Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

Here followeth the second time of mine examinanation, the which was the third day of September for the Bishop did send his men for me, to come to his Palace to London, and so my keeper and his men brought me to his place the same day.

THe Bishop of Winchester, then being Chancellor, preached that day at Paul's cross, and the Bishop of London said to my Keeper, I think your man will not go to the sermon today.

The public examination of Thomas Haukes.

AFter all these private conferences, persuasions, & long debatings had with Thomas Haukes in the bishops house, as hitherto have been declared, the Bishop seeing no hope to win him to his wicked ways, was fully set to proceed openly against him after the ordinary course of his popish law. Wherupon T. Haukes shortly •• ter was cited with the rest of his other fellows, above specified, to wit • e, Thom. Tomkins. Ste. Knight, W. Pygot, John Laurence, and W. Hunter, to appear in the bishops Cōsisto • y, the 8. day of February, this present year, videl. 1555. Upon which appearance was laid against him, in like order, as to the other, first the bill o • his confession, writ • with Boners hand, to the which bill ye heard before how the blessed servant of God denied to subscribe.

A • ter which bill of confession being read, and he constantly standing to the said confession, the Bishop then assigned him with the other v. the next day following, which was the ix. of February, to appear before him again, to give a resolute answer what they would stick unto. Wh • ch day being come, and these foresaid vi. prisoners being se • erally called before the Bishop, at the coming of Thomas Haukes, the Bishop willed him to remember what was said to him yesterday, and now while he had time and space, to advise with himself, what he would answe • e: for he stood upon life and death. Well, quoth master Haukes again, I will willingly receive whatsoever shall be put unto me.

Then were certain other Interrogatories or Articles commensed against him by the said Bishop (in like manner as to the other) to the number of four: with another bill also, which Boner brought out of his bosom containyng private matters against the said Thomas Haukes, which the bishop called heresies and errors, but we may better call them Christian verities. To the which matter being read, the said Haukes answered openly again saying that it was true, and that he was glad it was so true, as it was: with moe words to the like effect. And this was on the forenoon, the ix. day of February.

In the after noon again the said Haukes appearing and hearing the • oresaid bill of his confession, with the Articles and Interrogatories read vto him, with like constancy in answering again to the b • shop: My Lord (said he) as you being my friend have caused these my sayings to be writ̄: so do you cause them to be read: and yet I will never go from them.

And then being exhorted by the Byshoppe with many fair words, to return again to the bosom of the mother Church: No my Lord (said he) that will I not: for if I had an hundredth bodies, I would suffer them all to be torn in pieces, rather then I will abjure or recant.

And so continuing still in the same song, notwithstanding that the Doctors and Lawyers were ever calling upon him to come again to the unity of the Church he ever kept them of with this answer, that he would never go from the belief he was in, so long as he lived. Wherupon Boner, at last read the sentence of death upon him, & so was he condemned the same day with the residue of his fellows which was the 9. of February.

Neuertheles his execution was prolonged, and he remained in prison till the 10. day of June.

Then was he committed to the hands and charge of the Lord Rich, who being assisted with power sufficient of y ^e worshipful of the shyre, had the foresaid Tho. Haukes down into Essex, with vi. other fellow prisoners (whose stories hereafter follow) there to suffer martirdōe, Haukes at Coxehall, the other severally in other several places.

Thomas Haukes by the way used much exhortation to his friends, and whensoever opportunity served to talk with them, he would familiarly admonish them.

A little before his death certain there were of his familiar acquaintance and friends, who frequenting his company more familiarly, which seemed not a little to be confirmed both by the example of his constancy, & by his talk: yet notwithstanding the same again being feared with the sharpness of the punishment, which he was going to, privily desired that in the midst of the flame he would show them some token if he could, whereby they might be more certain whether the pain of such burning were so great, that a man might not therein keep his mind quiet and patient. Which thing he promised them to do, and so secretly between them it was agreed, that if the rage of the pain were tolerable and might be suffered, then he should lift up his hands above his head toward heaven before he gave up the ghost.

Not long after, when the hour was come Thomas Haukes was lead away to the place appointed for the slaughter, by the Lord Rich & his assistance, who being now come unto the stake, there mildly & patiently addressed himself to the fire, having a strait chain cast about his middle, with no small multitude of people on every side compassing him about. Unto whom after he had spoken many things, but especially unto the Lord Rich, reasoning with him of the innocent blood of Saints, at length after his fervent prayers first made, and poured out unto god, the fire was set unto him.

In the which when he continued long, and when his speech was taken away by violence of the flame, his skin also drawn together, and his fingers consumed with the fire, so that now all men thought certainly he had been gone, suddenly and contrary to all expectation, the blessed servant of GOD, being myndefull of his promise afore made, reached up his hands burning on a light fire (which was marvelous to behold) over his head to y ^e living God, and with great rejoicing, as seemed, struck or clapped thē three times together. At the sight whereof there followed such applause & outcry of the people, and especially of them which understood the matter, that y ^e like hath not commonly been heard: And so the blessed Martyr of Christ, straight way sinckyng down into the fire, gave up his spirit. An. 1555. June. 10. And thus have you plainly and expressly described unto you the whole story, as well of the life, as of the death of Thomas Haukes, a most constant & faithful witness of Christ's holy Gospel.

Here followeth another letter of Tho. Haukes sent to his wife after his condemnation, being prisoner in Newgate: the copy whereof is this.

Ye heard before in the letter of Tho. Haukes written to his wife, mention made concerning his eldest son to be sent to M. Throgmorton. Now what he writeth himself to the said M. Throgmorton touching the same matter, by this his letter to the said party here under ensuing, may appear.

A letter of Thomas Haukes to M. Clement Throgmorton.

GRace, mercy, and peace from God the father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ, be with you, & assist you in all your thoughts words, and works, that he in all things as most worthy, may be glorified, and that the blessing of Abraham may be poured plenteously on you and all your posterity.

Whereas the love of God hath moved you to require my son to be brought up before your eyes, & the self same love hath also moved me in like case to leave him in your hands, as unto a father in mine absence, I shall require you in God's behalf according to your promise, that ye will see him brought up in the fear of the Lord, and instructed in the knowledge of his holy word, that he may thereby learn to leave the evil and know the good, and always be pricked forward with fatherly instructions to follow my footsteps, that as almighty God hath made me worthy through his special grace to work his will in obedience, he may learn to follow me his father in the like, to gods honor and praise: And this I require you in God's behalf to fulfill or cause to be fulfilled, as ye before the living God will make answer for the same. I have left for the child certain books which shall be delivered unto you, wherein his instruction and salvation lieth, if he learn and practice the same. And thus, most humbly beseeching you once again, to be as good unto him as your promise was to me, that is, to be a father, & a wall of defense unto him in all troubles, I leave him in your hand through the Lord Jesus, and desire him to bless both him & you according to his good promise: & all that good which ye shall do unto him, I shall most heartily desire the everlasting God to recompense unto you in his kingdom, where I hope to meet both him and you among all God's elect. To which God be all praise, honor and glory. Amen.

The history of Thomas Watts, examined, tried, and burnt for the truth of the Gospel.

THomas Watts of Billerica, within the county of Essex, and of the Dioces of London, was by his occupation a linen Draper, who before he was apprehended, had sold and made away his cloth in his shop, and disposed his things being set in order to his wife and children, & gave away much of his cloth unto the poor: For he looked always to be taken by gods adversaries and his, as shortly after came in deed to pass: so that upon the 26. day of April, he was apprehended and brought before the L. Rich, and other Commissioners at Chelmesford, and the • e being accused for not coming to the church, was upon the same examined before the L. Rich, Henry Tyrel, Sir Anthony Brown, Edmund Tyrell, Tho. Mildman, John Wiseman, Rog. Appleton, Rich. Weston, Justice Gaudy. &c. The sum and principal effect of which examination here under followeth briefly expressed

The examination of Tho. Watts, before the Lord Rich and others.

WHen this Tho. Watts came before the L. Rich and other the Justices, whose names are specified in the letter following (which they sent unto the B. of London against him) at the sessions at Chelmesford, the Lord Rich said these words or the like in effect unto him.

Watts, ye be brought hither (as I understand) because of disobedience to the Kyng and Queens laws. Ye will not come to the Church, ye will not hear Mass, &c. but have your conventicles a sort of you in corners, contrary to the K. and Queens proceedings. Unto which his words Watts answered and said.

My L. if I have offended a law, I am subject here to the law. Then Anth. Brown Justice, said unto him: Wats, I pray thee tell me who hath been thy school master, to teach thee this gear, or where didst thou first learn this religion? Forsooth (quoth Watts) even of you Sir: you taught it me, and none more then you. For in K. Edwards days in open sessions you spake against this Religion now used, no preacher more. You then said, y ^e mass was abhominable, & all their trumpery besides, wishing and earnestly exhorting that none should believe therein, & that our belief should be only in Christ: and you said thē whosoever should bring in any strange natiō to rule here it were treason, and not to be suffered.

Then said Brown to my Lord Rich, he belies me my Lord. What a knave is this? he will soon bely me behind my back, when he doth it before my face, and my L. Rich said again, I dare say he doth so.

After these words, Watts took occasion to speak somewhat of King Phillip and of his coming in, but what it was, I could not justly learn. But this much was heard, that after those words spoken, the Benche among themselves stood up, and said one to another: treason, saving one good man called Justice Gawdy, who a little before was about to speak: but when he heard them cry treason, he held down his head as one grieved and troubled at their doings.

In conclusion, the Commissioners being weary of him or else not willing to meddle further in such high matters, sent him up to the B. of London, with their letter withal, importing the cause of his sending up as by the contents thereof here under followeth to be seen.

Now when the B. had received him, how he used him 〈◊〉 is easy (by his common practices with others) to judge. What his private conferēces were, I know not, but what was publicly done in the Consistory at Paul's (the common stage for these tragedies) you shall here see.

The first appearance of Thomas Watts in the bishops Consitory.

FIrst upon Thursday, being the second day of May, Thomas Watts was brought thither before the Bishop of London, & there being examined upon his words had before the L. Rich and others (as is contained in their letters) he did earnestly affirm the same to be true. Wherupon the Bishop objected, and examined him upon these Articles following, to the which he answered, as under may appear.

Articles objected against Thomas Watts of Byllerica in the County of Essex, within the Diocese of London, by Boner Bish. there, as ensueth.

1. FIrst that the said Tho. Watts was of Billerica, & so of the jurisdiction of the B. of London.

2. Item, that he believed not in the Sacraments of the the holy and Catholic church, as the Catholic church of Rome, and all other Churches members of the same, ever hitherto hath believed, & is taught of all good & faithful people, nor hath allowed the said sacraments, rites, usages, or ceremonies of the said church, but hath despised the same.

3. Item, that he believeth, & also hath taught others, that the substance of material bread and wyne do remain in the Sacrament of the alter after the consecration, & that the said material bread and wyne are the signs & tokens of Christ's body hanged upon the cross, and of his blood there shed, and that in the said Sacrament there is only a memory or remembrance of Christ's body & blood, and nothing else.

4. Item, that he believeth, and doth precisely affirm, that the very true presence of Christ's body and blood in substance, is not in the Sacrament of the alter, but only in heaven, and nowhere else.

5. Item, that he believeth, affirmeth, and saith, that the Mass now used in the church of Rome here in England, and other places is full of Idolatry, abomination & wickedness, and that Christ did never institute it, nor ordain it, nor yet allow it as a good and laudable thing to be used in his Church.

6. Item, that he believeth and affirmeth that auricular confession to be made unto the Priest, is not necessary, but superfluous: and that it is enough for a man to believe only, & to confess himself unto God, without any priest or minister at any time, though he may have the Priest to confess him unto.

7. Item, that he believeth that Luther, Wycliffe, Doctor Barns, and all others that have holden against the Sacrament of the alter, & suffered death by fire or otherwise, for the maintenance of the said opinion, were good men, and faithful servants and Martyrs of Christ, in so beleeuyng and dieng.

8. Item, that he hath and doth believe, that to fast, pray, or to do alms deeds, is a thing utterly unprofitable: for if a man shall be saved, he shall be saved without doing of them: and if he shall be damned, they shall not help him, or do him any good at all.

9. Item, that the said Watts of late coming into open Court at the Sessions before the Lord Riche, Sir Henry Tirell Knight, Anthony Brown Esquire, and others, & being then and there examined, did openly confess, that he had refused to come to the Church, and to hear there the divine service, and to receive the sacrament of the alter, according to the order of the Church: because that like as the service of the Church set out in the days of the late king Edward the 6. was said and alleged to be abhominable, heretical, schismatical, and all naught: so he the said Thomas Watts thē and there said openly before the said Commissioners, that all that is now used and done in the Church, is abhominable, heretical, schismatical, and altogether naught: And that he did also then utter before the said Commissioners, other erroneous and arrogant words, to the hurt of his soul, and to the evil example of the people there present.

10 Item, that he the said Thomas by reason of the premisses, was and is to be takē, had, reputed, and judged as a manifest & open heretic, and for the same, by the order of ecclesiastical laws is to be declared, accursed: and being obstinate and incorrigible, is to be delivered to the secular power, there to be punished as an heretic.

11 Item, that he over and besides all these offenses, and trespasses aforesaid, had also added this trespass, that is to wit: that he had believed and deliberately spoken, that the Church of Rome in her rites, ceremonies, Sacraments, constitutions, and traditions, is the Synagogue of Satan, and therefore that he had consented and agreed in opinion & belief, with one John Tooly, of late hanged at Charing cross, who at the time of his executing, desired the people to pray, to be delivered from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, with all his enormities: as who should say, that his authority and doings were tyranny, and had all enormities and iniquities in them.

12 Item, that the premisses and every part thereof, be true, notorious, manifest, and openly spoken, & talked of amongst the honest & credible persons in great multitude, and that of all & singular the same within Billerica aforesaid, and other places there about, being of the diocese of London, there is a common voice and fame thereof.

The answer of the said Thomas Watts to the foresaid Articles.

TO the first he said and confessed the same to be true in every part thereof.

To the 2. Article he answered that he believeth in all the Sacraments according to Christ's institution, & the Catholic church: but not according to the Bish. of Rome's church: and further said, that he doth not believe now as he had done in times past: for in time past he believed as the church then believed, but now he doth not so believe: for the church of Rome had deceived us, and therefore he said he did not believe as the church of Rome believeth, but as Christ hath taught him: And further said, that he was so taught to believe by preaching of one M. Aluey, & other whose names he remembered not: which Aluey he said did preach the word of God truly and sincerely.

To the 3. he answered, that he hath and doth believe, that Christ's body is in heaven, and nowhere else: & further, that he will never believe that Christ's body is in the Sacrament.

To the 4. he answered, confessing and firmly believing the same to be true.

To the 5. that he did believe, that the Mass is abhominable, and that he will not go one jot from that his belief.

To the 6. that he neither did, nor yet doth believe that the priest can absolve him of his sins: howbeit, he denieth not but it is good to ask council at the priests mouth.

To the 7. he said, that he knoweth not what the opinions of the said persons named in the said article were: and in case the said persons did believe that the body and blood of Christ were real and in very deed in the Sacrament of the altar, then that they were not good men. But in case they did believe that the body & blood of Christ was not in the Sacrament of the alter really and truly, then he believed that they were good Christian men.

To the 8. that he had not spokē as is contained in this article, but said, that he hath and doth believe that fasting, prayers and alms deeds be works of a lively faith.

To the 9. he confessed, that he did utter and speak, as in this article is contained, and further desired God that he might die in that faith and belief, wherein he now is.

To the x. he answered and said, that he will submit him self herein to the order of the law: and further said that he trusteth that with God he shall be blessed, although with men he be accursed.

To the xi. he said, that he believed that the B. of Rome is a mortal enemy to Christ and his Church. And as for Tooly he said, he did never see or know him: but in case the said Tooly did wish and pray as is contained in the Article, then he did likewise wish and consent with him therein.

To the 12. he answered, that all which before he confessed to be true, is also true: and all that he hath denied to be true, he denieth again to be true, and believeth the same to be according to such things as he hath confessed.

An other appearance of Thomas Watts in the Consitory.

THese Articles thus propounded and answered, the bishop commanded him to appear again in the same place at 3. of the clock in the after noon, upon the same day. At which hour being brought thither by his keeper, the Bishop began with him in this wise: Watts, you know what I said unto you today, and what I appointed unto you at this time. The time is now come: weigh and consider with yourself, that you are but a man: and allbeit that ye will willfully cast away your body, yet cast not so away your soul, but while ye have time, return and confess the truth.

Whereunto Thomas Watts answered and said: I am weary to live in such idolatry as ye would have me to l • ue in. Upon which answer the bishop caused his articles again to be read. He thereto answered as before, and farther subscribed the same with his own hand.

An other appearance before D. Harpsfield.

THe bishop, after many persuasions to cause him to recant, willed him to depart as then, and to come again on Saturday at 8. of the clock in the morning. Where (the Bishop being absent) D. Nicholas Harpesfielde, as then being his deputy, did sit and earnestly exhorted him to deny his opinions. To whom in the ende he answered.

Well, ye have a law to condemn me, and I submit myself to the law: but not to the laws of the Church (as you call it.) And farther I do affirm, and will stand to mine answers that I have made.

Wherupon D. Harpsfield willed him to appear there again upon friday, being the 10. day of the same month of May. Uppon which day the bishop privately sent for the said Thomas Watts into his chamber, and there with many fair promises, tempted and tried him, whether he would revoke his errors (as he then termed them.) But Watts answered him in this sort: I will not believe your Church, neither the Romish Church, and therefore you do but labor in vain thus to travail with me. He was here upon again dismissed for that time, until friday the 17. day of May, and then commanded to appear in the Consitory: which commandment he obeyed, & having the accustomed former Articles ministered unto him, made then such answers as before.

Thomas Watts brought again to the consistory.

THus being tost to and fro, from day today, and hour to hour: he was at the last, the 18. day of the month of May, brought into the consistory, where first was made a brief recital of all the former process: and there the said Watts being (by the bishop and others) willed to deny his profession, made this final answer: God keep me from the doctrine that ye would have me to come unto, which ye have now declared. And I beseech God y ^t I may persevere in that that I have done, for I will stand to mine answers.

The Bishop perceiving his fair flattering promises nothing to prevail (& having no great store of other reasons to persuade with) put forth his last and strongest argument of condemnation. Which being ended, he was delivered to the sheriffes of London, & by them was sent to Newgate, where he remained until the 9. day of June, or as some record, to the 22. of May: at what time he was carried unto Chelmesforde, and there was brought to Scots house, keeping then an Inn at Chelmesforde, where, as they were eating meat with Hauks and the rest that came down to their burning, they prayed together both afore and after their meat.

Then Wats went and prayed privately to himself, and afterward came to his wife and his 6. childrē being there, and said these words in effect: Wife, and my good children, I must now depart from you. Therefore hence forth know I you no more, but as the Lord hath given you unto me, so I give you again unto the Lord, whom I charge you see you do obey, and fear him: and beware ye turn not to this abhominable papistry, against the which I shall anon (by God's grace) give my blood. Let not the murthering of God's Saints cause you to relent, but take occasion thereby to be the stronger in the Lord's quarrel, and I doubt not but he will be a merciful father unto you. All these and such like words spake he unto them, and they unto him, of whom two (as it is said) offered to be burnt with him. In the ende he bad them farewell, and kissed them all, and was carried to the fire.

At the stake, after he had kissed it, he spake to my Lord Rich, these or the like words: My Lord saith he, beware, beware, for you do against your own conscience herein, and without you repent, the Lord will revenge it: For you are the cause of this my death.

Concerning the childebed of Queen Mary, as it was rumoured among the people.

LOng persuasion had been in England with great expectation, for the space of half a year or more, that the Queen was conceived w ^t child. This report was made by the Queens Physicians, & other nigh about the Court: so that diverse were punished for saying the contrary. And commandment was given, that in all churches supplication and prayers should be made for the Queens good delivery: the certificate whereof ye may read before in the letter of the Counsel sent to Boner, pag. 1405. And also the same moreover may appear by provision made before in the Act of Parliament for the child. pag. 1410.

And now for so much as in y ^e beginning of this month of June about Whitsuntide, the time was thought to be nigh, that this young Master should come into the world, and that midwives, rockers, nurses, with the cradle & all, were prepared and in a readiness, suddenly upon what cause or occasion it is uncertain, a certain vain rumour was blown in London of the prosperous deliverance of the Queen, and the birth of the child: In so much that the Bels were rong, Bonfiers and processions made, not only in the City of London, and in most other partes of the realm, but also in the town of Antwarpe, gunnes were shot off upon the river, by the English ships, and the Mariners thereof rewarded with an hundred pistolettes or Italian crowns by the Lady Regent, who was the Queen of Hungary. Such great rejoicing and triumph was for the Queens delivery, & that there was a Prince borne. Yea, diverse Preachers, namely one, the Parson of S. Anne within Aldergate, after Procession and Te Deum song, took upon him to describe the proportion of y ^e child, how fair, howe beautiful, and great a Prince it was, as the like had not been seen.

In the midst of this great ado, there was a simple man (this I speak but upon information) dwelling w ^t in 4. miles of Barwicke, that never had been before half way to London, which said concerning the Bonfiers made for Queen Mary's child: Here is a joyful triumph, but at length all will not prove worth a mess of potage, as in deed it came to pass: For in y ^e end all proved clean contrary, & the joy and expectations of mē were much deceived. For the people were certified, y ^t the Queen neither was as then delivered, nor after was in hope to have any child.

At this time many talked diversely: some said this rumour of the Queens conception was spread for a po • icie: some other affirmed that she was deceived by a Tympanie or some other like disease, to think her self with child, and was not: some thought she was with child, and that it did by some chance miscarry, or else that she was bewitched: but what was the truth thereof, the Lord knoweth, to whom nothing is secrete. One thing of mine own hearing, and seeing I cannot pass over vnwitnessed.

There came to me, whom I did both hear and see, one Isabell Malt, a woman dwelling in Aldersgate street in Horne alley, not far from the house where this present book was Printed, who before witness made this declaration unto us, that she being delivered of a manchild vpō Whitsonday in the morning, which was the xi. day of June. an. 1555. there came to her the Lord North, and another Lord to her vnknowē, dwelling thē about old Fish street, demaūdyng of her if she would part with her child, and would swear that she never knew nor had no such child. Which if she would, her son (they said) should be well provided for, she should take no care for it, with many fair offers if she would part with the child.

After that came other womē also, of whō one she said should have been the Rocker, but she in no wise would let go her son, who at y ^e writing hereof being alive & called Timothy Malt, was of the age of xiii. years & upward.

Thus much (I say) I heard of the woman her self. What credit is to be given to her relation, I deal not withal, but leave it to the liberty of the Reader, to believe it they that list: to them that list not, I have no further warrant to assure them.

Among many other great preparations made for the Queens deliverance of child, there was a cradle very sumptuously and gorgeously trimmed, upon the which cradle for the child appointed, these Uerses were written, both in Latin and English.

The Child which thou to Mary, O Lord of might hast send. To Englandes joy in health preserve, keep and defend.

About this time there came over into England a certain English book, giving warning to English men of the Spaniards, and disclosing certain close practices for recovery of Abbay lands, which book was called A warning for England. Whereof ye shall understand more (God willing) when we come to the Spanish Inquisition. So that by the occasion of this book, upon the xiii. day of this month came out a certain Proclamation, set forth in the name of the Kyng and Queen, repealyng & disanullyng all manner of books writ̄ or Printed, whatsoever should touche any thing the impayryng of the Popes dignity, whereby not only much godly edification was hyndred: but also great peril grew among the people. The copy of which Proclamation here followeth.

A Proclamation set out by the King and Queen for the restraining of all books and writings tending againg the doctrine of the Pope and his Church.

WHere as by the Statute made in the seconde year of king Henry the fourth concerning the repressing of heresies, there is ordained and provided a great punishment, not only for the authors, makers, and writers of books containing wicked doctrine and erroneous and heretical opinions contrary to the Catholic faith, and determination of the holy Church, & likewise for their fautors & supporters, but also for such as shall have or keep any such books or writings, and not make delivery of them to the Ordinary of the Diocese or his Ministers, with in a certain time limited in the said Statute, which Acte or Statute being by authority of Parliament of late revived, was also openly proclaimed, to the intent the subjects of the realm upon such Proclamation should the rather eschew the danger and penalty of the said Statute, and as yet nevertheless, in moste partes of the Realm the same is neglected, and little regarded: The King and Queen our sovereign Lord and Lady, therefore. &c. straightly charge and command, that no person or persons, of what estate, degree, or condition soever he or they be, from henceforth presume to bring or convey, or cause to be brought or conveyed into this Realm, any books, writings or works hereafter mentioned: that is to say, any book or books, writings or works made or set forth, by, or in the name of Martin Luther, or any book or books, writings or works made or set forth, by, or in the name of Oecolampadius, Zwinglius, John Calvin, Pomerane, John Alasco, Bullinger, Bucer, Melancthon, Bernardinus Ochinus, Erasmus Sarcerius, Peter Martyr, Hugh Latimer, Robert Barns, otherwise called Frier Barns, John Bale, otherwise called Frier Bale, Iustus Jonah, John Hoper, Myles Couerdal, William Tyndale, Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury, William Turner, Theodore Basel, otherwise called Thomas Beacon, John Frith, Roy, and the book commonly called Halles Chronicle, or any of them, in the Latin tongue, Dutch tongue, English tongue, Italian tongue, or French tongue, or any other like book, paper, writing, or work, made, printed, or set forth, by any other person or persons, containing false doctrine contrary, and against the Catholic faith, and the doctrine of the Catholic Church: And also that no person or persons presume to write, printe, utter, sell, read, or keep any, or cause to be written, printed, uttered, or kept, any of the said books, papers, works or writings, or any book or books written or printed in the Latin or English tongue, concerning the common service and administration set forth in English to be used in the Churches of this Realm, in the time of king Edward the sixth, commonly called the Communion book or book of common service and ordering of Ministers, otherwise called The book set forth by authority of Parliament, for common prayer & administration of the Sacraments, or to be used in the mother tongue within the Church of England, but shall within the space of fifteen days next after the publication of this Proclamation, bring or deliver, or cause the said books, writings, and works, and every of them remaining in their custodies and keeping, to be brought and delivered to the Ordinary of the Diocese, where such books, works, or writings be or remain: or to his Chancellor or Commissaries, without fraud, color, or deceit, at the said Ordinaries will and disposition, to be burnt, or otherwise to be used or ordered by the said Ordinaries, as by the Canons or spiritual laws it is in that case limited and appointed, upon pain that every offender contrary to this Proclamation, shall incur the danger and penalties contained in the said Statute, and as they will avoid their Majesty's high indignation and displeasure, and further answer at their uttermost pearils.

And their Majesty's by this Proclamation give full power and authority to all Bishops and Ordinaries, and all Justices of peace, Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs of Cities and Towns corporate, and other head Officers within this Realm and the dominions thereof, and expressly commandeth and willeth the same and every of them, that they and every of them within their several limites and jurisdictions, shall in the default & negligence of the said Subiectes, after the said fifteen days expired, inquire and search out the said books, writings and works, and for this purpose enter into the house or houses, closets, and secreate places of every person, of what so ever degree, being negligent in this behalf, and suspected to keep any such boke, writing, or works, contrary to this Proclamation: And that the said Justices, Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and other head Officers above specified, and every of them within their said limites and jurisdictions, fineding any of the said subjects negligent and faulty in this behalf, shall commit every such offender to Warde, there to remain without baile or mainprise, till the same offender or offenders have received such punishment, as the said Statute doeth limit and appoint in this behalf. Geuen under our Signs Manuel, at our Honor of Hampton Courte, the thirteen day of June, the first and second years of our reigns.

Articles to be inquired upon by the wardones of every, company, touching seditious books, especially touching the book called A Warning for England.

1 WHether they have seen any of the forsaid books.

2 Whether they have heard of any of the said books.

3 Where they were, and in what place they have seen them.

4 Whome they know to have lately come from beyond the sea, especially from Zürich, Strausbrough, Frankford, Wezel, Emden, and Disburge.

5 Whome they know, or vehemently suspect to be common cariers of letters or money thither from hence.

6 That they bring to my Lord Major all such seditious books as they have, or shall have found hereafter.

In this proclamation thou hast heard (Christian reader) the profounde and learned Censure of the Catholic Church of England, what books they mislike and reject as heretical, schismatical, and pernicious. Against the which Catholic censure of these learned fathers, I have not at this time to infer: neither doeth my laisure serve now to write Apologies in defense of these Authors here condemned. Only so much leave it may please the reader to grant me to set before him here a pair of balance, where in to weigh the books on the one side condemned, with y ^e books on the other side allowed, to the end that we waying the one with the other, may discern the better between them, which part weigheth best with God's holy truth and true catholic church against manifest idolatry and palpable abomination. And now therefore, as they have in this present proclamation given their condemnation upon these books above recited, so I desire thee to give thy censure upon their books by them allowed, and upon the matter in them contained, and mark well what good stuff it is.

And first to begin with the Primer in English for children after the use of Salisburye, Imprinted with Priueledge according unto the Kinge and Queens Majesty's letters pa • entes in the reign of Queen Mary. Lette us repeat and survey some part of the said Primer (for to express all it were too long) beginning with the first lesson of our Lady, in these words:

Holye Mary: mother most pure of virgins all: mother and daughter of the king celestial: So comfort us in our desolation: That by thy prayer and special meditation, we enjoy the reward of the heavenly reign. &c.

Confer this with the Scriptures, good reader, and judge uprightly whether this doctrine • e tolerable in the Church or not.

It followeth more in the second Lesson.

In the third lesson.

The Uersicle.

Pray for the people, entreat for the Clergy, make enter cession for the devout womankinde, let all feel thy help that worthily solemnise thy memorial. &c.

An other Uersicle.

Holy Mother of God make thy petition, that we may deserve Christ's promission. &c.

And in the Anthem after Benedictus, thus it followeth.

We beseech thee of thy pity to have us in remembrance, & to make means for us unto Christ, that we being supported by thy help, may deserve to attain the kingdom of heaven.

Furthermore in the Collect after it followeth.

And grant that through the gracious intercession of the virgins thy mother, we may be delivered from this present heaviness, and have the fruition of eternal gladness.

It followeth moreover in the said Primer thus, concerning the material Cross.

O God which haste ascended thy most holy Cross, and hast given light to the darkness of the world, vouchsafe by the virtue of thy Cross to illumine, visit, and comfort both our hearts and bodies. &c.

Moreover, in the name of S. John Baptist thus it prayeth.

O Lord defend us always through the continual succors of S. John the Baptist. For the more frail we be, the more need we have to be relieved with necessary prayers. &c.

In which words note (good reader) not only the absurdity of doctrine, but also the stolidity of the reason. For where their doctrine pretendeth that saint John Baptist should pray for us, here we pray to God for s. John the Baptist, that he will hear his prayer praying for us. It followeth furthermore in the name of Peter and Paul.

Hear us mercifully▪ and grant that through the merits of them both, we may obtain the glory everlasting. &c.

And of S. Andrew.

So let him (O Lord) be a continual petitioner for us to thee. &c.

Of S. Laurence thus.

S. Laurence the Deacon did work a good work. For by the virtue of the holy cross he gave sight to the blind. &c.

And howe can this be true, when the holy Cross was not yet found in the time of s. Laurence. For Helen which first found the cross (as they say) came after S. Laurence more then 40. years.

To Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterburye.

Of S. Nicholas.

O God which hast glorified blessed Nicholas thy holy Bishop with innumerable miracles grant we beseech thee, that by his merits & prayers we may be delivered from the fire of hell.

Of Mary Magdalene.

Grant we beseech thee, through thy mercy, to let her purchase for us the bliss everlasting. &c.

An other prayer of our Lady.

An other prayer in the said Primer to our Lady.

Item.

Holy mother succor the miserable, comfort the weak spirited, give courage to the desperate, pray for the people, make intercession for the Clergy, and be a mean for the devout womankinde. &c.

An other blasphemous prayer.

An other blasphemy in the said Primer.

Hail Queen mother of mercy, our life, our sweetness, our hope Unto thee do we cry and sigh, weeping and wailing. Come of therefore our Patronesse, cast upon us thy pitiful eyes, and after this our banishmente, show to us the blessed fruit of thy womb. O gate of glory be for us a reconciliation unto the father and the son. From the wretched their faults expel: wype the spots of sins unclean. &c.

Item to our Lady.

Item.

Grant we beseech thee, that by her merits and prayers we may attain to that unspeakable joy, whereas she being assumpt, doth now enjoy with thee in heaven forever.

And thus much hitherto of this catholic Primer, called our Ladies matins. Wherunto if it were not tedious for the Reader, we would also adjoin our Ladies Psalter, to the intent that all indifferent Readers, as they have seen what books these Catholic fathers have condemned and do condemn for heretical: so the same may also see & judge what books on y ^e other side they approve as lawful and Catholic. And for as much as it is not known peradventure to all men, what our Ladies Psalter is, or what it meaneth: yea, and some peradventure will deny any such book of our ladies psalter to be writ̄ or approved, here therefore we will first produce the name of the author, who was Bonaventure a Seraphical doctor, bishop also & Cardinal, canonised moreover by Pope Sixtus 4. an. 1482. for a saint in the Calēdar, who in his boke thus entitled in Latin: Incipit Psalterium beatae virginis, compilatum per Seraphicum Doctorem Sanctum Bonauenturam Episcopum Albanensem, necnon sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Praesbyterum Cardinalem, in honorem genetricis. &c. Fol. 84. in the second part of his whole works (which were imprinted at Argentine. An. 1495.) to show him self a devout servant to his Lady, hath taken every Psalm of David's Psalter (which he peculiarly made and referred to almighty God) and hath in diverse of the said Psalms and verses put out the name of the Lord, and hath placed in the name of our Lady. This being done through the whole Psalms & everyone of them, it is now called our Ladies Psalter, used to be song & said in the praise and service of our Lady. A brief taste whereof for examples sake (for to show all it were too long) we thought here to exhibit unto the reader, in order as followeth.

The title in English of this Psalter.

Here beginneth the Psalter of the blessed Virgin, made by the Seraphical Doctoure S. Bonaventure, the Bishop of Albane, and Cardinal of the holy Church of Rome. &c.

1 BEatus vir, qui intelligit nomen tuum Maria virgo, gratia tua animam eius confortabit. Tanquam aquarum fontibus irrigatum vberrimum in eo fructum iusticiae propagabis. &c. Vniuersas enim foeminas vincis pulchritudine carnis: superas Angelos & Archangelos excellentia sanctitatis Misericordia tua & gratia vbique praedicatur. &c. Gloria patri. That is to say.

Blessed is the man which understandeth thy name, O virgins Marie, thy grace shall comfort his soul. Thou shalt bring forth in him the most plentiful fruit of justice, being watered as it were, with fountains of water. All women thou passest in the beauty of thy body, all Angels and Archaungels in the excellency of thy holiness. Thy mercy and thy grace is magnified everywhere. &c. Glory be to the father. &c.

2 Quare fremuerunt inimici nostri & aduersum nos meditati sunt inania? Protegat nos dextera tua Mater Dei vt acies terribiliter confundens & destruens eos. Venite ad eam, qui laboratis & tribulati estis, & dabit refrigerium animabus vestris. Accedite ad eam in tentationibus vestris, & stabiliet vos serenitas vultus eius Benedicite illam in toto cord vestro, misericordia enim illius plena est te • ra. &c. Gloria patri. &c.

Why do our enemies freat and imagine vain things against us? Let thy right hand defend us o mother of god, terribly cō • ounding & destroying them as a sword. Come unto her all ye y ^t labor and are troubled, and she will give rest unto your souls. Come unto her in your temptations, and her loving countenance shall stablish & comfort you. Bless her with all your heart: for the earth is full of her mercy. Glory be to the father. &c.

3 Domina quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me? In tempestate tua persequeris & dissipabis eos. Dissolue colligationes impietatis nostrae: tolle fasciculos peccatorum nostrorum. Miserere mei Domina & sana infirmitatem meam: tolle dolorem & angustiam cordis mei. Ne tradas me manibus inimicorum meorum, & in die mortis meae comforta animam meam. Deduc me ad portum salutis, & spiritum meum red factori meo.

Why are they so many O Lady that trouble me? In thy surye thou shalt persecute and destroy them. Loose the bonds of our impiety, and take away the burden of our sins. Have mercy upon me, O lady, and heal my infirmity. Take away my sorrow and the anguish of my heart. Deliver me not into the hands of mine enemies, & in the day of my death comfort my soul. Bring me unto the haven of salvation, and restore my spirit unto my maker and creator. Glory be to the. &c.

4 Cum inuoca • em▪ exaudisti me Domina, & e sublimi solio tuo mei dignata es recordari. A rugientibus praeparatis ad escam & de manibus quaerentium me liberabit gratia tua. Quoniam benigna est misericordia & pietas tua in omnes, qui inuocant nomen sanctum tuum. Benedicta sis Domina in aeternum, & maiestas tua in seculum. Glorificate eum omnes gentes. &c.

When I called to thee, thou heardest me, O my Lady, and out of thy high throne thou didst vouchsafe to think upon me. From the roaring of them that prepare themselves to devour me, & out of the hands of such as seek after my life, thy grace shall deliver me: Because thy mercy and thy pity are great towards all them that call upon thy holy name. Blessed be thou O Lady forever, and thy majesty forever and ever. Glorify her all nations of the earth. &c.

5 Verba mea auribus percipe Domina. &c. Conuerte luctum nostrum in gaudium, & tribulationem nostram in iubilationem. Corruant ante pedes nostros inimici nostri: virtute tua eorum capita conterantur. &c.

Hear my words O Lady. &c. Turn our mourning into gladness, and our trouble into rejoicing. Let our enemies fall before our feet, & wich thy power dash their he • s in pieces.

6 Domina ne in furore dei sinas corripi me, neque in ira eius iudicari. &c. De porta infe • i & de ventre abyssi tuis sanctis precibus libera nos. Aperiantur nobis ianuae sempiternae, vt enarremus in aeternum mirabilia tua. Quia non mortui, neque qui in inferno sunt, laudabunt te domina, sed qui tua gratia vitam aeternam obtinebunt.

O lady suffer me not to be rebuked in gods anger, nor to be chastened in his heavy displeasure. &c. From y ^e gate and deep pit of hell, with thy holy prayers deliver us. Let the everlasting gates be opened, that we may show forth thy marvelous works forever. Because the dead: nor they that be in hell, shall not praise thee O Lady, but they shall obtain by thy grace life everlasting.

7 Domina mea in te speraui, de inimicis meis libera me Domina. Conclude ora Leonis, & labia persequentium constringe. Non moreris propter nomen tuum facere nobis misericordiam tuam. Splendor vultus tui fulgeat super nos, vt seruetur conscientia nostra apud altissimum. Si persequitur inimicus animam meam Domina, adiutorio tuo comforter, ne vibret gladiū suum contra me.

O my Lady, in thee do I put my trust: deliver me from mine enemies o Lady. Stoppe the mouth of the Lion, and bind the lips of the persecutors, make no tarrying for thy names sake, to show thy mercy upon me. Let the brightness of thy countenance shine upon us, that our conscience may be saved before the most highest. If the enemy do persecute my soul O Lady, help me that he destroy me not.

9 Confitebor tibi Domina in toto cord meo, & narrabo in populis laudem & gloriam tuam. &c Inueniant gratiam per te inuentricem gratiae & salutis: Respirant ad indulgētiam humiles poenitentes: sana contritiones cordis eorum. &c.

I will give thanks to thee O Lady with my whole heart, and will show forth amongst the nations thy praise and glory. &c. They shall find grace through thee, the sinder out of grace and salvation, the humble and penytent groan for pardon and forgiveness, heal thou the sores of their heart. &c.

11 In Domina confido. &c. Exquirite illam a inuentute vestra & glorificabit vos. &c. Misericordia illius nostrorum auferat multitudinem peccatorum, & foecūditatem nobis conferat meritorum. &c.

In thee O lady do I put my trust. &c. Seek her even from your youth: and she shall glorify you. &c. Her mercy take from us the multitude of our sins, and give unto us plenteousness of merits. &c.

12 Saluum me fac mater pulchrae dilectionis, sons clemenciae. &c. Gyrum terrae sola circuis, vt subuenias inuocantibus te. &c.

Save me O mother of Love, & fountain of mercy. &c. Thou thyself alone haste gone about the compass of the earth, to help them that call upon thee, &c.

13 Vsquequo domina obliuisceris me, & non liberas me in d • e tribulationis? vsquequo exaltabitur inimicus meus super me▪ potentia virtutis tuae contere ipsum. &c. Magnificamus te gratiae inuentricem, per quam saecula reparantur. &c.

How long doest thou forget me O Lady, and dost not deliver me in the day of my trouble? Howe long shall mine enemy triumph over me? With thy mighty power destroy him. &c. We magnify thee the finder & the author of grace, by whom the world is repaired. &c.

16 Conserua me domina, quoniam speraui in te. &c. Benedicta sint vbera tua, quibus lacte deifico saluatorem enutristi. &c.

Preserue me O Lady, for in thee have I put my trust. &c. Blessed be thy breasts, which with thy deifying milk diddest nourish the Savior. &c.

18 Diligam te domina coeli & terrae: in gentibus nomen tuum inuocabo. Confitemini illi tribulati cord, & roborabit vos contra inimicos vestros &c. Religiosi omnes honorate illam, quia ipsa est adiutrix vestra & specialis aduocata. Esto refrigerium nostrum gloriosa mater Christi, quia tu es totius religions mirabile firmamentum.

I will love thee O Lady of heaven and earth: I will call upon thy name among the nations. Confess yourselves unto her, ye that are troubled in heart, and she shall strengthen you against your enemies. &c. Al ye cloisterers honor her, for she is your helper and special advocate. Be thou our refreshing and rest, for thou art the marvelous foundation of all religion.

20 Exaudi nos Domina in die tribulationis. &c. Ne proijcias nos in tempore mortis nostrae, sed succurre animae, cum deseruerit corpus suum. Mitte Angelum in occursum eius per quem ab hostibus defendatur &c. Sentiat in poenis refrigerium tuum, & concede ei locum inter electos Dei.

Here us O Lady in the day of trouble, &c. Cast us not away in the time of our death, but succor our soul when it forsaketh the body. Sende an Angel to meet it, that it may be defended from the enemies. &c. In torments and pains let it feel thy comfort, and grant to it a place among the elects of God.

25 Ad te Domina leuaui animam. &c. Nō praeualeant aduersum me laquei mortis. &c. Ductrix mea esto ad patriam, & me coetui angelorum digneris aggregare:

To thee O Lady do I lift up my soul. &c. Let not the snares of death prevail against me. &c. Be thou my guide to the heavenly rest, and to the company of Angels associate me.

26 Iudica me Domina, quoniam ab innocentia mea digressus sum: sed quia speraui in te, non infirmabor. &c.

Judge thou me, O Lady, for I am fallen from mine innocence: but because I put my trust in thee, therefore I shall not fall. &c.

27 Domina illuminatio mea sit splendor faciei tuae. &c. serenitas gratiae tuae refulgeat menti meae. &c.

O Lady let the brightness of thy face be my light, and let the clearness of thy grace shine unto my mind. &c.

28 Ad te Domina clamabo. &c. Miserere mei in die angustiae meae, & in luce veritatis tuae libera me.

To thee O Lady. &c. Have mercy upon me in the day of my trouble, and in the light of thy truth deliver me. &c.

31 In te Domina speraui, non confundar in aeternum, in gloria tua suscipe me. Tu es fortitudo mea & refugium meum▪ consolatio mea & protectio mea. &c. Educas me de laqueo, quem abscōderunt mihi, quoniam tu es adiutrix mea. In manus tuas Domina commendo spiritum meum.

In thee O Lady do I put my trust, let me not be confounded forever, in thy glory receive me. Thou art my strength & my refuge, my consolation and protection, &c. Deliver me from the snare that they have laid for me, because thou art my helper. Into thy hands I commend my spirit, &c.

34 Benedicam Dominam in omni tempore. &c. In periculis, in rebus dubijs invocate eam, & in necessitatibus inuenietis auxilium, &c. Sumite exemplum conuersationis eius & emulamini studia humilitatis eius. Quia ergo Domina humillima fuisti, verbum increatum ex te carnem suscipere coegisti.

I will always praise our Lady, &c. In perils, in adversity call upon her, and in time of need ye shall find succor. Let her conversation be an example unto you, and follow the virtue of her humility. Because therefore, O Lady thou wast humbly and lowly, thou didst compel the word increate to take flesh of thee.

36 Dixit iniustus. &c. A malo proposito discedat mater Dei. Inclina vultum Dei super nos: Coge illum peccatoribus misereri, &c. Benedictum sit imperium tuum super coelos: benedicta sit magnificentia tua super terram.

The wicked man said, &c. Let him depart from his evil purpose, O mother of God turn the countenance of God toward us: Compel him to be merciful unto sinners. Blessed be thy Imperie and dominion in heaven, & • lessed be thy magnificence upon the earth.

45 Eructauit cor meum verbum bonum Domina, &c. Per tuam sanctitatem peccata mea purgentur: per tuam integritatem mihi incorruptibilitas condonetur, &c.

My heart is inditing a new matter O Lady. &c. By thy holiness let my sins be purged, by thy integrity let me obtain incorruption. &c.

47 Omnes gentes plaudite manibus. &c. Quoniā ipsa est porta vitae▪ ianua salutis, & vitae nostrae reconciliatrix: spes poenitentium, solamen lugentium, pax beata cordium atque salus. Miserere mei Domina, miserere mei, quia tu es lux & spes omnium cōfidentium in te. &c.

Clap your hands all ye people. &c. For she is the gate of life, the door of salvation, the reconciler of our life: the hope of the penitent, the comfort of the sorrowful, the blessed peace of hearts, and salvation. Have mercy upon me O Lady, have mercy vpō me, for thou art the light & hope of all that put their trust in thee.

51 Miserere mei Domina, quae mater misericordiae nuncuparis. Et secundum viscera miserationum tuarum munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis. &c.

Have mercy upon me O Lady, which art called the mother of mercy, and in the bowels of thy great compassion cleanse me from mine iniquities.

54 Domina in Nomine tuo saluum me fac, & ab iniusticijs meis libera me. &c.

O Lady in thy name save me, and from mine unrighteousness deliver me. &c.

70 Domina in adiutorium meum intend. &c. Misererere seruorum tuorum super quos inuocatum est nomen tuum, &c.

Make hast O Lady to help me. &c. Have mercy on thy servants, upon whom thy name is invocated. &c.

71 In te Domina speraui, non confundar in aeternum, in tua misericordia libera me. &c.

In thee Lady have I put my trust: let me not confounded forever, in thy mercy deliver me, &c.

79 Domina venerunt gentes in haereditatem Dei quas tu meritis tuis Christo confederasti &c.

O Lady, the Gentiles are come into the inheritance of God, whom thou diddest join unto Christ by thy merits, &c.

89 Qui regis Israel, &c. Odor vitae de illa progreditur & omnis salus de cord illius scaturizat.

Thou that rulest Israel, &c. The savior of life cometh from her, and all health floweth out of her heart, &c.

91 Qui habitat in adiutorio matris Dei in protectione ipsius commorabitur. &c. Clamate ad illam in periculis vestris & flagellum non appropinquabit tabernaculo vestro. Fructus gratiae inueniet qui sperauerit in illa, porta paradisi reserabitur ei.

Who so dwelleth in the help of the Mother of God, shall dwell in the shadow of her protection. &c. Cry unto her in your dangers, and the scourge shall not come nere your tabernacle. The fruit of Grace shall be to him who so trusteth in her, and the gate of Paradise shall be open to him.

95 Venite exultemus Dominae nostrae. &c. Suscipe in fine animas nostras, & introduc nos in requiem aeternam. &c.

Come, let us rejoice to our Lady, &c. Receyue our souls at our last ende, and bring them into everlasting rest, &c.

105 Confitemini Dominae nostrae, & invocate nomen eius, &c. Salus sempiterna in manu tua, Domina. &c.

Praise our Lady and call upon her name. &c. Euerlasting salvation is in thy hand O Lady, &c.

110 Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae, seed mater mea a dextris meis &c.

The Lord said unto our Lady: sit here my mother on my right hand. &c,

114 In exitu animae meae ex hoc mundo occur ei Domina & suscipe eam &c. Esto illi scala ad regnum coelorum & iter rectum ad paradisum Dei. &c.

In the passing of my soul out of this world, come and meet it O Lady, and receive it, &c. Be to it a ladder unto the kingdom of heaven, and a right way to the Paradise of God, &c.

119 Miserationibus tuis plena est terra, ideo viam iustificationum tuarum exquisiui. &c. Concupiscam in aeternum laudare te Domina cum docueris me iustificationes tuas. &c.

The whole earth is full of thy mercies, and therefore I will search out the way of thy justifications. &c. I will covet forever to praise thee O Lady, when thou shalt teache me thy justifications. &c.

125 Qui confidunt in te mater Dei, non timebunt à facie inimici. &c.

They that put their trust in thee O mother of God, shall not be afraid of the face of their enemy. &c.

127 Nisi Domina aedificauerit domum cordis nostri, non permanebit aedificium eius.

Except our Lady shall build the house of our heart, the building thereof shall not continue, &c.

128 Beati omnes qui timent Dominam nostram, & beati omnes qui sciunt facere voluntatem tuam. &c.

Blessed is everyone that feareth our Lady, and blessed be all they which know to do her will. &c.

130 De profundis clamaui ad te Domina, Domina exaudi vocem meam: Fiant aures tuae intendentes, &c.

Out of the deep I have called unto thee O Lady, O Lady hear my voice, &c.

132 Memento Domina David & omnium inuocantium nomen tuum. &c.

O Lady remember David and all them that call upon thy name. &c.

134 Ecce nunc benedicite Dominam omnes qui speratis in nomine sancto eius. &c.

Behold and bless now our Lady, all ye that put your trust in her holy name.

136 Super flumina Babylonis. &c. Non inuenietur propitiatio sine illa. &c.

At the floods of Babylon, &c. There is no propitiation to be found without her. &c.

140 Eripe me Domina ab omni malo, & ab host inferni defend me. &c.

Deliver me O Lady from all evil, and from the infernal enemy defend me. &c.

145 Oculi nostri sperant in te Domina. Mitte nobis cibum & escam delectantem. Laudationem tuam loquitur lingua mea & benedicam te in seculum seculi.

Our eyes look up and trust in thee, do thou send us meat and food convenient. &c. My tongue shall speak thy praise, and shall bless thee forever.

148 Lauda Jerusalem Dominam, glorifica illam etiam ô Zion. Ipsa enim construit muros tuos & filios tuos benedicit. Gratia sua te impinguat, pacem{que} donat terminis tuis.

Praise thou our Lady O Jerusalem, and glorify her also O thou Zion, for she buildeth up thy walls, and blesseth thy children, her grace maketh thee fat, & giveth peace unto thy coasts. &c.

I could also recite other things moe of like blasphemy following immediately after this Psalter of our Lady, in the Seraphical doctor aforesaid, as these.

Ecce Domina Saluatrix mea, fiducialiter agam in te, & non timebo. &c. Quia fortitudo mea es tu. &c. Et facta es mihi in salutem. i Behold O Lady my Savior, I will be bold in thee, and will not fear. &c. Because thou art my strength, &c. And art become my salvation. &c.

Exulta totum genus humanum, quia talem dedit tibi mediatricem dominus Deus tuus. i. Rejoice O all mankind, because the Lord thy God hath given unto thee such a Mediatrix. &c.

Confitebor tibi domina, quia abscondisti haec à sapientibus, & reuelasti ea paruulis. i. I will confess to thee O Lady, because thou hast hid these things from the wise, and hast revealed them to the little ones. &c.

Generatio praua atque peruersa agnosce Dominam nostram salutricem tuā. Nunquid ipsa est mater tua quae possidet te, & in fide generauit te? i. O thou wicked and peevish generation, knowledge our Lady thy savior. Is not she the mother that hath possessed thee, and in faith hath begotten thee?

O benedicta in manibus tuis reposita est nostra salus. i. O thou blessed, in thy hands is laid up our salvation, &c.

I nomine tuo omne genu flectatur, coelestium. &c. In thy name let every knee bend, in heaven and earth, and in hell.

Quemadmodum infans sine nutrice non potest viuere: ita nec sine Domina nostra posses habere salutem. i. Like as the in • ant cannot live without the nurse, so neither canst thou have salvation without our Lady.

Quicunque vult saluus esse ante omnia opus est vt teneat de Maria firmam fidem. Quam nisi quisque in integram inuiolatamque seruauerit, absque dubio in aeternum peribit. i. Who so will be saved, before all things he must needs hold his belief of our Lady, which belief, unless everyone shall hold perfect and sound, shall perish without doubt forever.

Moreover, after these so horrible things & intolerable to be heard, consequently in the next tractation followeth the rosary or garland of our Lady, compiled by the said S. Bonaventure: wherein these words are to be red as followeth: O Mediatrix between God and man, the Lord hath worthily magnified thee, that thou only shouldst conceive his son &c. Wherefore O good Mary our mediatrix, mother of Grace, and mother of Mercy. &c. And moreover within few lines it followeth in these words: Therefore O our Empresse and Lady most bountiful, by the authority of a Mother command, command (I say) thy well-beloved son, that he will stir up our minds from the love of worldly things, to heavenly desires. &c.

Item, O the Advocate of the miserable, the eyes of thy servants be directed to thee. &c.

To these premisses, I might also adjoin the horrible and most blasphemous words of the said Bonaventure in the said book, Fol. 100. pag. 2. col. 1. which I beseech thee to read and note. Quae major bonitas quam quod Christus. i. What greater goodness can be, then that Christ is content to be captive upon the alter.

Whereupon he speaketh in the person of Jeremiah, saying. Behold, I am in your hands, do with me as you see good. &c. Where note (saith he) that when any Duke or prince • s taken prisoner for his subjects, he is not let go, before he pay some great sum of money for his ransom. Even so neither we ought to let Christ go out of our hands being our prisoner and captive except he grant unto us remission of our sins and his heavenly kingdom. The priest therefore lifteth up the body of Christ upon the alter: as though he said thus: behold him whom the whole world is not able to comprehend, he is holden here our captive, wherefor let us hold him fast and not let him go before we obtain of him our requests. &c.

Notes.

Is not here good Catholic stuff (christen Readers) trow you? Confer I beseech you this doctrine with the doctrine of the Apostles, which teach us that we are fully complete in Christ, and I will refer me to no better judge then to your own conscience. And now therefore, if any mā have been in doubt in times past of the doctrine and proceedings of the church of Rome, whether it be rightly charged with blind errors, with blasphemy intolerable, & Idolatry abominable or not, here now may he be fully certified & resolved. For where was ever idolatry or blasphemy to be found, if it be not here in this Mattins & Psalter of our Lady? If Idolatry be to make an idol to be worshipped as God, which is no God, what do we here but make an idol of our Lady (as we call her) to be worshipped with no less dignity, glory, authority, reverence, and service, then is the Lord God himself. As he is called our Lord, so she is called our lady. And if he be king, yet she is the queen of heavē. And though he have the name of god, yet she bereth so the title of the mother of God, that as mothers have authority over their children, so she is willed to show her self to be his mother, to cause him to grant our petitions. Finally, if he be our patron, yet is she our patronesse. The commandment saith: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. And what worship or service can we give to God, more then we do ascribe unto her? Or what benefit is to be asked at y ^e hands of Christ our Savior, which is not equally asked of her? To save our souls, to give us peace, to grant grace, to comfort the desperate, to loose our captivity, to release our sins, to deliver from the fiend, to bring to heaven. &c. to her we pray, we cry, we creep, we sigh, we groan, we knock and kneel, to her we trust, and if we believe not also in our Lady, we be heretics ipso facto.

Furthermore, as Christ our only Lord and Savior hath his Church and Congregation which professeth his name, of whom we are called Christians: so neither is she likewise without her chapels, her cloisters, her Chapters, fraternities and brotherhoods, which professing her name in like sort, are called our Ladies brethren, or white friers, besides an innumerable sort of other patrons of churches, of whom everyone hath his peculiar church and religion by himself, yet all these together be included under the general devotion of our Lady their supreme patronesse and governess.

Now to proceed further to the other prrt of the commandment, which saith: Him only shalt thou serve: What service hath the Lord in all the church, but our Lady also jointly with him hath the like? Her Mass, her Mattins, her Evensong, her Houres and Complin, her Rosaries, her Anthems, her Collects, her Primer, her Psalter, her holy days likewise, yea five to one. Finally, as y ^e Lord hath his prayer called the Lord's prayer, so hath she her Ave Mary's, yea x. Aues to one Pater noster: yea, & read further in the said Bonaventure, and ye shall see her also to have her Te Deum, her Benedictus, her Magnificat, and also her Quicunque vult.

If the Lord our God had not expressed unto us his own will by plain word, limiting unto us by express injunction, what to believe, what to follow, & how to worship and serve him, & how to receive from him our salvation, but had left us to the imagination of our own inventions, every man to shift for himself after his own policy, then peradventure this way taken by the Popes Church, to make friends & mediators between God and us, for reconciliation, remission & salvation, might have some ryme or reason: but now gods word doth bind us, doth prescribe and limit us precisely in every point touching salvation, what to believe, & what to do, showing us plainly, that we cannot be saved, but by the blood of his son only, neither cā be justified but by faith only in y ^e same Christ his son. Wherefore not to believe that which he hath promised is infidelity, and to follow any other belief then he hath set us, is plain idolatry. The which ii. special errors most commonly do follow the doctrine of the Romish church, as not only in this primer and psalter of our Lady aforesaid, but also in all their proceedings, teachings, and preachings besides, may well appear. For where the scripture perfectly doth promise and pronounce us to be justified through our faith in Christ, & willeth us to seek our salvation nowhere else, but only in the merits of Jesus: the institution of the church of Rome neither will receive that God hath freely given (wherein standeth infidelity) neither yet will seek the same there where as they should, but in the merits and prayers of our Lady, of S. John the Baptist, s. Peter and Paul, s. Andrew, s. Nicholas, s. Thomas of Canterbury, & by the worthiness of the material cross, and such other unlawful means, wherein standeth plain idolatry. And yet such books as these can be suffered among the Catholics to be currant, as good, wholesome and lawful books, where as the other which lead us the true way from infidelity and blind idlatry, to true christianity in no wise can be sufferable. But of this to complain, it is vain. Wherefore to pass from this proclamation, let us proceed (God willing) in the course of our history.

The story of Thomas Osmond, William Bamford, and Thomas Osborne Martyrs.

MEntion was made before in the story of Thomas Haukes, of six prisoners besides, whithe were sent down with him to Essex the same time as he went to execution. Of which six prisoners, three were sent to be burned, the other three to recant, and to do penance: of whom it followeth next in story now to entreat. The names of which six were these, Thomas Osmund Fuller, William Bamford, alias Butler, Weaver, Thomas Osborne Fuller, Nicholas Chamberlain Weaver, Thomas Brodehill Weaver, Richard Webbe Weaver: being all of the town of Coxehall. All which six Coxehall men next after the Examinations of Thomas Haukes and Thomas Watts, were sent up to Boner to be examined by the Earl of Oxford and sir Phillip Paris knight, with a letter with them also sent, the copy whereof here followeth.

Thus the said prisoners being sent up the first day of May, were brought before the said Bishop the xvij. of the said month to be examined, upon diverse and sundry Articles ministered & objected against them: whereunto they were compelled to answer and to put their hands to the same: the copy of which their Articles and answers, being all one in form and effect (if the Register say true) here followeth.

The copy of the Articles objected against Thomas Osmond, William Bamford, and Nicholas Chamberlayne of Coxehall.

1. FIrst that thou Thomas Osmund Fuller, wast and art of the Parish of Coxehall, within the Dioces of London, and thou hast not believed nor doest believe that there is here in the earth one Catholic & universal whole Church, which doth hold and believe all the faith & Religion of Christ, and all the necessary Articles & sacraments of the same.

2. Item, that thou hast not believed nor doest believe that thou art necessarily bounden under the pain of damnation, of thy soul, to give full faith and credence unto y ^e said Catholic and universal Church, and to the faith and religion of the same in all necessary points of the said faith and religion, without doubting or wavering in the said faith and religion, or in any part thereof.

3. Item, that thou hast not believed that the faith and religion, which both the Church of Rome, Italy, Spain, England, France, Ireland, Scotland, and all other churches in Europe, being true members and partes of the said Catholic and universal Church do believe & teach, is both agreeing with the faith and religion of Christ, and also is the very true faith and religion, which all Christian people ought to believe, observe, follow, and keep: but contrariwise, thou hast believed, and doest believe, that that faith and religion, which the said church of Rome, & all the other Churches aforesaid, have heretofore believed, and do believe is false, erroneous, and naught, & in no wise ought to be believed, observed, kept, and followed of any Christian person.

4. Item, that albeit it be true that in the sacrament of the altar, there is in substance the very body and blood of our savior Christ under the forms of bread and wyne: & albeit that it be so believed, taught and preached undoubtedly in the said church of Rome and all other churches aforesaid, yet thou hast not so believed, nor doest so believe, but contrariwise thou hast believed, and doest believe firmly and steadfastly, that there is not in the said sacrament of the altar, under the said forms of bread and wyne, the very substance of Christ's body and blood, but that there is only the substance of material and common bread and wine, with the forms thereof, and that the said material & common bread and wyne are only the signs and tokens of Christ's body and blood, and are by faith to be received only for a remembrance of Christ's passion and death, without any such substance of Christ's body and blood at all.

5. Item, that thou hast believed and taught, and hast openlie spoken and defended, and so doest believe, think, maintain and defend, that the very true receiving and eating of Christ's body and blood, is only to take material and common bread, and to break it, and distribute it amongst the people, remembering thereby the passion and death of Christ only.

6. Item, that thou hast likewise believed, thought, and spoken, that the mass now used in this realm of England and other the churches aforesaid, is abominable & naught, and full of idolatry, and is of the ordinance of the Pope & not of the institution of Christ: and hath no goodness in it saving the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospel, and therefore thou hast not, nor wilt not come and be present at mass, nor receive the sacrament of the altar, nor any other sacrament of the church, as they are now used in this realm of England. &c.

7. Item, that thou hast in times past believed, & yet doest now believe, that auricular confession is not necessary to be made unto the priest: but is a thing superfluous, void, and naught, only to be made to God, & to none other person. And likewise thou hast condemned as superfluous, vain and unprofitable, all the ceremonies of the church, and the service of the same, and hast said that no service in the church ought to be said but in the English tongue, and if it be otherwise, it is unlawful and naught.

8. Item, that thou being notoriously and openly suspected for an heretic, and a person culpable in the premisses, was of late called and cōuented before the Earl of Oxford, and M. Phillip Paris, and there was charged with the said heresies, especially against the sacrament of the altar. And because thou didst maintain and stand to thy said heresies, and wouldst not come to the church and be confessed and receive the said sacrament as other Christian people did, but utterly didst refuse to do the same, thou wast by the said Earl of Oxford, and M. Phillip Paris sent up by a Constable unto me Bishoppe of London, and was by them denounced, detected, and put up to me as an heretic and misbeleuyng person.

9. Item, that thou hast known and believed, thou doest know and believe, or at the least thou hast credibly heard reported, spoken, and said, that all and all manner persons, which do teach, preach, or hold anything concerning the sacraments of thr Church, or any the articles of the faith, otherwise then is found already discussed and determined by the mother the holy church, or doth call into doubt or question that thing which is already decided or determined by the Church, or that willingly and wittingly do utter openly or privily, any slanderous or blasphemous words concerning the said Sacraments or any of them, or that do preach, teach, or keep any sect or kind of heresy against the wholesome doctrine of the church, & do wittingly, willingly, or obstinately defend the said sect or kind of heresy, are by the Canons of the whole and universal Catholic Church, and also by the Ecclesiastical laws of this Church of England by their so doing, accursed with that curse, which doth separate them from the entry into the Church, from the receiving of the Sacraments, and from the company of faithful people, and are (in continuing in this said sect and heresy) to be pronounced, declared, and taken for heretics, and to be delivered to the secular power, and by the laws temporal of this realm of England, and the custom of the same, to be by the said secular power put to death and burnt for this said sect and heresy.

10 Item, that thou by reason of the premisses wast & art to be pronounced, takē, had, reputed, and judged for a manifest and open, willful and obstinate heretic, for a wicked and cursed person, and to be punished accordingly for the same, according to the said Canon laws, usages, and customs.

*The answers which the said Thomas Osmund William Bamford, and Nicholas Chamberlain severally made unto these Articles.

TO the first they answered and confessed the same to be true, except that they do believe y ^t there is here in earth one Catholic & whole Church, and that the same church doth hold and believe as is contained in this Article.

To the second they answer, & believe the said Article not to be true: for they say that they have & do believe that they are necessarily bounden under pain of damnatiō of their soul, to give full faith and creed̄ce unto the said Catholic Church & to the faith and religion of the same, in all necessary points of the same faith and religiō, without waueryng or doubting in any part thereof.

To the third they aūswear, that the Church of Rome, & other Churches mentioned in this Article, be not true menbers & partes (as they be used in faith & religion) of the Catholic Church of Christ, & that the faith and religion used in the said Churches, is not agreeable with y ^e Church of Christ, but are false and erroneous.

To the fourth they answer and say that how so ever the said Churches of Rome and others of Christendom have and do believe touching the Sacrament of the altar, yet they do believe, that in the Sacrament under the forms of bread & wine, there is not the very substance of Christ's body & blood, but that there is only the substance of material bread and wine, & that the same material bread & wyne be only the signs and tokens of Christ's body and blood, and are to be received only for a remembrance of Christ's passion and death, without any substance of Christ's body and blood at all.

To the fi • t Article they answer, that the true receiving and eating of Christ's body, according to Christ's institution, is to take, distribute and eat material bread, and thereby to remember the passion and death of Christ, and so receive by faith (as they believe) Christ's body and blood and not otherwise.

To the sixth they answer the same to be true in every part thereof, except that over and besides the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospel, which they believe to be good they believe the Pater noster and Cre • de use in the Mass be also good.

To the seventh they answer and confess, that auricular confession is not necessary to be made to the Priest: nevertheless they th • ncke that it is necessary to go to such a Priest, as is able to give good counsel. And that for counsel only, and not otherwise. And as concerning the ceremonies of the church, they answer the same to be vain & unprofitable. No service in the Church ought to be said, but only in the English tongue.

To the eight they answer and believe the same to be true in every part thereof, except that they do not believe that they be heretics, or suspected of heresy.

To the ninth, Osmund and Bamford answered, that they referred themselves to the said laws, mentioned in that article, but Chamberlain made no answer at all to this article.

To the tenth, the said Osmond and Bamford answered and said, that by reason of their belief afore by them confessed, they are not to be reputed, taken or judged for willful and obstinate heretics, nor to be punished therefore, as is declared in that article. The other answered nothing.

Scholies upon the foresaid articles.

THese articles in the same form & manner of words are commonly objected to all other that follow after, with the same answers also thereto annexed. In which articles thou mayest note (Reader) the crafty and subtle handling of these Lawyers and Registers, who so deceitfully frame their articles and positions, that unless a man do advisedly consider them, it is hard for a simple man to answer to them, but he shall be snared and entangled. So they paint their Church with such a visage of universal, whole, holy, catholic, as who should say: He that denieth Rome, denieth the holy Church of Christ here in earth. Likewyse in examinyng them, and specially the simple sort in the matter of the Sacrament, to the material bread in the Sacrament, they put this word (only) very captiously and fraudulently, to take them at the worst auauntage, making the people believe that they take the holy Sacrament to be no better then only common bread▪ when they do not so, but make a difference between the same, both in the use, honor, & name thereof.

Agayne, when the Examinates hold but only against the erroneous points of Romish Religion, these bishops in their Interrogatories give out the matter so generally as though the said Examinates in generally spake against all the articles of faith taught in Rome, Spain, England, France, Scotland. &c.

Moreover, concerning Latin service, in such crafty form of words, they propound their article, that it might appear to the people, these men do deny any service to be lawful in any place, country, or language, but only in English.

And as these articles are crafty, captiously and deceitfully in form of words devised by the bishops and their Notaries, so the answers again to the same, be no less subtly framed, & after the most odious manner put down in the name of the Examinates, which being read unto them, thus without further advise they were constrained upon a sudden to subscribe the same with their hands. Whereby if any word escaped their hand, peradventure not considerately subscribed: there the Papists take their advantage against them, to defame them and to bring them into hatred with the people.

These Articles thus propounded and answered, they were until the after none dismissed. At what time they did again appear, and there were examined and trauayled with by fair and flattering speeches, as well of the Bish. as of others his assistance, to recant and revoke their opinions, who notwithstanding remained constant & firm, and therefore after the common usage of their Ecclesiastical laws, were sent away again until the next day being Saturday, and the xviij. day of May. Then in the fore noon the Bishop using his accustomed manner of proceeding: which he hath used before as well with them as w ^t others, did likewise dismiss them, and at last in the after noon condemned them as heretics, and so delivered thē to the Shirifes, in whose custody they remained vnti • l they were delivered to the shiriffe of Essex, & by him were executed, Chamberlayne at Colchester, the 14. of June, Thomas Osmund at Maningtree, the 15. of June, & William Bamford, alias Butler, at Harwich, the same 15. day in the month of June.

The history of the worthy Martyr and servant of God, M. John Bradford, with his life and acts, and sundry conflicts, with his adversaries, and Martyrdom, at length most constantly suffered for the testimony of Christ and his truth.

A S touching first the country and education of John Bradford, he was borne at Manchester in Lancastershire. His parents did bring him up in learning from his infancy, until he attained such knowledge in the Latin tongue, and skill in writing, that he was able to gain his own living in some honest condition. Then he became servant to sir John Harington knight, who in the great affairs of K. Henry the 8. and K. Edward the 6. which he had in hand when he was Treasurer of the kings camps & building, at diverse times in Bullonois, had such experience of Bradfords activity in writing, of expertnes in the art of Auditors, and also of his faithful trustines, that not only in those affairs, but in many other of his private business he trusted Bradford, in such sort that above all other he used his faithful service.

Thus continued Bradford certain years in a right honest and good trade of life, after the course of this world, like to come forward (as they say) if his mind could so have liked, or had ben givē to the world as many other be. But the Lord which had elected him unto a better function, and preordeined him to preach the gospel of Christ in that hour of grace which in his secret counsel he had appointed, called this his chosen child to the understanding and pertakyng of the same Gospel of life. In which call, he was so truly taught, that forthwith his effectual call was perceived by the fruits. For then Bradford did forsake his worldly affairs & forwardness in worldly wealth, and after the just accompt given to his Master of all his doings, he departed from him, and with marvelous favor to further the kingdom of God by the ministry of his holy word, he gave himself wholly to the study of the holy scriptures. The which his purpose to accomplish the better, he departed from the Temple at London, where the temporal law is studied, and went to the university of Cambridge, to learn by God's law how to further the building of the Lord's Temple. In Cambridge his diligence in study, his profiting in knowledge and godly conversation so pleased all men, that within one whole year after that he had been there, the University did give him the degree of a M. of Art.

Immediately after the Master and fellows of Penbroke hal did give him a fellowship in their College with them: yea that man of God Martin Bucer so lyked him, that he had him not only most dear unto him, but also often times exhorted him to bestow his talent in preaching. Unto which Bradford answered always, that he was unable to serve in that office through want of learning. To the which Bucer was wont to reply, saying: If thou have not fine manchet bread yet give the poor people barley bread, or whatsoever else the Lord hath committed unto thee. And whiles Bradford was thus persuaded to enter into the ministry, Doctor Ridley that worthy Bishop of London and glorious Martyr of Christ, according to the order that then was in the Church of England called him to take the degree of Deacon. Which order because it was not without some such abuse as to the which Bradford would not consent, the Bishop yet perceauyng that Bradford was willing to enter into y ^e ministry, was content to order him Deacon without any abuse, even as he desired. This being done, he obtained for him a license to preach, and did give him a Prebend in his Cathedral Church of Saint Paul's.

In this preaching office by the space of three years, how faithfully Bradford walked, how diligently he labored, many partes of England can testify. Sharply he opened and reproved sin, sweetly he preached Christ crucified, pithily he impugned heresies and errors, earnestly he persuaded to godly life. After the death of blessed young King Edward the sixth, when Queen Mary had gotten the crown, still continued Bradford diligent in preaching until he was unjustly deprived both of his office & liberty by the Queen and her Council. To the doing whereof, because they had no just cause, they took occasiō to do this injury for such an act, as among Turks and Infidels would have been with thankfulness rewarded, and with great favor accepted, as in deed it did no less deserve.

The fact was this. The xiii. day of August, in the first yere of the reign of Queen Mary, M. Bourne then B. of Bath, made a seditious sermon at Paul's cross in London, as partly is declared before, pag. to set popery abroch, in such sort that it moved the people to no small indignation, being almost ready to pull him out of the pulpit. Neither could the reverence of the place, nor the presence of the B. Boner, who then was his master, nor yet the commandment of the Major of London, whō the people ought to have obeyed, stay their rage: but the more they spake, the more the people were incēsed. At length Bourn seeing the people in such a mood, and himself in such peril (whereof he was sufficiently warned by the hurlyng of a drawn dagger at him as he stood in the pulpit) and that he was put from ending his sermon, fearing least against his will, he should there ende his wretched life, desired Bradford who stood in y ^e pulpit behind him, to come forth and to stand in his place and speak to the people. Good Bradford at his request was content, and there spake to the people of godly and quiet obedience. Whome as soon as the people saw to begin to speak unto them, so glad they were to hear him, that they cried with a great shout: Bradford, Bradford, God save thy life Bradford: well declaring not only what affectiō they bare unto him, but also what regard they gave to his words. For after that he had entered a little to preach unto them, and to exhort them to quiet & patience, eftsoons all the raging ceased, and they in the end quietly departed ech man to his house. Yet in the mean season (for it was a long time before that so great a multitude could all depart) Bourne thought (and truly) himself not yet full sure of his life till he were safely housed, notwithstanding, that the Major & Shirifes of London were there at hand to help him. Wherefore he desired Bradford not to depart from him till he were in safety: which Bradford according to his promise performed. For while the Major and Sheriffs did lead Bourne to the Scholemaisters house, which is next to the pulpit, Bradford went at his back, shadowyng him from the people with his gown, and so to set him safe.

Let the Reader now consider the peril of Bourne, the charity of Bradford, and the headines of the multitude, & also the grudging minds of certain, which yet still there remained behind, grieved not a little their minds, to see that so good a man should save y ^e life of such a popish priest, so impudently and openly railing against K. Edward. Among whō, one gentlemā said these words: Ah Bradford, Bradford, thou sauest him y ^t will help to burn thee. I give thee his life: if it were not for thee, I would (I assure thee) t •• him through with my sword. Thus Bourne for that time, through Bradfordes means escaped bodily death: but God hath his judgment to be shown in the time appointed.

The same Sunday in the after noon Bradford preached at the Bow church in Cheapside, and reproved the people sharply for their seditious misdemeanor. After this he did abide still in London with an innocent conscience, to try what should become of his just doing.

Within three days after he was sent for to the Tower of London, where the Queen then was, to appear there before the counsel. There was he charged with this act of saving of Bourne, which act they there called seditious, & also objected against him for preaching, and so by them he was committed first to the Tower, then unto other prisons, out of the which neither his innocence, godliness, nor charitable dealing could purchase him liberty of body, till by death (which he suffered for Christ's cause) he obtained the heavenly liberty, of which neither Pope nor papist shall ever deprive him. From the Tower he came to the kings Benche in Southwarke: and after his condemnation, he was sent to the Counter in the Poultry in London: in the which two places for the time he did remain prisoner, he preached twice a day continually, unless sickness hindered him: where also the sacrament was often ministered, & thorough his means (the keepers so well did bear with him) such resort of good folks was daily to his lecture, and to the ministration of the sacrament, that commonly his chamber was well nigh filled therewith. Preaching, reading & praying was all his whole life. He did not eat above one meal a day: which was but very little when he took it: & his continual study was upon his knees. In the midst of dinner he used often to muse with himself, having his hat over his eyes, from whence came commonly plenty of tears droppng on his trencher. Uery gentle her was 〈◊〉 man and child, and in so good credit with his keeper, y ^t at is desire, in an evening (being prisoner in the kings Bench in Soutwarke) he had license vpō his promise to return again that night, to go into London without any keeper, to visit one that was sick, lying by the Stilyard. Neither did he fail his promise, but returned unto his prison again, rather preventing his hour, then breaking his fidelity: so constant was he in word in deed.

Of personage he was somewhat tall and slēder, spare of body, of a faint sanguine color, w ^t an Awburne beard. He slept not commonly above four hours in the night: & in his bed till sleep came, his book went not out of his hand. His chief recreation was in no gaming or other pastime, but only in honest company, & comely talk, wherein he would spend a little time after dinner at the bourde, and so to prayer and his book again. He counted that hour not well spent, wherein he did not some good, either with his pen, study, or in exhorting of others. &c. He was no niggard of his purse, but would liberally participate y ^t he had to his fellow prisoners. And commonly once a week he visited the thieves, pickpurses, and such others that were with him in the prison where he lay, on the other side: unto whō he would give godly exhortation to learn the amendment of their lives by their troubles, and after that so done, distribute among them some portion of money to their comfort.

By the way this I thought not to conceal. While he was in the kings Bench, and Mayster Saunders in the Marshalsey, both prisoners, on the backside of those two prisons they met many times, and conferred together when they would: so mercifully did the Lord work for them, even in the midst of their troubles: and the said Bradford was so trusted with his keeper, and had such liberty in the backside, that there was no day but that he might have easily escaped away, if he would, but that the Lord had another work to do for him. In the summer time while he was in the said Kings Benche, he had liberty of his keeper, to ride into Oxfordshyre, to a Marchauntes house of his acquaintance, and horse and all things prepared for him for that journey, and the party in a readiness that should ride with him: but God prevented him by sickness that he went not at all.

One of his old friends and acquaintance came unto him whilst he was prisoner, and asked him, if he sited to get him out, what then he would do, or whether he would go? Unto whom he made answer, as not caring whether he went out or no: but if he did, he said he would marry, and abide still in England secretly, teaching the people as the time would suffer him, and occupy himself that way. He was had in so great reverence and admiration with all good men, that a multitude which never knew him but by fame, greatly lamented his death: yea, and a number also of the Papists themselves, wished heartily his life. There were few days in which he was thought not to spend some tears before he went to bed, neither was there ever any prisoner with him, but by his company he greatly profited, as all they will yet witness, and have confessed of him no less, to the glory of God, whose society he frequented, as among many, one special thing I thought to note, which is this.

Bishop Farrer being in the kings Bench prisoner, as before you have hard, was travailed withal of the Papists in the end of Lent, to receive the sacrament at Easter in one kind, who after much persuading, yielded to them, and promised so to do. Then (so it happened by gods providence) the Easter even, the day before he should have done it, was Bradford brought to the Kings Benche prisoner, where the Lord making him his instrument▪ Bradford only was the mean that the said B. Farrer revoked his promise and word, and would never after yield to be spotted with that papistical pitch: so effectually the Lord wrought by this worthy servant of his. Such an instrument was he in gods church, that few or none there were that knew him, but esteemed him as a precious jewel and God's true messenger.

The night before he was had to Newgate, which was the saterday night, he was sore troubled diverse times in his sleep by dreams, how the chain for his burning was brought to the Counter gate, and how the next day being Sunday, he should be had to Newgate, and on the Monday after burned in Smithfield, as in deed it came to pass accordingly, which hereafter shall be shown. Now he being vexed so often times in this sort with these dreams, about 3. of the clock in the morning, he waked him that lay with him, and told him his unquiet sleep, & what he was troubled withal. Then after a little talk, Master Bradford rose out of the bed, and gave himself to his old exercise of reading and prayer, as always he had used before: and at dinner according to his accustomed manner, he did eat his meat, and was very merry, nobody being with him from morning till night, but he that lay with him, with whom he had many times on that day communication of death, of the kingdom of heaven, and of the ripeness of sin in that time.

In the after noon they two walking together in the keepers chamber, suddenly the keepers wife came up, as one half amazed, & seeming much troubled, being almost wyndles said: Oh M. Bradford, I come to bring you heavy news. What is that said he? Marry quoth she, tomorrow you must be burned, & your chain is now a buying, & soon you must go to Newgate. With that M. Bradford put of his cap, and lifting up his eyes to heaven, said: I thank God for it: I have looked for the same a long time, and therefore it cometh not now to me suddenly, but as a thing waited for every day and hour, the Lord make me worthy thereof: & so thanking her for her gentleness, departed up into his chamber, and called his friend with him, who when he came thither, he went secretly himself alone a long time and prayed. Which done, he came again to him that was in his chamber, and took him diverse writings and papers, & shown him his mind in those things what he would have done, and after they had spent the after noon till night in many and sundry such things, at last came to him half a dosen of his friends more, with whom all the evening he spent the time in prayer and other good exercises, so wonderfully, that it was marvelous to hear and see his doings.

A little before he went out of the Counter, he made a notable prayer of his farewell, with such plenty of tears, and abundant spirit of prayer, that it ravished the minds of the hearers. Also, when he shifted himself with a clean shirt that was made for his burning (by one M. Walter Marlars wife, who was a good nurse unto him, & his very good friend) he made such a prayer of the wedding garment, that some of those that were present, were in such great admiration, that their eyes were as thoroughly occupied in looking on him, as their ears gave place to hear his prayer. At his departing out of the chamber, he made likewise a prayer, and gave money to every servant and officer of the house, with exhortation to them to fear and serve God, continually laboring to eschew all manner of evil. That done, he turned him to the wall and prayed vehemently, that his words might not be spoken in vain, but that the Lord would work the same in them effectually, for his Christ's sake. Then being beneath in the Court, all the prisoners cried out to him and bid him farewell, as the rest of the house had done before with weeping tears.

The time they carried him to Newgate, was about xi. or xii. a clock in the night, when it was thought none would be stirring abroad: and yet contrary to their expectation in that behalf, was there in Chepeside & other places (between the Counter and Newgate) a great multitude of people that came to see him, which most gently bade him farewell, praying for him with most lamentable and pitiful tears, and he again as gently bade them fare well, praying most heartily for them & their welfare. Now, whether it were a commandment from the Queen and her counsel, or from Boner and his adherents, or whether it were merrily devised of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, & Sheriffs of London, or no, I cannot tell: but a great noise there was over night about the city by diverse, that Bradford should be burnt the next day in Smithfield, by 4. of the clock in the morning, before it should be greatly known to any. In which rumor many heads had diverse minds: some thinking the fear of the people to be the cause thereof. Other thought nay, that it was rather because the Papists judged, his death would convert many to the truth, and give a great overthrow to their kingdō. So some thought one thing, and some another, that no just conjecture of the cause could be known that ever I heard yet. But this was certain, the people prevented the devise suspected: for the next day, at the said hour of 4. a clock in the morning, there was in Smithfield such a multitude of men and women, that many being in admiration thereof, thought it was not possible that they could have warning of his death, being so great a number in so short time, unless it were by the singular providence of almighty God.

Well, this took not effect as the people thought: for that morning it was ix. a clock of the day, before Master Bradford was brought into Smithfield: which in going thorough Newgate thitherward, spied a friend of his whō he loved, standing on the one side the way to the Keepers houseward, unto whom he reached his hand over the people, and plucked him to him, and delivered to him from his hed, his velvet night cap, and also his handkerchief, with other things besides. Which after a little secret talk with him, and ech of them parting frō other, immediately came to him a brother in law of his, called Roger Beswike, which as soon as he had taken the said Bradford by the hand, one of the Sheriffs of London called Woodroft, came with his staff and brake the said Rogers head, that the blood ran about his shoulders. Which sight Bradford beholding with grief, bade his brother farewell, willing to commend him to his mother, and the rest of his friends and to get him to some Surgeon betymes: and so they departing, had little or no talk at all together. Then was he led forth to Smithfield with a great company of weaponed men, to conduct him thither, as the like was not seen at no man's burning: for in every corner of Smithfield there were some, besides those which stood about the stake. Bradford then being come to the place, fell flat to the ground, secretly making his prayers to almighty god. Then rising again, and putting of his clothes unto his shirt, he went to the stake, and there suffered with a young man of xx. years of age, joyfully and constantly, whose name was John Leafe. Touchyng the order and manner of whose burning, more shall be said (God willing) hereafter. In the mean time, we will now show forth the sundry examinations, conflicts, and conferences between him and other his adversaries, during the time of his imprisonment, which was in all, two years lacking one month and a half. Which examinations here follow to be declared.

It was before a little above declared, that John. Bradford within three days after the Sermon of M. Bourne, was by the Counsaile committed to the Tower, where he remained from the month of August, an. 1553. to the 22. day of January, an. 1555. upon which day he was called out to examination before Ste. Winchester and other of the Commissioners. The effect of which examination and communication which passed between him & them, proceeded in manner as followeth.