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Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4

John Mayer (1583-1664) · 5,916,165 words · 26294 min

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the holy Scripture is so brief, that the place is left uncertain, as not material to be known, but when he is said to have been buried, it is left to be understood, that he had a burial according to his worth, seeing the king himself did so much honor him. And hast is made to tell of another thing happening about his Sepulcher, which honored it more then if men had done all that they could to honor it, and so the mentioning of all solemnity is omitted. It is said only that they buried him, saith Wolfius, to condemn superstitious rites, since invented about the dead, and the superfluity of cost, alleging the example of Cyrus, who charged his sons when he should die, not to delay the time of his burial by making costly preparation, but so soon as might be to put his body into the ground, as being the most kindly thing that they could do for it, that it might again be mingled with the mother earth, out of which all things spring and grow. The thing that happened, after his putting into his sepulcher was this, certain forces of the Moabites coming, whilst they went about burying another man, they for fear cast him into the prophets sepulcher, and so soon as he touched his bones, he revived and arose, and stood upon his feet.

These forces or troops, as the word signifieth, were robbers, which came into the land of Israel for booty, whereby the miserable estate of the Israelites appeared, now that they were so much weakened and disheartened by Syrians, they became a prey to other nations also, and were without all courage to resist, like fearful deer, at the sight of them they ran away. They had by their sins lost God's protection, [Note.] and so lay open to all their enemies to be robbed and pillaged, as the Misians, when their king Telaphus was gone into a far country, were made a prey to all their enemies. But God out of this evil bringeth good at this time, as he doth often, turning the malicious attempts of the enemies of his people, into an occasion of good; for thus occasion was given to this miracle for the comfort and confirmation of Joash and his people, who most probably had not yet attempted anything against the Syrians, for then the Moabites would not have been so bold, but now such virtue coming from Elishah being dead, and hereby it being shown, that God by his prophesying could strengthen the Israelites, which were made to be of a dead heart towards any warlike undertakings through the Syrians manifold oppressions, he and they might well rouse up themselves, and prepare to go against the said Syrians, as is by and by shown that they did, and stood up so stoutly against them, that they overcame them time after time unto three times, as Elishah had prophesied, and took away from them their cities formerly lost; when this was done, viz. the reviving of the dead man is shown in these words, the year coming or beginning, according to Junius, the year following, according to Wolfius; the vulgar Latin, in ipso anno, but seeing it is in Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the year coming, I rest in the first. It was in the beginning of the year after the burying of Elishah, at what time being the spring, they most commonly went out, that invaded others; as is noted, 2 Sam. 11. and if Elishah died, June 14. as the Roman Martyrology hath it, this happened about ten months after in the month of March, the Chaldee. in the entrance of the year; Tostatus in the return of the year, that is, saith he, in the beginning of the spring, or in the month of March. By their casting in of the dead man so speedily into the sepulcher of Elishah, it appeareth that he was not laid into a grave and covered with earth, as the manner now is, but in a sepulcher of stone, having either a cover of stone to it, or standing open in some vault or cave; for so they buried Lazarus of old, and our Lord; and thus we may well conceive, how the dead man's corps being cast in, came soon to touch the corps of Elishah, if the stone covering him were but only removed first. What became of this man the Scripture saith not, but the Rabbins bold to invent anything and to set it forth as a truth, say that he by and by fell down dead again, being raised to come out of the sepulcher because he was unworthy for his wickedness to lie so near the holy prophet. But if this had been so, it might well have been suspected, whether he was indeed raised up or no. It is therefore more probable, that he lived and went to the king with his bearers, as witnesses, that both he and all the people might reverence Elishah the more, and give credit to his last prophesy to be stirred up immediately to prepare and go against the Syrians, being assured, that his God that set him awork to prophesy so, was as well able by weak means to give life unto that state now after a sort dead, as by the bones of Elishah touching this man only, to give him life again. This is made a ground by papals of going in pilgrimage to the bones of the Saints departed, and by praying at their monuments to seek help against their maladies and salvation to their souls. But forsomuch as we read not of any such use made of this miracle by the faithful of those times, it is to be condemned, as gross superstition. For if God for some mystical end, of which by and by, and to confirm Joash, as hath been said, touching the prophesy of Elishah did work at this time miraculously by his bones, but never did anymore wonders hereby after, nor at any time before either by Samuel's bones or David's, Joseph's or Joshua's, or the bones of any other of his dearest Saints, what a madness is it, or giddi-headednesse to go to the dead bones of Saints, purposely to have help by virtue coming from them, as if this had been propounded for a president unto us to invite us thus to do? They had no such custom in the primitive Church, as we may gather from Ambrose, who saith no more of this, but that as the Virgin Mary being full of the spirit prophesied, so Elishah being dead, raised a dead man by the touch of his bones. And Chrysostom only that by virtue coming from them, none believing this great miracle was wrought.

And Eusebius writeth of Polycarp being martyred, that when the Christians desired to have his body to bury, the Jews their deadly enemies sought to hinder it by saying, that if it were granted them, they would, leaving their Christ, worship it. But they replied, that they could not forsake, but worship him, who had redeemed the whole world by his blood, and love his Martyrs and Disciples, as his imitatours. It is indeed not to be denied, that by Martyrs bones also, sometimes wonders have been wrought, when God would, for the confirmation of the true faith, but this hath been extraordinary and rare, not by being sought unto, but when God pleased unexpectedly in the times of infideliy, at what time only other miracles were wrought also,

The mystery of this, according to Ambrose and Rabanus, was to show, that who so being dead in sin, believeth in Christ, who died for our sins, toucheth thus, as it were, his bones; and liveth by grace, and shall live again forever, after that he is dead, in glory.

And Hazael oppressed Israel all the days of Iehohaz, then the Lord had pity upon them for his Covenants sake with Abraham, &c. And Hazael died, and his son Benhadad reigned in his stead. And Joash returned and took cities, &c. Here is shown, how the prophesy of Elishah was accomplished, and that the power and truth of God and his mercy might be more magnified, least it should be conceived for that which was before said, touching a deliverer given unto them, that they were already exempt from their oppressions, it is prepared to tell of these victories of Joash, by saying, that Hazael oppressed Israel all the days of his father Iehohaz, which that it may not seem contradictory to verse. 5. it is to be understood, that their resting in quiet, as in times past, there spoken of, is not meant of the present time, whilst Jehohaz lived; but in his son Joash his time, after that the Syrians had been overcome by them; although, as hath been said there, it is to be conceived, that the Syrians were even then by God's providence restrained from vexing them anymore; for Israel might still notwithstanding this, be said to be oppressed by them, because they yet held their cities formerly subdued. But now God enlarged his mercy towards them more for his Covenants sake with their holy forefathers, and restored their lost cities again unto them, the Syrians that had taken them, being expelled. This Covenant was, that he would be their God, and the God of their seed, and give them the land of Canaan for the pleasantness thereof, being a type of heaven; and by promising the seed, in which all nations should be blessed, intimating true blessedness also forever, to come finally unto them.

Hazael, by whom God had as by a rod, scourged Israel about 50 years, now was taken away by death, and so his son reigning, these victories were achieved. And here Wolfius noteth well, that this blessed change was granted unto Joash in way of recompense, for his so kindly visiting Elishah in his sickness, to stir men up [Note.] to kindness and respect towards the Prophets and Ministers of God.

CHAP. XIV.

THe second year of Joash began Amaziah to reign over Iudab, he was 25 years old, when he began to reign, and reigned 29.] Having left Amaziah since ch. 12. 22. now he prosecuteth his history again, telling also who his mother was, viz. Iehohaddam of Jerusalem. He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, but not like unto David, but as Joash his father. He began well, as Joash, and ended ill, as is shown, 2 Chron. 25. as he also had done; whereas David's heart was upright towards God all the days of his life, so as were the hearts of very few kings after him, as their histories do show. And 2 Chron. 25. 2. it is said of Amaziah in particular, that his heart was not upright. But how did he then, that which was right in the sight of the Lord? Ans. He refrained from worshipping idols, and restrained the people also from them, and both came himself and caused others to come and worship the Lord only, and this was right not only in the sight of godly men, but of God also. But in that he did it not out of conscience and piety, but being moved hereunto by some other thing (as Joash his father had done by the instructions and authority that Jehoiadah had with him: so he seeing the ruinous estate of the kingdom, when he came unto it, because he thought by this he should obtain mercy to be saved from his enemies, by whom his father had suffered grievously, when he turned to the favoring of idolatry) he is said to have done right, but not with a perfect heart, as David who bent all the forces of his heart to promote the worship and service of God merely out of piety, without looking at any worldly end herein. For who so doth not thus, doth not good with a perfect heart, and is always unstable in the true religion, as Amaziah was, and fell therefore into [Note.] great miseries, as the following history showeth. Touching v. 4. The high places were not taken away, &c. it hath been often spoken before in the reign of other kings his predecessors. v. 5. But when the kingdom was confirmed in his hands, he smote his servants, who had smitten the king his father, &c. And herein he shown his wisdom, in that (things standing as they did with his fathers house, since his ungrateful murthering of Zachariah) he avoided the giving of occasion to his subjects in the beginning of his reign to think him cruel, least by any means their affections being alienated from him, his kingdom should have been endangered. Wherefore he prudently first settleth himself in the throne, and by lenity and kindness winneth the hearts of his subjects, and then being by such means established, he doth justice upon those murderers. Some from hence gather, that although they were the kings servants, yet they were no mean persons, but men of might, so that Amaziah had need first to make himself strong, and then to proceed to judgment against them. Note from their example, that wicked murderers may escape for a time, [Note.] but they shall at length be punished most certainly as they deserve, and so shall other wicked ones, as Joab and Shimei were before. And this execution he did necessarily, because bloodshed polluteth the land, and here from it is not again cleansed, but by shedding the murderers blood. Besides, it had been against nature for the son not to revenge the death of his father, being slain by his own servants. But although he was most dear unto him, yet he exceeded not the measure set in the law of God by smiting also their children, as is shown, v. 6. For if any murder deserveth excess of punishment, the murthering of a king certainly doth, although he be wicked, because he is set up of God; he is his anointed, and therefore not to be laid hands upon, as David concluded touching Saul; and if he be, God taketh it as done against himself, and therefore always maketh such spectacles of his severest judgments, as was most notably shown in the murderers of Julius Caesar, although he had made himself worthy of hatred, in that he took the Empire upon him, and changed the government, which had hitherto been Aristocratical, For Cassius when he had joined battle with Brutus at Philippi, when he saw his army give way, slew himself. M. Iun. Brutus also being in the same battle, slew himself likewise, and his dead body being sent by Antonius to his mother and wife to be buried, his wife Partia seeing it through extreme grief sought to kill her self, and when she could by no other means, she did it by thrusting hot burning coals through her own throat. The like was the end of Cato Minor. And D. I. Brutus falling into Antonies hands was put to death, neither did any of the other conspirators escape. He also smote Edous in the valley of salt, 10000 men. That which is here omitted of his preparations to this war is supplied, 2 Chron. 25. 5. Then Amaziah gathering the Jews together, made them Captains over thousands, and Captains over hundreds, &c. and numbering them, he found them to be 300000 chosen men, &c. This number although it may seem to be great, yet if we compare it with the number in the days of Jehoshaphat his great grand-fathers father, who reigned scarce sixty years before, it is small, for he had under several Captains 1160000 besides those that were put into fenced cities; so greatly were the people wasted under wicked Jehoram, Abaziah, Athaliah, and Joash. And unto these Amaziah hired out of the kingdom of Israel, 100000 more for 100 talents of silver to go against Edom. What the cause was may be gathered from 2 Chron. 21. 8. they had revolted from the obedience of the king of Judah in Jehoram's time 60 years before, and therefore being now free from the oppressions of the Syrians, as also the Israelites were, he thought it would make for his honor to reduce them to his obedience again; wherefore he made this mighty preparation to go against them with 400000 men. But a man of God was sent unto him to bid him dismiss the Israelites, because God was not with them, and this he consented to do, but was sorry for his 100 talents given unto them, which might seem a small price for the hire of so many, although it were a great sum. For a talent, if it were the common one, was 187 pound 10 shillings, if the kings talent 281 pound 5 shillings, of the sanctuary, 375 pound; now it is most probable that the king counted by his own talent, and if so, 100 talents amounted to 28925. pound, and yet the hire of each soldier, accounting one talent for a thousand men was little, viz. 27. pound eight shillings four pence, to a hundred, that is, about five shillings seven pence a man; but some reckon a talent at less, as Sallianus, who will therefore, that it may not seem too little, have it understood of talents of gold; but this is against the express text, which hath it, talents of silver. But it is rather to be supposed, that money was more scarce then, so that twenty shillings will not go further now in buying any provision, or hiring a man, then five shillings at that time. And it is also to be conceived, that these men were drawn as much by hope of spoils, as by their hire. When king Amaziah was troubled in regard of this money, the Prophet comforted him by saying, that God was able to give him more, and so the dismissed them, but they taking it to be a disgrace unto them, departed home full of wrath. And Amaziah with his own men went on against Edom, and in the valley of Salt slew ten thousand.

Here it may be demanded, how it could be said, that God was not with the Ephraimites, or those of the kingdom of Israel, seeing about that time he gave them such victories over the Syrians? Answ. He did that out of his great mercy, and pity that he took on them, being a long time before grievously oppressed by the Syrians, and not because his favor was towards them, for he was even then offended at their idolatry, and therefore he threatened, that if Amaziah took them with him, he should fall before the Edomites. For although he doth wonderfully sometimes even for wicked idolaters, as for Ahab also before, and for Jeroboam after, yet be is greatly offended, and fighteth against his own servants, when they join their forces with idolaters, as Jehoshaphat with Ahab, and with Ahaziah his son. In that the kingdom of Israel was now able to supply Amaziah with 100000. men, which was brought to so low an ebb in the time of Iehohaz, the father of Joash, from whom, till this war, were but 14. or 15. years, for according to the Hebrew Chronology, this was the 12. year of Amaziah, and he began to reign the second year of Joash, the great blessing of God to multiply them so much in so short a time, is to be noted, in that they were grown from 10000. which was their number then, to 100000 which might be spared to help another king in his wars, besides them, that most probably stayed at home for the defense of that kingdom, which were not a few, But it is likely that they increased greatly, by the return of their own cities from the Syrians into their own hands again, and by the access of such as before fled and hid themselves for fear of the Syrians.

Touching the Valley of salt, which is said to be the place wherein the Edomites were smitten, see before Gen. 14. 8. where a battle is said to have been fought between the Sodomites and their enemies, and 2 Sam. 8. 13. David slew 18000. of the Edomites in the same place. For Edomites the Chronicles hath it, of the children of Seir, because the Edomites who came of Esau, otherwise called Edom, inhabited a place called mount Seir; and he took Sela and called the name of it Iokteel to this day. Junius, he took the rock which men call Iokteel to this day, expounding it of a city in Arabia Petrea, from whence it had the name Petra or Rock, and yet he referreth us to Josh. 15. 38. where Iokteel is numbered amongst the cities of Judah, but bordering upon Edom southward. v. 21. the vulgar Latin, he took the rock and called it Ioshekel, that is, saith Lyra, gnashing of teeth, because they that were thrown down from thence and so killed, as 2 Chr. 25. 12. made a lamentable noise through their teeth. But in the Hebrew it is Iokteel, according to Bede coming of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 coetus, a company, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 God, this name being given for a remembrance, that the company coming with Amaziah, took this place by the help of God, and if so, it was piety in Amaziah to call it thus. H. B. deriveth it from Iakah heareth, and El God, because God heard to give him victory. Some derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a bird called Onocratilus, which maketh a lamentable noise, holding it to be so called, for the reason before rendered by Lyra. Vatablus thinketh, that because it was a very strong place, and yet taken now by one Iokteel, it was called after his name, and this is the most probabl. But whereas Junius calleth it first Salah, and then saith men called it Iokteel, as if it were not now first called by this name, but indifferently by either of these names, referring us to Josh. 15. 38. where the name Iokteel is found long before, setting it forth also as the metropolitan city of Arabia Petrea. He was certainly mistaken, for it is manifestly spoken of, not as a city, but a rocky place, as Selah signifieth, and may further be gathered from 2 Chr. 25. 12. but a strong hold of the Edomits, which made the taking of it so remarkable, neither is the manner of the holy Scripture to speak thus of the name of a place, but of such as was not called so before. And it is manifestly to confound places to say, that Iokteel in the borders of Edom pertaining to Judah, was a city in Arabia. And hereunto add, that Arabia Petrea was far from Edom, and when this was done, Amaziah was not fighting there but against the Edomites, wherefore it could not be a city in Arabia, but a rocky hold in Edom, which Josephus saith, did imminere Arabiae, look towards Arabia, and therefore was not in it.

At this place what company was also slain, is not here recorded, but 2 Chron. 25. 12. it is said 10000. more, by casting them down from that rock, thus cruelly breaking their bones in pieces. This being done, the history of 2 Chron. 25. 13. proceedeth to tell, how the dismissed forces of Israel called Ephraimites, because that tribe was the most populous, raged against the kingdom of Judah in that part, which lay nearest to them, viz. from Samaria, which was the metropolis of their own kingdom to Beth-horon, that is, according to Junius, all the latitude of the kingdom of Judah, which bordered upon the kingdom of Israel, slaying 3000 and carrying away a great prey. It is well noted here, by Lyra, that this was not done immediately after the Ephraimites dismissing by Amaziah, but as it is set down in order, after his victory against the Edomites, and that cruelty shown towards them: for God now most probably saw his heart lifted up with pride, and through displeasure taken hereat, secretly wrought in their hearts now to take revenge for the supposed disgrace done unto them by their dismission, after they been hired. For if this had been done before in their return homeward, it had would have been said, from Bethhoron in Judah to Samaria, whereas it is said, from Samaria as far as Bethhoron, to denote the place, from whence they then came, and to confirm this more, it is said verse. 10. that being dismissed they departed, though full of wrath, to their place. Neither would God certainly [Note.] have suffered this their wrath to have thus broken out, for the credit of his Prophet employed about that dismission, but that Amaziah immediately upon his victory against the Edomites, had his heart, which was not perfect before, corrupted with pride and insolent cruelty, whence more sin followed, as is by and by shown. Touching Bethhoron it was double, the one called the nether, lying in the tribe of Benjamin, the other called the upper in the tribe of Ephraim, wherefore it must be understood of the nether Bethhoron in the kingdom of Judah, against which they went.

Then Amaziah took the gods of the children of Seir, and set them up for his gods.] It is a marvel, that by God's help he having obtained victory over the Edomites, as he knew well enough, because Elishah had shown him so much, and seeing the helplessenesse that was in these idols towards the people that served them, that he should so suddenly be besotted with their outward splendor, as that he should fall to the worshipping of them. But the Hebrews, that this may not seem to have been done without all reason, feign, that when those 100 0 Edomites were cast down from the rock there was a voice heard coming from the idols, this happeneth unto you because ye have been negligent in the worship of us, which Amaziah hearing, carried them home with him and worshipped them. But Lyra well confuteth this, because no gloss ever yet yielded this reason, and when a prophet sent unto him challenged him for it, v. 15. he could, if it had been thus, readily have answered him accordingly, but he did only check him, as being to saucy with the king, v. 16. And it is reason enough against it, because, if it had been so, the holy historiographer, who so diligently setteth down all things of moment in the Chrronicles, would not certainly have passed it over, to say nothing, that the Rabbins are known well enough to be audacious forgers. It is reason enough, pride arising in his heart after his victory against the Edomites, as he is chardged by Joash, v. 19. God who always despiseth the proud, seeing it (for he seeth into the heart) was angry, and left him to himself, and being left, it is no marvel that he ran into any abhominable wickedness. For when he by the encouragement of a prophet promising him victory had obtained it, to be lifted up in his heart was so against God, that nothing could be more, for it was in effect the taking of the glory due to God for this victory, unto himself. Wherefore it was just with God to withdraw his grace from him, that he might abase himself to worship stocks and stones, and because he had now a proud opinion that victory was pinned to his sleeve, into what other wars soever he should (as the sequel showeth in his sending to Joash) enter, v. 17. he cared not for serving the Lord any longer, to which he had hitherto been necessitated, when he was weaker, and therefore did it outwardly, but never from his heart. Lastly, as the old Romans having subdued any nation, set up their gods also to themselves to win their favor, that as they had not, so they might never be against them to withdraw the obedience of that nation from them, or in case of revolting, to stand to defend them, so haply Amaziah set up these idols of Edom.

God seeing this, was full of wrath, and sent a prophet unto him, that he might the more justly proceed in judgment against him, when he should contemn his admonition, as he did. For when he expostulated with him about the serving of those gods, that were not able to save their own people, he did nothing but check and threaten him, and bade him be gone, lest he should smite him, but the prophet answered, that he knew, the Lord determined to slay him, because he would not hearken to his counsel. This prophet, saith Hugo following Jerome, was Eleazar the son of Dodo his uncle, and some say that he was Amos the father of Isaiah, who is said 2 King. 14. 25. to have been a while after sent to Jeroboam the son of Joash. But it is more probable, that it was one dwelling in Judah, that had caused Amaziah to dismiss the Israelitish army, whereby they were provoked in his absence to do him so much mischief; therefore he was now so angry with this prophet, as the cause hereof, but what his name was, is to us unknown.

Then Amaziah sent messengers unto Joash, saying, &c. Go to, let us see one another's face, &c.] After admonition by a prophet, there following no reformation in Amaziah, but an obstinate settling of himself to his idolatry begun, now followeth his punishment, of which he was made the occasion to himself. He returning from Edom with victory and great spoils, when he heard what the Israelites, the men of Joash had done in his absence, in spoiling his country, and slaying his subjects, was greatly exasperated, as well he might, and to be revenged after counsel taken, saith 2 Chron. 25. 17. sent to challenge Joash the king of Israel, to come and fight with him; for this he meant by the consent of all expositors, when he said, Let us see one another's face. As if he had said, let not thy men come thus cowardly to fight and kill up my subjects, and to take booties by stealth, but if thou beest a man, come in person and bring all thy forces with thee, and I will meet and fight with thee face to face openly in a set battle, and not infest thy borders by stealth and then run away again, as thy men have done.

Josephus addeth, that he also challenged him for usurping the kingdom over the ten tribes, which of right belonged unto him, as being lineally descended of David and Solomon, from whose kingdom they were rent by rebellion. Now although Amaziah had a just cause to go against the king of Israel, for the wrong which he had done him in his absence, yet it was temerity and no advised wisdom (although he be said to have taken counsel) thus to challenge him. His counselors most probably were such, as those young men of whom Rehoboam took counsel in times past, and lost the greatest part of his kingdom. A wise King would rather have sent to require satisfaction for the wrongs done him, or without sending, taken the advantage of sudden coming upon him, thus seeking to salve himself again for his losses. But when God meaneth to bring the wicked to destruction for their wickedness, he enfatuateth them, that they may run to their own ruin, and so he did Amaziah at this time. He let him be lifted up with pride, so as to think his forces were now invincible, because he had overcome the Edomites, and withal recounting what the prophet had said unto him, when he went against Edom, that the Lord was not with Israel, to slight all the power, that the king of Israel could raise. But of his own idolatry, which he was lately fallen into, he was nothing sensble, although the prophet had threatened him, to fear an alteration of success in the wars, that he should henceforth make; therefore Joash having received his message, returneth answer by way of allegory.

The thistle of Lebanon sent to the cedar of Lebanon, saying, give thy daughter to my son to wife, but a beast passing along trod down the thistle, &c.] Hereby most aptly showing him, how unequal his forces were to his own, and if he proceeded according to his challenge, what the event would be. For the cedar is the tallest and firmest of all the trees of the forest, one being found in Cyprus, according to Pliny, 130. foot long, and as big about as three men could fathom, and for the lasting of the wood hereof, it is reported to be incorruptible, but the thistle is so vile, that it is not to be accounted a tree, but a weed. And hereby he would set forth Amaziah, contrary to the proud opinion that he had of himself, to be most mean and contemptible, in comparison of the king of Israel. And he compareth their meeting together to fight, to a most unequal marriage, which tendeth always to great hurt to the over-matched; by the beast treading down the thistle, he meaneth, his soldiers, who would make no more ado to subdue him and his men, then a great beast to tread down a thistle. Thus Wolfius; but Lyra following R. Solomon, showeth further the original of this comparison. The Jews counted Shechem affecting a marriage with Dinah Jacob's daughter, as a thistle requiring the cedar to give his daughter to wife unto it, because Jacob was a great Patriarch, and Shechem a base Ethnic, and because when Shechem sought that marriage, the sons of Jacob like a mad beast came and destroyed him, and the people of his city, it went for a proverb amongst them, when any man would set forth one undertaking a thing too hard and dangerous for him, to say, the thistle sent to the cedar, &c. and so Joash now used it to Amaziah.

Thou hast done valiantly against the Edomites, be content with this glory, and keep at home, &c.] Here Joash showing plainly this to be his meaning, that he challenged him but to his own destruction, giveth him good counsel. But he had not the power to follow it, the Lord working so by his judgment for his idolatry with the gods of Edom, that he hardened himself to go to this battle, wherein he was so overcome and subdued, that Joash took & spoiled what he pleased in his dominions, even to Jerusalem, anp the temple itself, as is expressed 2 Chron. 25. 20, 21, 22, 23. carrying away all the treasures found therein, with Obed-edom, and in the kings house, and taking pledges.

The place where they met to fight was Bethshemesh in Judah, so called, because there was another of the same name in Naphtali, Josh. 9 38. and this was near to Kireath-Iearim, where the Ark sometimes rested divers years, when it was brought back out of the Philistines country, and not above four miles from Jerusalem. Joash then seeing, that Amaziah was fully bent to war, stayed not for his coming, but hastened to meet him in his own kingdom, as is the part of a wise prince, thus keeping his own from being spoiled by a multitude of soldiers, which was also the policy of Hannibal the Carthaginian afterwards, to keep his country from the invasion of the Romans, to make war upon them in Italy, and theirs at length on the other side to do the like by Africa, and Carthage. The two Kings meeting at Bethshemesh, the challenger Amaziah paid for his arrogancy and rashness: for he was soon overcome, and his men put to flight, he was taken, and at the mercy of Joash, as the Edomites lately were at his, but found none. So it was just with God, that he should now be under the power of his enemy, then which nothing certainly could more vex him, being proud of his former victory, and expecting nothing less, as his challenge before-going shown. Being taken, Joash leadeth him away in triumph, as a prisoner, to his chief city Jerusalem, and there breaketh down the wall from the gate of Ephraim to the corner gate, 400 cubits. The gate of Ephraim was that which looked towards the kingdom of Ephraim and stood northward, and the corner gate that, where the wall began to turn again, which was westward, according to Josephus, who in setting these things forth saith, that when the two armies were now ready to join battle, such a fear fell upon those of Judah, that without fighting they began to flee away, and so the king was left to come into the enemies hands. And Joash having taken him, brought him to Jerusalem, and there commanded him to cause his people to open their gates and yield their city unto him, or else he would presently put him to a cruel death. At his persuasion therefore the city was yielded, and because Joash would have room enough for his army to enter, he brake down thus much of the wall, the citizens looking on, and not daring to resist. Then he riding in, in his chariot triumphantly, took all the treasures, as was before said. Obed-edom, in whose hand the treasure and vessels of the Lord's house were, was a Levite, to whose custody these were committed. The pledges which they took, was men's sons of the highest rank, whom he carried away with him, to be his security for the payment of such tribute and standing to such conditions as he pleased to propound. Thus Amaziah and his people smarted for their idolatry, Joash, who himself was no better, being made the instrument. And to show, that God used him but as his rod to punish sin in Amaziah, the relation of his death followeth next, as most probably happening the same year. For Joash reigned but to his sixteen year, 2 King 13. 10. Amaziah began his reign in his second year, and anno 12. fought against Edom, wherefore the war between him and Joash must be anno 13. that is, the 15. year of Joash, and this most probably near expired when he returned to Samaria and then he lived not a year after. And unto this agreeth that, which is here added, v. 17. Amaziah lived after the death of Joash 15. years, and the whole time of his reign was 29 v. 2. wherefore in his 14 Joash died. Now although Amaziah lived still fifteen years, yet there is nothing memorable recorded of him in all that time, but that after he left following the Lord, his own subjects in Jerusalem growing weary of him, conspired against him, and thus he was forced to flee to Lachish, to which place he was notwithstanding pursued, and slain there. Their hatred most probably was stirred up against him for the great miseries, into which the kingdom was brought by his means, who after his overthrow by the king of Israel grew pusillanimous, not daring to attempt anything more like a valiant king, for the good of his kingdom, but lay in the abhominable sin of idolatry, spending his time idly and basely. Of this the princes and nobles being at length impatient, when his sons were grown up to 16. years of age, consented together to depose him and set up his son, then he hearing of it fled. Jerome thinketh, that this conspiracy was begun in secret immediately after that their kingdom was made tributary to the king of Israel, and not brought to perfection till this time, and that Amaziah perceiving what they went about, fled; but being immediately followed, was taken and slain. Others think, that it was the fifth year after the death of Joash, that they made this conspiracy, and that he lay hid after this in Lachish ten years, before he was slain. But this cannot be, seeing he is said to have reigned 29 years, wherefore they are rather to be followed, who hold, that this conspiracy was made, and he thereupon fleeing, was pursued and cut off, all in his last year, no time being given him at Lachish to fortify himself against them. If it be said, it is not likely that they would conspire against him 15 years after, for the mischief brought upon them by Joash; the longer they were held under by the king of Israel, the more weary doubtless they grew, and now to be rid of this bondage they agreed to depose this king, who by oath was obliged, and to set up another, who was free. Whereas some are of opinion, that Amaziah in all this time patiently bare his miseries, and turned from his idolatry, as the cause hereof, yielding this for the reason, that his son Uzziah is said to have done that, which was right in the sight of the Lord, as his father Amaziah, 2 Chron. 26. 4. they go upon a most weak ground, seeing the like is said before of Amaziah, compared to Joash his father. Their opinion then is rather to be preferred, who say, that when they conspired against him, he should have better provided for himself, by fleeing the idolatry which he had set up, and go to God by true repentance, then by fleeing to Lachish; but whereas in all his miseries he did not, this is set forth as another judgment of God coming upon him, as the words imply. After he left following the Lord, they conspired against him in Jerusalem. And it seemeth to have been a strong conspiracy, that he was not able to repress, and therefore was constrained to flee from, neither did his son after him attempt to punish it, as he had done to those that slew his father Joash. It seemeth then, that it was made by a general consent, as that sometime against Athaliah, and so the succeeding King was fain to pass it over.

Lachish, the city to which he fled, was in the tribe of Judah, upon the borders of the Philistines, of which see Josh. 15. it sometime had a King, and 2 King. 18. it was besieged by Sanneherib, when he had overcome the Philistines, whence we may gather, that it was a place of strength, in which Amaziah haply thought to defend himself, it was 20 miles from Jerusalem.

When they had slain him, they carried him upon horses to Jerusalem, and not upon men's shoulders saith Jerome, because he served the idols of Edom, whom he brought to Jerusalem upon horses, therefore his dead body was carried so likewise, they thinking it unworthy to be carried upon men's shoulders, as the Ark of God upon the shoulders of the Koathites, because he had forsaken him.

Then all the people took Azariah and made him King, &c.] 2 Chro. 26. 1. Uzziah. It seemeth that he was called indifferently by either of these two names; his age also is set down 16 years, and his mothers name Iecolia of Jerusalem, and the time of his reign 52. years, 2 Chron. 26. 3. Uzziah, saith gloss. ordin. signifieth the virtue of God, and Azariah, the help of the Lord, according to which names he did, and was holpen in the beginning of his reign, as here followeth, v. 4, 5, 6, &c.

He built Elath after that he had recovered it to Judah, and slept with his fathers.] This Elath was in the land of Edom near to Ezion-gaber, 1 King. 9. 26. and if it were by Amaziah his father taken, when he went against the Edomites, it is most probable, that after the great blow given him by Joash King of Israel, he lost it again, the Edomites waxing bold upon his being brought under, to set upon it, and take it from the Jews again. But now Uzziah coming to a better estate, taketh it and layeth it to Judah, and fortifieth it for his use, as being of great importance, since it was a port town. And this is all that is in this Chapter set down touching Uzziah in the history of the Kings. But ch. 15. 1. returning again to the beginning of his reign, it setteth forth more. Anno 27. of Jeroboam king of Israel, Azariah began, &c. touching which description of the time, a great question ariseth, how it could be 27 of Jeroboam, seeing his father lived and reigned after the death of Joash, father to Jeroboam 15 years, as was before shown, and if he began immediately after his father, it must be the 15 and not 27 of Jeroboam. Some answer this by saying, that there was an inter-regnum after the death of Amaziah, of twelve years, but the granting of this, maketh the Chronology of the Kings of Judah uncertain, whereas the end of reckoning the years of every ones reign is, that the whole time might be certainly known, as from the Creation to the Flood, by the fathers of the line of Sheth, and from the Flood to Moses and the Judges, by the fathers of the line of Shem, so from thence to the carrying of Judah captive into Babylon, by the Judges and the Kings. Moreover, because ch. 15. 8 Zechariah the son of Jeroboam, is said to have begun his reign, anno 38 of Azariah, it cannot be admitted, that there should be an interregnum of twelve years, so that from the death of Joash of Israel, should be 27 before he began, seeing from the 27 to the 41 of Jeroboam, are but fourteen years, and this was the whole time of his reign. It must needs then be yielded, that there was no interregnum in Judah, but an ante regnum in Israel, Jeroboam being made consort of the kingdom together with his father, twelve years before his death, and this might be well upon good reason, seeing he made war with the Syrians, the first, second, and third time, that in his absence he might rule and if he should have happened to die in those wars, the kingdom being ready provided of a king, might sustain no danger for want of one, through divisions: And if we count it thus, twelve years to Jeroboam with his father, and fifteen after to Azariah, we shall fall justly upon his 27 year, when Azariah began. But then a greater difficulty remaineth, seeing Azariah by this account, had not reigned above fifteen years when Jeroboam died, and betwixt fifteen and 38 are 23 years difference; Here I do not find any one Expositor, that doth fully satisfy this doubt, not Junius by saying, that he was taken and made King eleven years before his fathers death, when he fled to Lachish, fer 11 added to 15 make but 26, and if all the time of his age before he began, viz. 16 be added, they will together make but 31. Nor Tostatus by saying, that there was an interregnum in Israel after Jereboam's death, before Zacharias began, of eleven years, for they being added to fifteen, do much less make up the number of 38; and Genebrard and Functius come yet shorter, who allow an interregnum but of eight years. But if we allow both unto Azariah eleven years in his fathers time, before he came to reign alone, which is not improbable, considering the enmity of the people against his father, and an interregnum in Israel of twelve years after Jereboam's death, these two numbers put together unto fourteen or fifteen of his reigning alone, make just 38. And that it was so, must necessarily be held, to come to the thirty eight of Azariah when Zechariah began. And it is most probable, that it was thus through contention in Israel, keeping Zechariah from the regal dignity a long time, because when he had gotten the crown, he kept it not long, viz but six months, being slain openly by Shallum, neither did he enjoy it above one month, but was slain by Menahem, chap. 15. 8, 9, 10. So that it seemeth, under the warlike and victorious king Jeroboam, such as were employed as great captains, grew to that height of ambition, that they kept his son, haply being young, or of weak parts, under, that they might be regents, till at the last Menahem with his faction consented to set him up for king, Shallum another great commander not consenting, wherefore he taking opportunity came with his power, and assaulted and slew Zechariah, taking upon him to be king, which Menahem seeing, came with his forces and slew him.

To return again to that, which is further set forth 2 King. 15. 2, 3, &c. his age also, and his mothers name is shown, and his doing right, as his father had done, and the high places not being put down, and lastly, how he was smitten with the leprosy, died, and was buried. But because all this is more fully set forth, 2 Chron. 26. 4, 5. where he is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord, as his father Amaziah had done, for he was intent to seek the Lord all the days of Zechariah that informed him. I will here take into that history, in which a doubt ariseth, who this Zechariah was, for he could not be that Zechariah who was one of the small prophets, for his time agreeth not. Jerome saith, that he was the son of Zechariah the son of Jehoiadah, born after his father was dead, whom Joash caused to be stoned, and if it were he, as is not improbable, he was above 30 years old, when Uzziah began to reign, and so might continue many years to guide the young king aright. And in that time he is said to have prospered: first, against the Philistines, prevailing so, as that he brake down the walls of their strongest cities, Gath, Iabnes and Ashdod, and built cities there. It is not likely, that he did these things, so soon as he came to the crown: because he was then both young and tender, and found the kingdom in a poor estate, as it was left by his unhappy father. But after certain years, he having gotten much wealth, by God's blessing upon him for his piety, began first with the Edomits that held Elath from him, as hath been already said. Then he went against the Philistines, but upon what occasion is not expressed, only we may gather, from 2 King. 12. 17. that partly occasion was taken to fight with them about Gath, which David had formerly subdued and put under tribute, but towards the latter end of Joash his reign, who was grandfather to Uzziah, this Gath is said to have been taken by the Syrians, and most probably, their state declining, it came into the Philistines hands again: for Joash king of Israel overcame the Syrians so often, that they could not but hereby be made very weak, and unable to hold what they had formerly gotten. Therefore Uzziah now being strong, after he had dealt with the Edomites, setteth himself to recover this city also from the Philistines, and when they being overcome there refused to be tributaries unto him, he brake down their wall and pursuing them, who haply from other cities made head against him, he served their cities likewise, and so he came to break down the walls of Iabnes and Ashdod also. Partly that cruel inroad made into Judah, both by Philistines and Arabians in the days of Joram, his fathers great grandfather, recorded 2 Chron. 21. 16. (when they carried away his treasures, his children and his wives) might come into this kings remembrance, to be revenged upon both these people's, v. 7. Gath, here said to be taken by him, and the wall to be broken first, was one of the five principal cities of the Philistines country, and of great strength by reason of the Giants there; for of this city was Golia h and four other of the sons of Anak, 2 Sam. 21. 19. Iabnes was another strong city of the Philistines by the sea side, not above three hours travel from Gath, according to Adrichomius. Ashdod was another of the 5. cities, formerly also strengthened by Giants, Josh. 11. 22. and herein was the temple of Dagon, 1 Sam. 5. These three, Uzziah did not only reduce to the state of villages, which are without walls, but also built in Ashdod and other parts of the Philistines country, defensed cities for his people to dwell in, the better to contain the Philistines thus subdued in obedience. And it is said, v. 7. that God did help him herein, and not only against the Philistines, but also against the Arabians, who joined their forces of old with the Philistines against Judah, as hath been already said. And more particularly, these Arabians are said to be inhabitants of the plain of Gur, that is, near unto Egypt: for which cause it is said, v. 8. that his name was famous to the entering in of Egypt. Josephus saith, he subdued all that way as far as Egypt. And moreover, he is said to have prevailed against the Ammonites, as the vulgar Latin rendereth it, and the words following do intimate, v. 8. where it is said, the Ammonites brought him presents. And both are expressed by the same letters in Hebrew, but only in the first place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is set before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , it being written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the next 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 after 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , it being written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Junius rendereth it indigenas, expounding it of such as dwelt dispersedly, and yet Judge. 10. 12. 11. 6. he calleth them Ammonites. Stephanus saith, that they were Arabians dwelling near the red sea; and Jerome, that Gur before spoken of, as the place of the other Arabians habitation, was Gerar, where Abraham had sometime sojourned. But it is most rightly understood of the Ammonites, there being only a transposition of one letter, And all these people's were borderers upon Judah, as Junius noteth, the Arabians upon the south, the Philstims upon the West, and the Ammonites upon the East. And it is said, that the Ammonites in token of subjection, brought him presents. Moreover he fortified Jerusalem with towers, even to the gate of the corner, and of the valley, &c. v. 9. In the days of Amaziah his father, the walls of Jerusalem next unto Syria were broken down by Joash, but now he reared them up again, saith Josephus, and whatsoever decays else there were, he repaired and fortified. Touching the limits, unto which, the corner gate, and the gate of the valley, it is before said, the corner gate, and the gate of Ephraim, chap. 25. 23. but that of the valley and of Ephraim, Jerome saith, are one and the same, and upon the corner] that is, where these two walls met. Junius rendereth the word translated corner, as a proper name, Miktzuah, and Neh. 3. 19. he expoundeth it, a tower in a most high place of the city of David, so called for the prerupt situation: but then it must not be read upon Miktzuah, but to it, he built towers as to the corner gate, and the gate of the valley, so to this tower, that is, as far as was needful, the vulgar Latin renders it, & reliquas in eodem muri latere, but without any ground in the original, wherein are no such words.

He built towers also in the desert, &c.] that is, saith Junius, of Arabia, which was full of pastures, for the more safe keeping of his cattle, wherewith he abounded, and he digged cisterns also, at which they might be watered. For he had many husbandmen, and vine dressers, for he loved husbandry, and it is said that he had them both in the mountains and the fields, rendered in vulgar Latin, Carmel, according to the Hebrew word here used, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denoting fields most fruitful, as Carmel was, for that it is not to be understood of the place so properly called, appeareth, because the fruitful Carmel was in the tribe of Issachar in the kingdom of Israel.

From hence he proceedeth to set forth the greatness of this kings forces, viz. 2600 Princes or Captains, under whom were of able warriors 370500 all well armed by the king, &c. But it is not to be thought, but that Uzziah prepared these great forces to go forth to war against the Philistines, Arabians, and Ammonites, before spoken of, although they are not mentioned till now. Thus it appeareth, how greatly he by God's blessing increased in wealth and power whilst he cleared to [Note.] Lord, that other kings may learn by his example to do likewise. Moreover he is said to have made engines by a singular art in Jerusalem, which he placed in the towers and the corners of the wall to shoot arrows and great stones, which Josephus doth not so truly relate, when he saith that he made them to break down walls of such cities as he besieged withal. And hitherto the well doing and prosperity of Uzziah, now follow 〈…〉 his foul falling and punishment. His great prosperity made him proud insomuch that he went into the house of the Lord to offer incense, but Azariah the high Priest with his company resisted him and when he was angry, therefore the Lord smote him with leprosy, &c. 2 Kings 15. 5. It is only said, when the Lord smote the King so as that he was a leper to the day of his death, he dwelt in an house apart, and Jotham his son was set over the kings house, the cause and occasion being altogether omitted, wherefore in the Chronology this defect is supplied, and by Josephus more fully, saying, He being puffed up with the possession of fading riches, set light by divine and ever enduring riches, the reverence of the divine majesty, and the keeping of his law; wherefore upon a certain solemn day, to show that he was above the condition of other kings, and nearer to God by a peculiar superexcellency, in the sight of all the people he entered into the Lord's house to offer incense, and when Azariah the high Priest, with 80 other Priests withstood him, alleging the law of God, which appointed the Priests only, the sons of Aaron to do this, he waxing angry threatened them with death, and so persisted in his enterprize, until that a terrible earthquake came, and a rent was made in the temple upward, through which the Sun-beam smote the wicked face of the king, and then presently the leprosy appeared. And at the same time another prodigy happened in a place called Eroge, before the city, half a mountain Westward was plucked away by the same Earthquake, and removed four furlongs off to the East part of the said mountain, damming up the way to the city, and with the ruins filling up the kings gardens. Thus the Lord miraculously shown the greatness of this his sin, and how highly he was displeased at it, that all men might learn by this example to keep their hearts humble and not be puffed by their great wealth, honor and prosperity. For the earthquake happening now, of which Josephus speaketh, see [Note.] also Zachariah 14. 5. although some that will have it the same with that spoken of, Amos 1. 1. do hereupon deny it, because it was in Jereboam's time who died long before that Uzziah was smitten. But that which Amos speaketh of might be another, some years before this. For he that now was superior to all men of those times in all these, when his heart was hereby lifted up, in an instant was brought to such an estate, that he was sequestered from the society of men, as unfit for his loathsome disease to live amongst them, having no liberty anymore to dwell in his own royal palace, or to reign as king, or to come to the house of the Lord for this once carrying of himself so proudly there. Wolfius to aggravate his sin, whereby he deserved to be thus punished, saith, that it was not only a breach of the law ratified with pain of death, Levite. 16. but also a confounding of the orders of men, which God had distinguished, that one should do the office both of King and Priest, and that by him that was the head, whose part it was to keep everyone within his own order: yea forsomuch as the Priest in offering incense typified Christ, it was a treading underfoot of that sacred mystery for another to take upon him to do the same. Lastly to do this in contempt of the grave admonitions of the High Priest being seconded by such a number of God's Ministers, putting him in mind of the law of God forbidding it, and threatening him with the danger of sudden destruction, which by so doing, he should incur. Chrysostom also showeth divers sins to have concurred in this one fact of his. 1. Ambition, in that he could not be content to enjoy the kingly dignity, but he must usurp that of the high Priest also. 2. Arrogancy, because he thought himself fit to execute both these high offices. 3. Pertinacy, in that he was not staid by the admonitions of the High Priest, but madly went on notwithstanding to do that which he had conceived in his mind. 4. Human folly, in that seeking to ascend to higher dignity, he fell from that which he had. 5. Human vitiousnes & proneness to sin, in that having before done so worthily, he now fell so foully. 6. Impiety, in that he durst break into that holy place, which to come into was interdicted to all others, but the High Priest, from which piety in respect of the strict law of God against it, and so many venerable men endeavoring to keep him from it, should have held him back upon the leprosy arising in his face for this. Hugo well noteth, that the punishment was most suitable to his sin, in that as the High Priest wore a plate of gold upon his fore-head to adorn him when he offered incense, this proud king contrariwise was made to wear forever the filthy mark of the leprosy upon his forehead to his perpetual ignominy, and because he had so brazen a forehead, as without all show of modesty or shame thus publicly to presume through his pride, he was compelled to cease from that by punishment making ashamed, which modesty could not make him to do. In this example is shown, that when [Note.] a man doth excellently, so as that he cometh into great grace with God, and the devil cannot prevail with him to draw him into any gross sin, yet he is not out of all danger of falling, and judgment therefore, if for the grace conferred upon him, he be lifted up in his heart: for God despiseth the proud, and giveth grace to the humble. Again, it is pride, that God will not endure, to presume to execute a ministerial office, in him that is not called thereunto. Lastly, who so seeketh to make himself glorious, shall have shame for glory, and instead of rising shall fall from the glory that he already hath, to be the vilest amongst men, as leprous persons were.

When the King was smitten with the leprosy, the high Priest with his assistants began by force to thrust him out of the temple, because no unclean person was to be suffered there; and he seeing a necessity resisted not, but departed and dwelt in an house alone to his dying day, as the Lord had appointed that all leprous persons should do, Levite. 13. 46. Procopius saith, that he would not go out of Jerusalem, as he ought to have done, but dwelt in an house there by himself, by which means the whole city was polluted and counted unclean, insomuch that the Lord would not then reveal himself to his prophets there, (Chrysost. also in Isaiah 6. saith, that the people were deprived of prophesy, because they expelled him not out of the city) and when after this kings death, Esa. 6. 1. Isaiah had a vision, v. 5. he crieth out, that he was unclean, and dwelt in the midst of a people polluted. But no such thing can be gathered from the words of the prophet, and it is rather the pollution of sin for which he crieth out, then of the leprosy. And because there is nothing said of this his refusal in the history, it is rather to be concluded, that he went out of the city, where an house might be had standing alone, which could hardly be in the city, where they stood in rouse, one being joined to another. For the time, when this leprosy befell him, it cannot be, as some conjecture anno 25. of his reign, because his son Jotham ruled the court and judged the people, from this time forth to his dying day, whereas in that year he was yet unborn, seeing chap. 27. 1. he was but 25 when he began to reign after his fathers death, and his father reigned 52 years. And it is improbable which some others hold, that it was in the last year of his reign, both, because it is said, that when he was confirmed, his heart was lifted up, v. 16. and this most probably was some years before the end of his reign; and because he is said to have dwelt in an house apart to the day of his death, no mention being made of this happening to him so shortly after, It is therefore most probable, that he was smitten some years before he died, and if we shall pitch upon the particular year, it was anno 48 of his reign; because then he might most of all be said to have been confirmed, seeing Ahaz the son of Jotham was born that year, as appeareth chap. 28. 1. he was 20 years old when he began to reign, and his father reigned but 16 years, therefore he was born 4 years before Uzziah died. Most probably then, when he had not only a son to succeed him, but a sons son to reign after him also, in a kingdom now so glorious and flourishing, his house being thus confirmed, he was lifted up with pride. And if this were the 2 d year, Jotham his son was now 21, and so fit by his age to govern, when he was excluded.

The rest of the acts of Uzziah, were written by Isaiah the son of Amos the Prophet.] That is, saith Junius in the second Book of the Kings, and in the Book of his prophesy; but Lyra, in some book of his which is lost, and not in his prophesy, which is more probable, seeing in the Kings little is said of his acts, and less in Isaiah his prophesy. It is to be supposed to have been a book of annals written by Isaiah, as there were divers written by others, which were only as Chronicles of other nations, and no canonical Scripture; thus also Pelican.

Then Uzziah died, and they buried him in the field of the Kings sepulchers, for they said, he is a leper.] Therefore they laid him not into their sepulchers, but only in the same field where their sepulchers were, in a place some what remote. Thus Uzziah was punished and abased for his presumption, both in life and death, and although we read not of his repentance, it may be hoped, that he repented, and so God judged him here, but had mercy upon his soul, seeing he is not said to have fain into any other sin but this only.

The 15 year of Amaziah, &c. began Jeroboam the son of Joash king of Israel to reign, &c.] Chap. 15. 1. Azariah is said to have begun his reign over Iadah, anno 27. of Jeroboam, therefore, seeing Amaziah the father of Azariah reigned but 29 years, it seemeth rather that Jeroboam began anno 2 do of his reign. But this doubt hath been already resolved, upon ch. 14. 21. he began to reign alone anno 15. of Amaziah, having reigned before together with his father twelve years, and he is said to have reigned over Israel 41 years, and to have been as wicked, as the first Jeroboam, v. 24. Yet recovered the borders of Israel from the entering in of Hamath to the sea of the wilderness.] Of Hamath see Numb. 13. 20. 34. 7. 8. both of the sea and Hamath, the sea being southward, and Hamath next to Damascus, the chief city of the Syrians northward. It is meant then, that he recovered from the Syrians all that which they had gotten from Israel far and wide, couping them up in a narrow compass. Rabanus saith, that the whole latitude of the Syrians country is hereby set forth, and that they over-ran all this, dealing by the Syrians, as they dealt by Israel.

And this he did by the prophesying of Jonah the Prophet, the son of Amittai, who was of Gath Hepher.] This Jonah, by the consent of all Expositors, was that Jonah, who wrote the prophesy called Jonah, for he also is said to be the son of Amittai. Whereas some will have him to be the widows son of Sareptah, but called the son of Amittai, signifying truth, because when Elijah had restored him being dead to life, she said, she knew now that the word of God in his mouth was true: this is improbable, because he was a Sidonian, this an Hebrew, Jonah 2. 9. and Amittai is not an appellative, but a proper name, and this was of Gath-Hepher in the tribe of Zebulon, having the addition of Hepher, to distinguish it from Gath in Palestine, he of Sareptah. And lastly, since that time in the days of Ahab passed 80 years before this. In Ahab's five years, in Ahaziahs two, Iorams twelve, Jehu twenty eight, Iehohaz 17. Joash 16. unto which add his age, when he was restored to life, haply ten or twelve, and if he were the man, he must be 90 years old at the least, when Jeroboam began to reign; which is not probable. And as Jeroboam is said to have done this, by the encouragement of Jonah, for he did it according to the word of the Lord by him, so the motive that moved the Lord to make him the instrument of this work, is shown to be, that he saw the affliction of Israel, and that there was none shut up or left in Israel, &c. It was not his or the Israelites well doing, whereby he was moved, but his mere pity and mercy, and as is added v. 27. he had not yet said, that he would blot out the name of Israel from under heaven. For the phrase [there were none shut up or left] see the like Deut. 32. 36. it is meant, according to Vatablus, that the oppressions where with the Syrians oppressed the Israelites, were so universal, that none escaped their fury, no not such as were shut up in the strongest holds, nor the poorest sort of people left out as the refuse to their mercy. It doth not then argue, that our ways are well pleasing to [Note.] God at all times, when we arise out of misery, and our state is changed from worse to better: for this may be only through pity in God to the miserable, when he thinketh them to have been afflicted already enough for one time, and not because they are bettered. And when affliction is taken off without amendment, it is to be feared, that far greater judgments shall ere long be inflicted, as it happened to this people, chap. 17. when they fell into the hands of the Assyrians, and before that by factions amongst themselves, and by the Assyrians doing some mischief, ch. 15.

For the rest of the acts of Jeroboam, and how he recovered Damascus and Hamath to Judah, they are written, &c. Judah is here put for Israel, a part most worthy for the whole, as also hath been noted sometime before, and he is said to have recovered them, because David long ago subduing the Syrians of Damascus, laid it to his kingdom, but since the Syrians had again taken it, and Hamath and many other places properly belonging to the kingdom of Israel.

CHAP. XV.

THe history of Azariah or Uzziah contained in the seven former verses being already explained, as being but the brief of that which is more largely set forth, 2 Chron. 26. and the question arising about his beginning, Anno 27. of Jeroboam resolved, 2 Kings 14. 21, 22. now followeth the time of the next kings beginning to reign in Israel, viz. of Zachariah the son of Jeroboam, who is said to have reigned Anno 38 of Azariah 6 months, where again if a question be made how this could be, seeing Azariah began Anno 27 of Jeroboam, and from thence to the end of his reign were only 14 years, see the resolution; also 2 King. 14. 21, 22. There was an interregnum as some think, during the minority of Zechariah, when the kingdom was governed by regents, whereof Shallum was one. And that we might know the cause of his so short a reign, v. 9. he is said to have followed Jeroboam in sinning, and therefore he was rewarded with death, which he suffered at the hands of Shallum the son of Jabesh, who having slain him openly, reigned in his stead. Josephus calleth him the son of Iothan, the kings friend. Lyra saith, he was one greatly increased with the kings riches, and hereby gotten to great favor with the people, as he might well be by his liberality and courtesy towards them, wherefore presuming upon their good will, he openly slew the king, no man resisting him. Thus Wolfius saith, Lyra hath it; but indeed he speaketh not of his riches, only he saith, that he was one of the Princes who were regents after Jeroboam, till Zacharias was made king, and so most probably was in great authority, and therefore committed this murder openly, the people for the most part consenting, and being ready to receive him for their king, in his stead. And it appeareth, that (although in respect of the divine providence, his living in the sin of Jeroboam was the cause of this his untimely cutting off) Shallum did not slay him for this, because he also followed Jeroboam, but for his tyranny and ill governing of the kingdom, which made the people weary of him, being moved also by ambition to prefer himself, as Tostatus hath it.

The time also being now come, of which the Lord had spoken before in favor of Jehu his zealous proceedings, as is said, v. 11. that his children should sit upon the throne of Israel unto the fourth generation, for Iehohaz was the first, Joash the second, Jeroboam the third, and Zechariah the fourth. However therefore the Lord had hitherto forborne to execute his judgments upon these idolarrous kings, the race of Jehu, and their idolatrous subjects for his words sake, that it might be verified, and for many years in the reigns of the two last, Ierobeam and Joash had made them prosperous, that they might subsist till Zachariah the fourth, yet he would not now suffer them in their wickedness any longer, but brake out against them in his fierce wrath by judgment after judgment, till they were utterly destroyed. Note hence (because the first times of Jehu and his race were miserable, the kingdom being then brought by Hazael and his Syrians [Note.] to nothing, but the following times of Joash and Jeroboam prosperous, although they were as wicked as their progenitors, but now that mercy being abused, and their hearts not hereby moved to turn from their sins, although they had Elishah, Jonah and other Prophets among them to improve it, misery followeth misery, as one wave of the sea another without end) note I say that no way is left by God unattempted to make sinful man to turn unto him, for first he seeketh to engage by mercy, as he did Jehu in raising him to kingly dignity, and making a promise unto him, then mercy not working, he sought to terrify them by judgments, after this out of his compassion he returned in much mercy again, and gave them victory over their enemies, lastly, this not taking any effect, he cast them quite off, leaving them for a time to imbrue their hands in the blood of one another, and then giving them over into their enemies hands, the Assyrians. 2. Note that the greatest prosperity is followed with the greatest misery, when there is no reformation made therefore, that none may trust to present or long continued prosperity, or be hereby made bold to go on in sin without fear of judgment.

Shallum having gotten the kingdom enjoyed it only one month, and then he was slain by Menahem the son of Gadi coming from Thirza, and taking the kingdom upon him. For although Zechariah for his idolatry was worthy to die, and the time appointed by God was come, to translate the kingdom from the family of Jehu to another, yet he was a wicked conspiratour against his lawful king, and a murderer, and therefore vengeance from God soon cut him off, as it doth likewise [Note.] all such as attain to royal dignity by bloodshed, according to that saying;

Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci
Descendant reges, & sicca morte tyranni.

Menahem is said to have come from Thirzah to Samaria, where he slew Shallum, that is six miles; of Thirzah, see Josh. 12. 24. where the king of Thirzah is said to have been slain by Joshua, arguing it to have been a great city, and here it seemeth Menahem gathered his army, and so came against Shallum, when he heard, that he had slain Zechariah his master. From Samaria, when he had thus gotten the kingdom, he went to Thipsah, being also six miles, the vulgar Latin renders it also Thirzah, but in Hebrew and Chaldee it is Thipsah, another Town not far off Thirza. Josephus saith, that Menahem was captain of the Army at Thirzah, which was once the Metropolis of the kingdom, for there Jeroboam began to reign and his successors, till that Omri translated the seat of the kingdom to Samaria. He therefore now that Zachariah his master was dead, thinking that he had as good right to succeed him as Shallum, who had wickedly conspired against him, and slain him; went with his army against him, &c. then hearing happily that the men of Thipsah would not receive him for king, he went against them, and when they shut their gates against him, he fell into a rage against them, and breaking in, smote whatsoever was therein, and all the borders thereof from Thirzah, and he ripped up the women great with child] Why they would not open unto him some conjecture, the reason to be, because they had given their faith to Shallum before, some because they had seen some experience of his cruelty, when he lived with his army near unto them at Thirzah, but upon what occasion soever, he practiced this barbarous cruelty amongst them, that other cities being terrified might not dare to withstand him. Josephus speaking hereof, saith, that he spared not the tender age, taking liberty to do that which was not lawful towards Hebrews, being overcome. But he mentioneth not his ripping up of women with child, as abhorring to tell of such unheard of cruelty, amongst the men of his nation. Some saith Wolfius expound it by bulwarks made like mountains, as if it had been meant, that he brake them open, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth mountains, but the word here used is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is never rendered otherwise, but gravidae, and so the Septuagint and Chaldee. This was horrible cruelty on his part, but on God's a just judgment for their foul sins, in which they went on so long in impenitency, that others may be ware.

In the 39 of Azariah he began his reign, and reigned ten years, &c.] Although he were a most cruel tyrant, yet God suffered him to continue thus long to aggravate his own misery, and the misery of this wicked people, for he going on, as his predecessors had done, ever since the first beginning of this kingdom in Jeroboam, suffered by Phul king of Assyria, who came against his land, and although he made his peace with a great sum of money, that he might reign under him, which he exacted of his subjects, even a thousand talents of silver, which was above 100000 pound, that is, 187500 pound, yet he was brought thus to live basely and poorly all his days. This Phul is said to be king of Assyria, or of Babylon, for these names are sometime confounded, because Babylon was the chief city of that kingdom. He was called Phul Belochus, who succeeded Sardanapalus, and gave part of his kingdom to Arbaces, viz. the Medes and Persians, keeping to himself Babylon and Nineveh, and he was the first Assyrian king, that ever came against Israel; yet some think that he came not against Menahem, but being called by him, fearing for his cruelty to be deposed from the kingdom, which he had usurped, and that the money here spoken of was not given once only, but as a yearly tribute, grounding upon Sept. Sixti, where it is read, all his days came Phull, and he gave him 1000 talents, which reading is followed by Tostatus, and because Tiglathpilesar his son came again against Israel, when after the death of Menahem and his son, this tribute was paid no more, v. 29. But it is said expressly, 1 Chron. 5. 26. that God stirred up Phull and Tiglathpilesar to come against Israel for their sins, and therefore when Tiglathpilesar came, there being no word spoken of tribute denied, as the cause; this appears to be a meet invention, and touching these words [all his days] they are erroneously in that translation taken from v. 18. and transposed to v. 19. far from their place. And if Phull had come by the procurement of Menahem, it would have been so said as well as when Tiglathpilesar came in the days of Ahaz, 2 Chron. 28. 16. and he should hardly have raised such an huge sum from such a multitude of wealthy men, as it is said, 50 shekels of each man, for so to the raising of it about 60000 men, must be seffed, seeing 50 shekels come but to three pound two shillings six pence; and it is incredible, that so much should be paid yearly out of so little, and now so poor a kingdom. Therefore I conclude, that this was only once paid, Phull happily promising hereupon, if there were any rebellion to be assistant unto him, which might be the cause that he cotinued 10 years, and then died a natural death, leaving his kingdom to his son after him.

In the 50 year of Azariah began Pekahiah the son of Menahem to reign over Israel, &c.] Whereas Menahem is said to have begun, anno 39. and to have reigned 10 year, it is to be understood, 10 complete, the time which he reigned above, before and after, being a few odd days, not being here reckoned. Of Pekahiah nothing is said, but that he went on in the sin of Jeroboam, and reigned but two years, being slain by Pekah the son of Remaliah, and Argob and Arieh, and with him 50 men of the children of Gilead, &c. This Pekah is said to have been his Captain, Hebr, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being called from the word signifying three, either because he was the third man of the kingdom according to some, or had command over the third part of the army, called the rearward according to others; who also say that the valiantest men were here placed to uphold the battle, when the others quailed. Argob and Arieh are thought by Lyra to be no men, but places near unto the Palace, where this murder was done, wherefore in the vulgar Latin it is rendered [near unto Argob and Ariph] but for Ariph, saith he, Hebr. it is Arie, signifying a Lion, by which the place was named by reason of a golden Lion standing therein for ornament, and this out of R. Solomon. And this is most probable, because the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 set before Argob and before Arit, as it showeth the Accusative case, so it sometime signifieth in or super, adversus or ad; that is, above, over against, or at. Although some think two special men to be hereby meant, who together with the 50 Gileadites conspired with him. But the more probable opinion is, that these were slain together with the king in taking his part, as being in special favor with him, and then at a feast. For so Josephus telling this history saith, he was slain at a feast.

The 52 year of Azariah began Pekah the son of Remaliah to reign over Israel, 20 years.] He was suffered 20 years in the kingdom, which he came to by blood, although a wicked idolater also; but then his blood was required therefore, a conspiracy being likewise made against him by Hoshea, and he being by him slain, v. 30. Neither did he escape God's punishing hand in the mean season, for Tiglath Pilesar king of Assyria came and took from him Hijon, and Abel Beth-Maacah, &c. and carried the inhabitants thereof into Assyria. Besides the places here said to be taken, he took the countries of the two tribes and an half also, viz. of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasseh on the other side of Jordan, which were most fruitful, and on this side Galilee, the whole land of Naphtali, so that he bereft him of three tribes and an half, and so left him but a poor king. The cities here named were the uttermost bounds of the kingdom of Israel, as we may see touching Hijon, 2 Chron. 16. 4. and touching Abel, Beth-maachah, 2 Sam. 20. 14. Touching the other places here named, Ianaah was a border of the tribe of Ephraim.

Chadesh was a city of Galilee in the tribe of Naphtali, and so was Hazor, although there were other cities of the same name of the tribe of Judah, Gilead was that, where the two tribes and an half dwelt. Galilee was both superior called Galilee of the Gentiles, and inferior; both which are greatly praised by Josephus not ony for fertility, but for the great number of inhabitants there maintained. Whereas they are said here only to have been carried into Assyria. 1 Chron. 5. 26. the places in Assyria to which, are more particularly named, Chalah, Chabor, and Haram and Nehargozan, where they abide to this day; but of these cities see more upon 2 Kings 17. 6. where the carrying away of the whole kingdom is spoken of. Thus although the Lord suffered long the wickedness of the Israelitish kings [Note.] and their people, viz. 220 years yet when after divers, coorrections and admonitions, in this long time they being nothing amended shown themselves to be incorrigible, he sent a judgment by the Assyrians, that swept away a great part of them at the first, and then all to live forever after inperpetuall captivity and misery, and this will be the end of any nation, that in like manner abuseth his long continued patience, to the hardening of themselves the more in sin.

Then a conspiracy being made against Pekah, Hoshea smote him so that he slew him, and reigned in his steed Anno 20 of Jotham.] Here because Jotham reigned only 16 years, v. 33. and began but Anno 2 of Pekah, who reigned 20 years; Expositors are troubled about reconciling this. Junius saith, that it is said, in the 20 year of Jotham, as meant only of the 20 year from the time that he began to reign, 4 years also of Ahaz his son being now expired, wherefore he rendereth it 20 years from the kingdom of Jotham begun, so likewise Wolfius having first confuted two other opinions. 1. That to make up the number of 20, it must be understood, that 4 years are reckoned here to Jotham of his fathers life, because after the time that he was a leper, Jotham governed all, but this makes the chronologie uncertain. 2. That Ahaz being a wicked king is thought unworthy to be named in counting the beginning of any kings reign; and therefore he that was dead is rather mentioned, then this wicked king, that was living, but forsomuch as the sacred history hath hitherto reckoned by the wicked kings, as well as by the godly, it were strange, if for this reason he that began to reign in the fourth or fifth of Ahaz, should be said to begin the 20. of Jotham, yet Lyra indifferently followeth either this, as being the solution of R. Solom. or the other already rejected by Wolfius touching four years expired, when he began to reign alone. But I marvel, that he considered not, how ch. 17. 1. the time of Hoshea is reckoned by the years of Ahaz also, which showeth, that the year of his reign, when Hoshea began, is not passed over in silence for his malice or wickedness, but because the beginning of his reign was not yet spoken of, but long after ch. 16. 1. the whole history of Jotham, his fathers reign coming between this and it; and it is not the manner of the sacred history to reckon by the reign of any king so long before his time comes to be set forth, but by the nearest, which here is Jotham, v. 32. By the twenty year of Jotham, I conclude then, is meant the 20 from the time that he began, he being now dead four years before Hoshea his reign; who this Hoshea was it is not said, but Josephus saith it was one of his familiar friends, and most probably by himself preferred. And it was just with God, that Pekah, who had been false to his lord and master, under whom he had been in an honorable place, should be likewise dealt withal by one preferred by him.

The second year of Pekah the son of Remaliah, began Jotham to reign over Judah, &c.] The history of Jotham being intermitted from v. 7. hitherto (that the kings of Israel, who began to reign before him, might be shown together, Zechariah, Shallum, Menahem, Pekahiah, and Pekah) is now again prosecuted, his age, his mothers name, and the time of his reign being shown. Whereas he is said to have begun the second year of Pekah, who reigned twenty years, and yet Hoshea that succeeded Pekah, began twenty years after the beginning of Jotham's reign, it is to be understood, that the second year of Pekah was but new begun, and so Pekah being dead, nineteen years had passed from the beginning of Jotham's reign, and in the beginning of the next, which was the twenty, Hoshea began. Jotham is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord, as Uzziah his father.

2 Chron. 27. 2. it is added, that he went not into the temple, as his father had done, but the people corrupted themselves. Josephus praiseth him for a right godly and excellent prince, neither doth the Scripture speak otherwise but very well of him, and of his deeds for the good of the church and kingdom, and of God's blessing him therefore. Which maketh against the people, in that having so godly a king, and some famous prophets, who were of that time, as Isaiah, Hosea, and Michah, yet they were corrupt. 2 King. 15. 35. No more is said, but as in the time of Uzziah, Amaziah, and Joash, the people sacrificed still in the high places. This therefore, how ever tolerated hitherto, is thus censured as a corruption in the service of God, whereby he was much offended, seeing all sacrifices were now to be offered in the temple only, which Solomon built, of which I have spoken often before, see upon 1 King. 15. 9, 10. And therefore the Lord to show his dislike, raised up adversaries against Israel, Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah v. 37. most probably towards the latter end of the reign of Jotham, so as that he lived not to see their coming, but was before in mercy taken away, and in the days of his wicked son Ahaz they came, making preparation only in Jotham's time, ch. 16. 5. But because Isaiah prophesying in Jotham's time, speaketh against Judah, as hearing but not understanding Esa. 6. 9. it seemeth, as Jerome also thinketh, that by these words, they corrupted themselves, is not only meant by offering in high places, but also falling to idolatry, whereunto they saw Ahaz the young prince then inclining. The piety of Jotham is further set forth v. 35. he built the upper gate of the house of the Lord. Whatsoever his subjects did (because it seemeth that they could not yet be restrained) in sacrificing upon high places, he applieth himself to beautify yet more the house of the Lord. The Septuagint, for upper gate, have the high gate, portam excelsam, and so it is in the Chronicles. This, Vatablus saith, was the East gate; Rabanus, the gate called beautiful, Act. 3. which Lyra well confuteth, because the temple standing then was burnt down long before. But about this we need not contend, it was most probably, the highest and most magnificent gate of the temple, whereby it was most adorned outwardly, but now, it being above 200 years since Solomon built it, and in decay, Jotham out of his piety rebuilt it, for the honor of God, and that the people might be the rather drawn from high places, to the temple. 2 Chron. 27. 3. and in the wall of the hill he built very much; That is, saith Junius, behind the temple Westward, where the ground was highest, between the brook of Gihon and the fish-gate. The vulgar Latin renders it, in the wall of Ophel, the Hebrew word being retained, which signifieth, high, or defensed, or a tower, he built the walls of an high tower, for the defense of the city. v. 4. He built also cities in the mountainous places of Judah, and in the plains, palaces and towers. In the vulgar Latin, castles and towers, which were also for the defense of other parts of the kingdom.

He also fought against the king of the Ammonites and prevailed, so that they gave unto him 100 talents of silver, &c.] Thus likewise Uzziah his father did before, ch. 26. 8. and the Ammonites gave him gifts, that is, as being subjected by him, they paid tribute: but now refusing so to do anymore, Jotham by war compelleth them again unto it. And his power to do all these things, is ascribed to his piety towards God, v. 6. and this is the only way for any king to prosper, as many examples more, both in the holy scriptures and other histories do show.

Concluding the history of Jotham, he saith, the rest of his acts, &c.] and in those days the Lord began to send Rezin the king of Syria, &c.] That is, at the latter end of his reign, they began to prepare to come, and in the time of Ahaz his son, they came, as appeareth chap. 16. 5. as hath been already shown, as also the cause, the sins of the people; notwithstanding the good King and Prophets, which they had most famous amongst them.

CHAP. XVI.

AHaz the son of Jotham now succeedeth him being dead, Anno 17. of Pekah, and followed not David but the wicked kings of Israel, making his son to go through the fire, after the abominable manner of the heathen. He began his reign at 20 and reigned 16 years, 2 Chron 28. 2, 3. He made images to Baal, and burnt incense in the valley of the son of Hinnom, and burnt his sons with fire.] Of this way of worshipping idols, see before, upon Levite. 18. 21. and the manner of it. Wolfius from the time that he reigned, which was as long as his father had done before, noteth a proportion of time held in punishing the wickedness of Judah [Note.] answerable to that, wherein they had such means of grace, and enjoyed prosperity; for 2 Chron. 28. all his time was full of oppressions, and miseries. And likewise we that have so long prospered may justly fear intolerable and long protracted miseries to come upon us for our sins, unless by speedy repentance we prevent them.

Then Rezin King of Syria, and Pekah king of Israel came against Jerusalem, and besieged Ahaz▪ but could not prevail] 2 Chron. 28. 5. it is said, wherefore the Lord delivered him into the hands of the king of Syria, who smote him and carried away captive a great multitude to Damascus, and also into the hands of the king of Israel, who slew 120000 in one day, &c. Betwixt these there seemeth to be a manifest contradiction, so if they prevailed not, how was Ahaz delivered into the Syrians hands, &c Josephus saith, that coming first together against Jerusalem, they could not prevail for the great strength of that city, but then the king of Syria turning himself to Ellatha, which was a city taken away from the Syrians before by Azariah, 2 Kings 14. 22. he took it, and having slain, he should have said, rooted out the Jews who dwelt there, v. 5. he placed Syrians in their steed, thus returning into his own country, and for Ellatha, he hath Aila by the red sea. Then the king of Judah understanding that the Syrians were departed because he thought himself of strength sufficient to deal with the King of Israel, went out to fight with him with a great army, but doing it in contempt of God, whom he had forsaken, the king of Israel prevailed against him and slew of his men 120000. and carried away captive an incredible multitude, the Chronicles saith, 200000 women and children. And if things were done in this order, both these histories agree very well together, the Chronicles only supplying that, which was wanting in the Kings. Jerome, and after him Procopius, and Theodoret say, that one war made by the Syrians and Israelites severally is set forth in the Chronicles, and another after this, their forces being joined together, set forth in Kings, and this agreeth with the Hebrew, Chron. c. 22. and is followed by Dionysius and others. And this is most consonant with the sacred history, which saith, that Rezin the king of Syria smote him, whereas if nothing be meant, but that he smote the Jews in Ellathah, it were not so properly spoken, seeing he smote not him there, but some of his subjects; he being in the mean while in Jerusalem with his army cut of his danger. Moreover when Rezin and Pekah king of Israel besieged Jerusalem, it is said that Ahaz sent for help into Assyria against them, and that the king of Assyria came and took Damascus, the chief city of Rezin and slew him, wherefore he had no time then by the way as he returned from Jerusalem to fight against another city, and to take it, and to remove the old inhabitants, and to bring in new, but rather hearing of the coming of the king of Assyria against his country, he hastened thither to defend it. And see the taking of Ellatha and restoring it to his dominions could not be at that time, but at some other before it, although it be mentioned after the siege and fighting against Jerusalem, v. 6. and said to have been done at that time, for these words [at that time] may be expounded generally of the time when Rezin had power over the king of Judah for his sins, which was from the very beginning of his reign, and and so Chron. Hebr. saith, Anno 17. of Pekah, this was done.

If it shall seem strange that the king of Israel should join with heathens against Judah, it may be conceived that Ahaz kept correspondency with the king of Assyria, who was the great enemy of Israel, and therefore the king of Israel was easily brought to join with the king of Syria against him, to take him away, and to set another king in his room, who if the king of Assyria should come again, might be an help unto them, and not ready to join with him their common enemy, as Ahaz was, which is expressed Esa. 7. 6. where this coming against Jerusalem by these two kings, is more fully set forth, saying; Let us join Judah to us, and set over it for king the son of Tabeal. For the Syrians, if it shall seem strange, that they who were always so great enemies to Israel, agree now to make one army together with them, it is to be understood, that in the days of Joash and of Jeroboam they were so beaten, that they were glad to live quietly by the Israelites, and from cessation of arms, it is no marvel that they grew into such amity, as that they were now as one people confederate together, especially being also idolaters alike. Whereas Israel being idolatrous, as Judah, yet prevaileth against Judah, this is nothing strange, if we consider Joash before prevailing against Amaziah, and the kings of Assyria against them both. For God useth oftentimes some most wicked, as his rods against others to correct them, and then casteth these rods also into the fire, as he did the Assyrian kings, when by them he had scourged Israel.

Now forsomuch as it appeareth by that which hath been said, that the history touching God's delivering of Ahaz into the hands of Rezin, and then of Pekah king of Israel, set forth 2 Chron. 28. went before that of their jointly coming together against Jerusalem, I will proceed in the explication of this first, and then return again to 2 King. 16. The king of Syria first coming against Ahaz, is said to have smitten him, and to have carried away captive a great multitude, that is, to have gotten the victory, and to have taken many prisoners, which yielded to his mercy▪ for he is smitten by the enemy, and into his hands he is delivered, whose forces are subdued. And this most probably was done about Ellathah, for which Rezin contended at this time, and so these captives were the inhabitant, of Ellathah, who are said to have been carried away, and others from Syria brought to dwell in their place, 2 King. 16. 6. Then the king of Israel came also and prevailed against him, and smote him with a great stroke. This being shown in general, v. 6. the number of his forces slain by the king of Israel, is particularly declared, viz. 120000 in one day, and then the number by him carried away captive, v. 8. and before that what men of note were smitten. v. 7. Zichri, a mighty man of Ephraim smote Maaseiah the Kings son. For whom Jerome, qu. Hebr. hath the son of Molech, that is, one, as he thinketh, so called, because he was most earnestly addicted to the worship of Molech, the idol whom Ahaz served. He smote also Hazricham governor of the kings house, and Elkana the second to the king, and all this God did against him and his people, because they had forsaken the Lord, as is expressed v. 6. Whatsoever was the quarrel that their enemies had against them, God in whose power it is only to give victory, made them victorious for this cause, and the Israelites to sustain so great slaughters, of the like to which in the reign of Amaziah, see also chap. 25. Whilest the Israelites were carrying away captive that great multitude of women and children, which they had taken, Oded a prophet of the Lord came before them, as they were entering into Samaria, &c. v. 9. the vulgar Latin hath it, Obed, &c. Lyra saith, that he dwelt not in Samaria, but came out of Judah, so likewise Jerome according to the Hebrew traditions saying, that Oded came to Samaria, for he was of Judah, as being that Oded who was father to Azariah, that prophesied to Asa, 2 Chron. 15. 1. But how far from truth the Hebrew traditions are herein appeareth, because from Asa till this time, passed 200 years, and Oded was then father to a son that prophesied. To leave this Oded then, as unknown anymore, then by his name, let us see what he saith. Behold, the Lord being angry with Judah, hath delivered them into your hands, and ye have heinously slain them, so that your cruelty reacheth up to heaven. Moreover, ye mean to make them servants and handmaids unto you, which is not needful to be done, for ye have sinned in this matter against the Lord your God. So the vulgar Latin. But Junius more according to the Hebrew, are there not amongst you, amongst you I say, only sins against the Lord your God? Hebr. verbatim, annon vobis solum, vobiscum peccata, &c. that is, have not ye sins enough of your own, only against God, to pull down his judgments upon you, that you will by more cruelty thus against your brethren of Judah, increase the number of them? He would not have them to think, because God had now given them the victory for the sins of Judah, that they were better accepted of before him, for even they had sinned as grievously also, and therefore ought not thus to insult over their distressed brethren, lest that hereby God should be provoked against them also, but restore again their captives.

At this saying, there were certain men of Ephraim of the chief, that were so moved, as that they stood against the army, and forbade them to bring in the captives, which did hereupon forbear, and then they having fed and clothed the naked, &c. carried the feeble amongst them upon their own beasts unto Jericho, and delivered them to their brethren; so mightily did the word of God in the mouth of the Prophet work upon them, although he used not the Lord's name unto them, as Jerome noteth, because he thought them for their idolatries unworthy.

At that time Ahaz sent to the Kings of Assyria desiring aid. Moreover the Edomites came, and the Philistines, &c. This of sending for help to Assyria, is more fully set forth, 2 King. 16. 5. 7. When Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah king of Israel came against Jerusalem and besieged it, Ahaz sent to Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria, to help him against them. Then he took the silver and gold in the Lord's house, and in the Kings treasury, and sent a present unto him, who thereupon came against Damascus the chief city of Syria, and took it, and slew the king, who doubtless hearing of his coming, hastened from the siege of Jerusalem to defend his own country. This is more amply set forth Esa. 7. where it is shown, what fear came upon Ahaz and the men of Judah, when they heard of the coming of these two kings against them, and that the prophet was sent unto Ahaz, to tell him, that they should be able to do nothing against Jerusalem, and therefore he biddeth him not to fear them. And then he giveth a sign of a Virgins conceiving and bearing a son, extending his prophesy to a far greater comfort to come afterwards by the birth of Christ. And to comfort and confirm the men of Judah the more for the present, he foretelleth of the destruction of both these kings in a short time, viz. before a child now born, should have knowledge to refuse the evil and to choose the good, as indeed it fell out, because Rezin was slain forthwith, and Pekah in the twenty year of his reign by Hoshea, who usurped the kingdom, and at this time he was upon his 18. year at the least. And chap. 8. 4. that as those two kings had come before severally, and carried away rich spoils out of Judah, so from Damascus in Syria and Samaria in the land of Israel, should the like spoils be carried by the king of Assyria, before the child then born should be able to say (my father.) How the judgment against Rezin was executed, is shown here v. 9. but against Israel how, it is not said, but because Isaiah speaketh hereof also, it is certain, that it was fulfilled, and Josephus saith expressly, that Tiglath-pilesar carried away a great multitude of captives out of the land of Israel, having wasted first the country, and Chron. Hebr. that then the golden calf in Dan was carried away by the Assyrian.

For the beginning of this war made by the two Kings against Jerusalem, it is likely, that having severally invaded the land of Judah the year before, and prevailed, they thought, that if with their forces united they should march thither again, they might take the chief city it self, Jerusalem. Wherefore they attempt it, but in vain, although Ahaz for his idolatry deserved to be given into their hands. For if they could have prevailed, as is shown, Esa. 7. they would have quite taken away Ahaz and his seed, and have set up for King the son of Tabeal, that is, some great man of Syria, which God would not suffer for his promise sake unto David, that he would always leave unto him a light in Israel. Therefore to prevent this, Isaiah with his son Sheuriashub is sent to Ahaz, as was before said. But the wicked King not believing him, trusted rather to an arm of flesh and sent to the King of Assyria, hiring him with great treasure to come and help him. Then he being allured by so great a gift, hastened with his army against Damascus, as hath been already shown, thus causing the Assyrian forces to leave the siege of Jerusalem, and to return to their own; and it is most probable, that the King of Israel did also the like, whereby Ahaz being freed from their danger went to Tiglathpilesar to Damascus to congratulate his victory, and there seeing a great and glorious altar, upon which those heathens sacrificed to their idols, he sent the pattern of it to Jerusalem, commanding Uriah the priest to make the like against his return, &c. But before we come to this, a doubt is to be resolved: for whereas it is here said, that Tiglathpilesar came against Damascus and slew Rezin the King, and depopulated the country of Pekah, and carried away many captives, as hath been already shown, this being by Hebr. Chron. the second captivity of the Israelites, which was a great help to Ahaz King of Judah, 2 Chron. 28. 20. it is said, that Tiglathpilesar coming to Ahaz streightened him, and confirmed him not, and v. 21. although he gave great treasures to him out of the Lord's house, &c. yet he helped him not. Sol. When he had at his request gone against the two kings his enemies, whereby, they were compelled to withdraw their forces from Jerusalem, he did him more hurt after this, then he had done him good herein, by coming into and pillaging his country and putting him in fear of his own life also, which is intimated, 2 King. 16. 18. where it is said, that Ahaz removed the covering of the Sabbath, &c. from the house of the Lord for fear of the king of Assyria, so that this king was then in Jerusalem, and made great havoc there amongst Ahaz his people, and he was in continual fear of his breaking into his palace, so Junius. But it is not said he did these things Hebr. for fear, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 before the face of the king of Assyria, which by Lyra is expounded, to please him by showing, that he had left worshipping of the Lord, the way into whose house he had stopped up, as it lay from the kings palace. But if it were so, his seeking thus to please him came from fear, and because he saw himself to be now in his power and yielded to do anything, that his kingdom might not be destroyed, but he might agree to depart: For that the Assyrian king at this time subdued him and made him his tributary appeareth, 2 King. 18. 7. where it is said, that Hezekiah, his son rebelled against the king of Assyria and would not serve him, which agreeth not, but to a kingdom under tribute and to this was Judah never brought, till that Ahaz, as he had spoken of himself, 2 King. 16. 7. I am thy servant and thy son, was indeed brought under by the same king of Assyria. And to express this the Vulgar Lat. for these words, 2 Chron. 28. 0. Tiglahpilesar coming to him streightened him] hath these words, he brought also Tiglahpilesar against him, who afflicted him and wasted him without resistance. Touching the cover of the Sabbath, and the outward entrance of the king, which he is said to have removed from the house of the Lord before the king of Ashur; the Vulgar lat. retaining the Hebrew word, hath Musac Sabbati being expounded by Lyra, either the treasury, where the kings upon the Sabbaths put their offerings for necessary uses about the temple, which he saith, is the common exposition: or according to R. Solomon, a place in the porch of the temple gloriously covered, where the king used to sit upon the Sabbaths. Hugo followeth that of a treasury, but saith, the monies given by the king and put there were for charitable uses. And whereas Junius hath he removed from the house of the Lord, the Vulgar lat. hath, he turned to the house of the Lord▪ which the Ord. Gloss expoundeth, that when the king of Ashur should come he might see and desire them to carry away, as he did many other great gifts, which he gave unto him. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used signifieth to make to go about, and being read together with the next words, it is neither from, nor to the house of the Lord, but only he made to go about the house of the Lord. And what did he make to go about? Answ. The covering of the Sabbath and the kings outward passage to the house. Or rather the covering having reference to the word, cut off, v. 17. (for most probably, as he took away other things of price from the house of God, thus defacing it and leaving it naked, so he took away this covering of brass also, which was built in the house for some use before spoken of, or for the Priests to rest themselves in, according to some others) nothing else is meant, but that he stopped up the way of the king to the Lord's house, so that if any would go thither they must needs go round about and so come up by many steps an high hill with great difficulty to the house; yea having done thus, to show, that he would have no more worship there performed, he shut up the doors of this house, as is said, 2 Chron. 28. 24. And whereas he is said to have done these things and others against the house of the Lord, v. 17. before the king of Assyria, touching the meaning whereof expositors are doubtful. I conceive, that he did thus, when the Assyrian King was there, that he might give largely unto him to enjoy his favor, not regarding the Lord so much as him: for which cause and for that he was a gross idolater, he cared not, how he spoiled the Lord's house of all the ornaments, to give to this heathen king. And thus haply it is to be understood, that the king of Ashur coming to him straightened him and did not help him, because by his means he was greatly impoverished, that all he could wrap and rend, as we say, being taken to give to him, whether out of the Lord's house or his own, as 2 Chro. 28. 21. And so he became the less able to make war against other enemies, that invaded his land, as 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18. the Idumeans and Philistines.

Having thus resolved the doubt, how the King of Assyria is said not to have helped, but streightened Ahaz, he also covenanting, as we may gather by that, which hath been already said, to pay him a yearly tribute hereafter, I return now to his idolatry with the gods of Damascus: of which see 2 Chron. 28. 23. although here his causing of an Altar to be made like unto that at Damascus only be spoken of, and setting it up in the place of that, which he caused therefore to be removed. It is most probable, as Pelican hath it, that he first sacrificed to the gods of Damascus being there, that he might the more confirm his league with the king of Assyria. But whereas he professeth, 2 Chron. 28. 23. that now he would serve the Syrians gods, because they had holpen them, and he hoped, that they would help him likewise; but it is said, This turned to his ruin, he had reference to the Syrians victories obtained against him in times past and not to their present state, since the king of Assyria subdued Damascus, seeing now they were not helpful to them. A man would think, that Ahaz seeing, how they failed the Syrians at this time; should not have been induced to sacrifice to such impotent gods: but idolaters fare like men be witched, for so did one of his progenitors; also Amaziah, when he had subdued the Edomites, worshipping their gods, 2 Chron. 25. 14. yet because he did not only thus, but caused also such an altar, as was at Damascus to be made at Jerusalem, upon which all sacrifices should be offered against his return thither with Evilmerodach, it seemeth, that the good liking of that king was of no small force to move him hereunto. And it is noted that he had an high priest according to his mind, called Urijah, to whom he had no sooner sent the pattern of the Altar, that he would have made, but it was done according to his command against his return to Jerusalem. Yea, he did so comply with him, that he suffered the king at his return to offer sacrifice upon this new great Altar, and his meat-offering and drink offering, as the zealous Priest Azariah would by no means suffer his grandfather Uzziah to do, and when he persisted notwithstanding his opposition, God executed his judgment of leprosy upon him. If any man shall marvel, that he did not the like against Ahaz, who much more deserved it; I answer, God is not wont always to proceed one way in punishing, but divers, wherefore he punished Ahaz otherwise: for 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18, 19. it is said, that the Edomites and the Philistines spoiled his country, and that his kingdom was brought low because of him. And if he escaped in person, it was but for a time in this world, he being reserved to the future judgment in another world, as most wicked men are, whereas Uzziah most probably was judged here, that he might not be condemned hereafter.

But it may be demanded, to whom did Ahaz here offer, to God or to idols? Ans. it is not expressed, but only that he offered and commanded the Priest hereafter to offer all sacrifices upon this new altar, whereupon some think that the sacrifices were still here offered to God, because the holy Scripture saith nothing of this abomination done in the Temple or Court thereof, as it doth in relating the idolatry of Manasseh, 2 Chron, 34. 5, 6. yea it is expressly said, 2 Chron. 28. 24, 25. that the doors of the Lord's house being by him shut up, he set up altars and idols in every city of Judah, and sacrificed there unto them. Yet Tostatus saith, he took away the altar of the Lord, that no more sacrifice might be offered to him, but upon the new altar to the honor of the gods of Edom. And Theodoret saith, that this altar was set up to someone of the gods of Damascus, and Adrichomius, and Genebrard, that upon it sacrifice was offered to them. And truly I can hardly be induced to think, that he would set up an altar of Damascus to sacrifice to any other, but to the gods of Damascus, especially seeing he shut up the temple of the Lord, and rifled it of all the vessels and ornaments. It is expressly said, 2 Chron. 29. 7. that no sacrifice was then offered to the Lord, and if not to the Lord, then it must needs be to idols.

Then Ahaz removed the Altar of the Lord that it might not stand between his new altar, and the house, to the North side, commanding Urijah the Priest to offer all sacrifices upon the new great altar, wherein he readily obeyed him also. And touching the altar of the Lord, he said, that it should stand by for him to inquire, that is as Junius hath it, if he should think good at any time so to do. And in the Hebrew it is also to inquire, but the vulgar Latin hath it, ad voluntatem meam, expounded by Pelican, to be offered upon, if at any time I shall please, but for the present it shall stand by as antiquated, and out of use. But Lyra will have the meaning, shall be at my will to make what I think good thereof, wherefore he saith, that he made afterwards a famous dial of it, of which mention is made, chap. 20. 11. and this is followed by Adrichomius also, the contrary to which yet appeareth, 2 Chron. 29. 18. where it is said that the altar and the utensils thereof, which had been by Ahaz rejected, were sanctified, and if so, then that brazen altar was not broken to make a dial called Ahaz his dial, seeing that stood still after that Hezekiah his son had caused this to be sanctified, even to the time of his great sickness.

Pelican of Urijah his setting up of a strange altar, makes this Allegory. Such Ministers, as to please wicked Princes, bring into the Church of God strange doctrine, and rites in the worship of God, do act over again, as it were, the part of this wicked temporizer Vrijah, they set to the North side the altar of the Lord, and make and place an altar to the devil in the room thereof, the word of God and his ordinances are thus debased and turned, as it were to the left hand, which was the North, and men's inventions drawn from the Gentiles, honored above them. To revenge this wickedness in Ahaz, the Edomites were brought against him, and carried away many captives from Judah, when they had smitten it. And the Philistines brake into the Southern parts, and took Bethshemeth and Ajalon, &c. 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18. But all this would not move him to repentance, nor yet his suffering by the help which he had sent for out of Assyria, for even after this, he waxed worse and worse, v. 22. In the time of his straits he increased his contempt against the Lord, this is Ahaz. The vulgar Latin joining these words with the next following hath it, thinking Ahaz by himself offered to the God's of Damascus. But it is plainly distinguished both by a full point & a conjunction copulative, beginning the next verse thus, And he offered. These words are added then after his despising of all corrections spoken of, partly to show that he was the same wicked one still, and partly to move all kings and men to look at him and his impious doings to abhor from the like. Not one but divers ways he sinned foully. 1. By idolatry after the manner of the Israelitish kings, yea he made his son to go through the fire to Molech, which was not as Theodoret thinketh, by burning him, which he calleth a common error, but by sanctifying him, as the heathen counted, by making him to go through the fire. And the manner of this he saith, that he had seen it, viz. once in the year fires being made in some cities, there were those that went dancing through them, both men and boys and infants were by their mothers carried through the fiery flames. 2. By infidelity, rejecting all confidence in God, and putting his trust rather in the King of Ashur. 3. By setting up a strange altar in the courts of the Lord's house, making the altar built by Solomon to give way unto it. 4. By robbing the Lord's house of the ornaments, and by shutting it up keeping men from worshipping him. 5. By sacrificing to the gods of Damascus, that smote him, and seeking to draw the people to the same idolatry, in that he set up altars unto them in many places. 6. By incorrigibility, in that being severely punished by Syrians, Israelites, Assyrians, Edomites, and Philistines, he was so far from being touched with repentance, as that he did like one set to vex and anger the Lord all the ways that he could possibly devise. And it was now like Prince, like Priest, so that the state was intollerably corrupted.

Here nothing more, but of his death and burial in the city of David, but not in the sepulghers of the Kings saith, 2 Chron. 28. 27. as was said before of Amaziah.

CHAP. XVII.

THe 12 year of Ahaz king of Judah, reigned Hoshea in Samaria. The history of Hoshea begun, chap. 15. 30. is here continued. But how is it said, that he reigned the 12 year, when as he began in the fourth, which was the 20 of Jotham, as was before shown, reckoning from his first beginning, till that time? Pelican to this answereth well, that by reason of the king of Ashhur, although he had slain Pekah, he could not attain to the regal dignity, but ruled as a Lieutenant under him, till the 12 of Ahaz, that is, 8 years after, at what time he took upon him to reign shaking off the the Assyrian yoke and might best be said to begin to reign as a king of himself, and not under another. This is also recited by Wolfius and a second exposition of some, who say, that the first 8 years of his reign were full of tumult and trouble, but in the last of these, which was the the twelfth of Ahaz he began to reign in quiet, for which cause he is said here to have reigned, Anno 12 of Ahaz. And a third, in which he resteth, viz. that he slew Pekah Anno 4 o of Ahaz, and took the kingdom upon him, Anno 12 o being within 2 years after accepted for king by the states of the land, from which time to the 6 of Hezekiah are 9 years, according to which it is said that he reigned 9 years. But here are not 3 times, but two only put of the beginning of Hoshea his reign, or rather one of his beginning servily, and another of his reigning, after this shaken off, because it is not here said, he began to reign, but he reigned Anno 12 of Ahaz 9 years, according to Junius, [the ninth year] whereby I suppose he meaneth, that this was the ninth from his beginning to reign; for so it was, if respect be had to that, ch. 15. 30. where he is said to have reigned 20 of Jotham, that is, 4 of Ahaz, as hath been already shown; seeing the 12 is the ninth from the fourth spoken of in that place. But if we read it he reigned or had reigned then nine years, it will agree better with the Hebrew text. For another beginning of his time made by Wolfius 2 years after, viz. Anno 14 of Ahaz; I know no ground that he hath thereof. And therefore leaving it I should rest in the first brought by Pelican, but only that ch. 18. 1. the beginning of Hezekiah his reign Anno 3 of Hoshea seemeth to cross this, for if he reigned Anno 12 of Ahaz, and Ahaz reigned 16 years, from the twelfth, to which are four years at the least, how can it be said that he began the third year. To this it may be said, that the 12 was now at an end within a few days, so as that it was not counted, and the 4 th year was so newly begun, that it was not reckoned neither; but it is said the third, meaning the third being even now expired. Unless we shall say, that Hezekiah was made king some time before his fathers death., for the better settling him in the kingdom in those tumultuous times, and for the opposing of the enemies that invaded it. Again, it is said here v. 3. that Shalmaneser king of Assyria came up against Hoshea, because he denied to pay him tribute, which he had paid in former years; then he took Samaria his chief city, when he had besieged it three years, in the ninth of Hoshea. So that if it be true which goeth before, about Hoshea his beginning to reign in liberty, the twelfth of Ahaz, he was suffered by the Assyrian king six years before he came against him, which seemeth to be improbable.

Sol. It is probable enough, if we consider, that there be two kings of Assyria spoken of, Evilmerodach and Shalmaneser, the father and the son, since Hoshea attained to the crown. Wherefore Evilmerodach haply growing old, and towards his end, when Hoshea denied to pay anymore tribute, this was permitted till Shalmaneser was king, his father being dead. But it is said here v. 3. that Shalmaneser came first and brought him under tribute, and when he denied to pay it any longer, trusting to the help of the king of Egypt, he came again, and wasted his country, and took him; and all this was done from the twelfth of Ahaz, whereby his reign is here reckoned, to the end of his term of nine years. And if so, then the beginning of his reign in liberty is not here meant, because after this he paid tribute certain years. Rather before this he reigned free, for the kingdom was reckoned to him, because when Pekah was slain, there was none else reigned: but because he coming to it by the murder of the old king, civil wars followed hereupon, and sometimes he ruled, but sometimes again his enemies prevailed against him; so that all this time he stood very uncertain, as if this had been no reigning, it is passed over, and the time here set down, when he began to reign; after that the king of Assyria taking advantage of the civil dissensions had come and subdued the land, and settled him for king, under a tribute yearly to be paid to the king of Assyria. And in this I rest, as the clearest and most free from all exception. And so it appears, that there was a double time of this king Hoshea, one before that he was made tributary of nine years, and the other after of nine years more, the whole time of his reign, when he was carried away captive, and his people, being eighteen years.

He did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord, but not like the kings before him.] The Hebrew Chronology expoundeth this, of his not hindering men of his kingdom to go to Jerusalem to worship, as they were by the law of God bound to do three times in the year. For Jeroboam set garrisons, as some think, to keep them from going. But now, the golden calves, which he had set up for gods, being carried away by the Assyrians, Hoshea was less careful to uphold that idolatry, and so let his subjects for that matter do what they would, not setting any to keep them from going to the temple. But this is only an imagination, and the less probable, because the temple was now shut up by wicked Ahaz, so that it booted not any to repair thither, although it be most commonly followed. I rather think with Wolfius, that he urged none to idolatry, as they had done, although he were an idolater himself, but was more remiss, either naturally, or for the reconciling of all men's minds the more unto him, whilst he left everyone to his own will for devotion, compelling none.

Against him came Shalmaneser, &c.] God had been so greatly provoked in that kingdom, that although Hoshea was not so bad, as his predecessors, lyet because his kingdom was all over greatly tainted with idolatry, and he was a party herein amongst the rest, and sought not to reform it, as he ought to have done; that he would now spare them no longer, but bring them into servitude, and soon after into miserable captivity. It is not a man's not being so wicked as others, [Note.] that will avail with God for mercy, and sparing from his most severe judgments; who so doth evil, although not in that high degree, is in danger of God's wrath, as well as they that sin more foully: that we may abhor not only from so much evil, as others, but any evil at all.

This coming of Shalmaneser against him, was after he had reigned, in some sort, nine years, yea at the beginning of his next ninth. And then being made tributary, he paid it five years or thereabouts, in the sixth he denied it, conspiring with So king of Egypt; in the beginning of the seventh, Shalmaneser came, and in three years altogether vanquished him and his people. Because he is said to have conspired with So, Tostatus thinketh, that he like wise was a tributary to the king of Assyria, and whereas it is said, Wherefore Shalmaneser streitened him, and bound him in prison. He takes it as spoken of him, seeing he could not get Hoshea into his hands, till the third year after. But, however So might be a tributary as well as he, and so they might join together in denying more tribute, it is plainly spoken not of So, but of Hoshea, that he besieged him and bound him in prison, it being left to be understood, when he bad gotten him into his hands at the taking of Samaria next spoken of. Wherefore Lyra saith well, that his imprisoning is here spoken of by anticipation. For the long time, that he was in besieging Samaria, it is probable, that by the help of the king of Egypt, Hoshea had extraordinarily fortified it against this time. And now the kingdom of Israel utterly ceased, the time being come, of which the prophet Isaiah had spoken, saying, Within 65. years Ephraim shall be wasted so, that he shall not be a people. Which according to the Hebrew Chronology, is to be understood of those 65 which began, when their carrying away captive was first threatened by Amos, which was anno 25 of Uzziah, as is commonly held, for from thence to the end of his reign were 27 years, Jotham 16, Ahaz 16, and Hezekiah 6, for these together make 65, and the ninth of Hoshea is said to have been the sixth of Hezekiah, chap. 18. 10. thus many. But Junius rather thinketh, that the reckoning ought to begin from the time of Isaiah his prophesying, viz. anno 40 of Ahaz, from which to the carrying away of Israel captive, although there were but seventeen years, yet to the time of their ceasing to be a people were many more, viz. 48; for Hezekiah reigned after this 23, and after his time Esarhaddon the son of Sanneherib, in whose time the Israelites say, that they were carried away captive, Ezra 4. 2. For although this may seem to be spoken of the Jews of the kingdom of Judah, yet they are there said to be Israelites; and 2 King. 17. 24. when the Israelites were carried away, it is only said, that they were carried by the king of Babylon or Assyria, without naming him, and this is even by the Samaritans themselves expounded of Esarhaddons carrying away all the rest, at what time he brought in new inhabitants, and this most probably happened anno 25 of Manasseh his son, which together make 65. thus Junius. But because, however the Israelites indeed remained haply in other parts still, for a time, yet they were no kingdom ever anymore; and it is improbable, that the Assyrian king, having subdued Israel, whom he is also said to carry away captive, would defer the utter depopulation of the country, till 48 years after, and the bringing in of new inhabitants, and they of Judah are often called Israelites, as well as the rest, I rather subscribe to the first, especially seeing v. 18. it is said, that none remained but the tribe of Judah only.

The people carried away into Assyria, are said to have been placed in Chalac and Chabor, and in the cities of the Medes. Of those places mention was made before, 1 Chron. 5. 26. when Tiglath pilesar carried away part of the people. They are held to be cities on the further side of Assyria next unto Media, so that they were not places far asunder, and within a while, as is is in 4 Ezra 13. 40, 41. they lest those parts and went further to inhabit, where never mortal men dwelt before, and as Genebrard thinketh, the north parts of the east, where the Tartars now inhabit, which may be the more probable, and that they are descended of them, because some places amongst them are called by the names of Dan, Naphtali and Zebulon, and some Hebrew monuments still remain there. Some take these for the names of rivers, but Ptolemy saith, they were cities. Whereas the binding of Hoshea only is spoken of, and putting him in prison, he is also said to have been carried away captive, 4 Ezra. 13. 40. of which, I think, no doubt is to be made, and he may well be comprehended under the name of Israel here. He carried Israel into Assyria. He being now but as one of the rest.

The judgment, which swept all Israel thus away, being shown, now follow the causes, why God was so severe against them. Although he had brought them in singular mercy out of the land of Egypt, yet they served other gods and forsook him, becoming even as the Gentiles, who dwelt round about them. And when he sent his Prophets to admonish them, yet they persisted, thus showing themselves contemptuous of his statutes. And from this they proceeded to the casting of all his Commandments behind their backs.

Then more particularly their horrible sins are laid open, they made them golden calves and worshipped them and the whole host of heaven, and Baal, and made their children to go thorough the fire, and gave themselves to witchcrafts. Wherefore the Lord in wrath removed them, leaving behind only the tribe of of Iudad. Neither did this tribe finally escape, and for the present were given into the hands of robbers, as was before shown in the history of Ahaz, because they sinned also like Israel, they were spoiled also in the days of Joash and Amaziah, &c. till they as Israel, were also removed from his face. Lastly the time how long Israel had thus sinned, is set forth, even from Jeroboam, until this their carrying away captive, which was 262. years, as will appear to him that shall count it by the years of the kings of Judah in this time. For Rehoboam reigned 18. Abijam 3. Asa 41. Jehoshaphat 25. Joram 8. Ahaziah 1. Joash 40. Athaliah 6. Amaziah 29. Azariah 52. Jotham 16. Ahaz 16. Hezekiab 6. together 26. only because Joram reigned 5. years, together with his father Jehoshaphat, 2 King. 8. 16. deduct them and there will remain 256. a very long time of provocation, before [Note.] the Lord brake out into this severity, whereby appeareth his patience, and their continued obstinacy, making them well worthy of so sore a judgment, and although the Lord be slow to wrath, yet his patience being long abused by any nation will at length break out into the greater fury. Whereas, v. 9. it is said, They did things secretly which were not right. Wolfius noteth, that the word rendered covertly, signifieth also to put a gloss or color upon a thing: hereby then is intimated, that they justified their doings as acts of piety, as the Papists do at this day. And whereas it is said, from the watch tower to the defensed city, they set up images, &c. he understands it from one limit of the kingdom to another, seeing watch towers used to be set upon the borders to espy the coming of the enemy.

Then the king of Ashur brought men from Babel and Chuthah, and Abah, Hamath and Sephenaim, &c. Babel was the metropolitan city of his kingdom of wonderful vastness, and strength: for according to Berosus it was sixty thousand paces in compass, the walls were two hundred foot high and fifty broad, and he saith, that it was built by Saturn and was the first city, that was built in all the world, see also Pliny. Chuthah is by Josephus thought to be a country of Persia, having the name from a river so called. Avah was an Arabian Colony according to Uranius. Hamath is by Jerome called Epiphania, by Munster Epidaphne and Theopolis. Of Sephanaim we have no certainty; but Junius saith, that Sephara is a city in Mesopotamia by Euphrates. Of the same places see something spoken again, chap. 18, 34. as of places subdued by the king of Assyria, viz. of Avah called there Ivah, Hamath and Sepharuaim. So that, it seemeth, the people brought by him to inhabit Samaria and her cities were none of his naturll subjects, except those of Babel and Cuthath, being only thus translated thither out of their own country, that coming into so good a land, whereunto they had no right but by the donation of the Conqueror they might the more willingly live in subjection to him and pay him tribute without rebelling. But whatsoever they were, so soon as they were come, because they feared not the Lord, he sent Lions amongst them, which slew them. Whereupon the king of Ashur hearing it sent back a priest, whom he had carried away captive to teach them the service of the god of that land, which he did, and so they served him; but they served their own gods also, everyone the gods of his nation; and thus they persisted to do both fathers & children's children. If it be demanded here, why God sent such destruction upon these heathens now more then in times past in their own countries, where they feared not God anymore then at this time? Answ. because they were now it that land, which the Lord was pleased particularly to own; for which cause he forbade any of it to be sold; and in his own land he would be known and served; whosoever dwelt therein, and in case that he were not, send destruction amongst them therefore. But then another question ariseth, If for not fearing him he sent Lions amongst them to slay them, why did he forbear to do so still, when as they worshipped heathen gods together with him, which is so contrary to him, that rather then be so served, he will not be served at all, as Elijah said to the people. If the Lord be God, follow him, if Baal, follow him: and how long halt ye between two opinions? Answ. It seemeth, that he sent not Lions amongst them for their idolatry, in which they were bred and borne: but for that being in the land, which the Lord had peculiarly chosen, they feared not him, as if he had no power or were but a weak God, that could not keep his people from being carried away captive by the Assyrians, as afterwards Rabshakeh said, What is God, that he should be able to deliver you out of my hands? To show therefore, that he was the God of all power and to make them to fear him, and speak, and think reverently of him, he thus judged them, but forbare to do likewise afterwards, when they bare a reverent regard unto him, as the priest taught them, leaving their idolatries to be reckoned for and judged at the last day. Yet I doubt not, but the priest sent to instruct them, taught him to be the only true God, and that their idols were no gods, but vanities, and told them of his creating heaven and earth, and all things, and of his stupendous judgments shown upon Egypt, and the Canaanites, and upon the Israelites themselves, when they turned idolaters. Yet they applied no more of his teaching, but only so much as concerned the reverencing of him. For sacrifice they could not be taught to offer there unto him, seeing it was not acceptable in any other place, but only at Jerusalem.

This showeth, that if any of the people of God do abominably, as the heathen, [Note.] God will not endure it at their hands, although they worship the Lord also: for it is in them spiritual adultery, seeing they are his spouse; but Ethnics, that never were contracted unto him by covenant, are otherwise looked upon, as doing wickedly indeed, but forsomuch as they are not the Lord's, but another man's wife, as it were, his jealousy is not hereby stirred up against them, to make presently therefore sensible demonstration of his wrath, as against his Israel. According to which it is said, the time of this ignorance God regarded not, &c. And the people now placed in Samaria, being therefore called Samaritans, continued in this their superstition even till the time of the Maccabees, but afterwards it seemeth, that leaving their idolatry they worshipped God only, as the Jews then did, because that woman of Samaria John. 4. inquired so seriously of the place, wherein they ought to worship God, and called herself, together with her citizens, the children of Jacob, and shown a faith in the Messiah to come. To make all men to abhor from such kind of fearing and worshipping God, as is joined with idolatry, the manner of these people's doings being recounted, they are greatly taxed, as not fearing the Lord, v. 34. although they had been said twice, v. 32, 33. to have feared the Lord, that is, to have trembled before him, and not to dare speak contumeliously, but reverently of him, and haply they prayed unto him, as well as they did to their idols; yet they could not be said to fear him truly, if by the fear of God we understand, as we must, such fear of him, as moveth a man to have respect to all his commandments, and specially to that which forbiddeth the worshipping of other gods, as being most of all other things repugnant to his will, as is in the same v. 34, 35, 36, expressed. The gods whom they made to themselves and worshipped, were Succeth Benoth made by the men of Babel, they of Chuth made Nergal, Hamath, Asima, &c. Succoth Benoth, signifieth covering her children, that is, an hen, as the Hebrews expound it. Nergal is a woodcock, Asima a goat, Nibkaz and Tartal were the gods of the Havites, that is, a dog and an asse, though some by Tartar think, that Tartan is meant, who was one of those, whom Sanneherib sent against Jerusalem, as Wolfius saith, Adramelech was an horse, and Anamelech a mule, some think, they were the sons of Sanneherib. But forsomuch as other nations in the world have worshipped such base creatures also, as the Persians a cock, the Ptoembari a people of Africa a dog, according to Aristophanes; the Mendesians a goat, and some an asses head. According to Athanasius, it is most probable, that these heathens set up to themselves the images of such creatures also, according to their country manner. For of the heathen in general, it is complained Rom. 1. that they changed the glory of God into the similitude of beasts, fowls, and creeping things. And hereby we may see, how greatly we are blessed of God, in that we are better [Note.] taught, and not left to follow such ridiculous vanities, as for our sins we might have been, that we may endeavor to live more to his glory, and not as the servants of dogs, goats, and asses, &c.

CHAP. XVIII.

IN the third year of Hoshea, Hezekiah began, &c.] If this shall seem to be repugnant to chap. 10. 1. where it is said, Ahaz his father began anno 17 of Pekah, who reigned 20 years, and so he reigned but three years in his time, then he continued 13 more, for his whole reign was of sixteen years, and Hoshea got the crown immediately after Pekah, wherefore he reigned in Hoshea his time also thirteen years, and so Hezekiah could not begin till his fourteenth year. How this may be reconciled see before, upon ch. 17. 1. The age of Hezekiah when he began to reign was 25, the time of his reign 29, his mothers name was Abi, the daughter of Zechariah. His praise is, that he did altogether like David, he brake down the high places, where other kings had permitted sacrificing, and brake in pieces the brazen image which Moses had made because they burnt incense unto it; and it is said, that he did so excellently, that there was never any king of Judah like unto him, before or after him. Touching his mother, some think, that she was daughter to Zechariah, the son of Jehoiadah, slain in the time of Joash king of Judah, for reproving his wickedness. But that was so long before, the reign of Amaziah of 29, and of Azariah 52, and of Jotham 16 coming between, together 97 years, that there is no probability of it. Jerome therefore conjectureth, that she was his grandchild, coming of a son of his own name, which is not unlikely, and if so, he had most probably a good mother, although a bad father. Others hold this Zechariah her father, to have been the last king of Israel of the race of Jehu, but then most probably he should have been so set forth; and to put this out of doubt, Josephus saith, that he was a Zechariah of Jerusalem. Whereas it is said, that Hezekiah brake down images, and cut down the grove, for so it is in the Hebrew and not groves, as in Vulg. Lat. (although a figure called Enallage numeri is there thought by Wolfius to be used, grove being put for groves) it is to be understood, that some escaped his hands, remaining still for Josiah to have the honor of cutting and breaking them down, as appeareth, 2 King. 23. 13. where he is said to have polluted the high places set up by Solomon to Ashterosh and Chemosh and Milcom, and to have broken their images, &c. and these are said to have been before Jerusalem, and therefore not suffered to stand now, because in some obscure corner out of sight, but because haply they were unfrequented, until the days of Manasseh, the father of Josiah, who exceeded in idolatries of all sorts, as is shown, 2 King. 21. Thus also Tostatus, these images either were not now worshipped, or the people, being taken with the pleasantness of the place would not suffer them to be beaten down, so that the king could not do it without danger of sedition, but I rest in the former of these, because to a godly king the people were never so undutiful to cross him in any of his godly designs, but rather have most readily joined with him.

And if idolatry had been there after Solomon's time committed, it is to be thought, that neither Asa, nor Jehoshaphat would have suffered them to stand in their times. For I cannot incline to that conjecture of one, who thinketh, that Solomon upon his repentance beat them down; and whereas it is said, which Solomon made, it is to be understood, the like unto which he made and upon the same foundations, because these words, [which Solomon made] cannot with reason be expounded, the like to which others made. And that he did not demolish them hath been already shown and brought by Eucherius as an argument of his final impenitency, 1 King. 11. 7. But touching the superexcellency ascribed unto him above all other kings of Judah before or after him: If it be demanded how this can be truly said, seeing Josiah did rather exceed both in polluting those high places, which he suffered to remain, in keeping a passover in such manner as no king ever did before him, 2 King. 23. 22. in rooting out Wizards, and removing all abominations v. 24. Whereupon it is said, that he was such a king, as that there was never king like unto him, v. 25. To this Wolfius answereth by saying, that we must take it according to the meaning and not stand strictly upon the words, it being not intended here to deprive other godly kings of their due commendations, but most highly to commend these two, as the most excellent of all others. Hezekiah for his beginning so soon, viz. anno 1. the first month of his reign, 2 Chron. 29. 3. and that not being deterred by the state wherein he found the kingdom, viz. altogether corrupted by idolatries, and that by his father. 2. For his most eminent confidence in God shown herein, and in his breaking in pieces the brazen Serpent, which was in so high estimation then amongst the people, that they worshipped it. 3. For God's favor constantly gracing him unto his end by miraculously delivering Jerusalem upon his praying from the proud king of Ashur, smiting his host by his Angel, and hearing him in his most dangerous sickness to restore him to health again, and to add fifteen years more to his days, and for a sign to show a miracle almost, as at the request of Joshua upon the Sun going back, as then it stood still. For in these three even Josiah himself came short of Hezekiah, in that he began not his reformation, till anno 18 of his reign, neither did he find his state so corrupted, seeing Manasseh his father was converted and reformed all things most material before his end. 2. He had no image to break down so dangerous for the causing of tumult amongst the people, as the brazen image, which Moses himself had set up, and therefore Hezekiah in doing this did much endanger himself, as one that might be thought for this fact to be against God. 3. He was cut off by a violent death, in going out against Pharaoh Necho, non consulting with the Lord first about it.

Yet Josiah excelled even Hezekiah, first in ridding the land of all abominations both the high places built by Solomon, and the altar at Bethel. Secondly, in the singular passover, which he kept. Thirdly, in his hearts melting within him for the sins of the people, when he heard the law read, and bringing them into a covenant with the Lord; in which respects it is truly said of him, that there was no king like unto him before or after, and for that he lived without all scandal, so as David himself did not, nor Hezekiah, who was visited for his unthankfulness after his great deliverance, and heard an harsh prophesy for his correspondency with the king of Assyria, and his vain-glory in showing his Legates his treasures. And as truly it is said likewise of Hezekiah, for the three things before spoken of, which were most notable in him. For the brazen serpent, see Numb. 21. 9. by God's own command it was set up, and had been hitherto preserved, as a monument of the cures wrought hereby. But in the days of Abaz, by the superstitious incense was offered unto it, as thinking virtue to be therein. But Hezekiah brake it, and called it Nehushtan, that is, their brass, and therefore without all virtue, and unworthy of adoration, seeing not thereby, but by God's power cures were through it done. And hereby we are taught, that whatsoever is an occasion of offense ought to be abolished; such as is the cross itself, although sometime Constantine thereby prevailed.

Touching God's being with Hezekiah in all his enterprises, and his smiting of the Philistines set forth here v. 7, 8. because his pious acts were the first, that he began with, as is noted 2 Chron. 29. 3. and these followed as blessings hereupon, we must here leave the history of the Kings, and bring in 2 Chron. 29. 3, 4, &c. where is shown, what he first did after that he was king. In the first year, the first month he opened the house of the Lord, and called the Priests and Levites together, willing them to sanctify themselves and the Lord's house, recounting unto them, how their fathers had carried themselves indignly, shutting up the Lord's house, and not offering to him, &c. This godly king, to give example to all others, began first with the worship of God, which is the principal thing in a kingdom, and if it be rightly intended, that which bringeth with it all other blessings, as a very fountain and well-spring thereof. Jerome saith, that by tradition he did this not only the first month, but the first day thereof. He opened the doors of the Lord's house, which Ahaz his father had shut up, ch. 28. 24. and this is most consonant with v. 17. He caused the Priests and Levites to assemble in the East street, that is, saith Lyra, in the Priests court, where stood the altar of burnt offerings, and was on the East side of the courts of the Lord's house, which is said to be 100 cubits square, as the other courts also were. And here he exhorted them to sanctify themselves, that is, by washing their bodies and clothes, and then to sanctify the temple, by cleansing it from all the foulness growing therein so long a time; Jerome saith, by carrying out the images set up there, and all their appurtenances. But seeing the doors were kept shut, I see not how images could come to be set up there. And to stir them up the more, he commemorateth the wrath of God executed against Judah, in slaughtering many of them, and giving others to be carried away captive, both men and women, of which see ch. 28. 5, 6, 7, 8. Then he telleth them, that he meant to enter into a covenant with God, which how it was performed I find not expressed, but only that sacrifices were offered for them all, and praises sung, and then both king and people bowed themselves and worshipped, which was implicitly a covenanting, according to that saying Psal. 50. 5. which hath made a covenant with me by sacrifice, and this he propoundeth to do, that the Lord might turn from the fierceneste of his wrath, as being a special means to move him so to do. Then the Priests and Levites gathered themselves together, and it is shown, of what families the Levites were, viz. of Chaath, Gershom, and Merari, Elisaphan, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun. Of which, the three former are well known to have been the sons of Levi. Elisaphan was the son of Huzziel, the son of Amram, the son of Kaath, Exod. 6. 20. and Numb. 3. 30. he is called prince of the Chaathites. Of the other three mention is made in the Psalms, as of chief singers, to whom therefore many Psalms were committed, and by some of them endited. Heman was a prince of the family of Gershom, 1 Chron. 3. 43. Asaph of the family of Merari, v. 39. And Jeduthun, was a skillful Musician next unto them, 2 Chron. 5. 12. where these three are named together in Solomon's time, as being of the same faculty. Now the order of proceeding in cleansing and sanctifying was this, the Priests cleansed the house of the Lord, bringing all the filth to the door, and there the Levites took and carried all into the brook Kedron, and this work being begun the first day of the first month, was finished in eight days, and in eight more the courts, with all their appurtenances were cleansed and sanctified also. From whence we may gather, that Hezekiah began his reign in the very beginning of the year, and the same day that he began to reign, spake unto the Levites to set upon this work; and that they without any deferring began the same day, that they were spoken unto. A most excellent harmony and consent in the [Note.] greatest diligence about things pertaining to religion, worthy the imitation both of prince and people in all ages. This work being finished, they certify the king thereof, and of their cleansing of the altar for burnt offerings, and all the utensils thereof, which Ahaz had removed and cast aside, setting up an altar like that at Damascus in the room of it, as was before shown. Wherefore, without doubt that altar was broken down by them, and carried away with the other filth, the altar of the Lord being set again in the proper place.

The good king hearing what they had done, delayed no time, but rising early in the morning, called together the princes, and causing seven bullocks, seven lambs, seven rams, and seven kids, to be brought to the Lord's house, he commanded the Priests to offer them upon the altar, for sin, for the kingdom, for the sanctuary, and for Judah, which they did accordingly. For the kingdom saith Lyra, was for the king and the princes, for Judah was for all the people of the land, and for the sanctuary, was for the Priests and Levites who ministered therein. But because Levite. 4. one bullock is appointed for the Priest sinning, and one for the whole congregation, and a kid for a prince, so that this may seem to be an exceeding of the prescript rule of the law, he answereth, that Numb. 15. 24. unto the bullock, in case the whole congregation sinneth, a kid is added, whereby it may be gathered, that the meaning of Levite. 4. is, that so much must be offered at the least, but when the sin is greater, more must be added. And at this time, because sin had exceeded in the days of wicked Ahaz, the beasts brought and offered are many more, viz. a full number (for such is the number of seven) of all sorts that were fit for sacrifice, and not of the two prescribed in that law only. Innius by the sanctuary understandeth it properly, because being polluted it had need again to be sanctified, as at the first consecration, which was with blood, Levite. 8. 15. so likewise Pelican, and this seemeth to be the best, because the altar was sprinkled with blood, before the sacrifices for sin were offered. And by the kingdom and Judah, may be understood all the whole body of that state, consisting of King, Clergy, and Laity.

And the goats were set before the King, and the whole congregation, and they laid their hands upon them.] That is, the king, and some of them representing the rest, laid on their hands as was appointed, when sacrifices were offered for sin, Levite. 4. and thus they confessed their sins, showing by their thus doing, that they were worthy to die, but besought the Lord to accept of the blood of this beast, whereby Christ his blood was figured out, and to save them.

And the Priests killed them, and sprinkled their blood upon the altar, to make an expiation for all Israel, &c.] Such was the piety and charity of this king, as that he would have sacrifices offered not only for his own kingdom of Judah, but also for all Israel, although under another king. And that the sacrifices now offered might be made with the greatest grace and praise to God, he addeth also music by instruments and voice of the Levites as was used in David's time, as God commanded by his prophets, Gad and Nathan.

The sacrifices at this time offered were 70. bulls, 100. rams, 200. lambs, 600. oxen, and 3000. sheep, which was a great matter considering the poverty, to which the kingdom was brought by Ahaz; and that these offerings were given by the men of Judah only. And these were sacrifices of praise, as those before going for sin. And being so many it is said, that the priests being fewer could not flea them all, wherefore the Levites did help them: and the reason, why there were fewer priests sanctified, was because the Levites were more upright in heart to sanctify themselves, then the priests, for this is the true reading according to the Hebrew, and not as the Vulg. Lat. hath it, more belonged to the sanctifying of the Priests then of the Levites. Another reason why these fewer priests could not do all, was because the fat also of every beast was to be taken off to be burnt upon the altar, which required the help of many hands.

HEzekiah that godly king having made this preparation, which was necessary in the first place, now taketh into his consideration the great neglect of keeping the Passover, and although the first month of the year was past wherein it ought to have been kept, yet he would not defer it, till another year, but rather keep it the second month, believing that God would accept of his piety herein, although the circumstance of time were not precisely observed, seeing this could not at this time be for the case, wherein the altar and temple were in the first month, the sanctifying of which must take up many days. And yet he did not this without warrant, but as was allowed, Numb. 9. 10, 11. Here are also two other reasons of this, viz. because there were not a sufficient number of the priests sanctified to minister at this solemnity, and because the people of Israel could not suddenly be gathered together unto it from all parts, as all the males ought to be. And be endeavored to have them all at Jerusalem, not only of his own kingdom of Judah, but also of Israel under Hoshea, and therefore he sent letters to them of Ephraim and Manasseh and to all Israel to invite them unto it. For although their king were wicked, yet the golden calves set up by Jeroboam being now taken away by the Assyrians, as hath been already shown, he did not evil, as other kings, his predecessors, by worshipping idols, or keeping his subjects from going to Jerusalem to worship, as they had done, so that if they would, they might freely come to this Passover. And such was his charity, that he desired to do, what he could for the reconciling of God's favor unto them as well as to his own kingdom, that no more of them might be carried away captive into Assyria, as some had been before, 2 King, 15. 29. which is expressed, v. 6, 7, 8. And in this example we are taught how we should be affected to and seek the good of our brethren [Note.] in other kingdoms, as well as in our own. At what time this was done, all are not agreed: for Cajetan will have it to be the year after the captivity by Shalmaneser, when they had no king of their own to hold them at home. But seeing that was the seventh year of Hezekiah and this the first, he is in a manifest error. Wherefore Josephus, Genebrard and Tostatus do all agree, that it was before that captivity, which was not, till the sixth year of Hezekiah; the good King hoping by this means, that they might find favor to be spared for time to come from being carried away; and those, who were carried away before, might in their captivity have more comfort. The messengers sent were mocked of some in Manasseh, Ephraim and Zebulon. Josephus addeth, that they took both them and the prophets, who exhorted them to go up, and slew them. But some in Asher, Manasseh and Zebulon humbled themselves and went to this Passover. The time was now almost come of giving Israel over into the hands of their enemies for their sins, and of their utter extirpation: therefore to prepare unto this, they are first given over, as their wicked hearts lead them, to the contempt of all goodness, and then the judgment soon followed. They that humbled themselves and came, were, as Pelican conceiveth, of those seven thousand that never bowed their knees to Baal, that is, of their posterity; for their time was expired long before this. And it is not to be doubted, but that these escaped the better, when the Assyrians came, coming again haply into Judah, where so godly a king was, to be out of that danger, when they had first returned to their possessions and in their own country destroyed idols, as chap. 31. 1. Touching Judah it is said, that God gave them one heart to do all of them, as they were commanded touching the passover and in showing their zeal against idolatry by breaking down the idols altars, &c. as the Priests and Levites had cleansed the temple, so they cleansed both the city and country from all idolatrous pollution. Then the Passover was kept and the Priests and Levites, who were not yet sanctified, were ashamed and sanctified themselves, that they might be fit to do their duty at this great solemnity, and so they offered the burnt offerings. That, which made them ashamed was to see the readiness and zeal of the people, to whom they ought to have been leaders. Yet it is said, that a multitude of the people were unclean, for which cause the Levites were enforced to kill the paschal lambs for them, that they might thus be sanctified. They were for necessities sake now allowed to eat the Passover, although they were unclean, as is shown, v. 18. that is, by touching some unclean thing, or by a dead body, the order of sanctifying, after which, had now been neglected a long time, and haply, for want of teaching, unknown unto them: but to kill the Passover in this case none were permitted, but the Levites, who were sanctified, did it for them. Because, as Lyra saith, It is a greater work and unto it more holiness is required, to kill the Passover, then to eat of it, as in a priest that consecrateth the Sacrament, then in such, as receive it. All such indeed as eat the Passover, must be sanctified from their uncleanness, Levite. 7. 20. there being one common law against eating any of the holy things by such as were unclean, and the penalty set therefore, death and cutting off from his people: for which it is said, v. 18. that there were many unclean of Manasseh, Issachar, &c. which did eat, not according to the law, for whom Hezekiah prayed, that God would forgive this and accept of them notwithstanding, who ate the Passover with a perfect heart, and it is said, that God heard him and healed the people, that is, according to Junius, sanctified them by the virtue of his Spirit: the Vulg. Lat. (placatus est erga eos) was pacified towards them, respecting more the sense, then the words. But the word (healed) is used because uncleanness is as a sickness in those that participate of holy things, endangering their lives by reason of the penalty before spoken of; so that God being pacified and his wrath stayed by the prayer of Hezekiah, this malady might well be said metaphorically to have been healed.

But how was it known, that God was pacified? The Rabins, saith Lyra, answer, that commonly when any presumed to eat of the holy things of the Lord in his uncleanness, they were stricken with death, and therefore because these were not thus smitten, it appears, that God's wrath against this sin was pacified But this he approveth not, because, if there had been such danger it had been a tempting of God to adventure in this case to eat the passover, and delivering his own opinion, he saith, They were dispensed withal for necessities sake and for the good and hearty devotion, with which they came. For touching the first of these, David in case of necessity did eat the shewbread which otherwise it was unlawful for him to do; and for the second, it is faith and uprightness of heart, that maketh the doing of holy duties acceptable to God, although they be not at sometimes performed strictly according to the rule of his law.

Which reasons indeed are good for the Lord's accepting of them, and pardoning their error, but they do nothing satisfy the question propounded, viz. how it was known, that God was pacified, and therefore I rest in that, which Lyra excepteth against, because however at other times, when there was no necessity, God's wrath might break out against such, as ate in their uncleanness, yet in this case of necessity, the king might well hope of his fatherly indulgence, to spare a poor ignorant people, that now began again to return with all their hearts unto him, although in outward things, which never really defiled, they did not altogether according to the law, seeing they were as a people newly converted, and therefore such as it could not be expected at their hands, that they should exactly keep this solemnity at the first. For both David before spoken of, did that which was dangerous in eating the show-bread in his necessity, and all the Hebrews in omitting circumcision all the time of their being in the wilderness, yet sin was not imputed unto them.

To make it then the more probable, that such as at other times ate of the holy things in their uncleanness were punished with death, S t . Paul saith of the unworthy receivers amongst the Corinthians. For this cause there are many amongst you sick and weak, and many a sleep, that is, dead. For God hath at all times been most severe out of the case of necessity, against those, that have transgressed the external rites of the law, as we may see in Uzzah, and in the men of Bethshemesh. Whence we may learn, that the heart indeed is the principal thing that God looketh [Note.] after: but however the heart be affected, there is danger to any, that presumeth to eat of the holy things of the Lord in the uncleanness of sin, which he will never dispense withal, although he did sometime with legal uncleanness. Yet seeing there is place for repentance for this and for all other sins, except that against the holy Ghost, upon prayer, pardon and reconciliation may be attained, as it was at this time by Hezekiah. Touching the case of necessity here often spoken of, it is to be known, that this was now the Israelites case. They came far to the passover, had kept none a long time, and had not now the liberty of another month, as the unclean, Num. 9. therefore must either eat it as they were, or else miss the taking of it haply forever, to their greater danger.

Then they kept the passover with joy seven days, the Levites playing with music, and these being ended, they agreed at the kings motion to keep it seven days more: for he offered a thousand bullocks, and seven thousand smaller cattle, and the Princes a thousand bullocks, and ten thousand smaller cattle, which could not all be spent in the former seven days. And these, it is to be understood, were eucharistical sacrifices, wherewith all the people were feasted, whom Hezekiah desired to hold longer, that by hearing more of the law, they might be the more confirmed therein: for which cause, neither he nor the Princes spared for any charges, whereby they might draw them to stay with delight. This indeed, saith Pelican, was more, then the law required, but not against it, seeing as free-will offerings, besides those enjoined were greatly accepted of, so to take time for the offering of them to the praise of God, could not but be highly accepted of also. And it must be taken, as coming from their superabundant joy for that feast, now kept again by all Israel together, so as it had not been since the days of Solomon, because they of the ten tribes were never hitherto permitted to come to Jerusalem, from the beginning of Jereboam's reign, and for a long time in the reign of Ahaz, the kingdom of Judah had been debarred by his shutting up of the doors of the house of the Lord. How it was accepted of before God, is shown v. 27. where it is said, that the Priests and Levites blessed the people, and their prayer came into the holy habitation of heaven.

Then all the children of Israel, that were in Jerusalem, went out and brake down the images, &c.] That is, when they had heard the law against them, they returned not home, till they had first done these zealous acts. And because Hezekiah doubtless exhorted them so to do, and by his authority set them to this work within his dominions, it is said of him 2 King. 18. 4. that he did all this, and brake in pieces also the brazen serpent. For the history of the Kings omitting altogether the narration of his passover, cometh immediately to this of his demolishing idolatry, but here it is set forth in the due order, together with those that were employed about it. He began then so soon as he came to the crown, to purge the house of the Lord, and this being done, proceeded, as the time required, to the celebration of the passover, from which the people by him called unto it, being set on fire with a holy zeal, went out and purged all other parts from the filth of idolatry, even as far as Ephraim and Manasseh in the kingdom of Israel, of which tribes some of them were. For although ch. 30. 10, 11. no mention is made but of some of Asher, Manasseh and Zebulon, that came at Hezekiah's invitement to the passover, others of Ephraim, Manasseh and Zebulon, being set forth as mocking, yet v. 18. Ephraim and Issachar are mentioned, as being there also. If it shall seem strange, that the subjects of another king should presume to do these things without his license, within his kingdom, It is to be considered, that Hoshea then king, was but an usurper, that by murthering of his master attained the kingdom, and therefore the subjects thereof did as if they had no lawful king, being also haply permitted by him to do in these things, what they would, so that he might be suffered to sit in the throne; for which cause, as was said before 2 King. 17. 2. he is reported not to be so bad as other kings of Israel before him for idolatry, being rather Atheist then idolater. Here is then no warrant for subjects and private persons, to run of their own heads, to the pulling down of images set up by public authority, especially living under a lawful king, to whom every soul must be subject, and to his council, but when the king that reigneth is indifferent, such zeal is hereby warrantable, as stirreth up the people to the pulling of them down. Otherwise it is to be expected, till God shall move his or their hearts to appoint it to be done, as he did the heart of Jehu before, and of Josiah after.

Having thus purged both the Lord's house and the whole land, as remained to be done in the next place, Hezekiah appointeth the Priests and Levites thenceforth to attend upon offering sacrifices, and singing praises unto God. And because this could not be done without many helps, who must all have due maintenance, he both renewed all the divisions of them in their courses, as they had been set by David, and also stirred up the people to bring in the first fruits and tithes, whereupon they were to live, which they did abundantly. And the king for his part, to free the people from that great charge, undertook at his own costs, to maintain the continual morning and evening sacrifices, those of the Sabbath and new Moons, and of other feasts which the Lord had appointed, of the laws touching which, see Levite. 23. Exod. 29. 39. Numb. 28. &c. The first fruits and tithes due to the ministers of God he calleth their parts, because they had none other part or portion in the land, but these were by law appointed unto them, that they might attend upon the office, by the same law commanded them, and not be distracted by seeking out for maintenance; that is, saith Lyra, upon reading, studying, and teaching, and officiating in the temple. And good reason there is, that God's ministers in all times [Note.] should have maintenance sufficient without trouble, seeing that even amongst the heathen, they who attended upon divine worship, were always provided for by the care of others, as in Egypt, when that great famine was, which compelled all others to sell their lands to buy food, the Priests yet even then had no want, whereby they might be compelled to do likewise. The first fruits and tithes, that hereupon were brought in, were of corn, wine, oil, honey, and all things which the earth bringeth forth, these came in now abundantly. But as Pelican noteth, no tithe of money, yet tithes might be converted into money, and thus God's ministers were supplied with all things necessary for their sustenance, as they ought to be. And this people shall rise up in judgment against, and condemn many of these [Note.] times, who will not pay tithe of all things, but keep back sundry of the smaller, saying, that the minister hath enough of the other. Such are worse, not only then these Jews, but then the Pharisee, who said, that he paid tithe of all that he had. They also of Judah gave the tithe of their herds, and of their flocks, and their holy tithes, or tithes of holy things. That is, most probably, of calves, whitemeat, wool and lamb, the tithes of holy things, saith Lyra, according to the Hebrews, were the tithe of the tithes, which the Levites paid unto the Priests, Numb. 18. 26. but because they were not paid by the people, but by the Levites, after they had received them of the people, they cannot, I take it, be meant here, but rather such tithes, as over and above the tithes ordinarily appointed to be paid, any did voluntarily vow to give; because there it is said, v. 8. these oblations of the holy things of the children of Israel shall be the Priests. And here it is said, the tithes of the holy things. Whereunto the vulgar Latin, for more expression, addeth, which they vowed to the Lord their God. Because amongst the oblations of this kind assigned to the priests, things vowed are also mentioned, v. 14.

In the third month they began the heaps, and in the seventh they finished them.] So that immediately after the passover in the second month, they began to gather and bring in their tithes from all parts, that is, about our mid May, at what time their harvest began, the time of the year concurring with the exhortation made to move them unto it. And because after their corn harvest their other fruits coming of the vine, olive and pomegranate followed, which were not all ended, till the seventh month, at the beginning thereof, viz. the midst of our September, they were thus long in making their heaps.

Then Hezekiah came and saw the heaps, &c.] For which he and his princes blessed God, and understanding by Azarias the high priest, that these heaps remained over and above their necessary sustenance, that attended upon the service of the Lord's house, he commanded to provide barns to lay them into, and this being done, all that provision was laid up in them, and committed to the custody of certain Levites, who should distribute them duly amongst their brethren, both in their service about the temple, and to them in the country, and all their families, that none might have any want, either men, women or children belonging unto them. Whether these barns or places of receipt were now new built or no, it is not said, but it is most probable, that they only prepared, and repaired and made clean, having been made before by Solomon, when the temple was built, seeing rooms were then made all along by the sides of the temple, 1 King. 6. 5.

But what is meant v. 6. by saying, besides the males of their kin from three years old and so forth] Answ. These are spoken of inclusively, as being some of those, that were with the holy things to be maintained, because they that enter into the house of the Lord are immediately spoken of in particular, and their age is set from twenty years old and upward. Lest therefore it should be thought, that others, who under that age, should not have allowance made for them, this parenthesis comes in, besides those of three years, &c. that is, who shall be provided for as well from that age to twenty, as from twenty and upward. If it be demanded further, what should the females then live upon, and male children under three? Answ. This distinction is made, because by the law of God some of the holy things might be eaten only by the males, Levite. 6. 11. and Numb. 18. 10, 11. it is shown what the males might eat of, and what both sons and daughters. None but the males then should have portions out of those allowed unto them, and with the other both males and females, and such as were under three years of both sexes should be sustained. Thus Hugo; but Lyra saying, according to the Vulg. Lat. that these are to be excepted, makes it doubtful, wherewith such little ones should be sustained. But because v. 18. it is expressly said, their little ones, their wives, sons and daughters, it is plain, that the meaning here is acacording to that, which hath been said. If it be further demanded, why the age of three years of the males is spoken of, and then from twenty and upward, seeing that in numbering the Levites it is begun at a month, and twenty five years is the soonest, that they began to serve, and thirty. It is answered, indeed the numbering of them from a month old is appointed, Numb. 3. 15. but that was because, as is there said, v. 13. they were taken for all the first born of the children of Israel; and a numbering from thirty to fifty, chap. 4. 3. 23. 33. of such as were able to carry burdens, when they travelled with the tabernacle: and chap. 8. 24. from twenty five to fifty, of such as were able to keep the watch of the tabernacle and to attend there, that they might in five years more be better prepared to do the full office of Priests and Levites at thirty. But there is likewise a numbering of them from twenty years old and up ward, 2 Chron. 13. 23. a reason whereof being yielded, v. 24, 25. viz. because God had given the children of Israel rest, so that the Levites should not need to carry the tabernacle anymore from place to place, it is concluded v. 26. that according to the last appointment of David they were numbered from twenty, although v. 2. of the same Chapter it had been said, that the Levites were even in David's time at the first numbered from thirty and upward. Hezekiah therefore in ordering the distributions here to be made to them of twenty years old and upward followeth his father David, who was assisted by the Prophets, Gad and Nathan, as is expressed, 2 Chron. 29. 25. and not the way of accounting first appointed in Numbers. Yet it is to be held with Junius, that they were not admitted to exercise their full ministry, till thirty years of age, at what time both Christ and John Baptist first began their preaching. But at twenty they began haply to be instructed in things pertaining to there office, at twenty five to execute it in part, and at thirty fully. Touching those of three years old and upward to twenty, they are most probably distinguished from such as were under, because although ordinarily they entered not into the tabernacle till twenty, yet sometimes extraordinarily they did, when they were very young and tender, as Samuel, whom his mother brought thither so soon as she had weaned him, 1 Sam. 1. and it is not improbable, but that some others gave their children to God likewise upon extraordinary occasion, as Hannah did.

Having thus taken in the memorable acts of Hezekiah omitted, 2 King. 18. but supplied, 2 Chron. 29. 30, 31. as hath been shown: I will now return again to 2 King. 18. 7. The Lord was with him, and whither soever he went he was prospered, as more briefly it is concluded, 2 Chron. 31. 21. And he rebelled against the King of Assyria and served him not: