Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
An other appearance before D. Harpsfield.
THe bishop, after many persuasions to cause him to recant, willed him to depart as then, and to come again on Saturday at 8. of the clock in the morning. Where (the Bishop being absent) D. Nicholas Harpesfielde, as then being his deputy, did sit and earnestly exhorted him to deny his opinions. To whom in the ende he answered.
Well, ye have a law to condemn me, and I submit myself to the law: but not to the laws of the Church (as you call it.) And farther I do affirm, and will stand to mine answers that I have made.
Wherupon D. Harpsfield willed him to appear there again upon friday, being the 10. day of the same month of May. Uppon which day the bishop privately sent for the said Thomas Watts into his chamber, and there with many fair promises, tempted and tried him, whether he would revoke his errors (as he then termed them.) But Watts answered him in this sort: I will not believe your Church, neither the Romish Church, and therefore you do but labor in vain thus to travail with me. He was here upon again dismissed for that time, until friday the 17. day of May, and then commanded to appear in the Consitory: which commandment he obeyed, & having the accustomed former Articles ministered unto him, made then such answers as before.
Thomas Watts brought again to the consistory.
THus being tost to and fro, from day today, and hour to hour: he was at the last, the 18. day of the month of May, brought into the consistory, where first was made a brief recital of all the former process: and there the said Watts being (by the bishop and others) willed to deny his profession, made this final answer: God keep me from the doctrine that ye would have me to come unto, which ye have now declared. And I beseech God y t I may persevere in that that I have done, for I will stand to mine answers.
The Bishop perceiving his fair flattering promises nothing to prevail (& having no great store of other reasons to persuade with) put forth his last and strongest argument of condemnation. Which being ended, he was delivered to the sheriffes of London, & by them was sent to Newgate, where he remained until the 9. day of June, or as some record, to the 22. of May: at what time he was carried unto Chelmesforde, and there was brought to Scots house, keeping then an Inn at Chelmesforde, where, as they were eating meat with Hauks and the rest that came down to their burning, they prayed together both afore and after their meat.
Then Wats went and prayed privately to himself, and afterward came to his wife and his 6. childrē being there, and said these words in effect: Wife, and my good children, I must now depart from you. Therefore hence forth know I you no more, but as the Lord hath given you unto me, so I give you again unto the Lord, whom I charge you see you do obey, and fear him: and beware ye turn not to this abhominable papistry, against the which I shall anon (by God's grace) give my blood. Let not the murthering of God's Saints cause you to relent, but take occasion thereby to be the stronger in the Lord's quarrel, and I doubt not but he will be a merciful father unto you. All these and such like words spake he unto them, and they unto him, of whom two (as it is said) offered to be burnt with him. In the ende he bad them farewell, and kissed them all, and was carried to the fire.
At the stake, after he had kissed it, he spake to my Lord Rich, these or the like words: My Lord saith he, beware, beware, for you do against your own conscience herein, and without you repent, the Lord will revenge it: For you are the cause of this my death.
Concerning the childebed of Queen Mary, as it was rumoured among the people.
LOng persuasion had been in England with great expectation, for the space of half a year or more, that the Queen was conceived w t child. This report was made by the Queens Physicians, & other nigh about the Court: so that diverse were punished for saying the contrary. And commandment was given, that in all churches supplication and prayers should be made for the Queens good delivery: the certificate whereof ye may read before in the letter of the Counsel sent to Boner, pag. 1405. And also the same moreover may appear by provision made before in the Act of Parliament for the child. pag. 1410.
And now for so much as in y e beginning of this month of June about Whitsuntide, the time was thought to be nigh, that this young Master should come into the world, and that midwives, rockers, nurses, with the cradle & all, were prepared and in a readiness, suddenly upon what cause or occasion it is uncertain, a certain vain rumour was blown in London of the prosperous deliverance of the Queen, and the birth of the child: In so much that the Bels were rong, Bonfiers and processions made, not only in the City of London, and in most other partes of the realm, but also in the town of Antwarpe, gunnes were shot off upon the river, by the English ships, and the Mariners thereof rewarded with an hundred pistolettes or Italian crowns by the Lady Regent, who was the Queen of Hungary. Such great rejoicing and triumph was for the Queens delivery, & that there was a Prince borne. Yea, diverse Preachers, namely one, the Parson of S. Anne within Aldergate, after Procession and Te Deum song, took upon him to describe the proportion of y e child, how fair, howe beautiful, and great a Prince it was, as the like had not been seen.
In the midst of this great ado, there was a simple man (this I speak but upon information) dwelling w t in 4. miles of Barwicke, that never had been before half way to London, which said concerning the Bonfiers made for Queen Mary's child: Here is a joyful triumph, but at length all will not prove worth a mess of potage, as in deed it came to pass: For in y e end all proved clean contrary, & the joy and expectations of mē were much deceived. For the people were certified, y t the Queen neither was as then delivered, nor after was in hope to have any child.
At this time many talked diversely: some said this rumour of the Queens conception was spread for a po • icie: some other affirmed that she was deceived by a Tympanie or some other like disease, to think her self with child, and was not: some thought she was with child, and that it did by some chance miscarry, or else that she was bewitched: but what was the truth thereof, the Lord knoweth, to whom nothing is secrete. One thing of mine own hearing, and seeing I cannot pass over vnwitnessed.
There came to me, whom I did both hear and see, one Isabell Malt, a woman dwelling in Aldersgate street in Horne alley, not far from the house where this present book was Printed, who before witness made this declaration unto us, that she being delivered of a manchild vpō Whitsonday in the morning, which was the xi. day of June. an. 1555. there came to her the Lord North, and another Lord to her vnknowē, dwelling thē about old Fish street, demaūdyng of her if she would part with her child, and would swear that she never knew nor had no such child. Which if she would, her son (they said) should be well provided for, she should take no care for it, with many fair offers if she would part with the child.
After that came other womē also, of whō one she said should have been the Rocker, but she in no wise would let go her son, who at y e writing hereof being alive & called Timothy Malt, was of the age of xiii. years & upward.
Thus much (I say) I heard of the woman her self. What credit is to be given to her relation, I deal not withal, but leave it to the liberty of the Reader, to believe it they that list: to them that list not, I have no further warrant to assure them.
Among many other great preparations made for the Queens deliverance of child, there was a cradle very sumptuously and gorgeously trimmed, upon the which cradle for the child appointed, these Uerses were written, both in Latin and English.
The Child which thou to Mary, O Lord of might hast send. To Englandes joy in health preserve, keep and defend.
About this time there came over into England a certain English book, giving warning to English men of the Spaniards, and disclosing certain close practices for recovery of Abbay lands, which book was called A warning for England. Whereof ye shall understand more (God willing) when we come to the Spanish Inquisition. So that by the occasion of this book, upon the xiii. day of this month came out a certain Proclamation, set forth in the name of the Kyng and Queen, repealyng & disanullyng all manner of books writ̄ or Printed, whatsoever should touche any thing the impayryng of the Popes dignity, whereby not only much godly edification was hyndred: but also great peril grew among the people. The copy of which Proclamation here followeth.
A Proclamation set out by the King and Queen for the restraining of all books and writings tending againg the doctrine of the Pope and his Church.
WHere as by the Statute made in the seconde year of king Henry the fourth concerning the repressing of heresies, there is ordained and provided a great punishment, not only for the authors, makers, and writers of books containing wicked doctrine and erroneous and heretical opinions contrary to the Catholic faith, and determination of the holy Church, & likewise for their fautors & supporters, but also for such as shall have or keep any such books or writings, and not make delivery of them to the Ordinary of the Diocese or his Ministers, with in a certain time limited in the said Statute, which Acte or Statute being by authority of Parliament of late revived, was also openly proclaimed, to the intent the subjects of the realm upon such Proclamation should the rather eschew the danger and penalty of the said Statute, and as yet nevertheless, in moste partes of the Realm the same is neglected, and little regarded: The King and Queen our sovereign Lord and Lady, therefore. &c. straightly charge and command, that no person or persons, of what estate, degree, or condition soever he or they be, from henceforth presume to bring or convey, or cause to be brought or conveyed into this Realm, any books, writings or works hereafter mentioned: that is to say, any book or books, writings or works made or set forth, by, or in the name of Martin Luther, or any book or books, writings or works made or set forth, by, or in the name of Oecolampadius, Zwinglius, John Calvin, Pomerane, John Alasco, Bullinger, Bucer, Melancthon, Bernardinus Ochinus, Erasmus Sarcerius, Peter Martyr, Hugh Latimer, Robert Barns, otherwise called Frier Barns, John Bale, otherwise called Frier Bale, Iustus Jonah, John Hoper, Myles Couerdal, William Tyndale, Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury, William Turner, Theodore Basel, otherwise called Thomas Beacon, John Frith, Roy, and the book commonly called Halles Chronicle, or any of them, in the Latin tongue, Dutch tongue, English tongue, Italian tongue, or French tongue, or any other like book, paper, writing, or work, made, printed, or set forth, by any other person or persons, containing false doctrine contrary, and against the Catholic faith, and the doctrine of the Catholic Church: And also that no person or persons presume to write, printe, utter, sell, read, or keep any, or cause to be written, printed, uttered, or kept, any of the said books, papers, works or writings, or any book or books written or printed in the Latin or English tongue, concerning the common service and administration set forth in English to be used in the Churches of this Realm, in the time of king Edward the sixth, commonly called the Communion book or book of common service and ordering of Ministers, otherwise called The book set forth by authority of Parliament, for common prayer & administration of the Sacraments, or to be used in the mother tongue within the Church of England, but shall within the space of fifteen days next after the publication of this Proclamation, bring or deliver, or cause the said books, writings, and works, and every of them remaining in their custodies and keeping, to be brought and delivered to the Ordinary of the Diocese, where such books, works, or writings be or remain: or to his Chancellor or Commissaries, without fraud, color, or deceit, at the said Ordinaries will and disposition, to be burnt, or otherwise to be used or ordered by the said Ordinaries, as by the Canons or spiritual laws it is in that case limited and appointed, upon pain that every offender contrary to this Proclamation, shall incur the danger and penalties contained in the said Statute, and as they will avoid their Majesty's high indignation and displeasure, and further answer at their uttermost pearils.
And their Majesty's by this Proclamation give full power and authority to all Bishops and Ordinaries, and all Justices of peace, Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs of Cities and Towns corporate, and other head Officers within this Realm and the dominions thereof, and expressly commandeth and willeth the same and every of them, that they and every of them within their several limites and jurisdictions, shall in the default & negligence of the said Subiectes, after the said fifteen days expired, inquire and search out the said books, writings and works, and for this purpose enter into the house or houses, closets, and secreate places of every person, of what so ever degree, being negligent in this behalf, and suspected to keep any such boke, writing, or works, contrary to this Proclamation: And that the said Justices, Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and other head Officers above specified, and every of them within their said limites and jurisdictions, fineding any of the said subjects negligent and faulty in this behalf, shall commit every such offender to Warde, there to remain without baile or mainprise, till the same offender or offenders have received such punishment, as the said Statute doeth limit and appoint in this behalf. Geuen under our Signs Manuel, at our Honor of Hampton Courte, the thirteen day of June, the first and second years of our reigns.
Articles to be inquired upon by the wardones of every, company, touching seditious books, especially touching the book called A Warning for England.
1 WHether they have seen any of the forsaid books.
2 Whether they have heard of any of the said books.
3 Where they were, and in what place they have seen them.
4 Whome they know to have lately come from beyond the sea, especially from Zürich, Strausbrough, Frankford, Wezel, Emden, and Disburge.
5 Whome they know, or vehemently suspect to be common cariers of letters or money thither from hence.
6 That they bring to my Lord Major all such seditious books as they have, or shall have found hereafter.
In this proclamation thou hast heard (Christian reader) the profounde and learned Censure of the Catholic Church of England, what books they mislike and reject as heretical, schismatical, and pernicious. Against the which Catholic censure of these learned fathers, I have not at this time to infer: neither doeth my laisure serve now to write Apologies in defense of these Authors here condemned. Only so much leave it may please the reader to grant me to set before him here a pair of balance, where in to weigh the books on the one side condemned, with y e books on the other side allowed, to the end that we waying the one with the other, may discern the better between them, which part weigheth best with God's holy truth and true catholic church against manifest idolatry and palpable abomination. And now therefore, as they have in this present proclamation given their condemnation upon these books above recited, so I desire thee to give thy censure upon their books by them allowed, and upon the matter in them contained, and mark well what good stuff it is.
And first to begin with the Primer in English for children after the use of Salisburye, Imprinted with Priueledge according unto the Kinge and Queens Majesty's letters pa • entes in the reign of Queen Mary. Lette us repeat and survey some part of the said Primer (for to express all it were too long) beginning with the first lesson of our Lady, in these words:
Holye Mary: mother most pure of virgins all: mother and daughter of the king celestial: So comfort us in our desolation: That by thy prayer and special meditation, we enjoy the reward of the heavenly reign. &c.
Confer this with the Scriptures, good reader, and judge uprightly whether this doctrine • e tolerable in the Church or not.
It followeth more in the second Lesson.
In the third lesson.
The Uersicle.
Pray for the people, entreat for the Clergy, make enter cession for the devout womankinde, let all feel thy help that worthily solemnise thy memorial. &c.
An other Uersicle.
Holy Mother of God make thy petition, that we may deserve Christ's promission. &c.
And in the Anthem after Benedictus, thus it followeth.
We beseech thee of thy pity to have us in remembrance, & to make means for us unto Christ, that we being supported by thy help, may deserve to attain the kingdom of heaven.
Furthermore in the Collect after it followeth.
And grant that through the gracious intercession of the virgins thy mother, we may be delivered from this present heaviness, and have the fruition of eternal gladness.
It followeth moreover in the said Primer thus, concerning the material Cross.
O God which haste ascended thy most holy Cross, and hast given light to the darkness of the world, vouchsafe by the virtue of thy Cross to illumine, visit, and comfort both our hearts and bodies. &c.
Moreover, in the name of S. John Baptist thus it prayeth.
O Lord defend us always through the continual succors of S. John the Baptist. For the more frail we be, the more need we have to be relieved with necessary prayers. &c.
In which words note (good reader) not only the absurdity of doctrine, but also the stolidity of the reason. For where their doctrine pretendeth that saint John Baptist should pray for us, here we pray to God for s. John the Baptist, that he will hear his prayer praying for us. It followeth furthermore in the name of Peter and Paul.
Hear us mercifully▪ and grant that through the merits of them both, we may obtain the glory everlasting. &c.
And of S. Andrew.
So let him (O Lord) be a continual petitioner for us to thee. &c.
Of S. Laurence thus.
S. Laurence the Deacon did work a good work. For by the virtue of the holy cross he gave sight to the blind. &c.
And howe can this be true, when the holy Cross was not yet found in the time of s. Laurence. For Helen which first found the cross (as they say) came after S. Laurence more then 40. years.
To Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterburye.
Of S. Nicholas.
O God which hast glorified blessed Nicholas thy holy Bishop with innumerable miracles grant we beseech thee, that by his merits & prayers we may be delivered from the fire of hell.
Of Mary Magdalene.
Grant we beseech thee, through thy mercy, to let her purchase for us the bliss everlasting. &c.
An other prayer of our Lady.
An other prayer in the said Primer to our Lady.
Item.
Holy mother succor the miserable, comfort the weak spirited, give courage to the desperate, pray for the people, make intercession for the Clergy, and be a mean for the devout womankinde. &c.
An other blasphemous prayer.
An other blasphemy in the said Primer.
Hail Queen mother of mercy, our life, our sweetness, our hope Unto thee do we cry and sigh, weeping and wailing. Come of therefore our Patronesse, cast upon us thy pitiful eyes, and after this our banishmente, show to us the blessed fruit of thy womb. O gate of glory be for us a reconciliation unto the father and the son. From the wretched their faults expel: wype the spots of sins unclean. &c.
Item to our Lady.
Item.
Grant we beseech thee, that by her merits and prayers we may attain to that unspeakable joy, whereas she being assumpt, doth now enjoy with thee in heaven forever.
And thus much hitherto of this catholic Primer, called our Ladies matins. Wherunto if it were not tedious for the Reader, we would also adjoin our Ladies Psalter, to the intent that all indifferent Readers, as they have seen what books these Catholic fathers have condemned and do condemn for heretical: so the same may also see & judge what books on y e other side they approve as lawful and Catholic. And for as much as it is not known peradventure to all men, what our Ladies Psalter is, or what it meaneth: yea, and some peradventure will deny any such book of our ladies psalter to be writ̄ or approved, here therefore we will first produce the name of the author, who was Bonaventure a Seraphical doctor, bishop also & Cardinal, canonised moreover by Pope Sixtus 4. an. 1482. for a saint in the Calēdar, who in his boke thus entitled in Latin: Incipit Psalterium beatae virginis, compilatum per Seraphicum Doctorem Sanctum Bonauenturam Episcopum Albanensem, necnon sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Praesbyterum Cardinalem, in honorem genetricis. &c. Fol. 84. in the second part of his whole works (which were imprinted at Argentine. An. 1495.) to show him self a devout servant to his Lady, hath taken every Psalm of David's Psalter (which he peculiarly made and referred to almighty God) and hath in diverse of the said Psalms and verses put out the name of the Lord, and hath placed in the name of our Lady. This being done through the whole Psalms & everyone of them, it is now called our Ladies Psalter, used to be song & said in the praise and service of our Lady. A brief taste whereof for examples sake (for to show all it were too long) we thought here to exhibit unto the reader, in order as followeth.
The title in English of this Psalter.
Here beginneth the Psalter of the blessed Virgin, made by the Seraphical Doctoure S. Bonaventure, the Bishop of Albane, and Cardinal of the holy Church of Rome. &c.
1 BEatus vir, qui intelligit nomen tuum Maria virgo, gratia tua animam eius confortabit. Tanquam aquarum fontibus irrigatum vberrimum in eo fructum iusticiae propagabis. &c. Vniuersas enim foeminas vincis pulchritudine carnis: superas Angelos & Archangelos excellentia sanctitatis Misericordia tua & gratia vbique praedicatur. &c. Gloria patri. That is to say.
Blessed is the man which understandeth thy name, O virgins Marie, thy grace shall comfort his soul. Thou shalt bring forth in him the most plentiful fruit of justice, being watered as it were, with fountains of water. All women thou passest in the beauty of thy body, all Angels and Archaungels in the excellency of thy holiness. Thy mercy and thy grace is magnified everywhere. &c. Glory be to the father. &c.
2 Quare fremuerunt inimici nostri & aduersum nos meditati sunt inania? Protegat nos dextera tua Mater Dei vt acies terribiliter confundens & destruens eos. Venite ad eam, qui laboratis & tribulati estis, & dabit refrigerium animabus vestris. Accedite ad eam in tentationibus vestris, & stabiliet vos serenitas vultus eius Benedicite illam in toto cord vestro, misericordia enim illius plena est te • ra. &c. Gloria patri. &c.
Why do our enemies freat and imagine vain things against us? Let thy right hand defend us o mother of god, terribly cō • ounding & destroying them as a sword. Come unto her all ye y t labor and are troubled, and she will give rest unto your souls. Come unto her in your temptations, and her loving countenance shall stablish & comfort you. Bless her with all your heart: for the earth is full of her mercy. Glory be to the father. &c.
3 Domina quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me? In tempestate tua persequeris & dissipabis eos. Dissolue colligationes impietatis nostrae: tolle fasciculos peccatorum nostrorum. Miserere mei Domina & sana infirmitatem meam: tolle dolorem & angustiam cordis mei. Ne tradas me manibus inimicorum meorum, & in die mortis meae comforta animam meam. Deduc me ad portum salutis, & spiritum meum red factori meo.
Why are they so many O Lady that trouble me? In thy surye thou shalt persecute and destroy them. Loose the bonds of our impiety, and take away the burden of our sins. Have mercy upon me, O lady, and heal my infirmity. Take away my sorrow and the anguish of my heart. Deliver me not into the hands of mine enemies, & in the day of my death comfort my soul. Bring me unto the haven of salvation, and restore my spirit unto my maker and creator. Glory be to the. &c.
4 Cum inuoca • em▪ exaudisti me Domina, & e sublimi solio tuo mei dignata es recordari. A rugientibus praeparatis ad escam & de manibus quaerentium me liberabit gratia tua. Quoniam benigna est misericordia & pietas tua in omnes, qui inuocant nomen sanctum tuum. Benedicta sis Domina in aeternum, & maiestas tua in seculum. Glorificate eum omnes gentes. &c.
When I called to thee, thou heardest me, O my Lady, and out of thy high throne thou didst vouchsafe to think upon me. From the roaring of them that prepare themselves to devour me, & out of the hands of such as seek after my life, thy grace shall deliver me: Because thy mercy and thy pity are great towards all them that call upon thy holy name. Blessed be thou O Lady forever, and thy majesty forever and ever. Glorify her all nations of the earth. &c.
5 Verba mea auribus percipe Domina. &c. Conuerte luctum nostrum in gaudium, & tribulationem nostram in iubilationem. Corruant ante pedes nostros inimici nostri: virtute tua eorum capita conterantur. &c.
Hear my words O Lady. &c. Turn our mourning into gladness, and our trouble into rejoicing. Let our enemies fall before our feet, & wich thy power dash their he • s in pieces.
6 Domina ne in furore dei sinas corripi me, neque in ira eius iudicari. &c. De porta infe • i & de ventre abyssi tuis sanctis precibus libera nos. Aperiantur nobis ianuae sempiternae, vt enarremus in aeternum mirabilia tua. Quia non mortui, neque qui in inferno sunt, laudabunt te domina, sed qui tua gratia vitam aeternam obtinebunt.
O lady suffer me not to be rebuked in gods anger, nor to be chastened in his heavy displeasure. &c. From y e gate and deep pit of hell, with thy holy prayers deliver us. Let the everlasting gates be opened, that we may show forth thy marvelous works forever. Because the dead: nor they that be in hell, shall not praise thee O Lady, but they shall obtain by thy grace life everlasting.
7 Domina mea in te speraui, de inimicis meis libera me Domina. Conclude ora Leonis, & labia persequentium constringe. Non moreris propter nomen tuum facere nobis misericordiam tuam. Splendor vultus tui fulgeat super nos, vt seruetur conscientia nostra apud altissimum. Si persequitur inimicus animam meam Domina, adiutorio tuo comforter, ne vibret gladiū suum contra me.
O my Lady, in thee do I put my trust: deliver me from mine enemies o Lady. Stoppe the mouth of the Lion, and bind the lips of the persecutors, make no tarrying for thy names sake, to show thy mercy upon me. Let the brightness of thy countenance shine upon us, that our conscience may be saved before the most highest. If the enemy do persecute my soul O Lady, help me that he destroy me not.
9 Confitebor tibi Domina in toto cord meo, & narrabo in populis laudem & gloriam tuam. &c Inueniant gratiam per te inuentricem gratiae & salutis: Respirant ad indulgētiam humiles poenitentes: sana contritiones cordis eorum. &c.
I will give thanks to thee O Lady with my whole heart, and will show forth amongst the nations thy praise and glory. &c. They shall find grace through thee, the sinder out of grace and salvation, the humble and penytent groan for pardon and forgiveness, heal thou the sores of their heart. &c.
11 In Domina confido. &c. Exquirite illam a inuentute vestra & glorificabit vos. &c. Misericordia illius nostrorum auferat multitudinem peccatorum, & foecūditatem nobis conferat meritorum. &c.
In thee O lady do I put my trust. &c. Seek her even from your youth: and she shall glorify you. &c. Her mercy take from us the multitude of our sins, and give unto us plenteousness of merits. &c.
12 Saluum me fac mater pulchrae dilectionis, sons clemenciae. &c. Gyrum terrae sola circuis, vt subuenias inuocantibus te. &c.
Save me O mother of Love, & fountain of mercy. &c. Thou thyself alone haste gone about the compass of the earth, to help them that call upon thee, &c.
13 Vsquequo domina obliuisceris me, & non liberas me in d • e tribulationis? vsquequo exaltabitur inimicus meus super me▪ potentia virtutis tuae contere ipsum. &c. Magnificamus te gratiae inuentricem, per quam saecula reparantur. &c.
How long doest thou forget me O Lady, and dost not deliver me in the day of my trouble? Howe long shall mine enemy triumph over me? With thy mighty power destroy him. &c. We magnify thee the finder & the author of grace, by whom the world is repaired. &c.
16 Conserua me domina, quoniam speraui in te. &c. Benedicta sint vbera tua, quibus lacte deifico saluatorem enutristi. &c.
Preserue me O Lady, for in thee have I put my trust. &c. Blessed be thy breasts, which with thy deifying milk diddest nourish the Savior. &c.
18 Diligam te domina coeli & terrae: in gentibus nomen tuum inuocabo. Confitemini illi tribulati cord, & roborabit vos contra inimicos vestros &c. Religiosi omnes honorate illam, quia ipsa est adiutrix vestra & specialis aduocata. Esto refrigerium nostrum gloriosa mater Christi, quia tu es totius religions mirabile firmamentum.
I will love thee O Lady of heaven and earth: I will call upon thy name among the nations. Confess yourselves unto her, ye that are troubled in heart, and she shall strengthen you against your enemies. &c. Al ye cloisterers honor her, for she is your helper and special advocate. Be thou our refreshing and rest, for thou art the marvelous foundation of all religion.
20 Exaudi nos Domina in die tribulationis. &c. Ne proijcias nos in tempore mortis nostrae, sed succurre animae, cum deseruerit corpus suum. Mitte Angelum in occursum eius per quem ab hostibus defendatur &c. Sentiat in poenis refrigerium tuum, & concede ei locum inter electos Dei.
Here us O Lady in the day of trouble, &c. Cast us not away in the time of our death, but succor our soul when it forsaketh the body. Sende an Angel to meet it, that it may be defended from the enemies. &c. In torments and pains let it feel thy comfort, and grant to it a place among the elects of God.
25 Ad te Domina leuaui animam. &c. Nō praeualeant aduersum me laquei mortis. &c. Ductrix mea esto ad patriam, & me coetui angelorum digneris aggregare:
To thee O Lady do I lift up my soul. &c. Let not the snares of death prevail against me. &c. Be thou my guide to the heavenly rest, and to the company of Angels associate me.
26 Iudica me Domina, quoniam ab innocentia mea digressus sum: sed quia speraui in te, non infirmabor. &c.
Judge thou me, O Lady, for I am fallen from mine innocence: but because I put my trust in thee, therefore I shall not fall. &c.
27 Domina illuminatio mea sit splendor faciei tuae. &c. serenitas gratiae tuae refulgeat menti meae. &c.
O Lady let the brightness of thy face be my light, and let the clearness of thy grace shine unto my mind. &c.
28 Ad te Domina clamabo. &c. Miserere mei in die angustiae meae, & in luce veritatis tuae libera me.
To thee O Lady. &c. Have mercy upon me in the day of my trouble, and in the light of thy truth deliver me. &c.
31 In te Domina speraui, non confundar in aeternum, in gloria tua suscipe me. Tu es fortitudo mea & refugium meum▪ consolatio mea & protectio mea. &c. Educas me de laqueo, quem abscōderunt mihi, quoniam tu es adiutrix mea. In manus tuas Domina commendo spiritum meum.
In thee O Lady do I put my trust, let me not be confounded forever, in thy glory receive me. Thou art my strength & my refuge, my consolation and protection, &c. Deliver me from the snare that they have laid for me, because thou art my helper. Into thy hands I commend my spirit, &c.
34 Benedicam Dominam in omni tempore. &c. In periculis, in rebus dubijs invocate eam, & in necessitatibus inuenietis auxilium, &c. Sumite exemplum conuersationis eius & emulamini studia humilitatis eius. Quia ergo Domina humillima fuisti, verbum increatum ex te carnem suscipere coegisti.
I will always praise our Lady, &c. In perils, in adversity call upon her, and in time of need ye shall find succor. Let her conversation be an example unto you, and follow the virtue of her humility. Because therefore, O Lady thou wast humbly and lowly, thou didst compel the word increate to take flesh of thee.
36 Dixit iniustus. &c. A malo proposito discedat mater Dei. Inclina vultum Dei super nos: Coge illum peccatoribus misereri, &c. Benedictum sit imperium tuum super coelos: benedicta sit magnificentia tua super terram.
The wicked man said, &c. Let him depart from his evil purpose, O mother of God turn the countenance of God toward us: Compel him to be merciful unto sinners. Blessed be thy Imperie and dominion in heaven, & • lessed be thy magnificence upon the earth.
45 Eructauit cor meum verbum bonum Domina, &c. Per tuam sanctitatem peccata mea purgentur: per tuam integritatem mihi incorruptibilitas condonetur, &c.
My heart is inditing a new matter O Lady. &c. By thy holiness let my sins be purged, by thy integrity let me obtain incorruption. &c.
47 Omnes gentes plaudite manibus. &c. Quoniā ipsa est porta vitae▪ ianua salutis, & vitae nostrae reconciliatrix: spes poenitentium, solamen lugentium, pax beata cordium atque salus. Miserere mei Domina, miserere mei, quia tu es lux & spes omnium cōfidentium in te. &c.
Clap your hands all ye people. &c. For she is the gate of life, the door of salvation, the reconciler of our life: the hope of the penitent, the comfort of the sorrowful, the blessed peace of hearts, and salvation. Have mercy upon me O Lady, have mercy vpō me, for thou art the light & hope of all that put their trust in thee.
51 Miserere mei Domina, quae mater misericordiae nuncuparis. Et secundum viscera miserationum tuarum munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis. &c.
Have mercy upon me O Lady, which art called the mother of mercy, and in the bowels of thy great compassion cleanse me from mine iniquities.
54 Domina in Nomine tuo saluum me fac, & ab iniusticijs meis libera me. &c.
O Lady in thy name save me, and from mine unrighteousness deliver me. &c.
70 Domina in adiutorium meum intend. &c. Misererere seruorum tuorum super quos inuocatum est nomen tuum, &c.
Make hast O Lady to help me. &c. Have mercy on thy servants, upon whom thy name is invocated. &c.
71 In te Domina speraui, non confundar in aeternum, in tua misericordia libera me. &c.
In thee Lady have I put my trust: let me not confounded forever, in thy mercy deliver me, &c.
79 Domina venerunt gentes in haereditatem Dei quas tu meritis tuis Christo confederasti &c.
O Lady, the Gentiles are come into the inheritance of God, whom thou diddest join unto Christ by thy merits, &c.
89 Qui regis Israel, &c. Odor vitae de illa progreditur & omnis salus de cord illius scaturizat.
Thou that rulest Israel, &c. The savior of life cometh from her, and all health floweth out of her heart, &c.
91 Qui habitat in adiutorio matris Dei in protectione ipsius commorabitur. &c. Clamate ad illam in periculis vestris & flagellum non appropinquabit tabernaculo vestro. Fructus gratiae inueniet qui sperauerit in illa, porta paradisi reserabitur ei.
Who so dwelleth in the help of the Mother of God, shall dwell in the shadow of her protection. &c. Cry unto her in your dangers, and the scourge shall not come nere your tabernacle. The fruit of Grace shall be to him who so trusteth in her, and the gate of Paradise shall be open to him.
95 Venite exultemus Dominae nostrae. &c. Suscipe in fine animas nostras, & introduc nos in requiem aeternam. &c.
Come, let us rejoice to our Lady, &c. Receyue our souls at our last ende, and bring them into everlasting rest, &c.
105 Confitemini Dominae nostrae, & invocate nomen eius, &c. Salus sempiterna in manu tua, Domina. &c.
Praise our Lady and call upon her name. &c. Euerlasting salvation is in thy hand O Lady, &c.
110 Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae, seed mater mea a dextris meis &c.
The Lord said unto our Lady: sit here my mother on my right hand. &c,
114 In exitu animae meae ex hoc mundo occur ei Domina & suscipe eam &c. Esto illi scala ad regnum coelorum & iter rectum ad paradisum Dei. &c.
In the passing of my soul out of this world, come and meet it O Lady, and receive it, &c. Be to it a ladder unto the kingdom of heaven, and a right way to the Paradise of God, &c.
119 Miserationibus tuis plena est terra, ideo viam iustificationum tuarum exquisiui. &c. Concupiscam in aeternum laudare te Domina cum docueris me iustificationes tuas. &c.
The whole earth is full of thy mercies, and therefore I will search out the way of thy justifications. &c. I will covet forever to praise thee O Lady, when thou shalt teache me thy justifications. &c.
125 Qui confidunt in te mater Dei, non timebunt à facie inimici. &c.
They that put their trust in thee O mother of God, shall not be afraid of the face of their enemy. &c.
127 Nisi Domina aedificauerit domum cordis nostri, non permanebit aedificium eius.
Except our Lady shall build the house of our heart, the building thereof shall not continue, &c.
128 Beati omnes qui timent Dominam nostram, & beati omnes qui sciunt facere voluntatem tuam. &c.
Blessed is everyone that feareth our Lady, and blessed be all they which know to do her will. &c.
130 De profundis clamaui ad te Domina, Domina exaudi vocem meam: Fiant aures tuae intendentes, &c.
Out of the deep I have called unto thee O Lady, O Lady hear my voice, &c.
132 Memento Domina David & omnium inuocantium nomen tuum. &c.
O Lady remember David and all them that call upon thy name. &c.
134 Ecce nunc benedicite Dominam omnes qui speratis in nomine sancto eius. &c.
Behold and bless now our Lady, all ye that put your trust in her holy name.
136 Super flumina Babylonis. &c. Non inuenietur propitiatio sine illa. &c.
At the floods of Babylon, &c. There is no propitiation to be found without her. &c.
140 Eripe me Domina ab omni malo, & ab host inferni defend me. &c.
Deliver me O Lady from all evil, and from the infernal enemy defend me. &c.
145 Oculi nostri sperant in te Domina. Mitte nobis cibum & escam delectantem. Laudationem tuam loquitur lingua mea & benedicam te in seculum seculi.
Our eyes look up and trust in thee, do thou send us meat and food convenient. &c. My tongue shall speak thy praise, and shall bless thee forever.
148 Lauda Jerusalem Dominam, glorifica illam etiam ô Zion. Ipsa enim construit muros tuos & filios tuos benedicit. Gratia sua te impinguat, pacem{que} donat terminis tuis.
Praise thou our Lady O Jerusalem, and glorify her also O thou Zion, for she buildeth up thy walls, and blesseth thy children, her grace maketh thee fat, & giveth peace unto thy coasts. &c.
I could also recite other things moe of like blasphemy following immediately after this Psalter of our Lady, in the Seraphical doctor aforesaid, as these.
Ecce Domina Saluatrix mea, fiducialiter agam in te, & non timebo. &c. Quia fortitudo mea es tu. &c. Et facta es mihi in salutem. i Behold O Lady my Savior, I will be bold in thee, and will not fear. &c. Because thou art my strength, &c. And art become my salvation. &c.
Exulta totum genus humanum, quia talem dedit tibi mediatricem dominus Deus tuus. i. Rejoice O all mankind, because the Lord thy God hath given unto thee such a Mediatrix. &c.
Confitebor tibi domina, quia abscondisti haec à sapientibus, & reuelasti ea paruulis. i. I will confess to thee O Lady, because thou hast hid these things from the wise, and hast revealed them to the little ones. &c.
Generatio praua atque peruersa agnosce Dominam nostram salutricem tuā. Nunquid ipsa est mater tua quae possidet te, & in fide generauit te? i. O thou wicked and peevish generation, knowledge our Lady thy savior. Is not she the mother that hath possessed thee, and in faith hath begotten thee?
O benedicta in manibus tuis reposita est nostra salus. i. O thou blessed, in thy hands is laid up our salvation, &c.
I nomine tuo omne genu flectatur, coelestium. &c. In thy name let every knee bend, in heaven and earth, and in hell.
Quemadmodum infans sine nutrice non potest viuere: ita nec sine Domina nostra posses habere salutem. i. Like as the in • ant cannot live without the nurse, so neither canst thou have salvation without our Lady.
Quicunque vult saluus esse ante omnia opus est vt teneat de Maria firmam fidem. Quam nisi quisque in integram inuiolatamque seruauerit, absque dubio in aeternum peribit. i. Who so will be saved, before all things he must needs hold his belief of our Lady, which belief, unless everyone shall hold perfect and sound, shall perish without doubt forever.
Moreover, after these so horrible things & intolerable to be heard, consequently in the next tractation followeth the rosary or garland of our Lady, compiled by the said S. Bonaventure: wherein these words are to be red as followeth: O Mediatrix between God and man, the Lord hath worthily magnified thee, that thou only shouldst conceive his son &c. Wherefore O good Mary our mediatrix, mother of Grace, and mother of Mercy. &c. And moreover within few lines it followeth in these words: Therefore O our Empresse and Lady most bountiful, by the authority of a Mother command, command (I say) thy well-beloved son, that he will stir up our minds from the love of worldly things, to heavenly desires. &c.
Item, O the Advocate of the miserable, the eyes of thy servants be directed to thee. &c.
To these premisses, I might also adjoin the horrible and most blasphemous words of the said Bonaventure in the said book, Fol. 100. pag. 2. col. 1. which I beseech thee to read and note. Quae major bonitas quam quod Christus. i. What greater goodness can be, then that Christ is content to be captive upon the alter.
Whereupon he speaketh in the person of Jeremiah, saying. Behold, I am in your hands, do with me as you see good. &c. Where note (saith he) that when any Duke or prince • s taken prisoner for his subjects, he is not let go, before he pay some great sum of money for his ransom. Even so neither we ought to let Christ go out of our hands being our prisoner and captive except he grant unto us remission of our sins and his heavenly kingdom. The priest therefore lifteth up the body of Christ upon the alter: as though he said thus: behold him whom the whole world is not able to comprehend, he is holden here our captive, wherefor let us hold him fast and not let him go before we obtain of him our requests. &c.
Notes.
Is not here good Catholic stuff (christen Readers) trow you? Confer I beseech you this doctrine with the doctrine of the Apostles, which teach us that we are fully complete in Christ, and I will refer me to no better judge then to your own conscience. And now therefore, if any mā have been in doubt in times past of the doctrine and proceedings of the church of Rome, whether it be rightly charged with blind errors, with blasphemy intolerable, & Idolatry abominable or not, here now may he be fully certified & resolved. For where was ever idolatry or blasphemy to be found, if it be not here in this Mattins & Psalter of our Lady? If Idolatry be to make an idol to be worshipped as God, which is no God, what do we here but make an idol of our Lady (as we call her) to be worshipped with no less dignity, glory, authority, reverence, and service, then is the Lord God himself. As he is called our Lord, so she is called our lady. And if he be king, yet she is the queen of heavē. And though he have the name of god, yet she bereth so the title of the mother of God, that as mothers have authority over their children, so she is willed to show her self to be his mother, to cause him to grant our petitions. Finally, if he be our patron, yet is she our patronesse. The commandment saith: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. And what worship or service can we give to God, more then we do ascribe unto her? Or what benefit is to be asked at y e hands of Christ our Savior, which is not equally asked of her? To save our souls, to give us peace, to grant grace, to comfort the desperate, to loose our captivity, to release our sins, to deliver from the fiend, to bring to heaven. &c. to her we pray, we cry, we creep, we sigh, we groan, we knock and kneel, to her we trust, and if we believe not also in our Lady, we be heretics ipso facto.
Furthermore, as Christ our only Lord and Savior hath his Church and Congregation which professeth his name, of whom we are called Christians: so neither is she likewise without her chapels, her cloisters, her Chapters, fraternities and brotherhoods, which professing her name in like sort, are called our Ladies brethren, or white friers, besides an innumerable sort of other patrons of churches, of whom everyone hath his peculiar church and religion by himself, yet all these together be included under the general devotion of our Lady their supreme patronesse and governess.
Now to proceed further to the other prrt of the commandment, which saith: Him only shalt thou serve: What service hath the Lord in all the church, but our Lady also jointly with him hath the like? Her Mass, her Mattins, her Evensong, her Houres and Complin, her Rosaries, her Anthems, her Collects, her Primer, her Psalter, her holy days likewise, yea five to one. Finally, as y e Lord hath his prayer called the Lord's prayer, so hath she her Ave Mary's, yea x. Aues to one Pater noster: yea, & read further in the said Bonaventure, and ye shall see her also to have her Te Deum, her Benedictus, her Magnificat, and also her Quicunque vult.
If the Lord our God had not expressed unto us his own will by plain word, limiting unto us by express injunction, what to believe, what to follow, & how to worship and serve him, & how to receive from him our salvation, but had left us to the imagination of our own inventions, every man to shift for himself after his own policy, then peradventure this way taken by the Popes Church, to make friends & mediators between God and us, for reconciliation, remission & salvation, might have some ryme or reason: but now gods word doth bind us, doth prescribe and limit us precisely in every point touching salvation, what to believe, & what to do, showing us plainly, that we cannot be saved, but by the blood of his son only, neither cā be justified but by faith only in y e same Christ his son. Wherefore not to believe that which he hath promised is infidelity, and to follow any other belief then he hath set us, is plain idolatry. The which ii. special errors most commonly do follow the doctrine of the Romish church, as not only in this primer and psalter of our Lady aforesaid, but also in all their proceedings, teachings, and preachings besides, may well appear. For where the scripture perfectly doth promise and pronounce us to be justified through our faith in Christ, & willeth us to seek our salvation nowhere else, but only in the merits of Jesus: the institution of the church of Rome neither will receive that God hath freely given (wherein standeth infidelity) neither yet will seek the same there where as they should, but in the merits and prayers of our Lady, of S. John the Baptist, s. Peter and Paul, s. Andrew, s. Nicholas, s. Thomas of Canterbury, & by the worthiness of the material cross, and such other unlawful means, wherein standeth plain idolatry. And yet such books as these can be suffered among the Catholics to be currant, as good, wholesome and lawful books, where as the other which lead us the true way from infidelity and blind idlatry, to true christianity in no wise can be sufferable. But of this to complain, it is vain. Wherefore to pass from this proclamation, let us proceed (God willing) in the course of our history.
The story of Thomas Osmond, William Bamford, and Thomas Osborne Martyrs.
MEntion was made before in the story of Thomas Haukes, of six prisoners besides, whithe were sent down with him to Essex the same time as he went to execution. Of which six prisoners, three were sent to be burned, the other three to recant, and to do penance: of whom it followeth next in story now to entreat. The names of which six were these, Thomas Osmund Fuller, William Bamford, alias Butler, Weaver, Thomas Osborne Fuller, Nicholas Chamberlain Weaver, Thomas Brodehill Weaver, Richard Webbe Weaver: being all of the town of Coxehall. All which six Coxehall men next after the Examinations of Thomas Haukes and Thomas Watts, were sent up to Boner to be examined by the Earl of Oxford and sir Phillip Paris knight, with a letter with them also sent, the copy whereof here followeth.
A letter sent from the Earl of Oxford to Boner B. of London.
AFter our hearty commendations unto your good Lordship, this shall be to advertise the same y t the Constables of Coxehall within your Dioces, have brought before us this day 6. persons dwelling in the town of Coxhal, aforesaid, whose names hereafter do follow, videlicet, Nicholas Chamberlain Weaver, John Wallet Fuller, Tho. Brody Weaver, Rich. Web Weaver, William Bamford alias Butler, Weaver, and Tho. Osborne Fuller, for that they at the feast of Easter now last, have not obeyed to the order of the holy catholic Church in receiving of the sacraments: but o • stinately refusing the same, besides the holding of diverse other opinions, contrary to the faith of the said church. Wherefore we have thought it good to send the same persons unto your good lordship, further to be ordered, as in such case shall appertain. Thus we commit your good Lordship to the keeping of almighty God.
From Hedingham the 1. of May. 1555.
Your Lordships assuredly. Oxford. Phillip Paris.
Thus the said prisoners being sent up the first day of May, were brought before the said Bishop the xvij. of the said month to be examined, upon diverse and sundry Articles ministered & objected against them: whereunto they were compelled to answer and to put their hands to the same: the copy of which their Articles and answers, being all one in form and effect (if the Register say true) here followeth.
The copy of the Articles objected against Thomas Osmond, William Bamford, and Nicholas Chamberlayne of Coxehall.
1. FIrst that thou Thomas Osmund Fuller, wast and art of the Parish of Coxehall, within the Dioces of London, and thou hast not believed nor doest believe that there is here in the earth one Catholic & universal whole Church, which doth hold and believe all the faith & Religion of Christ, and all the necessary Articles & sacraments of the same.
2. Item, that thou hast not believed nor doest believe that thou art necessarily bounden under the pain of damnation, of thy soul, to give full faith and credence unto y e said Catholic and universal Church, and to the faith and religion of the same in all necessary points of the said faith and religion, without doubting or wavering in the said faith and religion, or in any part thereof.
3. Item, that thou hast not believed that the faith and religion, which both the Church of Rome, Italy, Spain, England, France, Ireland, Scotland, and all other churches in Europe, being true members and partes of the said Catholic and universal Church do believe & teach, is both agreeing with the faith and religion of Christ, and also is the very true faith and religion, which all Christian people ought to believe, observe, follow, and keep: but contrariwise, thou hast believed, and doest believe, that that faith and religion, which the said church of Rome, & all the other Churches aforesaid, have heretofore believed, and do believe is false, erroneous, and naught, & in no wise ought to be believed, observed, kept, and followed of any Christian person.
4. Item, that albeit it be true that in the sacrament of the altar, there is in substance the very body and blood of our savior Christ under the forms of bread and wyne: & albeit that it be so believed, taught and preached undoubtedly in the said church of Rome and all other churches aforesaid, yet thou hast not so believed, nor doest so believe, but contrariwise thou hast believed, and doest believe firmly and steadfastly, that there is not in the said sacrament of the altar, under the said forms of bread and wyne, the very substance of Christ's body and blood, but that there is only the substance of material and common bread and wine, with the forms thereof, and that the said material & common bread and wyne are only the signs and tokens of Christ's body and blood, and are by faith to be received only for a remembrance of Christ's passion and death, without any such substance of Christ's body and blood at all.
5. Item, that thou hast believed and taught, and hast openlie spoken and defended, and so doest believe, think, maintain and defend, that the very true receiving and eating of Christ's body and blood, is only to take material and common bread, and to break it, and distribute it amongst the people, remembering thereby the passion and death of Christ only.
6. Item, that thou hast likewise believed, thought, and spoken, that the mass now used in this realm of England and other the churches aforesaid, is abominable & naught, and full of idolatry, and is of the ordinance of the Pope & not of the institution of Christ: and hath no goodness in it saving the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospel, and therefore thou hast not, nor wilt not come and be present at mass, nor receive the sacrament of the altar, nor any other sacrament of the church, as they are now used in this realm of England. &c.
7. Item, that thou hast in times past believed, & yet doest now believe, that auricular confession is not necessary to be made unto the priest: but is a thing superfluous, void, and naught, only to be made to God, & to none other person. And likewise thou hast condemned as superfluous, vain and unprofitable, all the ceremonies of the church, and the service of the same, and hast said that no service in the church ought to be said but in the English tongue, and if it be otherwise, it is unlawful and naught.
8. Item, that thou being notoriously and openly suspected for an heretic, and a person culpable in the premisses, was of late called and cōuented before the Earl of Oxford, and M. Phillip Paris, and there was charged with the said heresies, especially against the sacrament of the altar. And because thou didst maintain and stand to thy said heresies, and wouldst not come to the church and be confessed and receive the said sacrament as other Christian people did, but utterly didst refuse to do the same, thou wast by the said Earl of Oxford, and M. Phillip Paris sent up by a Constable unto me Bishoppe of London, and was by them denounced, detected, and put up to me as an heretic and misbeleuyng person.
9. Item, that thou hast known and believed, thou doest know and believe, or at the least thou hast credibly heard reported, spoken, and said, that all and all manner persons, which do teach, preach, or hold anything concerning the sacraments of thr Church, or any the articles of the faith, otherwise then is found already discussed and determined by the mother the holy church, or doth call into doubt or question that thing which is already decided or determined by the Church, or that willingly and wittingly do utter openly or privily, any slanderous or blasphemous words concerning the said Sacraments or any of them, or that do preach, teach, or keep any sect or kind of heresy against the wholesome doctrine of the church, & do wittingly, willingly, or obstinately defend the said sect or kind of heresy, are by the Canons of the whole and universal Catholic Church, and also by the Ecclesiastical laws of this Church of England by their so doing, accursed with that curse, which doth separate them from the entry into the Church, from the receiving of the Sacraments, and from the company of faithful people, and are (in continuing in this said sect and heresy) to be pronounced, declared, and taken for heretics, and to be delivered to the secular power, and by the laws temporal of this realm of England, and the custom of the same, to be by the said secular power put to death and burnt for this said sect and heresy.
10 Item, that thou by reason of the premisses wast & art to be pronounced, takē, had, reputed, and judged for a manifest and open, willful and obstinate heretic, for a wicked and cursed person, and to be punished accordingly for the same, according to the said Canon laws, usages, and customs.
*The answers which the said Thomas Osmund William Bamford, and Nicholas Chamberlain severally made unto these Articles.
TO the first they answered and confessed the same to be true, except that they do believe y t there is here in earth one Catholic & whole Church, and that the same church doth hold and believe as is contained in this Article.
To the second they answer, & believe the said Article not to be true: for they say that they have & do believe that they are necessarily bounden under pain of damnatiō of their soul, to give full faith and creed̄ce unto the said Catholic Church & to the faith and religion of the same, in all necessary points of the same faith and religiō, without waueryng or doubting in any part thereof.
To the third they aūswear, that the Church of Rome, & other Churches mentioned in this Article, be not true menbers & partes (as they be used in faith & religion) of the Catholic Church of Christ, & that the faith and religion used in the said Churches, is not agreeable with y e Church of Christ, but are false and erroneous.
To the fourth they answer and say that how so ever the said Churches of Rome and others of Christendom have and do believe touching the Sacrament of the altar, yet they do believe, that in the Sacrament under the forms of bread & wine, there is not the very substance of Christ's body & blood, but that there is only the substance of material bread and wine, & that the same material bread & wyne be only the signs and tokens of Christ's body and blood, and are to be received only for a remembrance of Christ's passion and death, without any substance of Christ's body and blood at all.
To the fi • t Article they answer, that the true receiving and eating of Christ's body, according to Christ's institution, is to take, distribute and eat material bread, and thereby to remember the passion and death of Christ, and so receive by faith (as they believe) Christ's body and blood and not otherwise.
To the sixth they answer the same to be true in every part thereof, except that over and besides the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospel, which they believe to be good they believe the Pater noster and Cre • de use in the Mass be also good.
To the seventh they answer and confess, that auricular confession is not necessary to be made to the Priest: nevertheless they th • ncke that it is necessary to go to such a Priest, as is able to give good counsel. And that for counsel only, and not otherwise. And as concerning the ceremonies of the church, they answer the same to be vain & unprofitable. No service in the Church ought to be said, but only in the English tongue.
To the eight they answer and believe the same to be true in every part thereof, except that they do not believe that they be heretics, or suspected of heresy.
To the ninth, Osmund and Bamford answered, that they referred themselves to the said laws, mentioned in that article, but Chamberlain made no answer at all to this article.
To the tenth, the said Osmond and Bamford answered and said, that by reason of their belief afore by them confessed, they are not to be reputed, taken or judged for willful and obstinate heretics, nor to be punished therefore, as is declared in that article. The other answered nothing.
Scholies upon the foresaid articles.
THese articles in the same form & manner of words are commonly objected to all other that follow after, with the same answers also thereto annexed. In which articles thou mayest note (Reader) the crafty and subtle handling of these Lawyers and Registers, who so deceitfully frame their articles and positions, that unless a man do advisedly consider them, it is hard for a simple man to answer to them, but he shall be snared and entangled. So they paint their Church with such a visage of universal, whole, holy, catholic, as who should say: He that denieth Rome, denieth the holy Church of Christ here in earth. Likewyse in examinyng them, and specially the simple sort in the matter of the Sacrament, to the material bread in the Sacrament, they put this word (only) very captiously and fraudulently, to take them at the worst auauntage, making the people believe that they take the holy Sacrament to be no better then only common bread▪ when they do not so, but make a difference between the same, both in the use, honor, & name thereof.
Agayne, when the Examinates hold but only against the erroneous points of Romish Religion, these bishops in their Interrogatories give out the matter so generally as though the said Examinates in generally spake against all the articles of faith taught in Rome, Spain, England, France, Scotland. &c.
Moreover, concerning Latin service, in such crafty form of words, they propound their article, that it might appear to the people, these men do deny any service to be lawful in any place, country, or language, but only in English.
And as these articles are crafty, captiously and deceitfully in form of words devised by the bishops and their Notaries, so the answers again to the same, be no less subtly framed, & after the most odious manner put down in the name of the Examinates, which being read unto them, thus without further advise they were constrained upon a sudden to subscribe the same with their hands. Whereby if any word escaped their hand, peradventure not considerately subscribed: there the Papists take their advantage against them, to defame them and to bring them into hatred with the people.
These Articles thus propounded and answered, they were until the after none dismissed. At what time they did again appear, and there were examined and trauayled with by fair and flattering speeches, as well of the Bish. as of others his assistance, to recant and revoke their opinions, who notwithstanding remained constant & firm, and therefore after the common usage of their Ecclesiastical laws, were sent away again until the next day being Saturday, and the xviij. day of May. Then in the fore noon the Bishop using his accustomed manner of proceeding: which he hath used before as well with them as w t others, did likewise dismiss them, and at last in the after noon condemned them as heretics, and so delivered thē to the Shirifes, in whose custody they remained vnti • l they were delivered to the shiriffe of Essex, & by him were executed, Chamberlayne at Colchester, the 14. of June, Thomas Osmund at Maningtree, the 15. of June, & William Bamford, alias Butler, at Harwich, the same 15. day in the month of June.
The history of the worthy Martyr and servant of God, M. John Bradford, with his life and acts, and sundry conflicts, with his adversaries, and Martyrdom, at length most constantly suffered for the testimony of Christ and his truth.
A S touching first the country and education of John Bradford, he was borne at Manchester in Lancastershire. His parents did bring him up in learning from his infancy, until he attained such knowledge in the Latin tongue, and skill in writing, that he was able to gain his own living in some honest condition. Then he became servant to sir John Harington knight, who in the great affairs of K. Henry the 8. and K. Edward the 6. which he had in hand when he was Treasurer of the kings camps & building, at diverse times in Bullonois, had such experience of Bradfords activity in writing, of expertnes in the art of Auditors, and also of his faithful trustines, that not only in those affairs, but in many other of his private business he trusted Bradford, in such sort that above all other he used his faithful service.
Thus continued Bradford certain years in a right honest and good trade of life, after the course of this world, like to come forward (as they say) if his mind could so have liked, or had ben givē to the world as many other be. But the Lord which had elected him unto a better function, and preordeined him to preach the gospel of Christ in that hour of grace which in his secret counsel he had appointed, called this his chosen child to the understanding and pertakyng of the same Gospel of life. In which call, he was so truly taught, that forthwith his effectual call was perceived by the fruits. For then Bradford did forsake his worldly affairs & forwardness in worldly wealth, and after the just accompt given to his Master of all his doings, he departed from him, and with marvelous favor to further the kingdom of God by the ministry of his holy word, he gave himself wholly to the study of the holy scriptures. The which his purpose to accomplish the better, he departed from the Temple at London, where the temporal law is studied, and went to the university of Cambridge, to learn by God's law how to further the building of the Lord's Temple. In Cambridge his diligence in study, his profiting in knowledge and godly conversation so pleased all men, that within one whole year after that he had been there, the University did give him the degree of a M. of Art.
Immediately after the Master and fellows of Penbroke hal did give him a fellowship in their College with them: yea that man of God Martin Bucer so lyked him, that he had him not only most dear unto him, but also often times exhorted him to bestow his talent in preaching. Unto which Bradford answered always, that he was unable to serve in that office through want of learning. To the which Bucer was wont to reply, saying: If thou have not fine manchet bread yet give the poor people barley bread, or whatsoever else the Lord hath committed unto thee. And whiles Bradford was thus persuaded to enter into the ministry, Doctor Ridley that worthy Bishop of London and glorious Martyr of Christ, according to the order that then was in the Church of England called him to take the degree of Deacon. Which order because it was not without some such abuse as to the which Bradford would not consent, the Bishop yet perceauyng that Bradford was willing to enter into y e ministry, was content to order him Deacon without any abuse, even as he desired. This being done, he obtained for him a license to preach, and did give him a Prebend in his Cathedral Church of Saint Paul's.
In this preaching office by the space of three years, how faithfully Bradford walked, how diligently he labored, many partes of England can testify. Sharply he opened and reproved sin, sweetly he preached Christ crucified, pithily he impugned heresies and errors, earnestly he persuaded to godly life. After the death of blessed young King Edward the sixth, when Queen Mary had gotten the crown, still continued Bradford diligent in preaching until he was unjustly deprived both of his office & liberty by the Queen and her Council. To the doing whereof, because they had no just cause, they took occasiō to do this injury for such an act, as among Turks and Infidels would have been with thankfulness rewarded, and with great favor accepted, as in deed it did no less deserve.
The fact was this. The xiii. day of August, in the first yere of the reign of Queen Mary, M. Bourne then B. of Bath, made a seditious sermon at Paul's cross in London, as partly is declared before, pag. to set popery abroch, in such sort that it moved the people to no small indignation, being almost ready to pull him out of the pulpit. Neither could the reverence of the place, nor the presence of the B. Boner, who then was his master, nor yet the commandment of the Major of London, whō the people ought to have obeyed, stay their rage: but the more they spake, the more the people were incēsed. At length Bourn seeing the people in such a mood, and himself in such peril (whereof he was sufficiently warned by the hurlyng of a drawn dagger at him as he stood in the pulpit) and that he was put from ending his sermon, fearing least against his will, he should there ende his wretched life, desired Bradford who stood in y e pulpit behind him, to come forth and to stand in his place and speak to the people. Good Bradford at his request was content, and there spake to the people of godly and quiet obedience. Whome as soon as the people saw to begin to speak unto them, so glad they were to hear him, that they cried with a great shout: Bradford, Bradford, God save thy life Bradford: well declaring not only what affectiō they bare unto him, but also what regard they gave to his words. For after that he had entered a little to preach unto them, and to exhort them to quiet & patience, eftsoons all the raging ceased, and they in the end quietly departed ech man to his house. Yet in the mean season (for it was a long time before that so great a multitude could all depart) Bourne thought (and truly) himself not yet full sure of his life till he were safely housed, notwithstanding, that the Major & Shirifes of London were there at hand to help him. Wherefore he desired Bradford not to depart from him till he were in safety: which Bradford according to his promise performed. For while the Major and Sheriffs did lead Bourne to the Scholemaisters house, which is next to the pulpit, Bradford went at his back, shadowyng him from the people with his gown, and so to set him safe.
Let the Reader now consider the peril of Bourne, the charity of Bradford, and the headines of the multitude, & also the grudging minds of certain, which yet still there remained behind, grieved not a little their minds, to see that so good a man should save y e life of such a popish priest, so impudently and openly railing against K. Edward. Among whō, one gentlemā said these words: Ah Bradford, Bradford, thou sauest him y t will help to burn thee. I give thee his life: if it were not for thee, I would (I assure thee) t •• him through with my sword. Thus Bourne for that time, through Bradfordes means escaped bodily death: but God hath his judgment to be shown in the time appointed.
The same Sunday in the after noon Bradford preached at the Bow church in Cheapside, and reproved the people sharply for their seditious misdemeanor. After this he did abide still in London with an innocent conscience, to try what should become of his just doing.
Within three days after he was sent for to the Tower of London, where the Queen then was, to appear there before the counsel. There was he charged with this act of saving of Bourne, which act they there called seditious, & also objected against him for preaching, and so by them he was committed first to the Tower, then unto other prisons, out of the which neither his innocence, godliness, nor charitable dealing could purchase him liberty of body, till by death (which he suffered for Christ's cause) he obtained the heavenly liberty, of which neither Pope nor papist shall ever deprive him. From the Tower he came to the kings Benche in Southwarke: and after his condemnation, he was sent to the Counter in the Poultry in London: in the which two places for the time he did remain prisoner, he preached twice a day continually, unless sickness hindered him: where also the sacrament was often ministered, & thorough his means (the keepers so well did bear with him) such resort of good folks was daily to his lecture, and to the ministration of the sacrament, that commonly his chamber was well nigh filled therewith. Preaching, reading & praying was all his whole life. He did not eat above one meal a day: which was but very little when he took it: & his continual study was upon his knees. In the midst of dinner he used often to muse with himself, having his hat over his eyes, from whence came commonly plenty of tears droppng on his trencher. Uery gentle her was 〈◊〉 man and child, and in so good credit with his keeper, y t at is desire, in an evening (being prisoner in the kings Bench in Soutwarke) he had license vpō his promise to return again that night, to go into London without any keeper, to visit one that was sick, lying by the Stilyard. Neither did he fail his promise, but returned unto his prison again, rather preventing his hour, then breaking his fidelity: so constant was he in word in deed.
Of personage he was somewhat tall and slēder, spare of body, of a faint sanguine color, w t an Awburne beard. He slept not commonly above four hours in the night: & in his bed till sleep came, his book went not out of his hand. His chief recreation was in no gaming or other pastime, but only in honest company, & comely talk, wherein he would spend a little time after dinner at the bourde, and so to prayer and his book again. He counted that hour not well spent, wherein he did not some good, either with his pen, study, or in exhorting of others. &c. He was no niggard of his purse, but would liberally participate y t he had to his fellow prisoners. And commonly once a week he visited the thieves, pickpurses, and such others that were with him in the prison where he lay, on the other side: unto whō he would give godly exhortation to learn the amendment of their lives by their troubles, and after that so done, distribute among them some portion of money to their comfort.
By the way this I thought not to conceal. While he was in the kings Bench, and Mayster Saunders in the Marshalsey, both prisoners, on the backside of those two prisons they met many times, and conferred together when they would: so mercifully did the Lord work for them, even in the midst of their troubles: and the said Bradford was so trusted with his keeper, and had such liberty in the backside, that there was no day but that he might have easily escaped away, if he would, but that the Lord had another work to do for him. In the summer time while he was in the said Kings Benche, he had liberty of his keeper, to ride into Oxfordshyre, to a Marchauntes house of his acquaintance, and horse and all things prepared for him for that journey, and the party in a readiness that should ride with him: but God prevented him by sickness that he went not at all.
One of his old friends and acquaintance came unto him whilst he was prisoner, and asked him, if he sited to get him out, what then he would do, or whether he would go? Unto whom he made answer, as not caring whether he went out or no: but if he did, he said he would marry, and abide still in England secretly, teaching the people as the time would suffer him, and occupy himself that way. He was had in so great reverence and admiration with all good men, that a multitude which never knew him but by fame, greatly lamented his death: yea, and a number also of the Papists themselves, wished heartily his life. There were few days in which he was thought not to spend some tears before he went to bed, neither was there ever any prisoner with him, but by his company he greatly profited, as all they will yet witness, and have confessed of him no less, to the glory of God, whose society he frequented, as among many, one special thing I thought to note, which is this.
Bishop Farrer being in the kings Bench prisoner, as before you have hard, was travailed withal of the Papists in the end of Lent, to receive the sacrament at Easter in one kind, who after much persuading, yielded to them, and promised so to do. Then (so it happened by gods providence) the Easter even, the day before he should have done it, was Bradford brought to the Kings Benche prisoner, where the Lord making him his instrument▪ Bradford only was the mean that the said B. Farrer revoked his promise and word, and would never after yield to be spotted with that papistical pitch: so effectually the Lord wrought by this worthy servant of his. Such an instrument was he in gods church, that few or none there were that knew him, but esteemed him as a precious jewel and God's true messenger.
The night before he was had to Newgate, which was the saterday night, he was sore troubled diverse times in his sleep by dreams, how the chain for his burning was brought to the Counter gate, and how the next day being Sunday, he should be had to Newgate, and on the Monday after burned in Smithfield, as in deed it came to pass accordingly, which hereafter shall be shown. Now he being vexed so often times in this sort with these dreams, about 3. of the clock in the morning, he waked him that lay with him, and told him his unquiet sleep, & what he was troubled withal. Then after a little talk, Master Bradford rose out of the bed, and gave himself to his old exercise of reading and prayer, as always he had used before: and at dinner according to his accustomed manner, he did eat his meat, and was very merry, nobody being with him from morning till night, but he that lay with him, with whom he had many times on that day communication of death, of the kingdom of heaven, and of the ripeness of sin in that time.
In the after noon they two walking together in the keepers chamber, suddenly the keepers wife came up, as one half amazed, & seeming much troubled, being almost wyndles said: Oh M. Bradford, I come to bring you heavy news. What is that said he? Marry quoth she, tomorrow you must be burned, & your chain is now a buying, & soon you must go to Newgate. With that M. Bradford put of his cap, and lifting up his eyes to heaven, said: I thank God for it: I have looked for the same a long time, and therefore it cometh not now to me suddenly, but as a thing waited for every day and hour, the Lord make me worthy thereof: & so thanking her for her gentleness, departed up into his chamber, and called his friend with him, who when he came thither, he went secretly himself alone a long time and prayed. Which done, he came again to him that was in his chamber, and took him diverse writings and papers, & shown him his mind in those things what he would have done, and after they had spent the after noon till night in many and sundry such things, at last came to him half a dosen of his friends more, with whom all the evening he spent the time in prayer and other good exercises, so wonderfully, that it was marvelous to hear and see his doings.
A little before he went out of the Counter, he made a notable prayer of his farewell, with such plenty of tears, and abundant spirit of prayer, that it ravished the minds of the hearers. Also, when he shifted himself with a clean shirt that was made for his burning (by one M. Walter Marlars wife, who was a good nurse unto him, & his very good friend) he made such a prayer of the wedding garment, that some of those that were present, were in such great admiration, that their eyes were as thoroughly occupied in looking on him, as their ears gave place to hear his prayer. At his departing out of the chamber, he made likewise a prayer, and gave money to every servant and officer of the house, with exhortation to them to fear and serve God, continually laboring to eschew all manner of evil. That done, he turned him to the wall and prayed vehemently, that his words might not be spoken in vain, but that the Lord would work the same in them effectually, for his Christ's sake. Then being beneath in the Court, all the prisoners cried out to him and bid him farewell, as the rest of the house had done before with weeping tears.
The time they carried him to Newgate, was about xi. or xii. a clock in the night, when it was thought none would be stirring abroad: and yet contrary to their expectation in that behalf, was there in Chepeside & other places (between the Counter and Newgate) a great multitude of people that came to see him, which most gently bade him farewell, praying for him with most lamentable and pitiful tears, and he again as gently bade them fare well, praying most heartily for them & their welfare. Now, whether it were a commandment from the Queen and her counsel, or from Boner and his adherents, or whether it were merrily devised of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, & Sheriffs of London, or no, I cannot tell: but a great noise there was over night about the city by diverse, that Bradford should be burnt the next day in Smithfield, by 4. of the clock in the morning, before it should be greatly known to any. In which rumor many heads had diverse minds: some thinking the fear of the people to be the cause thereof. Other thought nay, that it was rather because the Papists judged, his death would convert many to the truth, and give a great overthrow to their kingdō. So some thought one thing, and some another, that no just conjecture of the cause could be known that ever I heard yet. But this was certain, the people prevented the devise suspected: for the next day, at the said hour of 4. a clock in the morning, there was in Smithfield such a multitude of men and women, that many being in admiration thereof, thought it was not possible that they could have warning of his death, being so great a number in so short time, unless it were by the singular providence of almighty God.
Well, this took not effect as the people thought: for that morning it was ix. a clock of the day, before Master Bradford was brought into Smithfield: which in going thorough Newgate thitherward, spied a friend of his whō he loved, standing on the one side the way to the Keepers houseward, unto whom he reached his hand over the people, and plucked him to him, and delivered to him from his hed, his velvet night cap, and also his handkerchief, with other things besides. Which after a little secret talk with him, and ech of them parting frō other, immediately came to him a brother in law of his, called Roger Beswike, which as soon as he had taken the said Bradford by the hand, one of the Sheriffs of London called Woodroft, came with his staff and brake the said Rogers head, that the blood ran about his shoulders. Which sight Bradford beholding with grief, bade his brother farewell, willing to commend him to his mother, and the rest of his friends and to get him to some Surgeon betymes: and so they departing, had little or no talk at all together. Then was he led forth to Smithfield with a great company of weaponed men, to conduct him thither, as the like was not seen at no man's burning: for in every corner of Smithfield there were some, besides those which stood about the stake. Bradford then being come to the place, fell flat to the ground, secretly making his prayers to almighty god. Then rising again, and putting of his clothes unto his shirt, he went to the stake, and there suffered with a young man of xx. years of age, joyfully and constantly, whose name was John Leafe. Touchyng the order and manner of whose burning, more shall be said (God willing) hereafter. In the mean time, we will now show forth the sundry examinations, conflicts, and conferences between him and other his adversaries, during the time of his imprisonment, which was in all, two years lacking one month and a half. Which examinations here follow to be declared.
It was before a little above declared, that John. Bradford within three days after the Sermon of M. Bourne, was by the Counsaile committed to the Tower, where he remained from the month of August, an. 1553. to the 22. day of January, an. 1555. upon which day he was called out to examination before Ste. Winchester and other of the Commissioners. The effect of which examination and communication which passed between him & them, proceeded in manner as followeth.
The effect of the communication between John Bradford and the Lord Chancellor, and other in Commission with him, the xxij. of January. Anno. 1555.
AFter the L. Chancellor and the residue of the Queens Counsaile in Commission with him, had ended there talk with M. Farrer late Bish. of S. David's, the under marshall of the kings Bench was commanded to bring in John Bradford: who being come into the presence of the counsel sitting at a table, kneeled down on his knee, but immediately by the L. Chancellor was bidden to stand up, and so he did.
When he was risen, the L. Chancellor earnestly looked upon him, to have (belike) ouerfaced him: but he gave no place, that is, he ceased not in like manner to look on the L. Chancellor still continually, save that once he cast up his eyes to heauenward, sighing for gods grace, and so ouerfaced him.
Then the L. Chancellor as it were amazed, and something troubled, spake thus to him in effect: that of long time he had been imprisoned justly for his seditious behavior at Paul's cross, the xiii. of August. an. 1553. for his false preaching and arrogancy, taking upon him to preach without authority. But now (quoth he) the time of mercy is come, and therefore the Queens highness mynding to offer unto you mercy, hath by us sent for you, to declare and give the same, if so be you will with us return: and if you will do as we have done, you shall find as we have found, I warrant you. This was the sum of his words, and in manner the same words which he spake.
To these words John Bradford spake (after reverend obeisance made) in this manner. My Lord & Lord's all, I confess that I have been long imprisoned, & (with humble reverence be it spokē) unjustly, for that I did nothing seditiously, falsely, or arrogantly, in word or fact, by preaching or otherwise, but rather sought truth, peace, and all godly quietness, as an obedient & faithful subject, both in going about to save the Bish. of Bathe now, then M. Bourne, the preacher at the Cross, and in preaching for quietness accordingly.
At these words, or rather before he had fully finished, the said L. Chancellor something snuffed, and spake with an admiration, that there was a loud lie: for (quoth he) the fact was seditious, as you my L. of London can bear witness.
You say true my Lord: I saw him with mine own eyes, when he took upon him to rule and lead the people malapartly, thereby declaring that he was the author of the sedition.
My Lord's, notwithstanding my Lord Byshope seeing and saying, yet the truth I have told, as one day my Lord God almighty shall r • ueale to all the world, whē we shall all come & appear before him: In the mean season, because I cannot be believed of you, I must and am ready to suffer, as now your sayings be, what so ever God shall license you to do unto me.
I know thou hast a glorious tongue, and goodly shows thou makest: but all is lies thou speakest. And again, I have not forgotten howe stubborn thou wast when thou wast before us in the Tower, whereupon thou wast committed to prison concerning religion, I have not forgotten thy behavior and talk, wherthrough worthelye thou hast been kept in prison, as one that would have done more hurt then I will speak of.
My Lord, as I said, I say again, that I stand as before you, so before God, and one day we shall all stand before him: the truth then will be the truth, though now you will not so take it. Yea my Lord, I dare say, that my Lord of Bath M. Bourne will witness with me, that I sought his safeguard with the peril of mine own life, I thank God therefore.
No, I took nothing upon me undesired, and that of Mayster Bourne himself, as if he were here present, I dare say he would affirm. For he desired me both to help him to pacifye the people, and also not to leave him till he was in safety. And as for my behavior in the Tower, and talk before your honors, if I did or said anything that did not beseem me, if your Lordships would tell me wherein it was, I should and would shortly make you answer.
Well, to leave this matter: how sayest thou now? Wilt thou return again, and do as we have done, & thou shalt receive the Queens mercy and pardon?
My Lord, I desire mercy with God's mercy, but mercy with God's wrath, God keep me from: Although (I thank God therefore) my conscience doth not accuse me, that I did speak anything wherefor I should need to receive the Queens mercy or pardon. For all that ever I did or spake, was both agreeing to God's Laws, amd the laws of the Realm at that present, and did make much to quietness.
Well, if thou make this babbling, rolling in thy eloquent tongue, and yet being altogether ignorant & vainglorious, and wilt not receive mercy offered to thee, know for truth that the Queen is minded to make a purgation of all such as thou art.
The Lord before whom I stand, as well as before you, knoweth what vainglory I have sought, and seek in this behalf: his mercy I desire, and also would be glad of the Queens favor, to live as a subject without clog of conscience. But otherwise the Lord's mercy is better to me then life. And I know to whom I have committed my life, even into his hands which will keep it, so that no man may take it away before it be his pleasure. There are xii. hours in the day, and as long as they last, so long shall no man have power theron. Therefore his good will be done: life in his displeasure is worse then death, and death in his true favor, is true life.
I know well enough that we shall have glorious talk enough of thee: be sure therefore, that as thou hast deceived the people with false and deuilishe doctrine, so shalt thou receive.
I have not deceived the people, nor taught any other doctrine, then by God's grace I am, and hope shall be ready to confirm with my life. And as for the deuilishnes and falseness in the doctrine, I would be sory you could so prove it.
Why, tell me what you say by the ministration of y e Communion, as now you know i • is?
My Lord, here I must desire of your Lordship and of all your honors a question, before I dare make you an answer to any interrogatory or question, wherewith you now begin. I have been six times sworn that I shall in no case consent to the practicing of any jurisdiction, or any authority on the Bishoppe of Rome's behalf within this Realm of England. Now before God I humbly pray your honors to tell me whether you ask me this question by his authority, or no? If you do, I dare not, nor may answer you anything in his authority, which you shall demand of me, except I would be forsworn, which God forbid.
For sooth I was thrice sworn in Cambridge, when I was admitted Mayster of Art, when I was admitted fellow of Penbroke hall, & when I was there, the Uisitors came thither, and sware the Uniuersitye. Agayne, I was sworn when I entered into the Ministerye, when I had a Prebend given me, and when I was sworn to serve the king a little before his death.
But my Lord, these were no Herodes oaths no unlawful oaths, but oaths according to God's word, as you yourself have well affirmed in your book De vera obedientia.
My Lord's (quoth another of the Counsel that stood by the table, Mayster Rochester I ween) I never knew wherefor this man was in prison before now: but I see well that it had not been good that this man had been abroad,) What the cause was that he was put in prison, I know not: but I now well know that not without a cause he was and is to be kept in prison.
Yea it was reported this Parliament time by the Earl of Darbye, that he hath done more hurt by Letters, and exhorting those that have come to him, in Religion, then ever he did whē he was abroad by preaching. In his letters he curseth all that teach any false doctrine (for so he calleth that which is not according to that he taught) and most heartily exhorteth them to whom he writeth to continue still in that they have received by him, and such like as he is. All which words diverse of the Coūsell affirmed. Wherunto the said M. Bourne added, saying: how say you sir, have you not thus seditiously writ̄ and exhorted the people?
I have not written, nor spoken anything seditiously neither (I thank God therefore) have I admitted any sedious cogitation, nor I trust never shall do.
Yea, but thou hast written letters.
Why speakest thou not? Hast thou not written as he saith?
That I have written, I have written.
Lord God, what an arrogant and stubborn boy is this, that thus stoutly and dallyingly behaveth himself before the Queens Counsel? Wherat one looked upon another with disdaynfull countenaunces.
My Lord's and Maysters, the Lord God which is, and will be judge to us all, knoweth, that as I am certain I stand now before his majesty: so with reverence in his sight I stand before you, & unto you accordingly in words and gesture I desire to behave myself. If you otherwise take it, I doubt not but God in his time will reveal it. In the mean season I shall suffer with all due obedience your sayings and doings too, I hope.
These be gay glorious words of reverence: but as in all other things, so herein also thou doest nothing but lie.
Well, I would God the author of truth, and abhorrer of lies would pull my tongue out of my head before you all, and show a terrible judgment on me here present, if I have purposed, or do purpose to lie before you, whatsoever you shall ask me.
Why thē doest thou not answer? Hast thou written such letters as here is objected against thee?
As I said, my Lord, that I have written, I have written, I stand now before you, which either can lay my Letters to my charge or no: if you lay any thing to my charge that I have written, if I deny it, I am then a liar.
We shall never have done with thee, I perceive now: be short, be short, wilt thou have mercy?
I pray God give me his mercy, and if therewith you will extend yours, I will not refuse it, but otherwise I will none.
Here now was much ado, one speaking this, and another that of his arrogancy, in refusing the Queens pardon, which she so lovingly did offer unto him: whereto Bradford answered thus.
My Lord's, if I may live as a quiet Subject without clog of conscience, I shall heartily thank you for your pardon: if otherwise I behave myself, then I am in danger of the law: in the mean season I ask no more, but the benefit of a Subject, till I be convinced of transgression. I • I cannot have this, as hitherto I have not had, God's good will be done.
Uppon these words my Lord Chauncelloure began a long process of the false doctrine wherewith the people were deceived in the days of Kyng Edward, and so turned the ende of his talk to Bradford, saying: Howe sayest thou?
My Lord, the doctrine taught in king Edward's days, was God's pure Religion, the which as I then believed, so do I now more believe it then ever I did, & therein I am more confirmed and ready to declare it by God's grace, even as he will, to the world, then I was when I first came into prison.
What religion mean you in king Edwards days? What year of his reign?
Forsooth even the same year (my Lord) that the king died, & I was a Preacher. Here wrote Secretary Bourne I wote not what.
Now after a little pausing, my Lord Chancellor beginneth again to declare, that the doctrine taught in king Edward's days, was heresy, using for probation & demonstration thereof, no scripture nor reason, but this: that it ended with treason and rebellion, so that (quoth he) the very end were enough to improve that doctrine to be naught.
Ah my Lord, that you could enter into God's Sanctuary, and mark the end of this present doctrine that you now so magnify.
What meanest thou by that? I ween we shall have a snatch of rebellion even now.
My Lord. I mean no such ende as you would gather: I mean an end which no man seeth, but such as enter into God's Sanctuary. If a man look on present things, he will soon deceive himself.
Here now did my Lord Chancellor offer again mercy, and Bradford answered, as before: Mercy with God's mercy should be welcome, but otherwise he would none. Whereupon the Lord Chancellor did ring a little bell, belike to call in somebody, for there was present none in manner, but only those before named, and the Byshoppe of Worcester. Now when one was come in: it is best (quoth Mayster Secretary Bourne) that you give the keeper a charge of this fellow. So was the under Marshall called in.
Ye shall take this man to you, and keep him close without conference with any man, but by your knowledge, and suffer him not to write any Letters. &c. for he is of another manner of charge unto you now, then he was before. And so they departed, Bradford looking as cheerfully as any man could do, declaring thereby even a desire to give his life for confirmation of that he had taught and written.
The effect of the second examination of John Bradford in S. Mary Oueries Church, before the Lord Chancellor, and diverse other Bishops, the 29. of January. 1555.
AFter the excommunication of John Rogers, John, Bradford was called in, and standing before the Lord Chancelor & other Bishops set with him, the said Lord Chancellor spake thus in effect.
Where before the xxij. of Ianuarye, the said Bradford was called before them (said he) and they offered unto him the Queens pardon, although he had contemned the same, and further said, that he would stiffly and stoutly maintain & defend the erroneous doctrine taught in the days of K. Edward the sixth: yet in consideration that the Queens highness was wonderful merciful, they thought good eftsoons to offer the same mercy again, before it were too late: therefore advise you well (said he) there is yet space and grace before we so proceed, that you be committed to y e • ecular power: as we must do and will do, if you will not follow the example of master Barloe and master Cardmaker, whom he there commended, adding Oratoriously amplifications to move the said Bradford to yield to the religion presently set forth.
After the Lord Chauncellours long talk, Bradford began on this sort to speak: My Lord, and my Lord's all as now I stand in your sight before you, so I humbly beseech your honors to consider, that you sit in the seat of the Lord, who (as David doth witness) is in the congregations of Judges, and sitteth in the midst of them judging: and as you would your place to be now of us taken as God's place, so demonstrate yourselves to follow him in your sitting, that is, seek no guiltless blood, nor hunt not by questions to bring into the snare, thē which are out of the same. At this present I stand before you gilty or giltles: if gilty, then proceed and give sentence accordingly: if giltles, thē give me the benefit of a subject, which hitherto I could not have.
Here the Lord Chancellor replied, and said, that the said Bradford began with a true sentence: Deus stetit in Synagoga. &c But (quoth he) this and all thy gesture declareth but hypocrisy and vain glory. And further he made much ado to purge himself, that he sought no guiltless blood, and so began a long process how that Bradfordes fact at Paul's Cross was presumptuous, arrogāt, and declared a taking upon him to lead the people, which could not but turn to much disquietness, in that thou (speaking to Bradford) wast so pre • ract and stout in religion at that present. For the which, as thou wast then committed to prison, so hitherto thou hast been kept in prison, where thou hast written letters to no little hurt to the Queens people, as by the report of the Earl of Darby in the Parliament house was credibly declared. And to this he added, that the said Bradford did stubbernely behave himself the last time he was before them: and therefore not for any other thing now I demand of thee (quoth he) but of and for thy doctrine and religion.
My Lord where you accuse me of hypocrisy & vain glory, I must, and will leave it to the Lord's declaration, which one day will open yours and my truth, and hearty meanings: in the mean season I will content myself with the testimony of mine own conscience, which if it yield to hypocrisy, could not but have God to be my foe also: and so both God and man were against me. As for my fact at Paul's Cross, and behavior before you at the Tower, I doubt not but God will reveal it to my comfort. For if ever I did thing, which God used to public benefit, I think that my deed was one, and yet for it I have been and am kept of long time in prison. And as for letters and religion, I answer, as I did the last time I was before you.
There diddest thou say stubbornly and malaper • lie, that thou wouldst manly maintain the erroneous doctrine in K. Edwards days.
My Lord, I said the last time I was before you, that I had six times taken an oth that I should never consent to the practicing of any jurisdiction on the Bish. of Rome's behalf, and therefore durst I not answer to any thing that should be demanded so, least I should be forsworn, which God forbid. Howbeit, saving mine oath, I said that I was more confirmed in the doctrine set forth publicly in the days of K. Edward, then ever I was before I was put in prison: and so I thought I should be, and think yet still I shall be found more ready to give my life as God will, for the confirmation of the same.
I remember well that thou madest such ado about needles matter, as though the oath against the Bish. of Rome were so great a matter. So others have done before thee, but yet not in such sort as thou hast done, for thou pretendest a conscience in it, which is nothing else but mere hypocrisy.
My conscience is known to the Lord: and whether I deal herein hipocritically, or no, he knoweth. As I said therefore then my Lord, so say I again now: that for fear lest I should be perjured, I dare not make answer to anything you shall demand of me, if my answering should consent to the confirming or practicing of any jurisdiction for the Bishop of Rome here in England.
Why, diddest thou begin to tell that we are Dij and sit in God's place, and now wilt thou not make us an answer?
My Lord, I said, you would have your place taken of us now, as God's place: and therefore I brought forth that piece of scripture, that ye might the more be admonished to follow God and his ways at this present, who seeth us all, and well perceiveth, whether of conscience I pretend this matter of the oth, or no.
No, all men may well see thine hopocrisy, for if for thine oaths sake thou diddest not answer, then wouldest thou not have spokē as thou diddest, & have answered me at the first: but now men well perceive, that this is but a starting hole to hide thyself in, because thou darest not answer, & so wouldest escape, blinding the simple people's eyes, as though of conscience you did all you do.
That which I spake at the first, was not a replication or an answer to that you spake to me: and therefore I needed not to lay for me mine oath. For I thought you would have more weighed what I did speak, then you did: but when I perceived you did not consider it, but came to ask matter, whereto by answering I should consent to the practicing of Jurisdiction on the Byshoppe of Rome's behalf here in England, and so be forsworn: then of conscience and simplicitye I spake as I do yet again speak, that I dare not for conscience sake answer you. And therefore I seek no starting hoales▪ nor go about to blind the people as God knoweth. For if you of your honors shall tell me that you do not ask me any thing whereby mine answering should consent to the practicing of the Byshoppe of Rome's Jurisdiction, ask me wherein you will, and you shall here that I will answer 〈1 page duplicate〉 you as flatlye as ever any did that came before you. I am not afraid of death, I thank God: for I look and have looked for nothing else at your hands of long time, but I am afraid when death cometh, I should have matter to trouble my conscience by the guiltiness of perjury, & therefore do I answer as I do.
These be gay glorious words, full of hypocrisy and vain glory, and yet doest thou not know that I sit here as Bishop of Winchester in mine own Dioces, and therefore may do this which I do, and more too?
My Lord, give me leave to ask you this question, that my conscience may be out of doubt in this matter. Tell me here Coram Deo, before God, all this audience being witness, that you demand of me nothing whereby mine answering should consent to and confirm the practice of Jurisdiction for the Bishop of Rome here in England, & your honor shall hear me give you as flat and as plain answers briefly, to what so ever you shall demand me, as ever any did.
Here the Lord Chancellor was wonderfully offended, and spake much, how that the Bishop of Rome's authority needed no confirmation of Bradfordes answering, nor no such as he was, and turned his talk to the people, how that Bradford followed crafty covetous Marchauntes, which because they would lend no money to their neighbors when they were in need, would say that they had sworn oft that they would never lend anymore money, because their detters had so oft deceived them. Even so thou (quoth he to Bradford) doest at this present, to cast a myst in the people's eyes, to blear them with an heresy (which is greater and more hurtful to the commō wealth then the other is) pretend thine oath, whereby the people might make a conscience, whereas they should not. Why speakest thou not?
My Lord, as I said, I say again: I dare not answer you for fear of perjury, from which God defend me: or else I could tell you that there is a difference between oaths: Some be according to faith and charity, as the oath against the Bishop of Rome, some be against faith & charity: as this: to deny by oath my help to my brother in his need.
Here my Lord Chancellor again was much offended, still saying, that Bradford durst not answer and further made much ado to prove the oath against the Bishop of Rome, that it was against charity.
But Bradford answered, that how so ever his honor took him, yet was he assured of his meaning, that no fear but the fear of perjury made him unwilling to answer. For as for my death my lord (quoth he) as I know there at 12. hours in the day, so with the Lord my time is appointed. And when it shall be his good time, then shall I depart hence: but in the mean season I am safe enough, though all the people had sworn my death. Into his hands I have committed it, and do: his good will be done. And saving mine oth, I will answer you in this behalf that the oth against the Bishop of Rome was not, nor is not against charity.
How prove you that.
Forsooth, I prove it thus.
Argument.
Fe- Nothing is against charity, which is with God's word, and not against it.
sti- The oath against the Bishop of Rome's authority in England, is with God's word, and not against it:
no. Ergo, the oath against the Bishop of Rome's authority in England is not against charity.
Is it not against God's word that a man should take a king to be supreme head of the church in his Realm?
No saving still mine oath, it is not against God's word, but with it, being taken in such sense, as it may be well takē: that is, attributing to the kings power the sovereignty in all his dominion.
I pray you, where find you that?
I find it in many places, but specially in the 13. to the Romans, where S. Paul writeth: Every soul to be subject to the superior power ▪ but what power? Quae gladium gestat: The power verily which beareth the sword, which is not the spiritual, but the the temporal power. As Chrysost. full well noteth upon the same place, which your honor knoweth better then I. He (Chrysostom I mean) there plainly showeth that Bishops, Prophets, and Apostles are obedient to the temporal Magistrates.
Here yet more the Lord Chauncelloure was stirred, and said, how that Bradford went about to deny all obedience to the Queen for his oath: and so (quoth he) this man would make God's word a warrant of disobedience, for he will answer the queen on this sort, that whē she saith, now swear to the Bishop of Rome, or obey his authority: No (will he say) for I am forsworn, & to make the Queen no Queen.
No, I go not about to deny all obedience to the Queens highness, but denying obedience in this part, if she should demand it. For I was sworn to Kyng Edward, not simply, that is, not only concerning his own person, but also concerning his successors, & therefore in denying to do the quenes request herein, I deny not her authority, nor become disobedient.
Yes that thou doest: and so he began to tell a long tale, how if a man should make an oth to pay to me an hundred pounds by such a day, and the man to whom it was due would forgive the debt, the debtor would say. No, you cannot do it, for I am forsworn then.
Here Bradford desired my Lord Chancellor not to trifle it, saying, that he wondered his honor would make solemn oaths made to God, trifles in that sort: and make so great a matter concerning vows (as they call it) made to the Bishop for Marriage of Priests.
At these words the Lord Chancellor was much offended, and said, he did not trifle: but (quoth he) thou goest about to deny obedience to the Queen, which now requireth obedience to the Bishop of Rome.
No, my Lord, I do not deny obedience to the queen, if you would discern between Genus and Species. Because I may not obey in this: Ergo, I may not obey in the other, is no good reason. As if a man let or sell a piece of his inheritance, yet this notwithstanding, all his inheritance is not let or sold: & so in this case all obedience I deny not, because I deny obedience in this branch.
I will none of these similitudes.
I would not use them, if that you went not about to persuade the people, that I mean that which I never meant: for I myself not only mean obedience, but will give ensample of all most humble obedience, to y e queenes highness, so long as she requireth not obedience against God.
No, no, all men may see your meaning well enough. There is no man though he be sworn to the king that doth therefore break his oath, if he afterwards be sworn to the French king and to the Emperor.
It is true my lord: but the cases be not like. For here is an exception: thou shalt not swear to y e bishop of Rome at any time. If in like manner we were sworn: thou shalt not serve the Emperor. &c. you see there were some alteratiō and more doubt. But I beseech your honor remember what ye yourself have written, answering the objections here against in your book De vera obedientia: Vincat modo diuini verbi veritas. i. Let God's word and the reason thereof bear the bell away.
Here the Lord Chauncelloure was thoroughly moved, and said still, how that Bradford had written seditious letters, and perverted the people thereby, & did stoutly stand, as though he would defend the erroneous doctrine in king Edward's time, against all men: and now (quoth he) he saith, he dare not answer.
I have written no seditious letters. I have not perverted the people, but that which I have writ̄ & spoken, that will I never deny, by God's grace. And where your Lordship saith, that I dare not answer you: that all men may know I am not afraid, saving mine oath, ask me what you will, and I will plainly make you answer by God's grace, although I now see my life lieth thereon. But Oh Lord, into thy hands I committee it: come what come will, only sanctify thy name in me, as in an instrument of thy grace. Amen. Now ask what you will, and you shall see I am not afraid, by God's grace flatly to answer.
Well then, how say you to the blessed sacrament? Do you not believe there Christ to be present concerning his natural body?
My Lord, I do believe that Christ is corporally present at and in the due administration of the sacrament. By this word (corporally) I mean that Christ is there present corporally unto faith.
Unto faith? we must have many mo words to make it more plain.
You shall so: but first give me leave to speak two words.
Speak on.
I have been now a year and almost three quarters in Prison, and of all this time you never questioned with me hereabout, when I might have spoken my conscience frankly without peril: but now have you a law to hang up and put to death, if a man answer freely, & not to your appetite: and so now you come to demand this question. Ah my Lord, Christ used not this way to bring men to faith. No more did the Prophets or Apostles. Remember what Bernard writeth to Eugenius the pope: Apostolos lego stetisse iudicandos, sedisse iudicantes non lego. Hoc erit, illud fuit. &c. that is, I read, that the Apostles stood to be judged, but I read not, that they sat to judge. This shall be: that was. &c.
Here the Lord Chancellor was appalled, as it seemed, and said most gently, that he used not this means. It was not my doing (quoth he) although some there be, that think this to be the best way. For I for my part have been challenged for being too gentle oftentimes. Which thing the Bishop of London confirmed, and so did almost all the audience, that he had been ever to mild and too gentle.
At which words Bradford spake thus. My Lord, I pray you stretch out your gentleness, that I may feel it, for hitherto I never felt it.
As soon as ever he had spoken thus, the Lord chancelor, belike, thinking that Bradford would have had mercy and pardon, said, that with all his heart, not only he, but the Queens highness would stretch out mercy, if with them he would return.
Return my Lord? God save me from that going back: I mean it not so, but I mean, that I was three quarters of a year in the Tower: you forbad▪ me paper, pen, and ynke, and never in all that time, nor sithens did I feel any gentleness from you. I have rather hitherto found, as I looked for extremitye. And I thank God that I perceive now ye have kept me in prison thus long, not for any matter you had, but for matter you would have. God's good will be done.
Here was now diverse telling my Lord it was dinner time. And so he rose up, leaving Bradford speaking, and saying that in the after noon they would speak more with him. And so was he had into the Uestry, and was there all that day till dark night, and so was conveyed again to prison.
In the mean time, about iv. of the clock the same after noon, a gentleman called Mayster Thomas Hussey of Lincolneshyre, which was once an Officer in the Duke of Northfolkes house, did come into the Reuestrye to inquire for one Stoning: and when it was answered him by the vndermarshals officers of the Kings Benche, that there was none such, he entered into the house, and took acquayntance of John Bradford saying, that he would common and speak with him the next morning for old acquayntance.
The next morning about 7. of the clock, this gentleman came into the chamber wherein John Bradford did lie, and being with him, he began a long Oration, how that of love & old acquayntāce he came unto him to speak that which he would further utter. You did (said he) so wonderfully behave yourself before the Lord Chancellor and other Bishops yesterday, that even the veriest enemies you have, did see that they have no matter against you: & therefore I advise you speaking (as though it came of his own good will without making any other man privy, or any other procuring him, as he said) this day (for anon you shall be called before them again) to desire a time and men to confer withal, so shall all men think a wonderful wisdom, gravity and godliness in you: and by this means you shall escape present danger, which else is nearer then you beware of. To this John Bradford answered: I neither can nor will make any such request. For thē shall I give occasion to the people & to all other to think that I doubt of the Doctrine which I confess: the which thing I do not for thereof I am most assured, and therefore I will give no such offense.
As they were thus talking, the chamber door was unlocked and Doctor Seton came in, who when he saw Mayster Hussey: what Syr (quoth he) are you come before me? O Lord said Bradford in his heart to God, goeth the matter thus? This man told me, no man knew of his coming: Lord give me grace to remember thy Lesson, Cauete ab hominibus illis. Beware of those men. &c. Caste not your pearls before dogs: for I see these men be come to hunt for matter, that the one may bear witness with the other.
Doctor Seton after some by talk of Bradfordes age, of his country & such like, began a gay and long sermō of my Lord of Canterbury, M. Latimer, and M. Ridley, and howe they at Oxford were not able to answer anything at all: and that therefore my Lord of Canterbury desired to confer with the Bishop of Duresme and others: all which talk tended to this end that John Bradford should make the like suit, being in nothing to be compared in learning to my Lord of Canterbury.
To this, John Bradford briefly answered as he did before to Mayster Hussey.
With this answer neither the Doctor nor Gentleman being contented, after many persuasions: M. Doctor said: I have heard much good talk of you, and even yesternight a Gentleman made report of you at the Lord Chaūcellors table, that ye were able to persuade as much as any that he knew. And I (though I never heard you preach, & to my knowledge never did I see you before yesterday) yet me thought your modesty was such, your behavior and talk so without malice and impacience, that I would be sory ye should do worse then myself. And I tell you further, I do perceive my Lord Chancellor hath a fantasy towards you: wherefor be not so obstinate but desire respite, and some learned man to confer withal. &c.
But John Bradford kept still one answer: I cannot, nor I will not so offend the people. I doubt not, but am most certain of the doctrine I have taught.
Here Mayster Doctoure waxed hot, and called Bradford arrogant, proud, vayneglorious, and spake like a Prelate.
But Bradford answered, beware of judging, least ye condemn yourself. But still Mayster Doctor Seton urged him, showing him how merciful my Lord Chancellor was, and how charitably they enterteyned him.
I never saw any justice, much less love, I speak for my part (quoth Bradford) in my Lord Chancellor. Long have I been unjustly imprisoned, and handled in the same uncharitably, & now my Lord hath no just matter against me.
This talk served not the Doctors purpose: wherefore he went frō matter to matter, frō this point to that point. Bradford still gave him the hearing, and answered not: for he perceived that they both did come but to fish for some such things as might make a show that my Lord Chancelor had justly kept him in prison.
When all their talk took no such effect as they would or looked for. Mayster Hussey asked Bradford: will ye not admit conference, if my Lord Chancellor should offer it publicly?
Conference, if it had been offered before the law had been made, or if it were offered, so that I might be at liberty to confer, and as sure, as he with whom I should confer, then it were something: but else I see not to what other purpose conference should be offered, but to defer that which will come at the length, and the lingering may give more offense, then do good. Howbeit, if my Lord shall make such an offer of his own motion, I will not refuse to confer with whom so ever he shall appoint.
Mayster Doctor hearing this, called Bradford arrogant, proud, and whatsoever pleased him.
Then Bradford perceiving by them, that he should shortly be called for, besought them both to give him leave to talk with God, and to beg wisdom and grace of him: for (quoth he) otherwise I am helpless: and so they with much add departed. Then Bradford went to God & made his prayers, which the Lord of his goodness did graciously accept in his need, praised therefore be his holy name. Shortly after they were gone, Bradford was lead to the foresaid church, and there tarried uncalled for, till eleven of the clock, that is, till Mayster Saunders was excommunicated.
*The effect and sum of the last examination of John Bradford in the Church of S. Mary Oueryes.
AFter the excommunication of Laurence Saunders, John Bradford was called in, & being brought in before the Lord Chancellor and other the Bishops there sitting, the Lord Chancellor began to speak thus in effect: that Bradford being now eftsoons come before them would answer with modesty and humility, and conform himself to the Catholic Church with them and so yet he might find mercy, because they would be loath to use extremity. Therefore he concluded with an exhortation, that Bradford would recant his doctrine.
After the Lord Chancellor had ended his long Oration, Bradford began to speak thus: As yesterday I besought your honors to set in your sight the Majesty and presence of God to follow him, which seeketh not to subvert the simple by subtle questions: so I humbly beseech everyone of you to do this day: for that you know well enough that guiltless blood will cry for vengeance. And this I pray not your Lordships to do as one that taketh upon me to condemn you utterly herein, but that ye might be more admonished to do that which none doth so much as he should do: For our nature is so much corrupt, that we are very obliuio • s and forget • ull of God. Agayne, as yesterday I pretended mine oath and oaths against the Bishop of Rome, that I should never con • ent to the practysing of any jurisdiction for him or on his behalf in the realm of England: so do I again this day, least I should be perjured. And last of all, as yesterday the answers I made were by protestation and saving mine oath, so I would your honors should know that mine answers shall be this day: and this I do, that when death (which I look for at your hands) shall come, I may not be troubled with the guiltiness of perjury.
At which words the Lord Chancellor was wroth, and said, that they had given him respite to deliberate till this day, whether he would recant his errors of the blessed Sacrament, which yesterday (quoth he) before us you uttered.
My Lord you gave me no time of any such deliberation, neither did I speak any thing of the Sacrament which you did disallow. For when I had declared a presence of Christ to be there to faith, you went frō that matter to purge yourself that you were not cruel, and so went to dynner.
What? I perceive we must begin all again with thee. Did not I yesterday tell thee plainly that thou mad • st a conscience where none should be? Did not I make it plain that the oth against the Bishop of Rome was an ••• awful oth?
No in deed my Lord: You said so, but you proved it not yet, nor never can do.
Oh Lord God, what a fellow art thou? Thou wouldest go about to bring into the people's heads, that we, all the Lord's of the parliament house, the Knyghtes and Burgesses, and all the whole realm be perjured. Oh what an heresy is this? here good people you may see what a senceles heretic this fellow is. If I should make an oth I would never help my brother nor lend him money in his need, were this a good answer to tell my neighbor desiring my help, that I had made an oth to the contrary, O that I could not do it?
Oh my Lord, discern betwixt oaths, that be against charity and faith, and oaths that be according to faith and charity, as this is against the bishop of Rome.
Here the Lord Chancellor made much ado, and a long time was spent about oaths, which were good & which were evil, he captiously asking often of Bradford a direct answer concerning oaths: which Bradford would not give simply, but with a distinction. Wherat the Chancellor was much offended: but Bradford still kept him at the bay, that the oth against the Bishop of Rome was a lawful oth, using thereto the Lord Chauncellors own book, de vera Obedientia, for confirmation.
At the length they came to this issue, who should be Judge of the lawfulness of the oath: and Bradford said the word of God, according to Christ's word. John. 12. My word shall judge, and according to the testimony of Isaiah and Mithe, that God's word coming out of Jerusalem, shall give sentence among the Gentiles. By this word (quoth Bradford) my Lord, I will prove the oath against the bishop of Rome's authority, to be a good, a godly, and a lawful oath. So that the Lord Chancellor left his hold, and as the other day he pretended a denial of the queenes authority and obedience to her highness, so did he now.
But Bradford, as the day before, proved that obedience in this point to the Queens highness, if she should demand an oath to the Bishop of Rome, being denied, was not a general denial of her authority and of obedience to her: no more (quoth he) thē the sale, gift, or lease of a piece of a man's inheritance proveth it a sale, gift or lease of the whole inheritance.
And thus much ado was made about this matter: The Lord Chancellor talking much and using many examples of debt, of going out of the Town tomorrow by oth, and yet tarrying till Friday and such like. Which trifling talk Bradford did touch saying: that it was a wonder his honor weighed conscience no more in this, and would be so earnest in vows of Priests Mariages made to bishops, and be careless for solemn oaths made to God, & to Princes. Summa, this was the end. The Lord Chancellor said, the Queen might dispense with it, and did so to all the whole Realm. But Bradford said, that the queenes highness could do no more but remit her right: as for the oath made to God, she could never remit, forasmuch as it was made unto God.
At which words the Lord Chancellor chased wonderfully, and said that in plain sense I sclaundered the Realm of perjury: And therefore (quoth he to the people) you may see how this fellow taketh upon him, to have more knowledge and conscience, then all the wise mē of England, and yet he hath no conscience at all.
Well my Lord, let all the standers by see who hath conscience. I have been a yere and an half in prison. Now before all this people, declare wherefor I was imprisoned, or what cause you had to punish me. You said y e other day in your own house, my Lord of London witnessing with you, that I took upon me to speak to the people undesired. There he sitteth by you, I mean my Lord of Bathe, which desired me himself for the passiō of Christ, I would speak to the people. Upon whose words, I coming into the Pulpite, had like to have been slain with a dagger (which was hurled at him, I think) for it touched my sleeve. He then prayed me I would not leave him, & I promised him as long as I lived, I would take hurt before him that day, and so went out of the pulpit, and entreated with the people, & at length brought him myself into an house.
Besides this, in the afternoon I preached in Bowe church, and there going up into the Pulpit, one willed me not to reprove y e people, for (quoth he) you shall never come down alive, if you do it. And yet notwithstanding I did in that Sermon reprove their fact, and called it sedition at the least twenty times. For all which my doing, I have received this recompense, prison a year and an half and more, and death now which you go about. Let all men be judge where conscience is.
In speaking of these words, there was endeavor to have letted it: but Bradford still spake on, & gave no place till he had made an end, speak what they would. And thē the Lord Chancellor said, that for all that fair tale, his fact at the Cross was naught.
No, my fact was good, as you yourself did bear witness with me. For when I was at the first before you in the Tower, you yourself did say that my fact was good, but (quoth you) thy mind was evil. Well (quoth I) then my Lord, in that you alow the fact and condemn my mind, for as much as otherwise I can not declare my mind to man, but by saying and doing, God one day I trust will open it, to my comfort, what my mind was, and what yours is.
Here the Lord Chancellor was offended, and said, that he never said so. I (quoth he) had not so little wit I trow, as not to discern betwixt meaning & doing: And so brought forth little to y e purpose, many examples to prove that men construe things by the meaning of men and not by their doings. But when this would not serve, the • cometh he to another matter, & said that Bradford was put in prison at the first, because he would not yield nor be conformable to the Queens Religion.
Why my Lord, your honor knoweth, that you would not thē reason with me in religion, but said, a time should afterwards be found out, whē I should be talked withal. But if it were as your Lordship saith, that I was put in prison for religion? in that my religiō was then authorised by public laws of the realm, could conscience punish me or cast me in prison therefore? Wherefore let all men be judge in whom conscience wanteth.
Here came forth M. Chamberleyne of Woodstock and spake to my Lord Chancellor how that Bradford had been a serving man and was with Master Harrington.
True, and did deceive his Mayster of Seven score pounds, and because of this he went to be a Gospeller and a Preacher (good people) and yet you see howe he pretendeth conscience.
My Lord, I set my foot by his whosoever he be, that can come forth and justly vouche to my face that ever I deceived my Mayster. And as you are chief iusticer by office in England, I desire justice upon them that so slander me, because they cannot prove it.
Here my Lord Chancellor and M. Chamberleyne were smitten blank, and said they heard it. But quoth my Lord Chancellor we have another manner of matter then this against you: for you are an heretic.
Yea quoth the Bishop of London, he did write letters to M. Pendleton which knoweth his hand as well as his own, your honor did see the letters.
That is not true, I never did write to Pendleton sithens I came to prison, and therefore I am not justly spoken of.
Yea, but you indicted it.
I did not, nor know not what you mean, and this I offer to prove.
Here came in another, I trow they call him, Master Allen one of the Clerks of the Council, putting y e Lord Chauncelor in remembrance of letters written into Lankyshire.
You say true: for we have his hand to show·
I deny that you have my hand to show of Letters sent into Lankyshyre, otherwise then before you all I will stand to, and prove them to be good and lawful.
Here was all answered, and then the Lord Chancellor began a new matter. Syr (quoth he) in my house the other day you did most cōtemptuously contemn y e queenes mercy, and further said, that you would maintain the erroneous doctrine in king Edwards days against all mē, And this you did most stoutly.
Well, I am glad that all men see now you have had no matter to imprisō me afore that day justly. Now say I, that I did not contemptuouslye contemn the Queens mercy, but would have had it (though if justice might take place I need it not) so y t I might have had it with God's mercy, that is, without doing or saying anything against God and his truth. And as for maintenance of doctrine, because I cā not tell how you will stretch this word maintenance, I will repeat again that which I spake, I said I was more confirmed in the Religion set forth in Kyng Edward's days then ever I was: and if God so would, I trust I should declare it by giving my life for the confirmation and testification thereof. So I said then, and so I say now. As for otherwise to maintain it, then pertaineth to a private person by confession, I thought not, nor think not.
Well, yesterday thou didst maintain false heresy concerning the blessed Sacrament, and therefore we gave thee respite till this day to deliberate.
My Lord, as I said at the first, I spake nothing of the Sacrament but that which you allowed, and therefore reproved it not, nor gave me any time to deliberate.
Why? diddest thou not deny Christ's presence in the Sacrament?
No, I never denied nor taught, but that to faith whole Christ, body and blood was as present as bread and wine to the due receiver.
Yea, but doest thou not believe y t Christ's body naturally & really is there, under the forms of bread & wine?
My Lord, I believe Christ is present there to y e faith of the due receiver: as for transubstantiation I plainly & flatly tell you, I believe it not.
Here was Bradford called Diabolus, a slanderer, for we ask no question (quoth my Lord Chancellor) of transubstantiation, but of Christ's presence.
I deny not his presence to the faith of the receiver, but deny that he is included in the bread, or that the bread is transubstantiate.
If he be not included, how is he then present?
Forsooth though my faith can tell how, yet my tongue cannot express it, nor you, otherwise then by faith hear it, or understand it.
Here was much ado, now one Doctor standing up and speaking thus, and others speaking that, & the Lord Chancellor talking much of Luther, Zwingli, Oecolampadius: but still Bradford kept him at this point, that Christ is present to faith: and that there is no transubstantiation nor including of Christ in the bread: but all this would not serve them.
Therefore another bishop asked this question, whether the wicked man received Christ's very body or no? And Bradford answered plainly no. Wherat the Lord Chancellor made a long Oration, how that it could not be that Christ was present, except that the evil man received it. But Bradford put away all his Oration in few words, that grace was at that present offered to his Lordshyp, although he received it not: So that (quoth he) the receiving maketh not the presence, as your Lordship would infer, but God's grace, truth, and power is the cause of the presence, which grace the wicked that lack faith cannot receive. And here Bradford prayed my Lord, not to divorce that which God had coupled together. He hath coupled all these together: Take, eat, this is my body: he saith not: See, peep, this is my body: but take eat. So that it appeareth this is a promise depending upon condition, if we take & eat.
Here the Lord Chancellor and the other bishops made a great ado, that Bradford had found out a toy that no man else ever did, of the conditiō, & the Lord Chancelor made many words to the people there about.
But Bradford said thus: My Lord, are not these words, Take, eat, a commandment? And are not these words, This is my body, a promise? If you will challenge the promise, and do not the commandment, may you not deceive yourself?
Here the Lord Chancellor denied Christ to have commanded the Sacrament, and the use of it.
Why my Lord I pray you tell the people what mood Accipite, Māducate is: Is it not plain to children, y t Christ in so saying commandeth?
At these words the Lord Chancellor made a great toying and trifling at the imparatiue mood and fell to paresing or examining, as he should teach a child: & so concluded that it was no commandment: but such a phrase as this, I pray you give me drink, which (quoth he) is no commandment I trow.
But Bradford prayed him to leave toying and trifling, and said thus: My Lord, if it be not a commandment of Christ to take and eat the Sacrament, why dare any take upon them to command and make that of necessity, which God leaveth free? as you do in making it a necessary commandment, once a year for all that be o • discretion to receive the Sacrament.
Here the Lord Chancellor called him again Diabolus or Calumniator, and began out of these words: Let a man prove himself, and so eat of the bread, (yea bread quoth Bradford) and drink of the cup, to prove that it was no commandment to receive the Sacrament. For then (quoth he) if it were a commandment, it should bind all men in all places, and at all times.
O my Lord, discern between commandments: some be so general, as the ten commandments: that they bind always, in all places, and all persons: some be not so general: as this is of the Supper, the Sacrament of Baptism, of the thrice appearing before the Lord yearly at Jerusalem, of Abraham offering of Isaac. &c.
Here my Lord Chancellor denied the cup to be commanded of Christ, for then (quoth he) we should have eleven commandments.
In deed I think you think as you speak, for else would you not take the cup from the people, in that Christ saith: Drink ye of it all. But howe say you my Lord's: Christ saith to you Bishops especially: Ite predicate Euangelium. i. Go and preach the Gospel: Feede Christ's flock. &c. Is this a commandment or no?
An other, the Bishop of Duresme I ween asked Bradford when Christ began to be present in the Sacrament? whether before the receiver received it, or no?
Bradford answered, that the question was curious and not necessary: and further said, that as the cup was the new Testament, so the bread was Christ's body to him that receiveth it duly, but yet so that the bread is bread. For (quoth he) in all the Scripture, you shall not find this proposition, Non est panis, there is no bread. And so he brought forth Chrysostom: Si in corpore essemus. Homel. 83. in Mat. 34. Summa, much ado was hereaboutes, they calling Bradford heretic, and he desiring them to proceed on in God's name, be looked for that which God had appointed for them to do.
This fellow is now in another heresy of fatal necessity, as though all things were so tied together, that of mere necessity all must come to pass.
But Bradford prayed him to take things as they be spoken, and not wrast them into a contrary sense. Your Lordship (quoth he) doth discern betwixt God and man. Thinges are not by fortune to God at any time, though to man they seem so sometimes. I speak but as the Apostles said: Lord (quoth they) see how Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Prelates are gathered together against thy Christ, to do that which thy hand and counsel hath before ordained for them to do.
Here began the Lord Chancellor to read the excommunication. And in the excommunication, when he came to the name of John Bradford Laicus, lay man: why (quoth he) art thou no Priest?
No, nor never was, either Prieste, either benefited, either married, either any Preacher▪ afore public authority had established Religion, or Preacher after public authority had altered Religiō, and yet I am thus handled at your hands: but God, I doubt not, will give his blessing where you curse. And so he fell down on his knees, and heartily thanked God, that he counted him worthy to suffer for his sake. And so praying God to give him reap̄tance, and a good mind, after the excommunication was read, he was delivered to the Shyriffe of London, & so had to the Clincke, and after to the Counter in the Poultry in the same City of London, this being then purposed of his murderers, that he should be delivered from thence to the Earl of Darby, to be conveyed into Lankeshyre, and there to be burned in the town of Manchester, where he was borne: but their purpose concerning the place was afterward altered: for they burned him in London.
After the condemnation of M. Bradford, which was the last day of January, M. Bradford being sent into prison, did there remain until the first day of July, during all which time, diverse other conferences and conflicts he susteineth with sundry adversaries, which repaired unto him in the prison. Of whom first bishop Boner coming to the Counter to disgrade D. Taylor, the 4. day of February entered talk with y e said M. Bradford: y e effect whereof here ensueth.
Private talk had with John Bradford, by such as the Prelates sent unto him, after the time of condemnation, by his own writing.
VPpon the 4. of February, that is, the same day M. Rogers was burned, Bonor bishop of London came to y e Counter in the Poultry to disgrade M. Doctor Taylor about one of y e clock at after noon. But before he spake to M. Taylor, he called for John Bradford which was prisoner there whom when he saw, he put of his cap and gave him his hand, saying: because I perceive that ye are desirous to confer with some learned men, therefore I have brought M. Archdeacon Harpsfield to you. And I tell you you do like a wise man. But I pray you go roundly to work: for the time is but short.
My Lord as roundly as I can I will go to work with you: I never desired to confer with any mā, nor yet do. Howbeit if ye will have one to talk with me, I am ready.
What (quoth the Bishop in a fume to the keeper) did you not tell me that this man desired conference?
No my Lord, I told you that he would not refuse to confer with any: but I did not say that it is his desire.
Well, M. Bradford, you are well-beloved, I pray you consider yourself, & refuse not charity when it is offered.
In deed my Lord, this is small charity, to condemn a man as you have condemned me, which never brake your laws. In turky a man may have charity, but in England I could not yet find it. I was condemned for my faith, so soon as I uttered it at your requests, before I had committed anything against the laws. And as for conference I am not afraid to talk with whom you will. But to say that I desire to confer, that do I not.
Well, well. And so he called for M. Taylor and Bradford went his way.
An other private matter of talk between M. Bradford and Willerton, Creswel, Harding Harpsfield, and other moe.
VUon another day of February one, M. Willerton, a Chapleine of the bishop of London, did come to confer with Bradford: but when he perceived that Bradford desired not his coming, and therefore wished rather his departing them abiding, well master Bradford (quoth he) yet I pray you let us confer a little: perchance you may do me good, If I can do you none: Upon which words Bradford was content, and so they began to talk. Willerton spake much of the Doctors, the fathers, of the bread in the 6. chapter of Saint John. &c. laboring to prove transubstantiation, and that wicked men do receive Christ.
But Bradford on the contrary part improved his authorities, so that they came to this issue, that Willerton should draw out of the scriptures and Doctors his reasons, and Bradford would peruse them: and if he could not answer them, then he would give place. Likewyse should Bradford draw out his reasons out of the scriptures and Doctors, to which Willerton should answer if he could: and so for that day they departed.
The next day following in the morning, Willerton sent half a sheet of paper written on both sides, contaynyng no reasons howe he gathered his doctrine, but only bare sentences: Panis quem ego dabo. &c. The bread which I will give is my flesh : And the places in the 26. of Matthew 14. of Mark. 22. of Luke, and the 10. and 11. to the Corinthians, with some sentences of the Doctors: All which made as much against him, as with him.
In the after noon he came himself, and there they had a long talk to little effect. At the length Willerton began to talk of the Church, saying that Bradford swerued from the Church.
No, that I do not, but ye do. For the * Church is Christ's spouse, and Christ's obedient spouse, which your Church is not, which robbeth the people of the Lord's cup, and of service in the English tongue.
Why? it is not profitable to have the service in English: for it is written: Labia Sacerdotis custodiunt legem. The lips of the Priest should keep the law, and out of his mouth man must look for knowledge.
Soulde not the people then have the scriptures? Wherefore serveth this saying of Christ: Searche the Scriptures?
This was not spoken to the people, but to the Scribes and learned men.
No, for it was written: Erunt docti a Deo: They shall be all taught of God.
And must we learn all at the priests?
Yea.
Then I see you would bring the people to hang up Christ and let Barabbas go: as the priests did then persuade the people. At which words, Mayster Willerton was so offended that he had no lust to talk anymore. In the end Bradford gave him the reasons which he had gathered against transubstantiation, & prayed him to frame his into the form of reasons, and then, quoth Bradford, I will answer them.
Well I will do so. But first I will answer yours. The which thing until this day he hath not done.
Upon the 12. of February there came one of the Earl of Darbies servants to Bradford, saying: My Lord hath sent me to you: he willeth you to tender yourself, and he would be good Lord unto you.
I thank his Lordship for his good will toward me: but in this case I cannot tender myself more then God's honor.
Ah M. Bradford, consider your mother, sisters, friends, kinsfolk, and country, what a great discomfort it will be unto them to see you die as an heretic.
I have learned to forsake father, mother, brother sister, friend, and all that ever I have, yea even mine own self, for else I cannot be Christ's Disciple.
If my Lord should obtain for you that ye might depart the Realm, would ye not be content to be at the Queens appointment, where she would appoint you beyond the sea?
Talke between Master Bradford and one Perceuall Creswell, and after that with Doctor Harding.
VPon the 14. of February, Perciuall Creswell, an old acquaintance of Bradfordes came to him, bringing with him a kinsman of Mayster Fecknams, who after many words said.
I pray you let me make labor for you.
You may do what ye will.
But tell me what suit I should make for you.
Forsooth that ye will do, do it not at my request, for I desire nothing at your hands. If the Queen will give me life, I will thank her. If she will banishe me, I will thank her. If she will burn me, I will thank her: If she will condemn me to perpetual prisonment. I will thank her.
Hereupon Creswell went away, and about a xi. of the clock he and the other man came again, & brought a book of Mores making, desiring Bradford to read it over.
taking the book, said: Good perciuall, I am settled for being moved in this article.
Oh, if ever ye loved me, do one thing for me.
What is it.
Desire and name what learned man or men ye will have to come unto you. My Lord • o York, my Lord of Lincoln, my Lord of Bath, & others will gladly come unto you.
No, never will I desire them or any other to come to confer with me, for I am as certain of my doctrine as I am of anything, But for your pleasure, and also that all men may know I am not ashamed to have my faith • ifted and tried, bring whom ye will, and I will talk with them, So they went their way.
About 3. of the clock in the after noon Mayster Doctor Harding, who was then the B. of Lincolns Chaplayn came to Bradford, and after a great and solemn protestation, showing how y t he had prayed to God before he came to turn his talk to Bradfords good, he began to tell of the good opinion he had of Bradford, and spent the time in such tratling, so that their talk was to little purpose: save that Bradford prayed him to consider from whence he was fallen, and not to follow the world, nor to love it: For the love of God is not where the world is.
But Harding counted Bradford in a damnable estate, as one being out of the church, & therefore willed him to take heed of his soul, & not to die in such an opinion.
What M. Harding, quoth Bradford? I have heard you with these ears maintain this that I stand in.
I grant that I have taught that the doctrine of transubstantiation was a subtle doctrine, but otherwise I never taught it. And so he enueying against marriages of Priests, and namely against Peter Martyr. Martin Bucer, Luther, and such, which for breaking their vows were justly given up into heresies (as he said) Bradford seeing him altogether given up to Popery, after admonishment thereof, bad him farewell.
Talke between D. Harpsfield Archdeacon, and Mayster Bradford.
VPon the xxv. of February Perciuall Creswell came w t M. Harpsfield Archdeacon of London, and a servant waiting upon him. After formal salutations, he made a long Oration, of which this is a short sum: That all mē even the infidels, Turks, Jews, Anabaptists, and Libertines desire felicity as well as the Christians, and how that everyone thinketh they shall attain to it by their religion. To which Bradford answered briefly, that he spake not far amiss.
Then said Harpsfield, but the way thither is not all alike. For the infidels by Jupiter, Juno, the Turk by his Alcoran: the Jew by his Thalmod, do believe to come to heaven, For so may I speak of such as believe the immortality of the soul.
You speak truly.
Well, then here is the matter, to know the way to this heaven.
We may not invent any manner of ways. There is but one way, & that is Jesus Christ, as he himself doth witness: I am the way.
It is true that you say, and false also. I suppose that you mean by Christ, believing in Christ.
I have learned to discern betwixt faith & Christ, Albeit I confess, that who so believeth in Christ, the same shall be saved.
No not all that believe in Christ: for some shall say Lord, Lord, have not we cast out devils. &c. But Christ will answer in the day of Judgment to these: Depart from me, I know you not.
You must make a difference betwixt believing, and saying I believe, As for example: if one should say & swear he loveth you, for all his saying ye will not believe him when you see he goeth about to utter and do all the evil against you that he can.
Well, this is not much material. There is but one way Christ. How come we to know him? Where shall we seek to find him?
Uery good, but tell me now how first we came into the company of them that could tell us this, but by Baptism?
Baptism is the sacrament, by the which outwardly we are engrafted into Christ: I say outwardly, because I dare not exclude from Christ all that die without Baptism. I will not tie God, where he is not bound. Some Infantes die, whose Parentes desire Baptism for them, and cannot have it.
To those we may think perchance that God will show mercy.
Yea, the children whose parents do contemn baptism, will not I condemn, because the child shall not bear the fathers offense.
Well, we agree that by Baptism then we are brought, and, as a man would say, begotten to Christ. For Christ is our father, and the church his spouse is our mother. As all men naturally have Adam for their father, and and Eve for their mother: so all spiritual men have christ for their father, and the Church for their mother. And as Eve was taken out of Adams side, so was the Church taken out of Christ's side: whereout flowed blood for the satisfaction and purgation of our sins.
All this is truly spoken.
Yea, sithens the creatiō of man, and shall be forever.
Uery good. But yet tell me whether this Church is a visible Church, or no?
It is no otherwise visible, then Christ was here on earth: that is, by no exterior pomp or show that setteth her forth commonly, and therefore to see her we must put on such eyes, as good men put on to see & know christ when he walked here on earth: for as Eve was of y e same substance that Adam was of, so was the Church of the same substance that Christ was of, flesh of his flesh, & bone of his bones, as Paul saith, Ephes 5. Look therefore how Christ was visibly known to be Christ when he was on earth, that is, by considering him after the word of GOD so is the Church known.
I do not come to reason at this present, & therefor • I will go on forward. Is not this Church a multitude?
Yes that it is. Howbeit, lat • t anguis in herba, as the Proverb is. For in your question is a subtlety. What visible multitude was there in He • ias time, or whē Moses was on the Mount, Aaron and all Israel worshipping the Cal • e?
Ye divert from the matter.
No, nothing at all. For I do prevent you, knowing well where about you go. And therefore f • wer words might well serve if that you so would.
Well, I perceive you have knowledge, and by a little perceive I the more. Tel me yet more, whether this multiude have not the Ministry or preaching of God's word?
Syr, ye go about the bushe. If ye understand Preaching for confessing the Gospel, I will go with you: for else if you will, you may know that persecution often letteth preaching.
Well, I mean it so. Tell me yet more: hath it not the Sacraments administered?
It hath the sacraments, howbeit the administratiō of them is often letted. But I will put you from your purpose, because I see where about you go. If heretics have Baptism and do Baptise, as they did in S. Ciprians time, you know this Baptism is Baptism, & not to be reiterate. This Bradford did speak, that the stāders by might see, that though the Papists Church have baptism which we have received of them, yet therefore it is not the true Church, neither need we to be baptized again.
You go far from the matter, and I perceive you have more errors then one.
So you say: but that is not enough til you prove thē.
Well, this Church is a multitude. Hath it not the preaching of the Gospel, & the ministra • ion of the Sacraments? & yet more: hath it not the power of Jurisdiction?
What jurisdiction is exercised in persecution and affliction?
I mean by jurisdiction admonishing one another and so forth.
Well, go to: what then?
It hath also succession of Bishops. And here he made such a do to prove y t this was an essential point.
You say as you would have it: for if this parte fail you, all the Church y t you go about to set up will fall down. You shall not find in all y e scripture this your essētiall parte of succession of Bishops. In Christ's Church Antichrist will sit. And Peter telleth us, as it went in the old Church afore Christ's coming, so will it be in the new church sithen Christ's coming: that is, as there were false Prophets, & such as bare rule were adversaries to the true Prophets: so shall there be (saith he (false teachers, even of such as are Bishops, and bear rule amongst the people.
You go always out of the matter: but I will prove further the succession of Bishops.
Do so.
Tell me, were not the Apostles Bishops?
No, except you will make a new definition of a Bishop, that is, give him no certain place.
In deed, the Apostles office was not the Bishops office: for it was universal, but yet Christ instituted Bishops in his church as Paul saith: he hath givē Pastors, Prophets. &c. so that I trow it be proved by the Scriptures the succession of Bishops to be an essential point.
The Ministry of God's word, and Ministers, be an essential point. But to translate this to the Bishops and their succession, is a plain subtlety: And therefore that it may be plain, I will ask you a question. Tel me, whether that the Scripture knew any difference between Bishops and Ministers, which ye call Priests?
No.
Well, then go on forewardes, and let us see what ye shall get now by the succession of Bishops, that is, of Ministers, which cannot be understand of such Bishops as Minister not, but Lord it.
I perceive that you are far out of the way. By your doctrine you can never show in your Church, a multitude which ministereth God's word & his Sacraments, which hath jurisdiction and succession of Bishops, which hath from time to time believed as you believe, beginning now and so going vpwardes as I will do of our doctrine and therefore are ye out of the church, & so cannot be saved. Perchaunce you will bring me downwardes a show to blear people's eyes: but to go vpwardes, that you can never do, and this is the true trial.
Ye must and will, I am assured, give me leave to follow the scriptures and examples of good men.
Yea.
Well thē, Stephen was accused and condemned as I am, that he had taught new and false doctrine before the fathers of the Church then as they were taken. Stephen for his purgation improoueth their accusation. But how? doth he it by going vpwardes? no, but by coming downwardes, beginning at Abrahā, and continuing still till Esayas time, and the people's captivity. From whence he maketh a great leap until y t time he was in, which was (I think) upon a 400. years, & called them by their right names helhoundes, rather then heaven hounds. On this sort will I prove my faith, & that can you never do yours.
Yea sir, if we did know that you had the holy Ghost, then could we believe you. Here Bradford would have answered, that Stevens enemies would not believe he had the holy Ghost, and therefore they did as they did: but as he was in speaking. M. Harps. arose up, & the keeper and others that stood by, began to talk gently, praying Bradford to take heed to that master Archdeacon spake, who still said that Bradford was out of the church.
Syr I am most certain that I am in Christ's Church, and I can show a demonstration of my Religion from time to time continually.
God our father, for the name and blood of his Christ be merciful unto us and unto all his people, and deliver them from false teachers, and blind guydes, through whom (alas) I fear me, much hurt will come to this realm of England. God our Father bless us, and keep us in his truth and poor Church forever. Amen.
Then the Archdeacon departed, saying that he would come again the next morning.
The next days talk between Doctor Harpsfield and Master Bradford.
VPon the xvi. of February in the morning the Archdeacon and the other two with him came again, and after a few by words spoken, they sat down.
Master Archdeacon began a very long Oration, first repeting what they had said, and how far they had gone over night, and therw t did begin to prove upwards succession of Bishops here in England for 800. years in France at Lions for 1200. years: in Spain at Hispalen for 800. years. In Italy at Milan for 1200. years, laboring by this to prove his Church. He used also succession of Bishops in the East Church for the more confirmation of his words, and so concluded with an exhortation and an interrogation: the exhortation, that Bradford would obey this church: the interrogatiō, whether Brad-could show any such succession for the demonstratiō of his Church (for so he called it) which followed.
Unto this his long Oration Bradford made this short answer: my memory is evil, so that I cannot answer particularly your Oration.
Therefore I will generally do it, thinking, because your Oration is rather to persuade then to prove, that a small answer will serve. If Christ or his Apostles being here on earth had been required by the Prelates of the church then to have made a demonstration of that church by succession of such high Priests as had approved the doctrine which he taught, I think that Christ would have done as I do: that is, have alleged y t which upholdeth the church even, the verity, y e word of God taught & believed, not by the high Priests, which of long time had persecuted it, but by the Prophets and other good simple men, which perchance were counted for heretics of the Church: which Church was not tied to succession, but to the word of god. And this to think, S. Peter giveth me occasion, when he saith that as it went in the Church before Christ's coming, so shall it go in the Church after his coming: but then the pillars of the church were persecutors of the true Church: therefore the like we must look for now.
I can gather and prove succession in Jerusalem of the high Priests from Aaron's time.
I grant, but not such succession as allowed the truth.
Why did they not allow Moses law?
Yes, and keep it, as touching the books thereof, as you do the Bible, and holy Scriptures. But the true interpretation and meaning of it they did corrupt, as you have done & do, and therefore the persecution which they sturred up against the Prophets and Christ, was not for the law, but for the interpretation of it. For they taught as you do now, that we must fetch the interpretation of the scriptures at your hands. But to make an end death I look daily for, yea hourly, and I think my time be but very short. Therefore I had need to spend as much time with God as I can whilst I have it, for his help & comfort, and therefore I pray you bear with me that I do not now particularly and in moe words answer your long talk. If I saw death not so near me as it is, I would then weigh every piece of your Oration, if you would give me the sum of it, and I would answer accordingly: but because I dare not, nor I will not leave of looking & preparing for that which is at hand, I shall desire you to hold me excused, because I do as I do, and heartily thank you for youre gentle good will. I shall heartily pray God our father to give you the same light and life I do wish to myself: & so Bradford began to arise up.
But then began Master Archdeacon to tell him that he was in very perilous case, and that he was sory to see him so settled. As for death, whether it be nigh or far of I know not, neither forceth it, so that you did die well.
I doubt not in this case, but y t I shall die well: for as I hope and am certain my death shall please the Lord so I trust I shall die cheerfully to y e comfort of his childrē.
But what if you be deceived?
What if you should say the sun did not shine now? (and the Sun did shine through the window where they sat.)
Well I am sory to see you so secure and carlesse.
In deed I am more carnally secure and careless then I should be: God make me more vigilant. But in this case I cannot be so secure, for I am most assured I am in y e truth.
That are ye not: for you are out of the Catholic Church.
No, though you have excommunicate me out of your Church, yet am I in the Catholic Church of christ and am, and by God's grace shall be a child & an obedient child of it forever. I hope Christ will have no less care for me, then he had for the blind man excommunicated of the Synagogue: and further I am sure that the necessary Articles of the faith, I mean the twelve Articles of the Creed, I confess and believe with that which you call the holy church, so that even your church hath taken something to much upon her to excommunicate me for that, which by the testimony of my Lord of Duresme in the book of the sacrament lately put forth, was free many an hundred year after Christ, to believe or not believe.
What is that?
Transubstantiation.
Why? ye are not condemned therefore only.
For that, and because I deny that wicked men do receive Christ's body.
You agree not with us in the presence, nor in anything else.
How you believe you know: for my part I confess a presence of whole Christ God and man, to the faith of the receiver.
Nay, you must believe a real presence in the sacrament.
In the Sacrament? Nay, I will not shut him in, nor ty • him to it otherwise then faith seeth and perceiveth. If I should include Christ really present in the sacrament or tie him to it otherwise then to the faith of the receiver, then the wicked men should receive him, which I do not, nor will by God's grace, believe.
More pity: But a man may easily perceive, you make no presence at all, and therefore you agree not therein with us.
I confess a presence, and a true presence, but to the faith of the receiver.
What (quoth one that stood by) of Christ's very body which died for us.
Yea even of whole Christ God & man to feed the faith of him that receiveth it.
Why? this is nothing else but to exclude y e omnipotency of God, and all kind of miracle in the sacrament.
I do not exclude his omnipotency, but you do it rather: for I believe that Christ can accomplish his promise, the substance of bread and wyne being there, as well as the accidents, which you believe not. When we come to the Sacrament, we come not to feed our bodies, and therefore we have but a little piece of bread, but we come to feed our souls with Christ by faith, which the wicked do want, and therefore they receive nothing but Panem domini as Judas did, & not Panem Dominum, as y e other Apostles did.
The wicked do receive the very body of Christ, but not the grace of his body.
They receive not the body. For Christ's body is no dead carcase: he that receiveth it, receiveth the spirit, which is not without grace I trow.
Well, you have many errors. You count the Mass for abomination, and yet S. Ambrose said Mass: and so he read out of a book written a sentence of S. Ambrose to prove it.
Why sir, the mass as it is now, was nothing so in S. Ambrose time. Was not y e most part of the Canon made sithen by Gregory and Scolasticus?
In deed a great piece of it was made, as ye say, by Gregory : but Scolasticus was before Saint Ambrose time.
I ween not: howbeit I will not contend. S. Gregory saith, that the Apostles said Mass without the Canon, only with the Lord's prayer.
You say true: for the Canon is not the greatest part of the Mass, the greatest part is the sacrifice, elevation, transubstantiation, and adoration.
I can away with none of those.
No, I think the same: but yet Hoc facite, telleth plainly the sacrifice of the Church.
You confound Sacrifices, not discerning betwixt the sacrifice of the Church, and for the Church. The sacrifice of the Church is no propiciatory sacrifice, but a gratulatory sacrifice. And as for Hoc facite, is not referred to any sacrifising, but to the whole action of taking, eating, &c.
You speak not learnedly now: for Christ made his supper only to the twelve Apostles, not admittyng his mother or any of the seventy Disciples to it. Now the Apostles do signify the Priests.
I think that you speak as you would men should understand it: for else you would not keep the cup away from the Laity. We have great cause to thank you, that you will give us of your bread. For I perceive you order the matter so, as though Christ had not commanded it to his whole Church.
Then Harpsfield would have proved Eleuation by a place of Basilius.
I have read y e place which seemeth to make nothing for elevation: but be it as it is, this is no time for me to scan the doubtful places of the doctors with you. I have been in prison long without books and all necessaries for study, and now death draweth nye, and I by your leave must now leave of, to prepare for him.
If I could do you good. I would be right glad either in soul or body. For you are in a perilous case both ways.
Syr I thank you for your good will. My case is as it is. I thank God it was never so well w t me: for death to me shall be life.
It were best for you to desire master Archedeacon that he would make suit for you, that you might have a time to confer.
I will do the best I can, for I pity his case.
Sir, I will not desire any body to sue for time for me. I am not wavering, neither would I that any body should think I were so. But if you have the charity and love you pretend towards me, and thereto do think that I am in an error, I think the same should move you to do as ye would be done to. As ye think of me, so do I of you, that you are far out of the way, and I do not only think it, but also am thereof most assured. And in this and such like gentle talk they departed.
The talk of Doctor Heth Archbishop of York, and day Bishop of Chichester, with Master Bradford.
THe xxiii. of the same month, the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of Chichester came to the Counter to speak with Bradford. When he was come before them, they both, and especially the Bishop of York, used him very gently: they would have him to sit down, and because he would not, they also would not sit. So they all stood: & whether he would or not, they would needs he should put on, not only his night cap but his upper cap also, saying unto him, that obedience was better then sacrifice.
Now thus standing together, my Lord of York, began to tell Bradford howe that they were not sent to him, but of love & charity they came to him: and he, for that acquayntance also which he had with Bradford, more then the Bishoppe of Chichester had: then after commending Bradfordes godly life, he concluded w t this question: how he was certain of salvation and of his Religion.
After thanks for their good will. Bradford answered: by the word of God, even by the Scriptures I am certain of salvation, and Religion.
Uery well said: but how do ye know the word of God and the scriptures, but by the Church?
In deed my Lord, the Church was and is a mean to bring a man more speedily to know the Scriptures and the word of God, as was the woman of Samaria a mean that the Samaritans knew Christ: but
True, if you mean it for some books of the New Testament: but else for the Old Testament Peter telleth us Firm • orem sermonem propheticum habemus: We have a more sure word of prophecy ▪ not that it is simply so, but in respect of the Apostles, which being alive and compassed w t infirmiti • , attributed to the word written m • re firmitie, as wherewith no fault could be found, where as for the infirmity of their persons men perchance might have found some fault at their preaching: albeit in very deed no less obedience and faith ought to have been given to the one, then to the other: for all proceedeth forth of one spirit of truth.
That place of Peter is not so to be understand of the word written.
Yea syr, that it is, and of none other.
Yea, in deed Master Bradford doth tell you truly in that point.
Well, you know that Irenaeus and others do magnify much and allege the Church against the heretics, and not the scripture.
True, for they had to do with such heretics as did deny the scriptures, and yet did magnify the Apostles so that they were enforced to use the authority of those Churches wherein the Apostles had taught, and which had still retained the same doctrine.
You speak the very truth: for the heretics did refuse all scriptures, except it were a piece of Luke's Gospel.
Then the alleging of the Church cannot be princially used against me, which am so far from denying of the Scriptures that I appeal unto them utterly, as to the only judge.
A pretty matter, that you will take upon you to judge the Church, I pray you where hath your Church been hitherto? For the church of Christ is Catholic and visible hitherto.
My Lord, I do not judge the Church, when I discern it from that congregation, & those which be not the Church, & I never denied the Church to be Catholic & visible althought at sometimes it is more visible then at some.
I pray you tell me where the Church which allowed your doctrine, was these four hundredth years?
I will tell you my Lord, or rather you shall tell yourself, if you will tell me this one thing, where the Church was in Helias his time, when Helias said that he was left alone?
That is no answer.
I am sory that you say so: but this will I tell your Lordship, that if you had the same eyes wherewith a man might have espied the Church then, you would not say it were no answer. The fault why the Church is not seen of you, is not because the Church is not visible, but because your eyes are not clear enough to see it.
You are much deceived in making this collation betwixt the Church then and now.
Uery well spoken my Lord, for Christ said aedificabo Ecclesiam, I will build my Church and not I do, or have built it, but I will build it.
My Lord's, Peter teacheth me to make this collation, saying: as in y e people there were false Prophets, which were most in estimation afore Christ's coming, so shall there be false teachers amongst the people after Christ's coming and very many shall follow them And as for your future tense, I hope your grace will not thereby conclude Christ's Church not to have been before, but rather that there is no building in the Church but by Christ's work only: for Paul and Apollo be but watterers.
In good faith I am sory to see you so light in judging the Church.
He taketh upon him as they all do, to judge the Church. A man shall never come to certainty that doth as they do.
My Lord's, I speak simply what I think, & desire reason to answer my objections. Your affections & sorrows cannot be my rules. If that you consider y e order and case of my condemnation. I cannot think but y t it should something mo • e your honors. You know it well enough (for you heard it) no matter was laid against me, but what was gathered upon mine own confession. Because I did deny Transubstantiation and the wicked to receive Christ's body in the Sacrament, therefore I was condemned and excommunicate, but not of the church although the pillars of the church (as they be taken) did it.
No. I heard say the cause of your imprisonment was, for that you exhorted the people to take the sword in the one hand, and the mattocke in the other.
Yea, and you behaved yourself before the Counsel so stoutly at the first, that you would defend the Religion then: and therefore worthily were you prisoned.
Your grace did hear me answer my Lord Chancellor to that point. But put case I had been so stout as they and your Grace make it: were not the laws of the Realm on my side then? Wherefore unjustly was I prisoned: only that which my Lord Chancellor propounded, was my confession of Christ's truth against Transubstantiation, and of that which the wicked do receive, as I said.
You deny the presence.
I do not, to the faith of the worthy receivers.
My Lord, I believe no such presence.
It seemeth that you have not read Chrysostom for he proveth it.
Hitherto I have been kept well enough without books: howbeit this I do remember of Chrysostom, that he saith that Christ lieth upon the alter, as the Seraphines with their tongues touche our lips with the coals of the alter in heaven, which is an hyperbolical loquution, of which you know Chrysostom is full.
It is evident that you are to far gone: but let us come then to the Church, out of the which ye are excommunicate.
I am not excommunicate out of Christ's Church my Lord, although they which seem to be in the Church and of the Church have excommunicated me, as the poor blind man was, John. 9. I am sure Christ receiveth me.
You do deceive yourself.
Here, after much talk of excommunication, at length Bradford said.
Assuredly, as I think you did well to depart from the Romish church, so I think ye have done wickedly to couple yourselves to it again, for you can never prove it, which you call the mother church, to be Christ's Church.
Ah M. Bradford, you were but a child when this matter began. I was a young man, and then coming frō the University, I went with the world, but I tell you it was always against my conscience.
I was but a child then: howbeit as I told you, I think you have done evil. For ye are come & have brought others to that wicked man which sitteth in the Temple of God, that is in the church: for it cannot be understand of Mahomet, or any out of the Church, but of such as bear rule in the Church.
See how you build your faith upon such places of Scripture as are most obscure to deceive yourself, as though ye were in the Church where you are not.
Well my Lord, though I might by fruits judge of you and others: yet will I not utterly exclude you out of the church. And if I were in your case, I would not condemn him utterly, that is of my faith in the Sacrament: knowing as you know, that at the least 800. years after Christ, as my L. of Duresme writeth, it was free to believe or not to believe transubstantiation.
This is a toy that you have found out of your own brain: as though a man not believing as the church doth, that is transubstantiation, were of the church.
He is an heretic, and so none of the Church that doth hold any doctrine against the definitiō of the church: as a man to hold against transubstantiatiō. Cyprian was no heretic though he believed rebaptising of them which were baptized of heretics, because he held it before the church had defined it, whereas if he had holden it after, thē had he been an heretic.
Oh my Lord, will ye condemn to the devil any man that believeth truly the xii. Articles of the faith (wherein I • ache the unity of Christ's Church to consist) although in some points he believe not the definition of that which ye call the Church? I doubt not but that he which holdeth firmly the Articles of our belief, though in other things he dissent from your definitions, yet he shall be saved.
Chichester. Yea, said both the Bishops? this is your Divinity.
No, it is Paul's, which saith, that if they hold the foundation Christ, though they build upon him straw and stubble, yet they shall be saved.
Lord God, how you delight to lean to so hard and dark places of the Scriptures.
I will show you how that Luther did excommunicate Zwingli for this matter, and so he read a place of Luther making for his purpose.
My Lord, what Luther writeth, as you much pass not, no more do I in this case▪ My faith is not built on Luther, Zwingli, or Oecolampadius is this point: and in deed to tell you truly, I never read any of their works in this matter. As for them, I do think assuredly that they were, and are God's Children and Saints with him.
Well, you are out of y e Communion of the Church.
I am not: for it consisteth and is in faith.
Loe, how make you your Church invisible: for you would have the Communion of it to consist in faith.
For to have Communion with the Church needeth no visiblenes of it: for Communion consisteth, as I said, in faith, and not in exterior ceremonies, as appeareth both by Paul, which would have one faith, and by Irenaeus to Uictor, for the observation of Easter, saying that disagreeing of fasting should not break the agreeing of faith.
The same place hath often even wounded my conscience, because we disseuered our selves from the Sea of Rome.
Well, God forgive you: for you have done evil to bring England thither again.
Here my Lord of York took a book of paper of common places, and read a piece of Saint Agustine contra Epistolam Fundamenti, how that there were many things that did hold S. Augustine in the bosom of the Church consent of people and nations, authority confirmed with miracles, nourished with hope, increased with charity, established with antiquity: besides this, there holdeth me in the Church, saith S. Augustine, the succession of priests from Peters seat until this present Bishop. Last of all the very name of Catholic doth hold me. &c. Lo (quoth he) how say you to this of Saint Augustine? paint me out your Church thus.
My Lord these words of S. Augustine make as much for me as for you: although I might answer, that all this, if they had been so firm as you make them, might have been alleged against Christ and his apostles. For there was the law and the ceremonies consented on by the whole people, confirmed with miracles, antiquity and continual succession of Bishops from Aaron's time until that present.
In good faith M. Bradford, you make to much of the state of the Church before Christ's coming.
Therein I do but as Peter teacheth. 2. Pet. 2. and Paul very often. You would gladly have your Church here very glorious, and as a most pleasant Lady. But as Christ said: Beatus est quicunque non fuerit offensus per me: So may his Church say: Blessed are they that are not offended at me.
Yea, you think that none is of the Church but such as suffer persecution.
What I think, God knoweth. I pray your Grace judge me by my words and speaking, and mark that Paul saith: Omnes qui. &c. All that will live godly in Christ Jesus must suffer persecution. Sometimes Christ's Church hath rest here: but commonly it is not so, and specially towards the end her form will be more unseemly.
But what say you to Saint Augustine? where is your Church that hath the consent of people and nations?
Even all people and nations that be God's people have consented with me, and I with them in y e docrine of faith.
Lo, ye go about to shift off all things.
No my Lord: I mean simply, and so speak, God knoweth.
Yea, that seat then was nothing so much corrupt as it is now.
Well, you always judge the church.
No my Lord, Christ's sheep discern Christ's voice, but they judge it not: so they discern the Church, but judge her not.
Yes, that you do.
No, and it like your grace: and yet full well may one not only doubt, but judge also of the Romish church: for she obeyeth not Christ's voice, as Christ's true church doth.
Wherein.
In latin service, and robbing the Laity of Christ's cup in the sacrament and in many other things, in which it committeth most horrible sacrilege.
Why? Latin service was in England when the pope was gone.
True: the time was in England whē the pope was away, but not all popery: as in king Henries days.
Latin service was appointed to be song and had in the Queere, where only were Clerici, that is, such as understood latin, the people sitting in the body of the Church praying their own private prayers: and this may well be yet seen by making of the Chauncell and Queere, so as y e people could not come in, or hear them.
Yea, but in Chrisostomes time, and also in the latin church in Saint Jerome's time, all the Church (saith he) reboat. Amen. That is, answereth again mightily, Amen. Whereby we may see that the prayers were made so, that both the people heard them, and understood them.
Ye are to blame to say that the Church robbeth the people of the cup.
Well my Lord, term it as it please you: all men know that laytie hath none of it.
In deed I would wish the Church would define again, that they might have it, for my part.
If God make it free, who cā define to make it bond?
Well master Bradford, we leese our labor, for ye seek to put away all things which are told you to your good: your Church no man can know.
Yes, that ye may well.
I pray you whereby?
Forsooth Chrysostom saith: Tantummodo per Scripturas, alonely by the Scriptures: and this speaketh he very oftentimes, as ye well know.
In deed that is of Chrysostom •• in opere imperfecto, which may be doubted of. The thing whereby the Church may be known best, is succession of Bishops.
No my Lord: Lyra full well writeth upon Matthew, that Ecclesia non consistit in hominibus ration potestatis secularis aut Ecclesiasticae, sed in hominibus in quibus est notitia vera, & confessio fidei & veritatis, That is: The church consisteth not in men by reason either of secular or temporal power: but in men endued with true knowledge, and confession of faith, and of verity.
And in Hylarius time, you know he writeth to Aurentius, that the Church did rather delitescere in cauer •• s, then eminere in primarijs sedibus, That is, was hidden rather in caves and holes, then did glister and shine in thrones of preeminence.
Then came one of the servants and told them that my Lord of Duresme tarried for them at Mayster Yorkes house: and this was after that they had tarried three hours with Bradford. And after that their man was come, they put up their written books of common places, and said that they lamented his case: they willed him to read over a book, which did Doct. Crome good: & so wishyng him good in words, they went their way, and poor Bradford to his prison.
After this communication with the Bishops ended, within two days following came into the Counter two Spanish Friers to talk with master Bradford, sent (as they said) by the Earl of Darby, Of whom the one was y e kings Confessor: y e other was Alphonsus, who had before written a popish book against heresies, the effect of which their reasoning here likewise followeth.
Talke between master Bradford and two Spanish Friars.
VPpon the 25. day of February, about 8. of the clock in the morning, two Spanish Friars came to the Coūter where Bradford was prisoner: to whō Bradford was called. Then the one Friar, which was the kings Confessor, asked in Latin (for all their talk was in Latin) of Bradford, whether he had not seen nor heard of one Alphonsus that had written against heresies?
I do not know him.
Well this man (pointing to Alphonsus) is he. We are come to you of love and charity, by the means of the Earl of Darby, because you desired to confer with us.
I never desired your coming, nor to confer with you, or any other. But seeing you are come of charity, as you say, I cannot but thank you: and as touching conference, though I desire it not, yet I will not refuse to talk with you, if you will.
It were requisite that you did pray unto God, that ye might follow the direction of God's spirit, that he would inspire you so that ye be not addict to your own self will or wit.
Whereupon Bradford made a prayer, and besought God to direct all their willes, words, and works, as the wills, words, and works of his children forever.
Yea, you must pray with your heart. For if you speak but with tongue only, God will not give you his grace.
Syr do not judge, least ye be judged. You have heard my words, now charity would have you to leave y e judgment of the heart to God.
You must be as it were a neuter, and not wedded to yourself, but as one standing in doubt: pray and be ready to receive what God shall enspire, for in vain laboreth our tongue to speak else.
Syr my sentence, if you mean it for Religion, must not be in a doubting or uncertain, as I thank God I am certain in that for which I am condemned: I have no cause to doubt of it, but rather to be most certain of it, and therefore I pray God to confirm me more in it. For it is his truth, and because it is so certain and true that it may abide the light, I dare be bold to have it looked on, and confer it with you, or any man: in respect whereof I am both glad of your coming, and thank you for it.
What is the matter whereof you were condemned? we know not.
Syr I have been in prison almost 2. years: I never transgressed any of their laws wherefore I might justly be prisoned, & now am I condemned only because I frankly confessed (whereof I reap̄t not) my faith concerning the sacrament, when I was demanded in these 2. points: one that there is no transubstantiation: the other, that the wicked do not receive Christ's body.
Let us look a little on the first. Do you not believe that Christ is present really, and corporally in the form of bread?
No, I do believe that Christ is present to the faith of the worthy receiver, as there is present bread and wyne to the senses and outward man: as for any such presence of including and placing Christ, I believe not, nor dare believe.
I am sure you believe Christ's natural body is circūscriptible. And here he made much ado of the 2. natures of Christ, how that the one is everywhere, & the other is in his proper place, demaūding such questions, as no wise man would have spent any time about. At length, because the Frier had forgotten to conclude, Bradford put him in mind of it, and thus then at length he concluded: how that because Christ's body was circumscriptable concerning the human nature in heaven, therefore it was so in the bread.
How hangeth this together? Even as if you should say: because you are here, Ergo it must needs follow that you are at Rome. For this you reason: Because Christ's body is in heaven, Ergo it is in the Sacrament under the form of bread: which no wise man will grant.
Why, will you believe nothing, but that which is expressly spoken in the Scriptures?
Yes Syr, I will believe whatsoever you shall by demonstratian out of the Scripture declare unto me.
He is obstinate, quoth Alphonsus to his fellow: and then turning to Bradford said, is not God able to do it?
Yes, but here the question is of God's will, and not of his power.
Why? doth he not say plainly, this is my body?
Yes, and I deny not but that it is so, to the faith of the worthy receyuer.
To the faith? how is that?
Forsooth Syr as I have no tongue to express it: so I know ye have no ears to hear & understand it. For faith is more then man can utter.
But I can tell all that I believe.
You believe not much then. For if you believe y e joys of heaven, and believe no more thereof then you can tell, you will not yet desire to come thither. For as the mind is more capable & receiueable thē the mouth: so it conceiveth more then tongue can express.
Christ saith it is his body.
And so say I, after a certain manner.
S, Augustine telleth it more plainly, that it is Christ's body after the same manner as Circumcision was the covenant of God, and the Sacrament of faith is faith: or to make it more plain, as baptism and the water of baptism is regeneration.
Uery well said, Baptism and the water thereof is a Sacrament of God's grace & spirit in the water cleansing the Baptized.
No Syr, away w t your enclosing but this I grant, that after the same sort Christ's body is in the bread, on which sort the grace and spirit of God is in the water.
In water is God's grace by signification.
So is the body in the bread in the Sacrament.
You are much deceived in that you make no difference between the Sacraments that be standers, and the sacraments that are transitory and passers by. As for example, the Sacrament of Order, which you deny, though S. Augustine affirm it, it is a standard, although the ceremony be past. But in Baptism so soon as the body is washed, the water ceaseth not to be a Sacrament.
Uery good, and so it is in the Supper of the Lord: no 〈1 page duplicate〉 longer then it is in use, is it Christ's Sacrament.
Here was the Friar in a wonderful rage, and spake so high (as often he had done before) that the whole house rang again, cha • ing with om and cho. He hath a great name of learning, but surely he hath little patience. For if Bradford had been anything hot, one house could not have held them. At the length he cometh to this point, that Bradford could not find in the Scripture Baptism and the Lord's Supper to bear any similitude together. And here he triūphed before the conquest, saying that these men would receive nothing but scripture, and yet were able to prove nothing by the Scripture.
Be patient, & you shall see that by the Scripture I will find Baptism & the Lord's supper coupled together.
No, that canst thou never do. Let me see a text of it.
Paul saith: That as we are Baptized into one body: so were we potati in vno spiritu: that is: we have dronk of one spirit, meaning of the cup in the Lord's Supper.
Paul hath no such words.
Yes that he hath.
I trow he hath not.
Geue me a Testament, and I will show you.
So a Priest that sat by them, gave him his Testament, and he shown them the plain text. Then they looked one upon another. In fi • e the Friers found this simple shift, that Paul spake not of the Sacrament.
Well the text is plain enough, and there are of the fathers which do so understand the place: For Chrysostom doth expound it so.
Alphonsus which had the Testament in his hand, desirous to suppress this foil, turned the leaves of y e book from leaf to leaf, till he came to the place. 1. Cor. 11. & there he read how that he was guilty, which made no difference of the Lord's body.
Yea, but therewith he saith: He that eateth of the bread: calling it bread still, and that after consecration (as ye call it) as in the 10. to the Corinthians he saith: The bread which we break. &c.
Oh how ignorant are ye, which know not that things after their conversion do retain the same names which they had before, as Moses rod: and calling for a byble, after he had found the place, he began to triumph: But Bradford cooled him quickly, saying:
Syr, there is mension made of the conuersiō, as well, as that the same appeared to the sense. But here ye cannot find it so. Find me one word how the bread is converted, & I will then say, ye bring some matter that maketh for you
At these words the Frier was troubled, & at length he said, how that Bradford hanged on his own sense.