recover again and live after it 15 years, and therefore he did not that now, which should not have been, but what must be, because he fore-knew that it should be. And if Isaiah spake at the first by revelation from God, that he should now die, there was no contradiction in the Lord in his returning and saying soon after, that he should not die, but having proved Hezekiah by the first message, and found him so submiss and unmoved from his faith, as appeareth by his faithful and fervent prayer, he as his purpose was hereupon, takes away the fear of death at this time by the second, and not only prolongeth his life, but granted this upon his praying, which he never did to any mortal man so long before, to know, how many years he should yet live. Touching the time set by God long before of Hezekiah's life, it is true not only touching him, but also touching every other man, that his time is determined, neither doth any live fewer or more years. So Job 14. 15. the days of man are predetermined, the number of his months are with thee, neither can any one pass the time set him. Likewise Gregory hereupon; God fore-knowing all things to come, decreed before the world, how all things should be disposed throughout the world, and it is also set, how long everyone should live temporally in this life. If it be objected, Psal. 54. The wicked and blood thirsty shall not live out half their days, therefore some die before the time set by God. It is answered, the meaning is not half the time set him by God, but reckoning according to the common account of the time of man's life, he shall not live out half the time that men commonly live, but either be cut off by the sword of justice, or by his riotous courses bring himself soon to his end. And the Lord doth not only promise a longer life by 15 years, which were one more then he had reigned hitherto, but also to exempt him and his city from the danger of the Assyrians, and that upon a sure ground, for himself, and for David.

Then Isaiah said, Take a lump of figs &c.] This, saith Lyra, was by the nature thereof rather a means to increase his pain, then to ease him of it, because sweet things do so, as the Hebrews also hold, thus making the miracle the greater. But Wolfius averreth it to be a means to ripen and to bring out the corruption of the bile according to Cornel. Celsus. l. 5. c. 12. and Gallen l 8. de simplic. medici. and Dioscorides l. 1. whose sayings he citeth to this effect. Basil also speaketh, as holding the fame. Physic is not to be neglected nor the benefit coming thereby, yet health thus recovered is not to be imputed to it, but to God, as was done by Hezekiah, who did not think that mass of figs the chief cause of his recovery, neither imputed his health hereby recovered to it, but to God's glory, adding thanks to him, that created the fig. And Jerome likewise, saying, some think it not a bile, but an apostemated place swollen and filled with corrupt matter, all which according to the art of the Physician is drawn to the superficies of the skin by dry figs punned or bruised and applied outwardly. And agreeable to this is that of Fr: Vallesius. Hezekiah could by no means be more aptly cured then by a Cataplasme of dried figs with barley meal, if the inflammation might be dissolved, if not, with wheat meal to mitigate the heat of the fever and other accidents. Ob. But if this were so, what miracle was there in this cure? Sol. There was not so great force in this medicine as that by virtue thereof he might in so short a time have been healed, wherefore God miraculously made the force of it at this time greater then ordinary, thus he; or rather the sickness of Hezekiah was such, as that it was hereby, incurable, as the Physicians present probably knew well, yet it being applied at God's command, he was healed; and thus it was miraculous.

For Hezekiah had said to Isaiah, What shall be the sign, &c.] Here it may be doubted, whether Hezekiah sinned not by doubting of the truth of God's promise? Jerome saith, Parvae fidelitatis indicium fuit. But Author Mirab. Sacrae Script. better, he had heard from the same Prophet two contrary messages, and therefore to confirm the last he thought it requisite, that he should give a sign; and Lyra, Dionysius, and Tostatus, His father Ahaz had sinned in denying to ask a sign, therefore he asked one for this further confirmation to God's greater glory, when not one only but two miracles should be wrought together. Or rather because he did not plainly ask a sign, but only what should be the sign, it is to be supposed, that he presumed that Isaiah would give him a sign, as his manner was before to Ahaz, Isa 7. and so he only demanded, what this sign should be, whereupon he gave him liberty to ask one of two, which he propounded, as he had before done to Ahaz and a far greater. The liberty given to him was, whether the shadow should go forward ten degrees or ten degrees backward upon the dial, but he asked, that it might go backward and so it did upon the dial of Ahaz. But here a question ariseth, Whether the Sun went backward so many degrees in so many hours, as it had gone forward, and so the day was made longer in all places by twice ten degrees, or whether the Sun keeping the course, the shadow upon that Dial only notwithstanding, went ten degrees backward. Comestar for going backward hath standing still ten hours, averring, that in Hebrew it is so, and that the day either way should have been increased but ten hours, yielding this as a reason, why Hezekiah would not have it stand still, because that had been done before for Joshua. But he is deceived, Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying to go, not to stand. R. Levi as Pelican hath it, answereth, that the prophets proposition is to be understood, as if he had said, Thou seest, that the shadow is gone forward upon the Dial ten degrees, wilt thou therefore that in a moment it go forward ten degrees more, or be immediately, brought back ten degrees, referring all to the shadow and not to the body of the Sun. And this seemeth to be the truth, if we consider the answer of the king, It is easy for the shadow to go forward, because it will do so naturally; but to cause the body of the Sun with so great celerity to move forward is a greater miracle, saith Pelican, then ever was wrought by Moses, neither could it be done without the concussion of the whole heavenly frame; yet God was able as well to do it without this concussion as to do so great a miracle. Lyra contrariwise saith, that the Sun went backward ten degrees, which made the shadow upon the Dial to go back also, and that in the ordinary time, viz. ten hours, so that the Sun being now within two hours of setting was kept still above the horizon ten hours, in which it went back again from West to East, from whence again it returned in ten hours more to the same point, the day being thus made twenty hours longer then ordinary. And for this he citeth Dionysius his Epistle to Polycarp. Wolfius making no doubt, but that the body of the Sun went backward to the East, saith, that all the question is about the degrees, whether they were, as Dionysius and Lyra hold, so many hours, or as others, so many half hours, or as some, so many quarters, and either twenty, ten or five in going backward and forward again, for in some dials be two degrees in an hour, in some four, and in some each degree is an hour; or whether it were suddenly brought back, and Immediatly forward again, and he concludeth without resolving it, because none before him hath cleared this question. Rab. Kimhi holdeth, that the day was but ten hours longer, and Procopius saith the same in effect, the day was almost doubled, and Jerome likewise, and Tostatus, and Author Mirabil. Sacrae Script. The Sun, saith the Rabbin, being brought back in a moment, and then going forward again in such time. And some Hebrews are so bold in this point, that they tell the reason of this sign given in particular, viz. because in the day of wicked Ahaz his funeral the Sun hastened faster then ordinary to his setting, that there might be no time for funeral rites; now to recompense the loss of time, which had been then, the day was prolonged. But if this were so, what shall be said for getting up the time again, which was lost in the days of Joshua by the standing still of the Sun an whole day together? Lyra is large in reciting the tenet of Burgensis, that the body of the Sun did not go back, but the shadow upon the dial of Ahaz only, and not upon other dials, which he founds upon the words of the text, which speaketh three times of the shadow going back, but not of the Suns. 2. Because no Astronomers ever observed this in any other country to write of it, which they would doubtless have done, if so strange a thing had happened contrary to the course of nature. 3. Because this had been the greatest of all miracles, that ever had been wrought by Moses or any other, for so much as it was in the chief of all the heavenly bodies, and yet there was no such great cause, as at some other times, there being now none other cause, but to assure Hezekiah of the restitution of his health, yet he saith it was greater, then that standing still of the Sun caused by Joshua, seeing it is a gaeater work to bring the Sun back then to make it stand still; wherefore he concludeth, that the day was neither longer nor shorter then other days, but only the shadow was made upon Ahaz his dial to go backward miraculously, when as by the course of nature it should have gone forward. All this and more being recited by Lyra he confuteth, opposing first here against Dionysius and August. de mirab. Sacrae. Script. Jerome, and others; then he confuteth his reasons, to the first answering, that the shadow upon the Dial, caused by the Sun, could not go backward unless the Sun went backward also, and therefore the one inferreth the other. To the other, that the Persians have left it written in their memorials, viz. their priest, that there was one day almost as long as three; and to the third, that this sign was given not only for Hezekiah's healths sake, which should be recovered, but also to assure him of the deliverance of Jerusalem from Sanneherib, which was of greater consequence, then that which was done in the time of Joshua, because if then the enemies were destroyed, that room might be made for the Israelites to inhabit that land; now he and his army was to be destroyed, by whose blasphemies they might be made to stagger in their faith, touching the true religion newly restored by Hezekiah, and purged from the idolatries practiced in the time of his father Ahaz, which was of far greater moment. Moreover the will of God is the cause of miracles greater or less, and therefore no reason is to be demanded why a greater should be wrought now, then at any other time, thus Lyra: wherein I must needs say, he hath not spoken so satisfactory, as to overthrow that opinion. For first, however in the course of nature the shadow caused upon a Dial by the Sun cannot go backward, when it goeth forward, yet supernaturally and miraculously it may, for what is not God able to do? 2. It is doubtful whether any such memorial be made by the Persian priests or no, seeing Lyra himself is not able to affirm it, but only that Dionysius read such books, as Burgensis never saw. And if such a wonderful day almost treble to another now were: the Chaldeans who were under the dominion of the king of Ashur should rather have written of it, then the Persians, especially seeing their king sent to Hezekiah, as being much affected with the wonder, which he heard was wrought for the recovery of his health, to congratulate the same, 2 Chron. 32. 31. and to inquire after the said wonder, 2 King. 20. 12. 3. Lyra over-reacheth much, when he assigneth other weighty causes of this sign besides Hezekiah his recovery of health, seeing this only is named, What is the sign, that the Lord will heal me, and that I shall go up the third day to the house of the Lord? For although his and the cities preservation from the Assyrian be promised, yet a sign to confirm his faith touching that is not desired, but only of the restitution of his health, neither was it needful, as being done before, chap. 19. 29. Wherefore I conclude rather, the wonder wrought at this time was in the shadow going backward upon the Dial of Ahaz only, when the body of the Sun went forward, seeing nothing more is expressly said in the text, and the literal sense is to be taken in all places, if it be neither against the analogy of faith, nor any other place of Scripture, nor absurd as this is not but rather more miraculous. But then it is not to be conceived, that the Sun was at this time only two hours high, but five, if we reckon, as is most probable, two degrees of the Dial to every hour: for so it might either go forward or backward ten degrees as was propounded, before the sun setting, the time of the degrees being kept. And if so, by that time the Sun went down, the shadow was gone back just to the degree appointed, viz. to about eight of the clock in the morning, and then the Sun setting appeared no more that day, whereas if the shadow had gone forward ten degrees in the like proportion of time, it had been no wonder, but that, which was easily and extraordinarily done daily, as Hezekiah said. But I would have this taken, as spoken only in way of confuting Lyra his reasons seeing yet something to incline me to the common tenet, viz. that the Sun went backward, and that is the express text, Esa. 38. 8. And the Sun returned ten degrees by the same degrees by which it descended. unless this shall be construed of the Sun appearing on the Dial only, that is, the beams thereof. Some are altogether for an allegorical sense here, as Rabanus, making these ten degrees of the Suns going backward, a figure of Christ's going backward, or descending by so many degrees, saith, the first was his descending to an Angel. 2. In the Patriarchs. 3. In giving the Law. 4. In Joshua. 5. In the Judges. 6. In the Kings. 7. In the Prophets. 8. In the high Priests. 9. In his Intarnation. 10. In his Passion Yet the same author in Lyra going upon the letter: sense saith ten degrees were ten hours, wherefore the sun being within two hours of setting was brought back ten hours upon the sudden to the East, and if it had gone forward ten hours it should instantly have passed those two hours, and so, there being no night been carried to the ninth hour of the next day. But for so much as this had been as great a miracle as the going backward and rather greater, why did Hezekiah refuse it as being more easy to be done? he answereth, in an Island called Tyle beyond Britany and the North of Scythia divers days in summer there is of course no night, and so the sun is seen still to go forward, when it is at the West, although to us in parts more southerly it is never so. Others, saith Wolfius, allegorize to the nine degrees of Angels, and a tenth of souls glorified, beneath all which Christ, the Sun of righteousness descended, when he was made man, but leaving this he findeth an aptness in this sign to the matter in hand. Hezekiah was as the son to the kingdom of Judah, therefore the suns going backward ten degrees did most aptly set forth his declined estate by this sickness almost to the extinction of so famous a light; but because the sun having gone backward being caused so to do by the Almighty power, in the course of nature would return again and go as much and more forward; Hezekiah should likewise be hereby assured to return to his former health, and live rather longer a glorious king from hence forward, then he had hitherto done, for fourteen past, fifteen as he was now promised. Genebrard saith, that Hezekiah was studious of the Mathematics, and the Rabins to the same effect, that he restored the year by the intercalation of a day every third year in the month Adar, that answereth to our February, and if this were so, he had a sign most fitting for him.

Now for the Prophets making him this offer, it was not out of any private motion, as if he at his pleasure could do so great a work, but as he was moved by the spirit, for which cause having heard Hezekiah's answer he is said to have prayed that this sign might be shown, and then the shadow went back upon the dial of Ahaz, which it is to be conceived stood so as that Hezekiah might see it. Touching dialls made by art, the world was long without them, at length, as Varro saith, they were devised by Anaximenes Milesius amongst the Lacedemonians, and by Marcus Valer. Messala amongst the Romans 477. years after the city built, and by God's working of a miracle upon a dial at this time, this art was honored and approved, and by consequence the seven liberal Sciences, of which this is one.

And hitherto of the sickness and recovery of Hezekiah. Now although v. 12. the next thing spoken of is the king of Babylon's sending Ambassadors to him, yet 2 Chron. 32. 25. he is before this taxed for ingratitude and pride, for which God's wrath was greatly kindled against him, which notwithstanding how it could be is a doubt, considering that Esa. 38. 9. he is said to have made a commemoration of God's gracious dealing with him, in writing to his praise, as a lasting monument of his thankfulness. For if he rendered not unto the Lord according to his dealing with him, but had his heart lifted up, as is there said, what is to be thought of that his thanksgiving? Sol. By his not rendering to the Lord is meant, that he gave not thanks unto him, but because after his health restored, Sanneheribs army at his prayer destroyed, and other great worldly blessings heaped upon him, recorded v. 27, 28, 29. his heart was lifted up, and he made ostentation hereof to his own vain-glory, at the coming of the ambassadors from Babylon unto him, showing them in a vaunting manner all his treasure, as heing proud of that respect, which was shown unto him by so great a king, and he shown it, not as a blessing bestowed upon him by the God of Israel, that he might be magnified and thought highly of by these heathens, but to set forth his own excellency, as if for some extraordinary merit in himself, his miraculous recovery and these blessings had befallen him. And what thanks soever a man giveth unto God in word, yea though he writes it to continue and to be publicly sung always in the sanctuary in his behalf, [Note.] as most probably was the case at this time, it is not counted a condign rendering unto God, if the heart be any way ill affected, and not holy and humble, which God counteth the greatest retribution which can be made unto him, as appeareth Mich. 6. 6.

That which is then set forth 2 Chron. 32. 25. in way of blaming Hezekiah, is by anticipation; the proper place being after the Babylonian ambassadors coming to him, v. 31. where it is said, that God left him to try what was in his heart, and more fully 2 King. 20. 13, 14, &c. For the words here following, therefore the fierce wrath of the Lord was kindled against him, &c. have reference to that, which is there said, viz. the threatening of the prophet Isaiah, that all this treasure should be carried into Babylon, and the answer of the king submitting himself to the will of God, for this is here called his humbling of himself, for which the adjourning of this judgment was made to the times following after his decease. Yet it is to be conceived, that this was not the sole cause; for Ahaz and other wicked kings of Judah before had incensed the Lord much more, and Manasseh, and Zedekiah, and Iechoniah, who reigned after, when the judgment was executed, but hereby the coals of God's wrath were again blown up, as they are by sin in the best, especially, [Note.] if extraordinary benefits be abused to their own vain ends, and not used to God's glory, from whom they come. Touching the thanksgiving made and written by Hazekiah, it is set forth Esa. 38. 9, 10, &c. to v. 21. and by the last words thereof it seemeth to have been compiled to be used in the house of the Lord, not only at his going up thither upon the third day before spoken of, but also at certain times as long as he lived.

At that time Berodak Baladan, the son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sent letters with a gift unto Hezekiah, for he heard that be had been sick.] 2 Chron. 32. 31. It is said, The Orators of the Princes of Babylon who sent to inquire of the predigy which was done in the earth. Esa. 39. he is called Merodach Baladan, and it is not only said, that he heard he had been sick, but also recovered. But of what stock this Berodak or Merodak was, and how he attained to that kingdom, when as Esarhaddon the son of Sanneberib, is said to have reigned after him, may be a question, seeing he that was king of Aslyria, was king of Babylon also, as appeareth in Shalmaneser, who carried Jews away to Babylon, when he subdued the kingdom of the ten tribes, and brought men from thence to Samaria. But it is resolved by some, that this Merodach was vice-roy of Babylon, as also his father Baladan had been, under the kings of Assyria, but now Sanneherib being dead and his chief strength overthrown, and Esarhaddon his son young and tender, he waxed bold to take that kingdom absolutely upon him, the Assyrian being shaken off, and to strengthen himself the more, be sought the friendship of other princes, which had been oppressed by the great tyrants of Assyria, amongst whom Hezekiah being one, whose part God had specially taken, and for whom he had done wonderfully in delivering him from his sickness, he specially sought his friendship, wherefore Genebrard in him placeth the beginning of the kingdom of Babylon. But R. Kimhi as Wolfius saith, holdeth him to have been the son of Esarhaddon, and king both of Assyria and Babylon, which is improbable, both because his title should not then have been altered from king of Assyria, to king of Babylon, and the time of his sending agreeth not, it being in the beginning of Esarhaddous reign, and therefore not of his sons, after he had reigned twelve years, as Chronologers say. But besides this cause of Merodachs sending to him, concealed in the sacred history, there are two other causes expressed, viz. to congratulate his recovery, and to inquire of the prodigy, that was wrought thereabout. Comestor saith, that he sent unto him to be his friend and fellow; for at that time both the Babylonians and Medes fell from Esarhaddon, but the chief cause is held to be, for that the Chaldeans, his subjects, being Astrologers, not being able to yield any natural reason of the extraordinary length of one day by all their skill, were at length certified, that it was done for Hezekiah his sake. This the king hearing, sent to inquire the certainty of it, and a present for honor to him, whom the Sun, which they worshipped in that country as a god, had so much honored, in staying the ordinary course, and prolonging the day in token of the prolonging of his life. Hezekiah rejoiced at the coming of these Ambassadors, not so much for the gift, but to see, that his friendship was highly esteemed of by so mighty esteemed of by so mighty a king, to be in league with whom, would be a great strengthening to his kingdom against the Assyrians for time to come. And for the gift sent, which doubtless was no small matter, but of great worth, as beseeming the sender, and the royal majesty, to whom it was sent, it is to be understood, that it was and is common amongst princes thus to honor each other, when they send out their embassadour, and that king hath thought himself mocked of old, to whom another prince sending, sent him no present. The Hebrew for rejoiced, as the vulgar Latin renders it, hath he be and them, but Esa. 39. 2. it is rejoiced, Comestor addoth, he was again also puffed up in his mind, affirming, that he sinned once before in the same kindo, after his deliverance from Sanneherih, because he shown not himself sufficiently thankful, although, as Josephus saith, he offered many eucharistical sacrifices, yet because he wrote no canticle of praise, as others of his forefathers upon such great occasions had done. Wherefore God pulled down his mind, that was lifted up by that great sickness, thus he; but as hath been already shown he was much mistaken, the time agreeing not. But now being left a little to himself to try what was in him, as is said, 2 Chron. 32. 31. he was lifted up by all these honors done unto him, v. 25. and so in great vain-glory he shown his treasury, silver, and gold, and precious spices, and oil, and the house of his vessels, &c. Some, saith Comestor, by the house of spices understand a cell in the temple, into which it was unlawful to bring any heathens; but Epihanius saith, it was a very long house made by Solomon, the entrance whereof was so cunningly contrived for secrecy, that it could not by the people be found, yea many Priests were ignorant of it, and here lay his treasure and spices, then the corpses of his progenitors, and after them of the high Priests and Prophets, which he denuded to them, and so defiled their dead bodies with the presence of heathens, wherefore from that day he was made barren, the contrary to which was true, seeing he begat Manasseh after, as his age being but twelve years at his decease showeth. R. Solomon in Lyra saith, that he shown them the things, that were most secretly and reverently kept in the temple, viz. the annointing oil for kings and high priests, and the two tables of the testimony and the law; and Jerome saith, that he shown them not only his own treasury, but of the temple also, for that was in his power, following the Cald, who for these words, In his whole kingdom, hath, in all his power. But it is not to be thought, that a godly king would go so plainly against the law of God, whereby heathens were prohibited coming any nearer to the temple, then the court of the Gentiles; neither is anything said by him, to have been shown unto them, but whatsoever was in his house, yea Es. 39. 2. where more is said, and in all his dominion, nothing is spoken of the Lord's house, and if he had brought them in thither, certainly the Prophet would not have passed it over without a particular taxation. It was sin enough to stir up the wrath of God to abuse the favors of God done unto him above all other men unto pride and vain glory which he did at this time, and to comply so with heathen idolaters, from leagues and covenants with whom never redounded any good, but hurt unto the people of Israel. Yea, hereby he shown some distrust in God, who had done so mightily for him, and some trust in foreign forces, of which God had so lately shown him, that he stood in no need. And if [Note.] there had been none other fault in him, but the abusing of God's singular blessings to puff up himself there with, it had been intolerable, it being no loss, then a sacrilegious robbing of God, who doth all things for himself and his own glory, protesting against giving it to another; as if a steward to a lord should rob him and convert the goods, where with he is betrusted, to his own use. Wherefore the Prophet Isaiah cometh unto him in the name of the Lord, and threatens him with the carrying away of all his treasures into Babylon, of which he had said before, that •• was a country a far off: for he said unto Isaiah, that the Babylonian Ambassadors came from a far country, the distance from Babylon to Jerusalem was 680. miles. But it seemeth, that he upon this message humbled himself for this sin, and all Jerusalem with him, and had comfort, that those evils should not come upon the land in his days, but after his departure: for 2 Chron. 32. 26. some what is said implying thus much, and here Hezekiah answereth the Prophet, as having a promise, that they should not come, whilst he lived, v. 19. The word of the Lord is good, which thou hast spoken, seeing peace shall be in my days, Junius, Is it not, since peace and stability shall be in my days? So likewise Hebrew, Is it not, if peace and truth be in my days. Vulg. Lat. Sit tamen pax et veritas in diebus meis. As if he had prayed so; and thus Josephus takes it, who saith, that the godly king was grieved at this message, as unwilling, that his nation should fall into that calamity; but seeing God had so determined, he prayed that he might pass the rest of the time assigned to his life in peace. But the Hebrew verity being otherwise, I adhere to my former exposition, from which neither doth Pelican vary, for he findeth no praying here, but a submissive resting in the will of God, who, he knew was propitious, merciful and holy in all his works, and injurious to none. Wolfius thinketh, that he spake of peace all his days, as grounding upon a former promise, when Isaiah comforted him by prophesying restitution to health and prolongation of life, and preservation from his enemies: but seeing those enemies are particularly named Assyrians, and here not the king of Assyria, but of Babylon is threatened to be sent to vanquish the land, unless he had some new promise, he could not build his confidence upon that. Some Hebrew expositors as Jerome showeth upon Isa. 39. tax Hezekiah here, as unlike unto Moses, who was so affected to the people, as that he prayeth rather, then they they should suffer, to be blotted out of God's book: but he contrariwise, as not passing for the miseries of his people and posterity is intent only to his own preservation for his time in peace. But herein they do most injuriously traduce this Saint of God, whose care and pains were always so great for their good. And Josephus much better writeth of him, as grieved for them, but necessity submitting to God's will, as he would also have done doubtless, although no exception had been made of the term of his life to be spent in peace. It was not therefore out of a dislike of Hezekiah his answer that Isaiah turneth to the people, chap. 40. 1. saying, Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, &c. as these expositors would have it, but that they hearing of a captivity to come might not be overcome with grief. Ambrose also favoreth that of Josephus, saying, That just Hezekiah rejoiced not, that the misery of captivity should come upon his children, but he could not resist God's will, and therefore submitted to it as a poor servant.

There is rather thed here to be noted, of what a good spirit Hezekiah was, in that he raged not, but patiently received this sharp message from the Prophet, as godly Theodosius bare the censure of Ambrose, honoring him the more for it, in that he said, he thought him only worthy to be a Bishop.

Whereas v. 18. it is said, They shall also take of thy sons which thou shalt beget, and make them eunuchs in the court of the king of Babylon. It appears, that in the fifteen years which he lived, he had more sons besides Manasseh, although mention be made of no more; or rather by his sons are meant his grandchildren four or five generations after, viz. the children of Iechoniah, who was the son of Jehoiakim, the son of Josiah, the son of Amon, the son of Manasseh his son, for these also came out of him, and were begotten by such as he begat, and therefore may well be meant, when it is said, which thou shalt beget. And if he had any other immediate sons besides Manasseh, it cannot be understood of them, because they must needs be all dead long before the carrying away here spoken of, unto which from this time passed at the least 100. years, seeing it was after that Mannasseh had reigned 55. Amon 2. Josiah 31. and Jehoiakim 11. for after him was Iehoiachin or Iechoniah. 2 King. 24. who was carried into Babylon, and other princes, who most probably were some of them of Hezekiah his posterity, and then and not before was this prophesy fulfilled.

The rest of the acts of Hezekiah, and how he made a fish pool and a conduit to bring water into the city, &c.] Of which act of his, see 2 Chron. 32. 4. 30. the last place being a comment upon the first, he stopped the waters so from flowing out, for the benefit of his enemies the Assyrians, and that he brought them under ground, and turned them to another part of the city to the no small benefit thereof; thus briefly the writer of the Kings. But 2 Chron. 32. 27. it is said, after his recovery from his sickness, that he attained to great treasures of silver, gold and precious stones, spices, and shields, and all desirable stuff, and store houses for provision of wine and oil, and stables of horses and flocks, and cities, &c. all which or some of which, viz. treasures, whereby he compassed the rest, he had gotten before the coming of the Babylonian Ambassadors unto him, after he was delivered from the danger of the Assyrians; for which cause, their coming followeth after this, v. 31. as being not immediately after his recovery, but three or four years haply after, when Baladan had attained the kingdom of Babylon, and enjoyed it without anymore opposition, from which most probably he was not free at the first. For he had exhausted his treasures so to pacify Sanneherib, that without some time coming between to fill them again, he could not have had any such glorious things to show to the Babylonians at their coming, nor in so few years neither, but that the huge host of the Assyrians being so destroyed, as hath been said, and the spoils of the camp left unto him, he was doubtless hereby greatly enriched; and so by God's blessing upon him for his piety, he soon increased it much more, so that it was now a thing worth the showing to great princes, what he had so extraordinarily heaped up together, although it were intolerable in him so to do to idolaters, who were God's enemies, as unto his intimate friends, and joying to be counted such to them, and to their lord the king of Babylon, as hath been already shown. By the spices here said to be shown, saith Rabbi Solomon, some understand those sweet spices, in which the kings his progenitors were laid, and upon this reason they think, that he shown them their sepulchers▪ as hath been spoken before. But he better expoundeth them of sweet spices, of which the incense was made to be burnt daily in the temple. Now as the Kings hath reference to the Chronicles of Judah, for the rest of Hezekiah his acts, so 2 Chron. 32. 32. hath reference to the vision of Isaiah, by whom ch. 36, 37, 38, 39. the most memorable touching him are also set forth; but nothing of his riches, unless it be in speaking of his showing them to the Babylonian Ambassadors: yet because Isaiah is more full in setting down some things, as also the Kings, he referreth to them both. And so concludeth with his death and honorable burial. in the upper part of the sepulchers of David's posterity, all Judah and Jerusalem doing him honor, by assembling from all parts to his burial, v. 33. which in the Kings is altogether omitted, it being only said, that he died, and Mansseh his son reigned in his stead, this other being left to the relation of another, who hath done it indeed briefly, but so as that we may conceive, he had no less love then wealth, by reason of his great piety, wherein he continued to the end, in that it was done so to him at his death, as to none of his progenitors▪ he was placed above all the house of David, as he exceeded them all in virtue; and therefore cast not off the care of posterity, as some have fondly imagined but have been already confuted.

CHAP. XXI.

MAnasseh was 12 years old when he began to reign, and reigned 55. years, his mothers name was Hephsibah.] Numa saith S. Augustine, reigned at the same time over Rome, who increased so the number of the gods by making more, that he left no room for himself to be placed amongst them, and Baladan the king of Babylon was also idolatrous, the Samian Sybilla was also of these times. The world then, as we may gather, was full of superstition, and the Princes of Judah being always prone to the same, most probably wrought upon the youth of their king to favor this way, and the rather, for the league made by his father with the king of Babylon, whereby he became most wicked, as is hereafter shown. Touching his mother, some Rabbins say, that she was the daughter of the prophet Isaiah, as Wolfius hath it; but because he was so bad, she that bare such a son is not set forth by the name of her father; to leave which to the inventers, Hephsibah signifieth, which pleaseth me or is acceptable to me; whereby is intimated, that of what parentage soever she came, she was a good wife, and according to Hezekiah his heart, seeing names are not thus singularly commemorated in holy Scriptures, but because they, that bear them, are really such. Wherefore most probably, as Manasseh came of a good father, so likewise of a good mother, yet he degenerated, to show, that virtue is not hereditary. Notwithstanding he lived long, and reigned longer then any of the kings of Judah before him, amongst whom none but Azariah [Note.] attained to 52. but he to 55. but he spent a great part of his time in much misery for his abominable wickedness, wherein he equalled the most idolatrous heathens. And in that which is said touching this, first it is to be noted, that he was most contrary to his godly father, 2. The main parts of his wickedness are to be considered. For the first, whereas his father in the very beginning of his reign endeavored by all means to set up the true worship of God, he contrariwise put that down; his father set the Priests and Levites in their order about the temple, he drave them from the temple, setting idols priests in their room; his father brought even some heathens by his piety to the true faith; he by his impiety corrupted many of the faithful; his father honored much the Prophet Isaiah, he, as history saith, sawed him asunder, having first dishonored his venerable age by scourges, although he were his near kinsman; his father consulted with God by his Prophets, but he with the devil by witchcraft; his father had the sun and stars obedient unto him, he worshipped most basely the sun, moon, and stars; his father by praying, and piety prevailed to keep away judgments from his people, he by his impiety brought judgments upon himself and them; wherefore his father obtained a glorious victory over his enemies to the increase of his honor, no labor or pains in fighting being taken therefore, but he to his great infamy was overcome by his enemy and bound like a slave in chains was carried into Babylon. Somewhat to this effect also hath Josephus. For the second, his wicedness consisted of three parts; Idolatry, Homicide, and Magic.

First, he turned and built the high places, which Hezekiah his father had pulled down, and set up altars in the house of the Lord, as Ahaz his grandfather had done.] For by means of evil counselors about him, who swayed him in his childhood, he was persuaded, that his grandfather was wiser then his father, and therefore preferred rather to follow the house of Ahab, of whom he was descended by the mothers side: for Ahaz was the son of Jotham, the son of Uzziah, the son of Amasiah, the son of Joash, the son of Ahaziah, whose mother was Athaliah the daughter of Amri, Ahab's father, who was the setter up of more idolatry in Israel, then any of his predecessors. Wherefore it being now a long time, since this superstition came up and was practiced even in Judah, the young king might easily be made believe, that it was the old religion, and that of Hezekiah new, and so to stand for it, this being put down: for so was Joas by the flattery of his courtiers carried away after the death of Jehoiadah. But hereby the great men of Judah shown, how hollow hearted they were, when as under Hezekiah they had shown all for wardness against idolatry and for God's pure worship; but now immediately after his death having an opportunity, they soon discovered, that their hearts were all this while towards idols.

And he set up altars in the two courts to all the host of heaven] That is according to Vatablus, in the inner court of the Levites, and the outer of the Israelites; thus defiling all holy places, both temple and courts, in the temple the altar set up most probably was such another as Ahaz had set up there before to the idol of Damascus, these in the courts were to the Planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sol. &c. having several images with inscriptions to make them known: and as Wolfius hath it, not to the Planets only, but also to the fixed stars, and the spirits in the air.

And he made his son to pass thorough the fire.] Which he could not do at the first, because being but twelve years old he had none, but having begun betimes in his idolatrous course, as he grew into more years, he grew still worse and worse. Of this horible and most unnatural practice of idolaters to their dear children, see before upon chap. 16. 3. Yea he did not only make groves, and set up the idol Baal, as is said here, v. 3. but he brought in time that idol into the temple, waxing more audacious against God, who had given a straight charge about putting his name there so, promising, that Israel should never be moved out of his place. But he nothing regarding this, together with his princes committed this abomination to remove the Lord, as it were, and to set up Baal there. In the text it is called the image of the grove, whereupon Vatablus saith, that it was an image of a grove, which he had planted, artificially carved; but Dionysius better, the image which he had placed in a grove, which he would have worshipped above all others, that is, the image of Baal. And it is said, that the people being deceired by him did worse then the Gentiles expelled out of that land before them. He forced them not at the first then, but sought to allure them to his idolatry by setting up glorious images, and planting pleasant groves, in which they might walk and delight themselves, and when by this means he saw them come to a liking of this, he ascended this height of impiety to pollute the temple it self. Neither is this all that is said, to aggravate his wickedness, but both he and they being admonished by prophets, they contemned it, and all the terrible threatenings, which they added against him and them. And hitherto the first part of his wickedness, the second was his Magic inserted, verse. 6. He became a sonthsayer, and set up such as had familiar spirits, and multiplied wizards to provoke the Lord.] Because his law was thus manifestly transgressed, as also by causing his children to pass thorough the fire, which two are censured together, Levite. 20. 1, 2, 6, &c. But of these devilish practices see before upon Levite. 19. 31. There were two ways of the wizards divining, the one called auspicium, the other augurium: 1. By beholding their flying. 2. By hearing their singing, unto which they added a third, viz. aruspicium, by looking into the entrails. So Wolfius who entreateth at large of all sorts of heathen superstitions.

The third part of his wickedness was his homicide, he shed so much innocent blood, that he filled Jerusalem therewith up to the brim. So that although at the first he drew men on by fair deceitful means, yet afterwards it seemeth that he persecuted, and tyrannically murdered such prophets and other godly persons, as opposed and would not consent to his idolatries, and other abhominatious: because after the relation of God's threatening against him by his prophet, made v. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. this followeth immediately of his rage and bloodshed. Who they were that suffered under this tyrant, by name is not recorded, only forsomuch as he is said to have filled Jerusalem with innocent blood, alluding unto a flood filling all places where it cometh; we may gather, that many of the common people also were murdered, insomuch, as that through the great numbers who were slain, there was as it were a sea of blood in the city; and it is generally held, according to Epiphanius, that the Prophet Isaiah was one of them that suffered by being sawn a under, and then buried under the oak Ragel. But the Rabbins more circumstantially say, that because he called the princes, Princes of Sodom, ch. 1. and said that he saw God, ch. 2. which it is said no man shall do and live, Manasseh sought to slay him, but a great cedar opening itself, he went in and was closed there, then the tyrant commanded the tree, with him in the midst of it, to be sawn asunder, to the sawing of him it is pointed Heb. 11. 37. Lyra saith, that this history is set forth in a book called Iehamoth, thus; Because Isaiah was uncle to Manasseh by the mothers side, he durst not deal with him as with other martyrs, but sought occasion against him from his writings, Esa. 6. as hath been said before, hereupon he was condemned to die; then he prayed unto the Lord, and he caused a cedar to open unto him to hide him therein, but he not terrified with the miracle, caused him to be sawn asunder with an iron saw; according to some, with a wooden saw, to increase his pain, and when he being thus cormented desired drink, they would give him none, but God sent some down miraculously into his mouth. But it is more probable, that Isaiah was slain for his bold enveighing against the sins of the king and his people, Esa. 57. 3. where he calleth them witches children, and children of the adulterer and the whore, and Esa. 1. 10, &c. And hitherto of the great wickedness of Manasseh, unto which in the Kings nothing is added more, but briefly having referred us to the history of the Kings of Judah, his death immediately followeth.

Wherefore 2 Chron. 33. 11. it is said, The Lord brought against them the princes of the Army of the king of Assyria, who took him in the thorns, and bound him with two iron chains, and carried him into Babylon, where being in great affliction, he prayed unto the Lord, &c.] Josephus, for the Princes of the king of Assyria, hath, the king of Babylon. But herein, saith Lyra, there is no difference; because the King of Babylon, that now was, had been a subject of the king of Assyria, together with the princes there, but now they were revolted, & Babylon was an absolute kingdom of itself, as hath been shown before. When he together with his princes, then are called princes of the king of Assyria, it is only spoken as they were in times past, for that the princes of Babylon are meant, appeareth, because he is said to have been carried into Babylon, and these princes are not here simply said in Hebrew, to be the princes of the Assyrian king, but the princes of the army which was his, viz. when he came against Jerusalem, for although they who were of the kingdom of Assyria were ••• troyed, yet these most probably escaped away alive, and now did no longer live under that kings obedience. The place where he was taken, was in a queachy place full of thorns and briars, to which Junius saith, he fled to hide himself; for so did many of Israel in the days of Saul, for fear of the Philistines. For the great misery endured by Manasseh in Babylon, Jerome saith, that he was put into a brazen vessel full of holes, and therein tormented by fire put about it, wherefore he prayed earnestly to all the gods, whom he had formerly served, but having no help, he remembered what he had heard his father say of the God of Israel, that he only was able to help in distress, and would save all those that called upon him, and therefore he sought most earnestly by prayer unto him, and was delivered. But this is generally slighted as a Rabinicall invention, because it hath no ground in holy Scripture, and it is improbable, that being brought into this misery, whilst he was so zealous for his idols, who (it appeared now) could do him no good being in his own land, that he would seek unto them in a strange land, to which they had suffered him their servitour to be carried away. Moreover, for the affliction endured by him in particular, Chrysostom saith, that he was fed but with so much barley bread in a day, and so much water mingled with vinegar, as might keep him alive, being all the while bound with chains in the prison house. Which showeth, that the particular relations of his miseries are but conjectural, none being able to tell, what they were besides imprisonment and bands, and this was misery enough for a king to endure. If it be demanded, what quarrel had the king of Babylon or his princes against him, that they should come thus against him, and use him so indignly? It is answered, that most probably he being waxed great, as the kings of Assyria had formerly been, was moved out of the ambition of his mind, when Hezekiah was dead, with whom he had contracted friendship, to think of subduing the land of Judah, and getting that wonderful great treasure, which he heard by his ambassadors was at Jerusalem, and so sent out some to take the king, which he thought they might easily do being young and improvident, and then he might propound his own conditions, before he were again restored, to pay him such a sum of money down, and to be his tributary under a tribute of so much per annum; thus he. But God, who moderateth in all things, had another end in the coming of these men against him, viz. to punish him with grievous affliction, according to the grievousness of his sins. But it is strange, and different from all other histories, which is here related, in that it is neither said with what forces this expedition was made, nor how he was taken, nor whether being alone, or having any of his princes in his company, he were carried away. Wherefore the sacred historian was only intent to the showing of his punishment, as being the main thing to be looked at for use, together with his repentance and deliverance, not regarding to speak of other things concomitating the same. It is probable therefore, that all which was here done was extraordinary, and not like to any other invasion or deliverance, anywhere recorded in holy Scripture. The King Manasseh haply being so horrible a sinner and bloudshedder, was stricken with inward terror, as Cain had sometime been, which made him to flee out of the city, there being no apparent cause, and to seek to hide himself amongst thorns, and these princes at the same time being extraordinarily stirred up, came into the land of Judah to get some rich prey, being drawn by the fame of the great wealth which was there, and having accidentally lighted upon Manasseh, they thinking him prey enough for that time, made him fast with chains, and so carried him into Babylon, without any other in his company, except Shebnah, who might also then be taken and carried away likewise, as is prophesied Esa. 22. 17. according to Cyril. Gretserus and some others, because we never read of any king so carried away, will needs have some of the princes also to have been carried away with him, because also the Lord is said to have brought these princes against them, in the plural number, & not against him in the singular, and good reason, that they who did partake with him in his sin, should likewise partake with him in his punishment; especially, seeing they most probably were the instigators of him to these evils, he being too young to set to such works of himself. But because the taking and carrying away of none but of him is spoken of, it is rather to be held, that he was alone, or at the least without any considerable company, haply having but one or two with him, being for their paucity omitted without speaking of them. Whereas some conjecture, that the city of Jerusalem was now also taken, it is yet further from the truth, neither doth Josephus make mention of any such thing, but saith, that Manasseh was taken by deceit, haply riding out for his recreation with few attendants, but when he saw the Assyrian princes, and the danger, wherein he was, he fled into a bushy place, and lurking there for fear, was taken.

The Lord being prayed unto was entreated, and brought him back again to his own kingdom, &c.] As the hand of God was evidently in his carrying away so extraordinarily, so it was in his bringing back again; for how or by what means this was done it is not said: whereupon some conjecture, that it was miraculously. Jerome. in the Hebr. tradit. That it was by taking him up as Habbacuk Dan. adject. c. 14. 35. by the hair of his head, and carrying him from Jerusalem to Babylon and thence back again to his own place. Chrysost. op. imperf. That a fire being sent by the Lord dissolved his chains and so he was delivered. But because God hath many ways to deliver such as call upon him in distress, which are unknown to us, the safest is to pass this over undetermined, only we may be sure, that he was extraordinarily delivered: and not as Benhadad sometime had been out of the hands of Ahab by humbling himself to him and entering into covenants, for then it could not so properly have been said, That the Lord brought him back. Most probably as he was carried away without battle first fought, the kingdom not being indammaged much hereby, so without ransom or covenant for tribute he was returned against the will of the king of Babylon and his princes, most probably his chains being losened, and the prison door being opened in the night, as to Peter afterwards, Act. 12. and so he departing unseen. In what year of his reign this was done is uncertain, but the Hebrew Chronicle saith, that anno 22. some others anno 7. but that is more unprobable, seeing he was not by this account come to man's estate, when he was carried away, and all the evils that he did, and gods patience and sending to admonish and threaten him imply a far longer time. Then he knew that the Lord was God] That is, experimentally by this judgment brought extraordinarily upon him, and by his extraordinary deliverance. He was not certainly ignorant of it before, but whilst he lived in idolatry he was not reputed one that knew God, but now he reforming both knew and acknowledged him indeed. In Manasseh see the unspeakable mercy of God towards man most [Note.] sinful repenting, in that he having been so foul a sinner, as that none was ever like him to the destruction of many in body by bloody persecution, and of many more doubtless in soul by deceiving them, yet he was received to mercy, when he was greatly humbled, and fervently sought to the Lord by prayer, for the comfort of all distressed sinners, but not of audacious ones, who are bold presuming upon mercy to run into and continue in any wickedness. What words he used in praying is not recorded in the Hebrew text but only in the Apocriphals in another language, but v. 19. it is said, that his prayer is in the words of Cozi, that is, some book not now extant, but not canonical Scripture: Of which it is to be held that nothing hath perished, or shall perish, whilst the world lasteth, because by God's singular providence preserved; whose it is the Hebrew Chronicle makes mention of Ozai as a Prophet, saying, Under the reign of Amon Shellum prophesied, who was high Priest and Ozai. By Ozai then is not meant Isaiah, as some conjecture for he was dead long before Manasseh.

Afterwards Manasseh built the outward wall of the city of David, &c.] The Sacred Historian immediately after the return of Manasseh from his captivity showeth his providence to defend himself and his people against his enemies, out of whose hands he had escaped, and then his approving himself to be truly converted in the care that he took about religion. Josephus contrariwise saith, That he first reformed religion, and then went about those works of defense, neither doth the Sacred History plainly cross this, but only relateth the one before the other, and it may be, as in some other things, not regarding order, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the last first. For it is most probable, that Manasseh being brought home again a convert, did without all delay prepare to offer unto God eucharistical sacrifices, and that he might rightly do this, first took away the altars set up to idols and then erected the altar of the Lord in the proper place, and as he had before drawn the people to idolatry, so now he sought by his godly exhortations to draw them to the Lord, because that therein stood their greatest safety, and this might soon be done; and then in due time the building of another wall for defense might the better be intended. The city of David was Zion, the wall now built was first westward toward Gihon, a book of water in a valley there, then towards the fish-gate, which was east, all these parts being compassed with a strong wall round about, which lay lowest. And it is most likely, that whilst the Priests and Levites were busied with some workmen to help about the temple, others were employed about preparing materials for the wall.

As in the days of other godly kings, who also maintained the true religion, so now yet the people persisted to sacrifice in the high places, but to the Lord only. And of Manasseh no more is said, but references are made to other books and writings, and Amon his son succeeded him. But 2 King. 21. 18. he is said to have been buried in the garden of his house, which was the garden of Uzzah, appointing it thus by his last will and testament, as Junius conjectureth, as counting himself unworthy for his sins to be laid in the sepulcher of the kings of Judah. Tostatus saith, that the people would not suffer him to be buried amongst the other kings for his great wickedness past, and indeed although he humbled himself and prayed, and was to his kingdom restored, yet his wickedness was still remembered and punished afterwards, 2 King. 23. 26. & 24. 3. It was forgiven to him, and no further punished in his person, but in his posterity, that renewed it, to deter all men from such profligate wickedness.

Who this Uzzah was from whom this garden is named, is not shown by any that I have seen but for so much as inheritances passed not from one to another family, he was some man of the family of David, whose garden came to the king, for want of another heir, unless by Uzzah be meant Uzziah the king, who because he died a leper was buried in a field belonging to the kings, 2 Chron. 26. 23. being haply made a garden and for his being buried there called by his name.

Amon was twenty two years old when he began to reign, &c. his mothers name was Meshullemeth, the daughter of Charutzi of Iotbah.] Of which Iotbah see Deut. 10. 7. It was, saith Jerome, an ancient town of the tribe of Judah, but whether she or her father were good or evil, it is not said, only we may gather, that she was no stranger, but a Jew, and so he was no mongrel breed; and by his age it appeareth, that he was borne long after his fathers conversion and so educated in the worship of the true God all his days hitherto. Wherefore it is the more strange, which is there related of him: He did evil in the sight of the Lord, and walked in all the ways in which his father had walked, worshipping those gods, &c. 2 Chron. 32. 23. He humbled not himself as his father did, but increased the guilt. So Junius translates it, the Vulgar Lat. He sinned much more: Hebrew it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hirbe Ashma, which may be indifferently rendered either way. He was therefore another Joash, of whom see before, chap. 12. who notwithstanding his good education under Jehoiadah turned wicked idolater, and therefore this king came also to the like end, was slain by his servants, because haply by them and their flattery he had been drawn to idolatry, as Joash also had been by his, who came and fell down before him and thus inclined his unsettled mind to their impious desires. And it was a judgment of God singularly to be marked, justly [Note.] coming upon him, that the same should be the instruments of his destruction, who were the instruments of his seduction. And although Manasseh his father repented and rejected his idols, yet he was not altogether blameless of this wickedness of his son, because he burnt not his idols, but only cast them out of the city where they remained to be a snare to Amon. Neither is he said to have done any thing for the reforming of other parts of his kingdom, but of Jerusalem only, so that from the country, where his corruption remained still it might easily be derived to the city: for a warning to all reformers, not to do as Manasseh, but as Jehu, break down the image and burn the house of Baal with fire, and so root [Note.] out idolatry from Israel forever. But how can it be said, that Amon sinned more, seeing he turned not wizard, nor shed innocent blood, that we read of, but only in idolatry followed his father? Chrysostom saith, that he sinned more, because he said, that he would thus do now and by the example of his father repent, when he was old, and this is to sin presumptuously. The Hebrew Chronicle, he sinned more, because he burnt the books of the law, which is the more probable, because a book of the law being found amongst the rubbish in the days of Josiah was brought unto him, as most rare. This also made his sin the greater because he was taught by his fathers example, but contemned or perverted it: lastly, whereas Manasseh repented, he did not, but died in his sins, as 2 Chron. 33. 23.

And the servants of Amon conspired against him, and slew him in his house, &c.] Thus through the just judgment of God, he was soon cut off, although the traitoors who did this execution are by no means to be justified, but condemned as most wicked blood shedders, for that they not only maliciously in way of revenge kill an ordinary man, but the King; whose person is so sacred, that although he be rejected of God for his wickedness, yet everyone of his subjects ought to be so far from killing him, as that he should fear to cut off the lap of his garment, as David did by Saul. And therefore the people did well to slay those, that thus treacherously had slain their king, as David had before done by him, that said, he had killed Saul.

Amon being dead, the people made Josiah his son king; and buried him in the garden of Uzzah, where it is said Manasseh was buried before. They neither put him into so honorable a sepulcher, as other kings that were godly, nor any lamentation for him, as they did afterwards for Josiah when he was slain by Pharaoh Necho, Thus a difference shall be put after death bet wixt the wicked and the godly, not so much in respect of the more or less honourably bestowing of their carcasses, [Note.] but of their souls; as of Dives and Lazarus.

CHAP. XXII.

IOsiah was eight years old when he began to reign, and reigned 31 years, &c.] And And he is also set forth by his mothers name and parentage, which was Jedediah, signifying the beloved of God, and it seemeth that she had not this name by chance, but the divine providence appointing it, because she bare so excellent a son, Josiah, signifying the salvation of God, as he was named before in the time of Jeroboam, and prophesied 344. years before he was born, and indeed by him was Israel saved all his time, both spiritually by being delivered from the bondage of idolatry, and corporally saved from the invasion of foreign enemies.

He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, &c.] As his father was most wicked, he was most godly, for which cause he is compared with the first king, who was notable for godliness, even David, from whose ways he is said not to have declined; that is, his ways of sincere seeking to promote the worship and service of the true God only. Whereas v. 3. he passeth immediately from this to repairing of the temple anno 18. of his reign, omitting to say what good he did before.

This defect is supplied 2 Chr. 34. 3. In the 8 year of his reign he being yet a child, he began to seek the Lord, and in the 12, he cleansed Judah and Jerusalem, from the high places groves, and images, &c. It seemeth, that he was godly brought up, in that he began so soon to declare himself, what course he would take, viz. follow on in the steps of David; which is meant, when he saith, that he then began to seek the Lord. Before this he was too young to make any such expression, and in that he did it now being but sixteen years old, it appears that the grace of God wrought [Note.] betimes in his heart, and other youth should hereby be stirred up to do the like. Such another was our Henry the th , who being dissolute before, suddenly turned saint, being very young; and Edward the sixth was another very Josiah. In the 12 year, when he was but 20, he sought to reform others under his dominion, by demolishing all idols and their appurtenances in all places, yea in thus doing he proceeded so far, that he beat the images and altars of Baal to dust, and burnt Baals priests bones upon them; and passing out of the bounds of the kingdom of Judah, he purged the cities also of Manasleh, Ephraim, Simeon, and Naphtali, yea all the parts of the land of Israel. And how he proceeded in doing this, is more particularly shown, and more largely, 2 King. 23. 4. although this relation be there misplaced. For it followeth after he repairing of the temple and the covenant making, in the eighteenth, &c. of Josiah, whereas this was done from the 12 to the eighteenth, wherefore it seemeth that the writer of the Kings regarded not order so much, but only to set truly down the particulars done. And the writer of the Chronicles putting things in order, regarded not so much to relate every particular, as being a thing done before, and therefore is so brief, as that without any mention making of purging the temple, wherewith indeed this godly king is said to have begun, 2 King. 23. 4. he passeth on to the work of his eighteenth year, wherein order was taken for repairing the temple. That we may then more fully understand how Josiah proceeded, in purging Judah and Jerusalem, we must look back from the Chronicles to the 2 Kings 23. 4. He commanded first Hilkiah the priest and other priests, to carry out of the house of the Lord, all the instruments of Baal, &c. and burnt them, and carried the ashes thereof to Bethel, which was, as Junius noteth, under the dominion of the kings of Judah, as being taken from Jeroboam, by Abijam the son of Rehoboam, 2 Chron 13. 19. and because it was by Jeroboam made a place of abhominable idolatry, this godly king to disgrace it the more, caused this base dust to be carried thither, as to a most profane place, and soon after upon the altar there, burnt men's bones, and then brake it down and burnt it to ashes, v. 15. What these vessels were, it is not said, but it may be conceived, that as for the service of the Lord there were precious vessels of gold and silver, as censers, basons, dishes, bowles, spoons, &c. so there were many such for superstitious uses about Baal, and the host of heaven. Yet as precious as they were, Josiah thought them not fit to be put to any other use, then to be burnt to powder, as the cursed goods of Jericho, that there might remain no remembrance of them, for the entangling of others afterwards. And the like care is hereby commended [Note.] to all godly princes, and not to do as Manasseh, when he turned to remove appurtenances of idolatry only, and to cast them out, seeing so they may soon be brought in again, as those that he cast out were by Amon, but utterly to abolish them. Moreover in speaking of the vessels made to Baal, it is added, and to the grove, which was, saith Wolfius, a place of pleasure near to the Lord's house, in one of the courts, where men and women met together and satisfied their fleshly lusts under the shade of the trees planted there. But more probably, by grove here is meant the image of the grove before spoken of 2 King. 21. 7. because vessels were not made to groves, but to idols, for the service of which, groves used to be planted where they were worshipped. 2 Chron. 34. 4. The dust of this burning, which is said to have been carried to Bethel, is carried and strewed upon dead men's graves, that is, the graves of idolaters, to show the baseness both of idols and idolaters, and what they shall come unto, viz. to be as the dust, which is trodden underfoot, that none might be infatuated thus anymore, to worship any such base and refuse stuff.

And he caused to cease the wizards, &c. or priests of the idols.] Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometime rendered one of these ways by Jerome, and sometime another; some, saith Wolfius, think that the word cometh from burning, because they carried fire to burn incense to their idols. Pagninus deriveth the word from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to be blacked, because idols priests did put on black garments. Whatsoever they were, it is certain, that they were the servitors of idols, being set up and having maintenance from the wicked kings of Judah, to do this impious service, like unto which are Jesuits and Monks, to whom maintenance hath been given from princes and great persons, who were superstitious, to perform blind devotions, whereby they [Note.] thought good would redound to their souls, and to their whole families. But as Josiah caused them to cease doing so anymore, dissolving those nests of unclean birds, and converting their means doubtless to better uses; so should all Christian kings do, that would come into favor with God.

He made the grove also to be taken out of the house of the Lord, and burnt it in the valley of Chedron, &c.] This grove is called the idol of the grove, ch. 21. 7. which Manasseh made, touching which see there; it is not to be understood as properly spoken of a grove planted with trees, but of an image called the grove, or grove image, because brought out of a grove thither; which is also intimated, in that it was carried as other images and vessels, and burnt in Chedron, and the dust thereof was strewed upon men's graves, whereas not dust, but ashes come of the burning of trees. And indeed it cannot be conceived, how a grove should be in the house of the Lord, or in so short a time, for Amon stood but two years, neither did he any other thing, but renew the idolatry of his father Manasseh, who planted no grove there, but set up the image of the grove, which also after his repentance, he is said to have cast out, 2 Chron. 33. 15.

Vers. 7. He destroyed also the houses of masculine harlots or Sodomites, Junius The stews in the house of the Lord. The Vulgar Lat. The little houses of the effeminate. That is, saith Lyra, of the priests of that idol, who are so called, because they were gelt. But of this see before in the time of Asa, 1 King. 15. 12. and of Ieboshaphat, chap. 22. 47. Where women weaved little houses to the grove. That is, saith Lyra, curtains, where with being enclosed as in little houses they prostituted themselves to such as came unto them to the honor of the idol, as the priests commanded them, holding therefore that they did well, for so much as they did not so out of lust, but in obedience. Oh a nation blindly lead, that could be made believe they did well, when they consented to such foul and abominable sinning, and therefore such as needed purgation at this time. Neither is it improbable, seeing [Note.] Popish priests at this day have the faith of silly women as much subjected to them, as those idolatrous priests had.

Vers. 8. And bringing the priests out of the cities of Judah, he defiled the high places, where they burnt incense from Gebah to Beersheba.] That is, from one end of the kingdom of Judah to another, for Gebah was the farthest city Northward in the tribe of Benjamin, as Junius noteth from 1 King. 15. 16. and Beersheba in the tribe of Judah Southward, Judge. 20. 1. [And the high places of the gates] That is, not sparing the idols of any, but destroying even those, that were let up by great men, and rulers, whose judgment seats were in the gates of the cities and there they had set up altars, amongst whom Iehoshuah governor of the city Jerusalem is named as the chief. Wolfius thinketh, that the priests, who are said to have offered incense in the high places, did it to idols, but Lyra better, to the Lord, yet because the temple was the only place, they were caused to leave those places, they being now destroyed, which divers godly kings had before spared, and permitted sacrificing in them; which they would not doubtless have done, unless the sacrificing there had been to the Lord, as Manasseh after his conversion, and Asa, who is said in the Chronicles to have destroyed the high places, but 2 King. 15. the people are said still to have sacrificed in them, he destroyed those, that were made to idols, but permitted those wherein it was sacrificed to the Lord. Moreover, that which here followeth, viz. that they had portions of food allowed them to live upon after this, showeth that they offered not to idols, for if they had done so, they had been idols priests; and so most probably should have been slain, as other idolatrous priests were, v. 20. He slew all the priests of the high places. But these were only from henceforth put from their ministry for that their offense, but had maintenance out of the priests means allowed unto them, as long as they lived, but no more, I suppose, then necessary for their sustenance, because otherwise they should have suffered only in their honor, but being for this cased of the burden of his service, it would have been counted as no punishment for their error past. After this example such as are taken from the [Note.] executing of the office of the Popish priesthood, ought to be judged unfit to be employed in the reformed, if without them enough others may be had: if not, such as turn, may be employed, but the rest not, seeing there is no agreement betwixt God and idols.

Vers. 10. He also defiled Tophet in the valley of the son of Hinnom.] That is, a pleasant place nigh unto dedicated to the idol Moloch, where they used to make their very children to pass through the fire, being called Tophet, signifying tympanum a taber, because the priests of that idol played upon tabers at the time of sacrificing, that the noise of the children crying which were offered, might not be heard, s is more at large shown upon Levite. 18. 21. and in the history of Ahaz. And he is said to have defiled this place, that is, saith Pelican, by filling it with dead men's bones, that it might be unfit for sacrificing there anymore, see verse. 14.

Vers. 11. He also took away the horses, which the kings of IUdah had given to the Sun, &c.] That is, some idolatrous kings of them. But whether these were images of horses only and of a chariot, wherein the heathen thought the Sume to be drawn about; or very horses drawing a chariot in honor of the Sun, is doubted. Christian expositors for the most part hold the first, R. Solomon the second, saying, That every morning some were carried out in that chariot at the Sun rising to wards it to salute the Sun in the kings name. Wolfius conjectureth, that the image of the Sun was placed in a glorious chariot, and that horses being kept for the purpose were at certain times made to draw it about in honor of the Sun, which he groundeth upon Macrobius, who saith, That there was amongst the Heliopolitans a golden image of Apollo, or the Sun without a beard carried about in a chariot after the manner of the images of the gods, which were carried in pomp at the time of the Circensian plays. And this seemeth to me most probable, because it is said, The kings gave them to the Sun, not made them, as if they had been images, and he caused them to cease, as speaking of things living, as before of idols priests, v. 5. whom no man doubteth, but that he slew them, and why should we not then in like manner hold, that here the killing of these hones dedicated to such superstition is meant, and the rather because he is mediately said to have burnt the chariot with fire, and why not the horses also, if they had been only images of horses? The place, where this idolatry was done was at the entering of the Lord's house, that is, East ward, as thought most apt for the Suns rising there, and yet not very near that house, because it is said to have been in the suburbs, at the chamber of Nethanmelech.

This idolatry Junius noteth out of Strabo to have been derived from the Persians, and he saith, They were the suburbs of the city of David, that is, Zion, where the Idol stood.

Vers. 12. And the altars which were upon the roof of Ahaz his parlor, which the kings of Judah had made.] So excessive was this Ahaz in multiplying places of idolatry, that he set up some on the top of his own house, and most probably Amon the son of Manasseh did the like, and Manasseh also, for which it is said, [which the kings of Judah had made] but Josiah pulleth them down, and the altars set up first by Manasseh in the courts of the Lord's house, and restored again after that they had been by him upon his repentance cast out, by Amon his son.

The high places also, which were before Jerusalem set up by Solomon, &c.] Of Solomon's setting up of these high places see before, 1 King. 11. 7. and what idols those were to the honor of whom he set them up. And the destroying of these is specially named, because this fact argued a notable resolution against all that might be said in regard of Solomon's wisdom, who set them up, Art thou wiser then Solomon? Josiah cared not what might be said, seeing he did that, which true zeal •… nd piety required. And in his example we are taught not to be moved to impogne [Note.] the less any superstition in the Church, because men most eminent for wisdom and learning have long ago brought it in, used, and countenanced it a for if it be a corruption, true piety will not be hereby hindered from beating it down, seeing in the wisest there is some folly, and in the most holy some blemishes which we must take heed of, although we reverence them for the excellencies that were in them.

If it shall seem strange, that these abominations were put down no sooner in the days of some other godly king his predecessor, as of Asa, Jehoshaphat, or Hezekiah? It is to be held, that although they were godly and zealous, yet God had one all that while in his mind called Josiah, to bring into the world, who should in purging the Church somewhat exceed them all, that if after this they should fall to idolatry again, they might the more justly be given over into the hands of their enemies as desperate, as indeed they were. And herein haply was figured out, what should be done in these latter days of the Gospel, in which a great reformation of [Note.] region hath been made, but it shall come to more perfection yet, the Jews being also converted; and when after this a relapse shall be made again, destruction by the Lord's last coming to judgment shall soon follow. This doubt also touching former godly kings, why they suffered these abominations to stand in their days, hath been further resolved upon. 2 King. 18. 4. Of these high places it is said, as of Tephet, v. 10. he defiled them; and to express how, v. 14. he is said to have filled the places, where idols were worshipped, with dead men's bones.

And destroyed the altar at Bethel, which Jeroboam had made.] What power he had thus to do, seeing Bethel was in the kingdom of Israel, over which, according to the first division of the two kingdoms, the house of David had no dominion, see before upon v. 4. But forsomuch as v. 19. he is said to have destroyed idolatry also, in all the cities of Samaria, and 2 Chron. 34. 6, 7. in Simeon and Manasseh, Ephraim, and Nephthalim, and even all over Israel, which were subject to the Assyrians, it is apparent, that his zeal carried him in his holy war against idolatry, not only throughout his kingdom of Judah, and other parts actually under be deminion, but also through all other parts, where any Israelites yet dwelt, as belonging anciently to the house of David, and without doubt being now willing to subject themselves to that house again, or brought under by his power, which those poor people were not able to resist. Only it is probable, that he bauked the city of Samaria itself, as being inhabited by strangers. Junius thinketh, that Ephraim Manasseh, &c. in this place are meant only such as in those tribes were willing, because in the days of Hezekiah his grandfather, it is said, that many of them came to the passover to Jerusalem. But in such places doubtless, they would of themselves have beaten down idolatry, and Josiah should not have needed to come amongst them for that purpose. Wherefore I think rather, that he did this whether they of the place were willing or unwilling, not without some reluctance and danger, which might follow to him from the king of Babylon, or Assyria, when he should hear of his bold attempt amongst a people subject unto him, in a matter of so great consequence, viz. the alteration of religion, which commonly beareth more sway with conscionable men, then any other thing. This then shown a most great courage in Josiah, carrying through all difficulties; and the difficulty of doing this will appear the greater, if we consider how long idolatry had continued in the kingdom of Israel to take the deepest rooting; viz. even from the beginning of that kingdom, in which there was never any other king but an idolater. Touching the altar at Bethel in particular, it is noted, that his destroying that was prophesied of in Jereboam's time 1 King. 13. and also the burning of men's bones first upon it, which was now fulfilled by Josiah his taking them out of their sepulchers and burning them there, thus to defile and make unfit for any such worship forever this place, which had been formerly this way so grossly abused. Whose bones these were it is not said, 2 Chron. 34. 5. he is said, to have burnt priests bones upon their altars; whereby we may gather, that these were the bones of idolatrous priests, who had served there in their life time; and if any shall think hardly of this fact against the bones of the dead, which had no sense of that which was done unto them, it is justified by the prophesy, whereby he was appointed so to do, and the Lord would have it so done, to show the abomination wherein he had idols servitors, in that he provided that they should have no rest in their graves, as others commonly have, but be disgraced [Note.] to the uttermost; and the burning of their bones after death, was a demonstration of their burning in hell fire, to which, idolatry and other foul wickednesses do make all men liable. And this judgment was just, that they who had sacrificed beasts to the devil, should for their bestial stupidity shown herein, be themselves sacrificed as beasts; the devil being thus dishonored in his servitors, where they him most had honored. Whereas the Antichristian sect have some time done the like, against the oppugners of idols and Antichrist, as against Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln, and Bucer, it was by a zeal, but not according to knowledge, as in those of whom Christ speaketh, the time shall come, that they which kill you shall think that they do God service. For the time that this was prophesied of, it was above 300 years before, as hath been already noted, and not till now accomplished, whereby we see, that the words of God shall take effect, and judgments threatened shall be executed, although they may seem to be long deserred, see this also in many examples [Note.] more.

And he said, what title is that which I see? the men of the place said, it is the sepulcher of the man of God, &c.] Because Josiah noted this sepulcher above all the rest, there are divers conjectures about it. Lyra saith, that it was highest, having a pillar standing at one end, in which was a large inscription, so as was not in any of the rest, and this might well move the king to look at it, and thus to inquire. Tostatus, that he was moved by the instinct of the spirit to note it, that his bones might rest in quiet. R. Solomon, that briars growing about the other sepulchers, here grew balm; for the Rabbins have inventions for all things. However, it was noted and declared, what sepulcher it was, and it was left untouched; and thus the old prophet, who had deceived this, rested in quiet also, seeing he was laid in the same sepulcher. But the greatest wonder is, that the men of that place so well knowing this, were not moved to abdicate idolatrous worship. But most probably they believed not, till they saw it fulfilled.

From thence the king going on to Samaria her cities, destroyed all the high places, and burnt the priests upon their altars. 2 Chron. 34. 7. He is said, to have destroyed all the idols throughout all the land of Israel; that is, where the Israelites inhabited, with whom he had to do. But in Samaria, where strangers inhabited that were of other nations, it is not likely that he meddled: because also it is said, 2 King. 17. 41. They feared the Lord, but served idols, both fathers, and children, and children's children to this day. Then he returned to Jerusalem.

All this being done from the twelfth of Josiah to his eighteenth year, that is, in six years, in which time also it seemeth, that a collection was made for the repairing of the temple, now the godly king taketh order for this work. 2 King. 22. 3. In the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent Shaphan to the house of the Lord, to bid Hilkiah the high Priest prepare the money, which the porters had gathered of the people, &c. Nothing had been done for the reparation of the temple, that we read of, since the time of Joash and Jehoiadah, the high Priest, which was before this 234 years, 18 of Joash, Amaziah 29, Uzziah 52, Jotham 16, Ahaz 15, Hezekiah 29, Manasseh 55, Amon 2, Josiah 18. Wherefore it is probable, that it was in great decay again, which being espied then in the twelfth year of his reign, the temple was purged, and order, as is here intimated, was presently taken to collect moneys for this work, as had been done before under Joash, 2 Kin. 12. 4. where the same is said, that is here, of putting the moneys collected into the hands of overseers of the work, and not requiring an account, and therefore shall not need to be here expounded again. Only it is to be understood, that 2 Chron. 34. 8. things are more exactly set down, for it is said not only that Shaphan the Scribe was sent, but also with him Maasiah the governor of the city, and Joash the recorder, to confirm the house of the Lord, so Junius; but the vulgar Latin, to repair; respecting rather the sense, then the proper signification of the word.

Who came to Hilkiah and delivered unto him the moneys gathered of the Manassites, Ephraimites, and all Israel and Judah by the Levites the porters, when they returned to Jerusalem.] Whereby it appeareth, that there was not a cheist set with an hole, as in Joash his time to put moneys in, but that whilst Josiah went about destroying idols and altars in all places, they went about gathering moneys for this work. And in speaking of the work to be done, he addeth, Which is not in Kings: and for the roof of the houses which the kings of Judah had destroyed] That is, as Junius conjectureth, of the Priests and Levites houses about the temple, which haply Manasseh, when he persecuted and slew the priests opposing him in his idolatry threw down, and Amon likewise, if he upon his repentance repaired them again. Moreover it is here more express, to whom the moneys for this work were delivered without calling them to an account, because they were most faithful, viz. the overseers of the work, Iasaph and Obadiah, Levites, Merarites, &c. And such, saith Pelican, ought much more to be made Bishops, that is, overseers of the spirit: building under the Gospel, and not any unfaithful, [Note.] or not thoroughly approved for their piety and good conscience.

And when they brought forth the money which had been brought into the house of the Lord, Hilkiah found the book of the Law, &c] It seemeth, that the Levites, who gathered these moneys, v. 9. brought them to the high priest and so they were laid up in the treasury of the temple, until the kings officers coming, they were before them brought forth again by the care of the high priest, as had been done in Joash his time, that they together might take order with the overseers of the work to have all things done herewith, that were needful about the temple. But whereas in Joash his time besides reparations, that were done, divers gold and silver vessels also are said to have been made of the overplus money, 2 Chron. 24. 14. here nothing is spoken of them although some, because the word confletur pecunia, is used in the Vulgar Lat. hold it to be obscurely intimated, because that word is used to set forth the making of vessels of silver, but Junius renders it better, absolent, and if the making of it out into vessels were meant, what should there have been for the reparations? It is most probable, that Hezekiah reigning so lately, from whose time no vessels were taken out of the temple, he left it sufficiently fornished, being a king of so great wealth, as he was, and so there was at this time no need of supplying these, although Josephus, who is in many things of little credit, saith the contrary.

Touching the book of the Law said here at this time to be found accidentally as Hilkiah took out the money out of the chest in the treasury, it may seem strange, that it should be spoken of as so rare, seeing such a book was appointed to be kept always in the Ark, and also by the king, that he might continually read therein: some of the Hebrews say, that Amon had burnt the books of the Law, which he could find, in so much as it was thought, that they had all perished; and if it were so, no marvel, although this being found was produced, as a thing so rare and presently carried to the king. How ever, it is certain, that so few books of the law remained in the land, by what means soever they were destroyed, that neither the high priest, nor the great Princes of Judah knew, where to find one at this time, till that Hilkiah lighted accidentally upon this which haply his predecessor had hidden here from wicked Amon, and then dying left it, no man knowing thereof. For it may be conceived, that there were in those days very few such books, before that anything was done against them, because we read not of any but that put in the Ark, and a copy before the priests, the Levites, and another written out of that for the kings use, Deut. 17. 15, 16. Of the Levites copy see also, Deut. 3. 19. and how it was ordained, that they should read out of this book to the people at the feast of tabernacles, and the Law should be written in plaster upon stone in a public place, where everyone might read it. In process of time notwithstanding it seemeth, that they were multiplied so, that in every Synagogue there was one under the hand of the Rector or Ruler of the Synagogue, because it is said, that Moses was read in their Synagogue every Sabbath day, and because this reading and expounding, (which commonly went together for which it is said, Moses is preached when he is read; and Ezra is said to have done thus) was by the priests; it is said, The priests lips shall preserve knowledge, and they shall inquire the law at his mouth. The ten Commandments were indeed at the first made common, for every father was bidden to write them upon the posts of his house, and to talk of them to his children continually, that they also might know them, but all the books of Moses here called the book of the Law were more rare, as may be gathered from that which hath been said, till that afterwards divers copies being written out, every Synagogue was furnished with one, and most probably some, that were godly disposed, were at the charge to have them in their private houses. If it had been so yet in Amons time, he could not so easily have deprived the Church of this treasure, and now that one was preserved in the treasury unknown to any man living, it was the wonderful providence of him [Note.] that was the Author of this blessed book, that although heaven and earth shall pass away, yet not one jot or title of the Law should perish till all be fulfilled. And whereas not only the books of the Law do so much abound amongst us, but of the Gospel also at this day, we see, how much we are bound to God, if the commonness of these divine books make us not to sleight and neglect them.

The book thus found by the high priest was by him delivered to Shaphan, who carried it to the king, and after relation made of the moneys taken and delivered for the building, he told him of this book, and read it before him; and when Josiah the king heard it he rent his garments, &c. The place in which he read, that troubled the good king so much, was as Jerome conjectureth, Deut. 8. 9. but there be many Chapters more in that book containing terrible threatenings against transgressors of the Law, in hearing any of which, and considering the wickedness of that land a tender heart could not but be smitten. For both his fathers had foully sinned and the people by gross idolatryes, which never go unaccompanied with many other abominations, for which he saw, that grievous judgments hanged over the land, and therefore he sent immediately to inquire of the Lord by Huldah, a Prophetess, by what means they might be prevented, and most probably that she might pray for the averting of them, as Hezekiah had formerly sent unto Isaiah, when the kingdom was in danger by Sanneherib, the king of Assyria. Of rending garments to show the sorrow of the heart hath been spoken before, but for the person, to whom he sent, it may seem strange, that it was not to Jeremiah rather, being a Prophet of more note and a man, then to a woman: for that he had begun to prophesy five years before this appeareth, Ier. 1. 2. even in anno 13. of Josiah, whereas this was done anno 18. so that they do ill, who bring a reason of this from his minority, saying, that he had not yet begun, or being but young was not so venerable. And as ill doth R. Solomon in saying, that the king feared to send for him, because he thought he would be more rigid; but a woman, who is by nature more tenderly affected, more mild. For both the king knew, that either of them would speak, as God directed without varying any jot therefrom, for even so Balaam himself had done; and being so cast down by hearing the book read, he doubted not certainly, but that from either of them both he should hear of comfort.

The cause then of his sending to Huldah rather then to Jeremiah was, for that she dwelt nearer, even in some part of Jerusalem. For she is said to have been the wife of Shallum the keeper of the wardrop and to have dwelt in Jerusalem in Mishneh, for so the Septuagint read it, retaining the Hebrew word, but the Vulgar Lat. and other expositors render it [in secunda] that is, either the second gate of the wall, as Jerome, or upon the second wall; for Hezekiah built another wall, as Lyra, or the second part of the city, as some others dividing it either into two or into four parts, as Wolfius saith. But Jeremiah his dwelling was at Anathoth in Benjamin about two miles from Jerusalem. And haply he was at this time further off, reproving and threatening sin in another part of the land of Israel, to which he was sent. And it was not without a special providence, that they went to her, that this [Note.] weaker sex might not be despised; but forsomuch, as sometime God hath vouchsafed to make women instruments of revealing his will touching things to come, as well as men, as Deborah before, and Miriam the sister of Moses, and Hannah after, &c. they might according to their good endowments, have their due honor, and that marriage might not be vilified so much as it is, amongst popish teachers, seeing it hath pleased God to inspire with his spirit, even married women, and men; for some of the prophets were married men, and the high Priest also, who oft times prophesied, as high Priest of that time, as Caiaphas did. Whereas Wolfius seeketh a proof of prophetesses under the New Testament, from 1 Cor. 11. where it is said, A woman praying or prophesying with her head uncovered; saying, that although other women must in the congregation be silent, yet hereby it is shown, that such as had the spirit of prophesy, were left at liberty to speak there; e is in this contrary to the current of other expositors, who generally hold, that they are spoken of as prophesying, that are present at the prophesying of the word. And although women have prophesied even under the New Testament, yet it hath not been publicly in the congregation, but privately.

But to return again to Huldah, some Hebrews think, that Shellum her husband was uncle to Jeremiah his father; whereas also some expound the wardrope of the priests, others expound it of the king, and Jerome gathereth yet somewhat more from their going to her a woman, viz. that this was done to the reproach of men in those days, and to show, that there was not a good man, who was worthy to be consulted with. But how this can stand, seeing Jeremiah lived then, and