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English Puritan & Reformed

Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

John Foxe (1516-1587) · 4,228,662 words · 18794 min

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place to place, and day today, only for their vexation, laying no matter against them: and being diverse times required the copy of his proceedings against them, to thintent they might answer accordingly, and be at their lawful defense: he denieth to all such persons, the copies of his proceedings.

Item, he and his officers wink at the manifest and open [ 17] crimes of his fautours and adherents, to the evil example of the whole Dioces, and abuseth the censures of excommunication and suspension, making it an instrument of revenging against such, as they do not favor.

Item, having received payment of the kings majesties [ 18] subsidy, due in October, the fourth year of his graces reign, of the foresaid Chaunter of the Cathedral Church of Saint David's, and Rowland Meyrike, two of the Residentaries there, before Christmas last, he unjustly of a prepensed mind and purpose, afterward certified them for recusantes, to their undoing, if they had not been admonished of his cruel purpose, and provided lawful defense for the same.

Item, the said Bishop celebrating matrimony in his own person, dispensed contrary to the book of ordinance, [ 19] with the parties married, for not receiving the holy communion: the parties both bring young, and lusty persons, having no reasonable cause wherefore they should abstain. At which celebration, the Byshoppe communicated not himself. And further, the communion was celebrated by a Chapleyne of his, with superstitious blowynges, kneelynges, and knockinges, both of the Chaplayne that ministered, & of all the company, only one other Priest communicating for the manner.

*Mayntenaunce of superstition contrary to the kings ordinance and Injunctions.

ITem, where the Officiall of Tharchedeacon of Carmarthen, [ 20] in his visitation within Carmarthen, found contrary unto the said ordinance, an Aultar set up in the body of the Church, for celebration of the communion, and caused the said Aultar to be taken away, and a table to be set in the middle of the Church: the Bishop after the same, commanded the Uicar of Carmarthen, to set the table without the chauncell again for the ministration of the communion.

Item, he being often in Carmarthen, and other places [ 21] in the chauncell at y e time of holy communion, not only carried there him self, neither communicating nor ministering bareheaded and vncoyffid, reverently kneeling, but also permitteth the people there to continue the chauncell and quire full, kneeling and knockyng their breasts. Which manner is yet used in all the dyocesse without any reformation or gaynesay of him or any of his officers.

Item, whereas superstious praying upon beads [ 22] is not only ungodly, but reproved in the Kynges Majesty's injunctions: the said Byshopppe meeting many with beads in their hands, never rebuked any of them.

Item, the said Byshopye being in the Pulpyt, and seeing corses there within the Church, with a [ 23] great number of lights upon them, never spake against any of them.

Item, where as thordinaunce will, that no children be baptized but upon the Sondaye, or holy day (only [ 24] cause of necessity excepted) he having two children himself borne without danger, caused one of them to be baptized upon the work day. And by his example, without any contradiction or motion of reformation, it is used as it hath been accustomed, in all the dyocesse commonly, contrary unto the book of ordinance in that behalf.

Covetousness.

Item, from his first coming into the dyocesse, he hath had and yet hath his only study, labor, [ 25] and practice, to survey lands, and to look for mines &c. neglecting his own bounden duty to apply his book and preaching.

Item, he keepeth no manner hospitality, but hath his servants table in one parlor with him, least any stranger [ 26] should approach, his servants being at their meat.

Item, he is commonly talking, not of any godliness but of worldly matters, as baking brewing, enclosing, [ 27] plowing, mining of millstones, discharging of tenaunts, and such like, not only at his table, but also most commonly at other places.

Item, he hath warned diverse tenauntes out of their lands, which they and their elders have enjoyed for [ 28] their rentes, these hundred years, and more: and occupied with tillage, which he saith he will enclose, and being sued to, of poor men, because of quietness, he answered: the crows shall eat the corn, rather then ye shall have any profit thereof.

Item, when the Uicars Chorall of S. David's for relief of their hospitality, had an Island of his, called the bishops [ 29] Isle, for xl. s. rent: he hath set it to a chapleyn of his for v.li. by year. And where at the suit of the said Uicars, it was granted by the bishop in the whole chapiter, that the Uicares should have it for years at xl. s. rent, and pay xx.li. entry: he now couetously and against his promise openly made, denieth the same, except the Uicars would give l.li.

Item, he caused the Curate of S. David's, to warn their tenauntes out of their said lands in the pulpit, to [ 30] the great offense of the people, which were wont to have God's word preached there: and so they said to the Curate at that time.

Item, to the plowing of a pasture not above x. days work, in Lent. An. 1549. he had 32. ploughes in one day, [ 31] and those ploughes the priest bad in the Church, contrary to the statute of Gomortha in that behalf provided, and to the evil example of gentlemen in that country.

Item, where the kings majesties of godly remembrance, [ 32] Henry theight, appointed at Brekenock a schoolmaster, vssher, Reader of divinity, a Minister, & certain scholars, and for the maintenance thereof, appointed lx. and xii.li. of the pensions and revenues of Brekenocke: the Bishop finding it so furnished, hath neither Reader nor Minister there, couetously converting their stipends to his own use.

Item, the Bish. was twice in one day presented in the great court holden in the town of Carmarthen, for enclosing [ 33] and covetous encroching of the kings hye way.

Item, he couetously occupyeth purchasing of lands, bying of cattle, marchaundise, and other things being [ 34] indetted a notable sum to the kings Majesty, as may by his accounts in the court of tenths, and first fruits appear.

Item, whereas one Lewis John Thomas boole, putting from him his lawful wedded wife, upon Christmas [ 35] even last past, without banes had marriage solemnizate with a concubine of his in a Church within 3. miles of the Bishops abode at that time: The Bishop since knowing the premisses hath not only of a covetous mind entered familiaritye with the said Lewis, and bought a piece of land of him, but also ever since hath (for to have his lands good chepe) left both the parties and priest unpunished, using him to familiarly, that whereas a Somner cited the parties to appear among other criminals for the same fact: the Byshoppe commanded the said Somner to let him alone, and so they all remain unpunished.

Item, where as the whole Chapiter of Saint David's (as it was thought) was in assured amity with the Byshoppe, they all being his Officers or Chaplains, he procured them to be unpleaded with Wryt of Quo warranto in the kings Bench, keeping the Wryt with him secretly, at the least three months, not delivering it, but only ten days before the day of their apparance, the parties being seven days journey distant from London.

Item, he is a willful wrong doer, and troubler of men in their rightes, entering upon their lawful possessions, stirring thereby much contention, and so notably known, to the offense of the country.

Wilfull negligence.

ITem, whereas the Bishop aforesaid, was appointed [ 38] in August. An. 1547. and consecrated in September following, he never came into the Diocese himself, nor sent or appointed any Officer there before the month of April. An. 1548. to the great disorder of the kings Majesty's subjects, lack of reformation, and ministration of justice.

[ 39] Item, during his visitation, the said Bishop did not endeavor himself to see reformation, but road surveying of lands, appointing vain enclosures, and such other things. Which are no parte of the office to him committed, nor yet convenient, namely, at that time.

[ 40] Item, the visitation finished, he neither appointed his Officers to examine the clergy of the places of Scripture to them appointed to be studied in the same visitation, nor hath hitherto effectually gone about any godly reformation, according to the ordinances of this realm.

[ 41] Item, the Byshoppe since his coming to the diocese, never ministered the Communion, saving only at two times, that he ordered certain Deacons: but in everything (but that he other whiles preacheth excepted) ordreth himself like no minister, nor man of his vocation.

[ 42] Item, he hath so alienated himself from study, that he preacheth vndiscretely, discrediting the office, not only untruly reporting the Scriptures, but also preaching the ten commandments in one place in declaration of the eight of them, for lack of stuff, the pithe of his matter, was matrimony of priests.

[ 43] Item, the thirteen day of September last, he ordained certain Deacons, and making his exhortation, he taught that a man was not bounden to forgive, but him that asketh forgiveness, and being admonished friendly by a letter to better declare the same, because that diverse were offended with that doctrine: he hath hitherto deferred so to do, to the maintenance of malicious hearts in these parties.

[ 44] Item, since the first day of August. Anno 1549. unto the feast of Candlemasse last, he hath preached but two or three Sermons, of which one was preached at Aberguilly upon S. Stephens day last, to a great audience that understood no English, being but a mile from Carmarthen, an English town, and the chief of his Diocese.

[ 45] Item, since his ordinary visitation, which was finished in July. An. 1548. he hath neither preached nor caused to be preached in the towns of Tinby, Pembroche, nor Hanerforde being English towns, nor much distante from the place of his most continuance.

[ 46] Item, the Churches appropriate to the Bishop have no Paraphrases in English, and few of them Bibles.

[ 47] Item, the Churches of the diocese for the moste parte, and the clergy almost everyone lack Paraphrases, notwithstanding there hath been these two years, and yet be a great number of them to be sold in the Diocese.

Folly.

ITem, to declare his folly in riding, he useth bridle with [ 48] white studs & snaffle, white Scottish stirrups, white spurs, a Scottish padde with a little staff of three quarters long, which he hath not only used superstitiously these four or five years in communication, ofttimes boasting what Countries he hath compassed and measured with the same staff.

[ 49] Item, he hath made a vow, that he will never wear a cap: for he saith, it is comely wearing of a hatte, and so cometh in his long gown and hat, both into the Cathedral church, and to the best Town of his diocese, sitting in that sort in the kings great Sessions, and in his consistory, making himself a mock to the people.

[ 50] Item, he said that he would go to the Parliament on foot. And to his friends that dissuaded him, alleging that it is not meet for a man in his place: he answered, I care not for that, it is no sin.

Item, having a son, he went before the midwife to [ 51] the Church, presenting the child to the Priest, and giving his name Samuel, with a solemn interpretation of the name, appointing also two Godfathers and two Godmothers, contrary to the ordinance, making his son a monster, and himself a laughing stock throughout all the country.

Item, he daily useth whisteling of his child, and sayththat he understood his whistle, when he was but three days old. And being advertised of his friends, that men laughed at his folly: he answered: they whistle their horses and dogs, and I am contented, they might also be contented that I whistle my child, and so whistleth him daily, all friendly admonition neglected.

Item, in his Ordinary visitation among other his [ 53] surueys, he surueyed Milforde haven, where he espied a Seal fish tombling. And he crept down to the water side, and continued there, whistling by the space of an hour, persuading the company that laughed fast at him, that by his whistling he made the fish to tarie there.

Item, speaking of scarcity of herrings, he layeth the [ 54] fault to the covetousness of fishers, who in time of plenty, took so many, that they destroyed the breeders.

Item, speaking of the alteration of the coin, he wished [ 55] that what metal so ever it were of, the penny should be in weight worth a penny of the same metal.

For a conclusion, the said Byshoppe in all his doings [ 56] since he came to his Diocese, hath behaved himself moste unmeet for a man of his vocation, being for a minister of Justice, an abuser of the authority to him committed, for a teacher of the truth, and reformer of superstition, a mainteiner of superstition without any doctrine of reformation, for a liberal, and hospital, an insatiable covetous man: for a diligent overseer, willful and negligent: for an example of godly wisdom, given wholly to folly: for a merciful, a cruel revenger. And further, for a peace maker, a sower of discord. And so in all his behavior a discreditor and slanderer of his vocation, and a deceiver of all men▪ that had hope that he should do any reformatiō. For he yet hath neither brought into his diocese, nor hath belonging unto him any learned preacher. But such learned preachers as he found in the diocese at his entry, he so vexeth and disquieteth, that they cannot attend to apply their preaching, for the defense of their livings, against his quarellous inventions and unjust certificates.

After these wrangling Articles and informations were given up, then was the Bishop called for to answer, the hearing whereof was committed unto D. Wotton, and Sir John Mason knight, who likewise received the Bishops aunsweares to the foresaid articles, the copy and effect of which answers hereafter follow.

The answer of Robert, Bishop of S. David's, to the Articles ministered unto him.

TO the first Article he saith, that after lawful monition in the kings Majesty's name & authority, from the said B. (being then at London) given to the Chanter & chapter of S. David's, for visitation at a certain day there to be entered: the said Bishop himself, for such purpose coming into the Diocese, knowing also that the Chaunter, and one of the Canons of that Church, & late before commissaries in that Diocese, had not only by their own evil example and winking at the faults of other, or neglecting to correct the same, left there among priests and others, much detestable whoredom: but had also spoiled the Cathedral church of Crosses, Chalices and Censers, with other plate, jewels, and ornaments of the Church to the value of 5. C. marks or more, for their own private lucre, (the Church remaining even yet very vile & in great decay:) and had also made further under their Chapiter seal many blanks to the number of twelve or moe, Sede vacante, without the kings license or knowledge: Therefore he brought with him one Edmunde Farlee, Bachelor of law, by D. Tong and D. Neuinson, to him commended as a man sufficient in faithful truth, and learning, to be his Chancellor. To whom he granted and Sealed a Commission for that purpose, giving credit to him in his faculty, concerning the draught and form thereof. But the kings Majesty's style of Supremacy was ullye set forth in the same commission. Whether there were any default of formal words in setting forth of the kings authority therein, he is not certain. For he committed the doing thereof to his Chauncelloure, who was commended to him for a learned man. And the Bishop saith, that he did never ground the Commission upon any foreign usurped laws or authority. Neither did his said Chancellor by force of such authority, visit any Deanrie of the said Diocese, nor gave any monition to the Chauntour and Chapiter there, by force of that Commission, for any like intent or purpose, but only offered in y e kings Majesty's name, and authority (to the said Bysh. committed) for to enter visitation of the Chaunter and Chapter of the Cathedral Church, at another day to be executed by the Byshoppe himself, for reformation of the Chapiter Church, and Ministers there, according to the kings gracious ordinances and Injunctions in that behalf. But the aforesaid Chanter and Canon of the church, before the sight of any Commission, stubbornly answered the said Chancellor, that they would not receive him, nor any other to visit them, except he were one of their Chapter. And further desiring to see his Commission, de •• uered the same into their hands, and would not deliver it him again. And so it may appear that he did nothing by force of that Commission.

To the seconde Article he saith, that they opened not [ 2] unto him the danger of any statute to his knowledge and remembrance. Nevertheless, he not knowing any default in the said Commission, and certainly minedynge with all diligence the faithful execution of his Office of preaching, and visitinge the whole Diocese in his own person, by the kings Majesty's authority, for the conservation of God's peace, and the kings, in that dangerous time of rebellion, then beginning to arise in other places, did neglect and lay apart the stubborn behavior and ungodly doings of the said Chaunter and Canon, and agreed with them, omitting all contemptes and reproaches towards him and his said Chancellor, and all manner of contention by them done, fearing else that through their unquietness, some tumult might have risen amongst the people there, and did also make the said Chanter his Chācellour, and Canon his Commissary, according to their ambitious desires, to appease their malice in that dangerous time. And further, he saith that he made a Collation to syr John. Euans of the Uicarage of Pembrin, what day or time he remembereth not, not by any old foreign usurped authority, but by the kings authority only, making full mention of the kings style and authority in the same Collation.

To the third and fourth he saith, that whereas he [ 3. & 4.] had granted to George Constantine the office of a Register, who brought unto him a Commission for the Chācellourshippe to be sealed, and delivered to the foresaid Chaunter of Saint David's, desiring the said Byshoppe to Seal it, he utterly refused so to do, because the said George had put therein a clause of admitting Clerks into benefices: the which authority the said Bishop would not in any wise grant, reserving the examination and admission of Clerks, only to himself, for the avoiding of wicked bribery and parcialitie. Whereuppon the said George and the Chaunter promised the said Byshoppe by their faith and trouthe, afore three or four honest witnesses, not to execute that clause of Institution into benefices, but only to those Clerks whom the Bishop did first examine and admit, and send unto them for to be instituted and inducted, upon which promise the Bishop sealed the said Commission. And after that time, the parsonage of Haskarde being void, and by the reason of laps devolved to the Bishops gift for that time, he conferred it to one Sir Henry Godherd with a Collation or Institution by the kings authority, not extolling any foreign usurped authority. In the which collation or institution is fully mentioned the renunciation of the Bishop of Rome, and all foreign powers and authority, with the full style of his Majesty's supremacy. And this collation of the Church of Haskarde he gave, before he understood or knew that his Chancellor had given out the like, and he surely thinketh, his Collation was the first. That notwithstanding the said George Constantine, and the said Chaunter having a vowson determined by reason of laps, admitted and instituted one John Gough, to the said personnage of Haskarde by virtue of their expired vowson and sealed his institution with a wrong Seal, because they had not the right seal of office to that purpose) contrary to their former earnest promise, and the Bishops right, and without any manner of warning or foreknowledge thereof to him given, which thing by them untruly done, the said George Constantine nevertheless came to the Bishops house, and there did write with his own hand the letters of Induction for the said Sir Henry Godherd Prieste, comprising in the same the whole sum of the Institution or Collation, which the said Byshoppe had made, and the same George did seal the said letters of induction with his own hand, fineding no manner of fault therein, nor making any word or mention of his and the Chauntours former wrong doings, but so departed for that time. And afterward he came again, and shown the Byshoppe, what they had done before, concerning the Parsonage aforesaid. And further, the said Defendant saith, that he did not molest the said John Gough, but lawfully did call him in the kings Majesty's name, not for any title of Patronage, but to know, whether he were Parson of Haskarde, and howe he was thereto admitted and instituted, and inducted, and by what authority he presumed to preach there, without the kings Majesty's license, with other like lawful demands, whereunto he sturdely refused to give answer: and saith that the Article contained in his accusation, saying thus. Item interrogetur quo titulo tenet rectoriam de Haskarde, was not ministered unto the party in that sort, so far as he knoweth, but in these words or like. Quomodo intrauit in Rectoriam. &c.

To the fifth he saith, that all be it George Constantine Register, did willfully withdraw his bounden service, [ 5] due to the Kings highness, and to the said defendaunt in the Kings name, refusing to attend either by himself, or his sufficient Deputy for writing of Recordes and other Instruments, yet the said Defendant made his Collatiōs and Institutions in his own name, not by his own authority, nor by any others, save only the Kings authority, according as he hath declared in his answer to the first Article, expressing in them the kings supremacy, with the Bishops own name and seal of office, as he ought to do, according to the provision of the kings Statute in such a case.

To the sixth he saith, that the Uicarie of Pembrin being [ 6] void, he as righte patron thereof to his knowledge, conferred it to John Euans Clearke, with letters of institution and induction: and after when the kings presentation came to him for one David Ieinkin clearke, he desired fourtene days respite at that time, either to show ancient record for his right, and then the matter to stand to the determination of the law, or elles if he shown not, both he and his clarke, to give place to the kings Clarke. Whych condition was by Syr Thomas Joan’s Knight, Doctor M. and the said David Ieinkin received, and an Institution, with an Induction was made conditionally to be put into the hands of Sir Thomas Joan’s Knighte, for safe custody for the kings Clerks behoove, after the fourteen days to be executed at the hands of the said Defendaunt, if he failed to show. Wythin which time the said Defendaunt did show an old ancient record, declaring the full righte of Patronage, on the said Defendauntes behalf, and so that Institution and Induction was never by the said Defendaunt put in execution. Nevertheless, the said David Ieinkin (contrary to his promise and oath, giving thereupon his righte hand to the said Syr Thomas Joan’s Knight) took advantage by the said writing, without knowledge of the said Defendaunt. After which time the Lord Chancellor by his letters written to the said Defendaunt, advertised him, to admit one John Appowell clearke, presented by virtue of a vowson which the L. Chancellor judged to be good, and so to be admitted, notwithstanding his former presentation, whereby he would not abarre the other man's right. And so this Defendaunt made one Collation, two Institutions and three Mandates, doing no wrong thereby to his knowledge. And further he saith, that there was no business nor unquietness about the possession of the said Uicarage, but this Defendaunt giving place, was content to loose his right for that time.

To the seventh he saith, that as he now remembereth, [ 7] he never decreed any Caueates to be made in benefices, neither did institute nor cause to be inducted, any into benefices, being known to him litigious. [ 8]

To the eight he saith, that because the Archdeacons be absent from their Offices, and have not had faithful diligent Officials, he hath directed his Mandates to them or their Officials, or to other lawful persons in that behalf, so far as he knoweth. [ 9. & 10.]

To the ninthe and tenthe Articles, he denieth as very untrue. [ 11]

To the xi. he saith, that whereas Syr Thomas Ioans Knighte advertised him, that Thomas Pricharde had celebrated Matrimony in a private house, betwixt a certain Priest, and a woman whose sister had refused the same, the said Pricharde leaving his own cure unserved on that Sunday, this defendant did put the same Thomas Prychard to penance for so doing, marrying them without banes. And whereas he made the said Thomas Aprichard, who is a Bachelor of law, his Commissary: it was for the respect of learning in the law, thereby faithfully to execute his office according to Justice. And the said Defendaunt did never favor nor bear with any man wittinglye in his wrong doings. He confesseth that the Matrimonye was solemnized in a private church, and that the cure was that day unserved.

[ 12] To the 12. he saith, that it is slanderous and utterly untrue. And that one syr John Hughs Priest, made Sage Hughs (daughter to his Steppemother) an harlot at 11. years of age, and after married openly to another man, being Minister thereof himself. After which doing, he took her away from her Husband again, and kept her, alleging a former contract. And when the said John Hughs was lawfully convicted before the said Bishop, in open Court at Carmarthen of that his abhominable adultery, claiming the kings pardon thereof, yet the said Sage confessed, that he had to do with her the night before that day of appearance. Which latter crime he denied. Nevertheless, she proved with child, affirming both before the birth and after, the child to be his, the Midwife and other being witnesses thereof. Yet notwithstanding George Constantine as a wicked Bolsterer of the said Priest in his naughtye doings, with the help of the aforesaid Chaunter, first uttered that Meredith Thomas was Father of the said child, which matter was ordered in the Ecclesiastical Court, according to Justice without any parciall affection of the said Bishop, or of any other to his knowledge.

[ 13] To the 13. he saith, it is utterly false so far as he knoweth.

[ 14] To the 14. he saith, that by lawful sequestration in the Kings Majesty's name, he committed the custody of the fruits of Langatnok, and Lanuihangell to two houost men, for the behoufe of the Kynges first fruits and tenths, and of the next incumbent, and further he did not meddle nor minister any cause of unquietness in that behalf.

To the 15. he saith, that he made a collation, lawful [ 15] as he supposeth, of the prebend of Lanbister, to Stephen Green his Chapleine without any covenant or color, and further he did not meddle in that behalf.

[ 16] To the 16. he saith, all is untrue as far as he knoweth.

[ 17] To the 17. he saith, it is all untrue for his own part, & for his officers, as far as he knoweth.

[ 18] To the 18. he saith, it is untrue as far as he knoweth, and that he did certify the recusants justly, as he thinketh, because they refused willfully to pay the Kynges whole Subsidye, of their whole diuidenesse, as it standeth in the Kings book, pertaining to the Canons resident.

[ 19] To the 19. he saith, that after travail of fourtene Miles, being not able fasting to Celebrate Communion, in a Chapel within the house of Syr Thomas Joan’s Knyght, one of the Kings Majesty's honorable Counsayle of the Marches of Wales: this Defendaunte celebrated Matrimony without the receiving the Communion for the causes abovesaid, betwixt Mayster Griffith Ryce, and the Daughter of the said Syr Thomas Joan’s, according to the kings ordinances. And Thomas Upricharde Prieste administered the holy Communion there, without any superstition, to this defendauntes knowledge, and the married persons not disposed to receive the holy Communion, he could not compel them against their consciences, and saith that he did not dispense with them as it is contained in the article.

To the slanderous and untrue title of maintenance of superstition. &c. he saith, that he did not maintain any superstition, contrary to the kings ordinances and injunctions, but abhorring in his heart all superstition, hath traveled and doth travel to abolish the same by true doctrine and doing, as much as he can, with the kings peace amongst his people there.

[ 20] TO the 20. he saith, that George Constantine in the third year of the kings Majesty’s reign, not regarding the dangerous time of rebellion in other places, rashly caused to be pulled down without any authority known to this defendaunt, the communion altar in Carmarthen Church, by his own presumptuous mind appointing the use thereof in another place of the church, not without grudge of the people. Wherefore the Bishop fearing tumult, commanded the vicar to set up the communiō table (for the time) nere to the place where it was before.

To the 21. he saith that he hath been diverse times in [ 21] the query of Carmarthen, and hath tarried there in the communion time not communicating himself, and that in every Church where he cometh on the holy day to preach, or to pray, he kneeleth in the query bareheaded, as well at Matines before the Communion, as at Evensong after without any superstition: he thinketh it not necessary for the Communions sake to leave kneeling to Christ. But he hath diligently taught the people not to kneel nor knock to the visible show, or external show of the Sacrament. And the queres of Carmarthen and other places there, are not close at the sides, so that the people may come in and forth at their pleasure. Moreover the Kings ordinances doth not authorise him to rebuke the people for knocking on their breasts in token of repentance of their sins nor for kneeling in token of submission to God for mercy in Christ.

To the 22. he saith, that in time of rebellion in Deuon. [ 22] and Cornewall, threatening to come into Wales, he teaching the people the true form of prayer, according to God's holy word, and declaring the prayer upon beads to be vain and superstitious, yet durst not for fear of tumulte, forcibly take from any man his beads without authority. And touching the not reproving of such as he should meet, wearing beads, he remembereth not that he hath so done, unless it were in the rebellion time, at which time he durst not rebuke such Offenders.

To the 23. he saith, that he being in the Pulpitte, his [ 23] face towards the people, did not see the lights, if any were set up about the corpse behind his back, till after that he came down from the Pulpitte. But he with George Constantine and the aforesaid Chauntour, sitting in the Church in Carmarthen, to hear causes, and seeing the Vicar with other Priests, with song and lights bringing a corpse up to the Church, called forthwyth the Vicar and Priests, and rebuked them in open court as cormorantes and Ravens flying about the dead carcase for lucre sake.

To the 24. he saith, that he caused the one child being [ 24] borne with great peril of death to the Mother, and it self lying for dead a certain space after, to be christened on the working day: the other child was Christened on the working day, because both Father and Mother, and all other people there, were in peril of death, by reason of the sudden sweat, which all men feared at that time. And touching the rest of the accusatiō which is, that by that example, it is used after the old accustomed fashion, he knoweth no such thing.

To the title of Covetousness he saith: that his doings prove the contrary as his neighbors knoweth.

And to the 25. Article he utterly denieth.

To the 26. he saith, that his Hall at Aberguilly being [ 25] ruinous, he useth for his Hall a great Chamber adjoining, [ 26] for his self and his servants, and all manner of strangers, and besides twenty persons in house daily. What other hospitality he keepeth, honest neighbors can testify.

To the 27. he saith, that his talk is according to his [ 27] hearers, that is to say reverently and truly of faith, love, and honest life, according to the Scriptures to like Auditors, and to other irreverent and rash Turmoylers of Scriptures and holy doctrine he doeth talk of honest worldly things with Godly intent: and that he doeth not moste commonly talk of such things as are expressed in this Article, but when he hath honest occasion so to do.

The 28. he saith is untrue, and that he hath warned [ 28] no man out of their lands: but where he is destitute of necessary provision, and would have part of his own demayne from certain free holds, having it only from year to year, of pleasure, he cannot obtain it without brawlyng. Wherefore he suffereth them to keep it even yet still, against right reason. And touching the rest, that he had rather the Crowes should eat it. &c. he never spake any such word.

To the 29. he saith that whereas his Predecessour [ 29] Bishop Barloe did let to farm the Isle of Ramsay, to one William Brown, after whose hands this Defendaunt received it into his own possession, the Uicars of Saint David's being dispossessed of it long before, he letted it over to Stephen Green for 40. shillings the ground, as it was before, and three pounds more for seals, connies and fowls there: & he knoweth of no right y e Uicars Chorall had therein, who did refuse when this defendant did diligently upon reasonable conditions offer the same unto them: and this defendant made no promise unto thē, as is contained in the Article.

To the 30. he saith he knoweth not, but that he advertised [ 30] his Bailiff to warn the freeholdes and other having his demayne to rent during pleasure, to leave it at a lawful day, to this Defendantes necessary use, and did not cause the Curate to do as is contained in the Article to his remembrance.

To the 31. he saith, that he knoweth not what y e priest [ 31] bad in the Church, nor howe many plows there came, undesired of this Defendaunt. But he knoweth certainly, that he desired no man's labor but for his money.

To the 32. he saith, that he knoweth not any such appointment [ 32] of Schools and revenues there but he found there (after the departing of Bishop Barloe) a Schoolemayster, an Ussher being a Priest, and 20. Scholers, which he hath hitherto maynteined better then he found it, to his knowledge: he did never convert any pennye thereof to his own use, albeit he might lawfully have done the same.

[ 33] The 33. he saith is all untrue, so far as he knoweth.

To the 34. Article he saith, he never purchased more [ 34] then three percels, whereof one was 2. shillinges 8. pence by year, the second, three shillinges four pence, and the third 26. shillinges 8. pence or there about by year: the rest he denieth.

To the 35. he saith, that he never bought of Louis [ 35] John Thomas his land good cheap, but after forty years purchase, not knowing at that time any such thing as is contained in the article, against the said Louis John. Neither bad he the Somner to let him alone, but as soon as he heard anything of it, commanded the Somner to city him, and so he was cited in this Defendantes house, occasionyng him to break his bargayne, to the which Louis this Defendaunt said these words. If you would give me your land with an house full of gold, I cannot, nor will not suffer you to keep a Lemman. Then the said Louis affirming the latter woman to be his wife, and the first unknown to this Defendaunt, he caused the said Louis to be called to the consistorye for trial, where it hangeth yet: And also by lawful process excommunicated the first Woman, for that she would not by any means appear in the Court to claim or to confess marriage with the said Louis and so she standeth this day, at the point of significauit.

To the 56. he saith, that whereas the Chauntour and [ 36] R. M. with other Canons there, would not obey the Kynges Godlye Injunctions, concerning the fyndyng a School for poor men's Chyldren, a Lectur of Diuinitye, Sermons on the Sondayes, repairing of their Church and Mansion houses, decent order and ministration there, but stubbornly counted themselves (with the Chauntour) to be a body political, without regard of the Byshoppe and his lawful monitions, being himself named in their Shyre Statutes, Decanus, & quasi Decanus, having also their Deans stall in the query, with a Prebende thereunto annexed, and the chief place in the Chapter house with a key of their Chapter Seal, being also by the Kynges Majesty’s Commission appointed their Ordinary: yet would they not in any wise deliver unto him a Book of their Statutes, for the better knowledge of his and their duetyes, nor show unto him their Recordes and Monumentes, for declaration of the kings right and his. For which cause, this Defendaunt by writ of quo warranto, lawfully called them to answer, which yet lieth a sleep, to the loss of the Kings Majesty’s right. The time of delivery of the said writ, he remembereth not.

The 37. he saith is all false, as far as he knoweth.

[ 37]
To the title of willful negligence: he saith that he hath used, to his power willing diligence.

[ 38] TO the 38. he saith, that he being attendant (according to his bounden duty) to serve the Kings highness during the time of the parliament, from the first, unto the last day, and then immediately after repaired into his Dioces, and he might not trust R. M. the Chauntour, and George Constantine to execute faithfully the jurisdiction, because they had before (through their slaundrous life and not punishing misdoers) left the country in great enormity of filthy whoredom. And saith farther, that one cause why he appointed not an Officer. &c. was for that he lacked his letters of authority of Jurisdiction.

[ 39.40.] The 39. and 40. he saith are untrue.

To the 41. he saith, that how often he did minister the Communion he doth not remember, but in all other things so far as he knoweth, he hath studied to order himself according to his vocation, as far as he believeth, he goeth like a Minister.

To the 42. he saith, that he hath not alienated himself from study, neither preached undiscreetly, nor reported [ 42] the Scriptures untruly to his knowledge: (but he hath been very much hindered both from study & preaching, by the malicious, crafty, and covetous behavior of the forenamed persons.) And that he did set forth the doctrine of honest marriage, as well of all other men, as of Priests, even as the Scripture then rehearsed did minister occasion.

To the 43. he saith, that reciting the words of Luke, [ 43] if thy brother have offended against thee, blame him, and if he repent, forgive him, and if he have offended against thee seven times in one day, and seven times in the day be converted unto thee, saying: I am sory, forgive him: He said farther these words in effect: it appeareth by this place of scripture, that we are not bound (except he repent) to forgive him, but we are bound to pray to God to forgive him, and to give him grace to repent, that we may forgive him.

To the 44. he saith, that he hath preached right often [ 44] at Carmarthen, as well as at other places, and he saith that a great number at Aberguilly do understand english very well.

To the 45. he saith, that after he had preached first at [ 45] Brecknocke, Carmarthen, Swanzy Laugharne, Tinby, Pembroche, Hereforde, Saint David's, Cardigan, with other notable Towns, he hath since that time preached to a great many other poor Churches, but not in Tinby nor Pembroche: but for Hereforde he standeth in doubt. And whereas he brought with him at the first, a learned Preacher, of Godly life, the ungodly stubborn behavior of the persons before named, weryed him away. And whereas he had waged another learned man, to come into his Dioces to preach, George Constantine by his discouragement advertised him from this Defendaunt.

To the 46. he saith, that in all his Churches appropriated, there is both Bible and Paraphrases so far as [ 46] he knoweth: and if the Priests there would not show him the lack thereof, yet should the Officialles declare it unto him, that it might be amended (by his will) without delay.

To the 47. he saith, that George Constantine couetously [ 47] engrossed into his hands a great number of Paraphrases, & where as this Defendaunt hath admonished the Clergy to buy, everyone, for his discharge: and if the said George being Officiall of two Archdeaconries, and other Officials in their Office would declare unto him, what Churches do lack Bibles or Paraphrases, he would cause it to be amended as much as in him lieth.

To the title of Folly, he saith that his desire is in true simple manner of his words, deeds, and other honest behavior through God's grace to show Godly wisdom.

TO the 48. he saith, that he thinketh no folly in the decent [ 48] color or fashion with honest use of Saddle, Bridle, Stirrops, Staff, and other like necessary or convenient things, and saith that he useth a Saddle made after the Scottish fashion, with stirrups of iron vnuarnished & like spurs: and black bridle without studdes, the bit and snaffle white as other men's be.

To the 49. he saith, that whē he goeth abroad in winter, [ 49] he weareth a hat to bear of rain and snow, & in summer, to shadow him from the Sun, without any vow of superstition or offense of the people.

To the 50. he saith, that all is one to him, to ride or go, [ 50] as cause requireth, and whether he said as is contained in the article or not, he remembereth not. Howbeit he doth use to go a foot.

To the 51. he saith, that after lawful prayer, it pleased [ 51] God to give him a son begot̄ and borne in honest marriage: whom he therefore caused to be named Samuel, presenting him to the minister to be received into Christ's Church as a poor member of Christ: by the holy Sacrament of baptism was this done openly in the Cathedral Church, with earnest gravity, and without offending any man: and also 2. wives being before at variance, desired both to be Godmothers, which were both received to make unity between them, not knowing any law to the contrary, nor none offense thereby conceived of the people.

To the 52. he saith, that he doth use with gravity, all honest loving enterteinement of his Chylde, to encourage [ 52] him hereafter, willingly at his Fathers mouth, to receive 〈1 page duplicate〉 wholesome doctrine of the true fear & love of God, and saith that he hath whistled to his Chylde, but said not, that the Chylde understood it, and that he answered to one that found fault with it, as is contained in the article.

To the 53. he saith, that he was never Surueyor, but went to see Milforde Haven for honest purpose, and not to survey it: and for that he at the sight of a Seal whistled in his fist, such as meaned folly, might turn it to their purpose. And it is not true that he stood whistlynge an hour to the Seal, nor that any fault was found with it, nor any such answer made by him to his knowledge.

To the 54. he saith, that if he did say, the destroying of the Frie, letteth plenty of Fish, he thinketh the same not against reason: but he remembereth not to have said, as is contained in the article.

To the 55. he saith, that he remembereth not that ever he said as they allege.

To the slanderous, untrue, and ungodly conclusion, he saith that George Constantine with other his adversaries before named, and their adherents, not regarding the fear of God, and their bounden duty, of loving obedience towards God and the king, and his true Ministers, have to much slanderously with false tongues, contumelious words, and spiteful deeds, labored by all means to discredit and deface the kings gracious authority, to him committed. Who ever sithe he came to the Dioces, hath endeavored himself to show his faithful ministry, by his true honest doings, and to use his authority according to his vocation, to God's glory, and the kings honor. And that he hath been diligent in teaching of truth, reforming of superstition, free of hospitality, diligent in overseeing with Godly wisdom, peace and mercifulness, as he trusteth in God, may be truly approved. And he is able justly to charge his adversaries with all the faults herein by them most unjustly and slanderously against him objected. And he doth marvel greatly, that George Constantine with other his adherents are not ashamed, maliciously to object for the intent to slander him, with molesting of preachers founden there. For truth it is that he hath molested none, but hath justly brought under significauit one Morice a Preacher, living lewdly for his stubborn behavior and malicious contemptes, even yet continuing in his willful contempt and irregularity. And he hath (to his knowledge) justly certified Hugh Raulyns Parson of Tynby, for his willful recusancy of two other Personages, shamefully deceiving the Kynges majesty by color of Commission, as appeareth by the same. And as for the railing, contemptuous preaching of R. M. and the unlearned arrogant preaching of the Chauntoure he referreth to discreet Hearers, which were offended thereat, as they shown this Defendaunt. And this Deponent brought into his Dioces, both learned Preachers, and learned men in the law, to his very great charges, which men George Constantine with his adherents hath weried away.

After these answers thus exhibited by the virtuous and Godly Bishop against the quarrelling and frivolous articles of his foresaid adversaries, to wit Hugh Raulins, and Thomas Lee, then came in for witness upon the said articles and informations, George Constantine, and the Chauntour of S. David's, against whom the Bishop laid first exceptions, then also exhibited matter iustificatory, the tenor and process whereof here followeth in order to be seen, first concerning the exceptions, and after the matter iustificatory.

*Exceptions general, laid and purposed on the behalf of Robert, Bishop of S. David's, against all and singular the pretensed Witnesses producted on the behalf of Hugh Raulins Clerke, and Thomas Lee upon their untrue surmised Articles, by them exhibited unto and before the kings most honorable Counsel, by the devise and procurement of the Chaunter, and George Constantine, with R. M. Clerke, against the said Bishop.

FIrst the said Bishop saith and alledgeth that by law, there ought no faith or credence to be given unto the depositions and sayings of the said witnesses, nor any part thereof, because they are infamous, false, perjured, and in some part of their depositions discording, parciall, conducted, subornate, instructed, and for favor of the informers, & their bolsterers, have deposed of malice, more then the articles whereupon they were producted doth contain, and beside, and without the compass of the same articles, and in diverse other partes of their depositions, they depose vnum & eundem praemeditatum sermonem, as by their said depositions doth appear, unto the which the said Bishop referreth himself as much as it shall be expedient for him, and none otherwise. And further, for other causes particularly and specially, as is declared in y e book of exceptions.

Exceptions against the unlawful proceedings of Hugh Raulins Clerke, and Thomas Lee, Promoters of the foresaid untrue Articles, in executing of their commission, for proof of the same.

ITem, the said Thomas Lee for himself and the other Promotour did, contrary to justice at the execution of their Commission, examine certain of the Wytnesses himself, in the house of his Brother in law George Constantine and the said Lee: and David Walter the Bishops mortal enemy, and servant to the said George Constantine, did write these Depositions upon the Articles at their own pleasures, and also after the devise of the said George Constantine and the Chauntour and R. M. the Bishops mortal enemies, and the very Deuisers and Procurers of the informations and bolsterers and bearers of the Promotours in the suite thereof. These are the names of the Wytnesses so examined, which are already known. David ap Syr Richard of Gertus a perjured and an adoulterous person , standing in the number for two Wytnesses, written in two places of the book. Item, ap Ruddz of Kemarthe, Griffeth ap Howell, Guyne of Kennarthe, Louis David Clerke, David ap Haruye Clerke, Syr Goghe alias Morgon. &c.

Item, one John Draper of Carmarthen and adherent of the foresaid adversaries, and enemies to the said Bishoppe, did also contrary to the tenor of their Commission, examine certain Wytnesses, and had to his Clerke one William David's, servant in Livery unto the foresaid Griffith Donne, the Bishops utter enemy, by which shameful parciallity, they have written more matter, moe words, other terms and sentences, then some of the Deponentes hath deposed or could depose. Humphery Toye the fifth Deponent, Rice Goughe the 14. Deponent, William ap Ienkins the 5. Deponent, John Beng y the lxviij. Deponent, Richard Parson. 39. which are already known, what manner of men the Promoters are.

Item, the said Hugh Raulins was not present at the Bishops sermon, whereof his information maketh mention, neither yet at there cutting of the Commission for proof thereof: for the foresaid adversaries did devise y e same & gave it unto the said Raulins to promote, choosing him for the same purpose, knowing him to be a man willing (& setting his whole delight) to work mischief, both with word and deed, who abuseth his tongue most shamefully, with most vnsetting words, ever railing upon the said Bishop, to every man that will hear him without either respect, or reverence of the kings Majesty's authority to the said Bishop committed. And the said Raulins hath 4. or 5. Benefices above the vallure of 200. Markes a year, and is resident upon none of them, but spendeth his living to the hinderance of other men, going about here and there, wandering to and fro, without either man or boy waiting on him, more like a light person, then a man of such liuelode and of his vocatiō, being a preacher. And in deed he is taken for a lewd fellow of all that know his behavior, in so much that when a certain man objected unto the adversaries that it was ill done to put so lewd a fellow as Raulins to promote their cause, they answered and reported his honesty with these words: we know Raulins to be a very knave, and so meet for no purpose as he is to set forward such a matter: of which report there is sufficient witness. And it is thought that he hath done much ill with his spiteful tongue: for he speaketh as boldly in this surmised matter to all the Coūsel, as though it were true, and much for the kings profit.

Item, the other Promoter Thomas Lee is a Marchaunt, who hath sold his ware and spent his money, and now for want of other business, is become a Promoter of the foresaid articles, having his costs and charges borne by the said principal adversaries, as it is alleged in the Bishops exceptions, which shall be proved if commission might be awarded for the purpose.

And thus much concerning the exceptions against his pretensed accusers: next followeth the matter iustificatory exhibited by the said Bishop, in defense of his own cause, as by the effect here appeareth.

*Certain Articles ministered by Robert Bishop of S David's, against a surmised information exhibited by Thomas Lee, to the Kings Majesty his most honorable Counsel, against the said Bishop.

IN primis. viz: That there ought none advantage to be taken against the said Byshoppe, of the contents of the said pretensed information, for the causes particularly following. And first, where as it is objected against the said Byshoppe, in the Fyrste, Seconde, and Fyft articles of the same information, and that he contrary to the Kynges Highness Laws and Statutes, and in the derogation of his Hyghnesse Supremacy, passed a certain Commission, Institutions, and Collacions to benefices, in his own name, making no mention of the Kynges Highness authority, where as of truth the said Bishop if he had passed out the Commission, Institutions, and Collacions in his own name, and without the Kynges Majesty his Style, as is surmised (as he did not) yet had he not offended neither Laws nor Statutes of this Realm therein, as doth and may appear evidently by the same statutes and Laws to the which he referreth himself.

Item, whereas it is deduced in the Thyrde Article of the said pretensed information, that the Chancellor of the said Bishop did admit and institute John Gough into the Rectorye of Haskarde, and gave a Mandate for the induction of the said John▪ under the Kynges Majesty’s Seal Ecclesiastical, for the Diocese of Sayncte David's with the Teste of the said Byshoppe, and Subscription of the said Chancellor, which thing so deduced, if it be true, yet the said Byshoppe cannot be worthily blamed thereof. But the Chauntour, then his Chancellor unworthy, shown himself therein very ignorant of the Kynges Statutes of Parliament, wherein it is expressly provided, that in such cases the Ordinary ought to pass all such Institutions and Inductions in his own name, and under his own Seal, and not in the Kynges Majesty’s name, nor under his Seal. And further of very truth the said Chancellor in admitting and instituting the said Clerke to the said benefice, without the knowledge and consent of the said Bishop, did exceed his Commission, forasmuch as the said Bishop at the granting of his Commission of his Chauncellourshyppe unto the said Chauntour, had restrained him expressly from the admitting and instituting of any Clerke to any Benefice within the said Diocese, except the same Clerke were first examined, found worthy, and admitted by the said Bishop himself to the same benefice.

Itē, whereas in the 4. Article of the said information it is contained, that the said Bishop, after the admitting and instituting of the said John Gough, as is aforesaid, objected articles against him, amongst the which it was contained in effect.

Item, interrogetur quo titulo tenet rectoriam de Haskarde: True it is that the said Bishop, without molestation of the said Gough, otherwise then Law did permit, and without taking upon him the cognition of title of the said fruits and patronage of the said benefice, in contempt of the Kings Majesty's regal Crown and dignity, and without any derogation of the Kings Majesty's laws and statutes of this realm, did interrogate the said John Gough, how he held the said Benefice, being admitted and instituted to the same, without his knowledge or consent, as he might lawfully do, and as it is meet every Ordinary should know how Pastors are admitted to any cure within their Dioces.

Item, touching the contents of the Sixt article of the said information, the said Bishop aleadgeth that the vicaredge of Pembrin, in the Dioces of Saint David's being void, he as Patron thereof to his knowledge conferred it to John Euans Clarke, with Letters of institution and induction, and after when the Kynges presentation came to him for one David Ienken Clerke, he desired xiv. days respite at that day, either to show ancient record for his right, and then the matter to stand to the determination of the Law, or else if he shown not, both he and his Clerke to give place to the Kynges clerk: which condition was by Syr Thomas Joan’s Knyght, Doctor Merike, and the said David Ienkin received, and an institution with an induction was made conditionally, to be put into the hands of Syr Thomas Joan’s Knyght, for safe custody for the Kings Clerke his behoove, after the xiv. days to be executed at the hands of the said Byshoppe if he failed to show, within which time the said Byshoppe did show an old ancient record, declaring the full right of Patronage on the said Bishops behalf, and so that institution and induction was never put in execution by the said Bishop. Nevertheless the said David Ienkin (contrary to his promise and oath, giving thereupon his right hand to Syr Thomas Joan’s Knyght) took advantage by the said writing without knowledge of the said Byshoppe, after which time the Lord Chancellor by his Letters written to the said Byshoppe, advertised him to admit one John ap Howell Clerke, pretensed by virtue of a vowson which the Lord Chauncelloure judged to be good, and so to be admitted, notwithstanding his former presentation whereby he would not abarre the other man's right: And so the said Byshoppe made one collation, two institutions and three Mandates, doing no wrong thereby to his knowledge. And further there was no business nor unquietness about the possession of the said Uicarage. But the said bishop giving place, was content to lose his right for that time.

Item, whereas Syr Thomas Joan’s advertised the said Bishop that Thomas Pricharde Clarke, had celebrated Matrimony in a private house, betwixt a certain Prieste and a Woman whose Syster had refused the same (as it is deduced in the xi. Article of the surmised Articles laid in against the said Bishop) the said Prichard leaving his own cure unserved, that Sunday, he did put the said Thomas Prichard to penance for such his misdoinges, and the said Pricharde did such penance as was enjoined him to do. And whereas the said Bishop made the same Thomas Prichard (who is Bachelor of law) his commissary, it was for the respect of his learning in the law, thereby faithfully to execute his office according to justice, and none otherwise.

Item, in the xiv. Article of the said surmised Information it is untruly declared that through the unlawful sequestration of the fruits of the Benefices of Langatok and Lanuihangell Cundy, and the indiscreet handling of the said Byshoppe, there were raised a great number of people, to the great danger of the Inhabitantes theraboutes. Truth it is that the said Byshoppe upon good and Lawefull considerations, and specially for that the Kynges Maiestye should be truly answered of his first fruits, and Tenthes of the said Benefices, he did lawfully (and as he was bound to do) sequester the said fruits in the Kings Majesty’s name, and by his authority, and committed the custody thereof for a time unto two honest men, to the effect aforesaid, and none otherwise without any occasion of tumult or gathering of the people through his default or folly.

Item, whereas it is alleged in the xix. article of the information, that the Bishop did celebrate Matrimonye in his own person, without receiving or Ministryng the Communion to the persons married, it is true, for that the said Bishop had trauayled xiv. long wealche miles, and not able to celebrate the holy Communion fasting, and for other reasonable and lawful causes him moving, did in a Chapel within the house of Syr Thomas Joan’s Knighte (one of the Kings honorable Counsel of the Marches of Wales) solemnise Matrimony betwixt Mayster Griffith Ryce, and the Daughter of the said Syr Thomas Joan’s, without either receiving the holy Communion himself or Ministring the same to the persons married, being as then not disposed so to do it, lawfully and godly without any such superstitious knockinges or blessings or other uncomely gestures as is deduced in that article.

Item, touching the contents of the residue of all the said articles, contained in the said information, the said Bishop, partly for the avoiding of tediousness, and partly for that some of them be untrue and mere false, some other general, obscure, frivolous, vain, and of none effect, but of malice and evil will, contrary to truth conceived, leaveth them particularly vnaunswered unto.

Item, the said Bishop alledgeth that he hath not by all the time that he hath been Bishop used any superstitions or Papistry as it is vntruelye surmised against him, but hath and doth to the uttermost of his power, wit, and cunning, set forth, maintain, preach, and teache the true doctrine of the Gospel, and such laudable doctrine as he ought to do by the kings Laws, Injunctions and proceedings, and for such a teacher he hath been and is commonly known, named, reputed, taken, and accepted notoriously.

And where the said Chauntour and George perceived their depositions to be insufficient, they required, and had Commission into the Country to examine further Witnesses, which they executed very parcially, and unlawfully, as is alleged in the Bishops exceptions, above mentioned. And whereas to the said Raulins & Lee were awarded two several Commissions, they by favor of the officers, and for sparing of costs, conjoined both in one, had iii. months to make return, as appeareth by the copy of their commission, which hereafter followeth.

A copy of the Commission awarded down into the Country, for the examination of Witnesses.

EDwardus sextus dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hyberniae rex, fidei defensor, & in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hyberniae supremum caput, dilectis & fidelibus suis Georgio Harbert militi, Thomae Jones militi, & Iohanni Wogan militi, ac dilectis sibi David Vaughan, & Owino ap Owen armigeris salutem. Sciatis quod nos de fidelitatibus, & prouidis circumspectionibus vestris plurimum fidentes, assignauimus vos, quatuor, tres, ac duos vestrum, ac tenore praesentium damus vobis quatuor, tribus, vel duobus vestrum plenam potestatem, & autoritatem capiendi & recipiendi depositiones & examinationes quorumcunque testium ex parte Hugonis Rawlins Clerici, & Thomae Leghe, de & super quibusdam articulis per ipsos Hugonem, & Thomam Leghe consilio nostro exhibitis & praesentibus inclusis. Necnon depositiones & examinationes in scriptis redigendas. Et nos de huiusmodi examinationibus, & depositionibus cum sic per vos, quatuor, tres vel duos vestrûm captae fuerint, in Cancellariam nostram in crastino Ascēsionis domini proxime futurae, vbicunque tūc fuerit sub sigillis vestris, quatuor, trium vel duorum vestrum clausis certificandum remittentes nobis tunc articulos praedictos vna cum hoc breui. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod circa p aemissa diligenter intendatis cum effectu.

Teste me ipso apud Westmon. 9. die Martij. Anno regni nostri sexto.

Marten.

DUryng all this time of the examination of the witnesses, the said Bishop was stayed at London, upon the allegation of the said adversaries, which was: that if the said B. should depart into his diocese, he would let them of their proves.

And at the return of their commission, it was signified unto the Counsail what a great number of witnesses they had examined, viz. six score and vii. which sounded very hamons in the counsels ears.

And about three weeks after, Publication of their witnesses was granted, and after that, it was a fortnight or the B. could get a copy written of their depositions, because the book thereof is so huge and monstrous.

Then the Bishop desired time: First, to inquire of what condition the persons were that had witnessed against him, and to make exceptions, and matters to justify direct contrary, and to have a commission for the proof thereof, which was then granted. And now it is objected that the Bishop was appointed so to travel with the expedition of his matter, that he should have sued out his Commission, and have made return thereof at Alhallowtide last past, but there was no such decree put in writing. And it was not possible for the Bishop to do it in so short a time, these causes considered which he would not avoid, as followeth.

First, it was the latter end of July, ere he came home to S. David's, where he began his visitation, which before was appointed.

Secondly, he was by force of law constrained to answer at the bar daily, during all the time the great Sessions at Carmarthen, in defense of his just cause against the pretensed matter of premunire, which his adversaries of mere malice hath procured against him.

Thirdly, the said adversaries to molest him further, did privily pack a quest of ignorant persons of no reputation, and indicted him upon the words of Raulins information, as appeareth by a copy of the inditement, intending thereby to make the matter sound more heinous, notwithstanding y t the same cause dependeth before the kings high counsel undetermined.

Fourthly, he was appointed by the Commissioners before his departure from London, to pay two hundredth pound (which was arrearages) into the court of first fruits and tenths, at Bartlemew day then next following, which payment he made accordingly, notwithstanding, that his adversaries wrought means to have made him break his day: namely, one Edward Harbard Gentleman, who hath a personage of his to Farm, kept back his rent to the very last day, because that money should not help to serve his turn: and so by crafty cavillation deteyneth it still in his hand with a years rent and a half more: for the said Edward Harbert is an adherent of the said Bishops adversaries.

Fifthly, the book of their depositions is so great, that it asketh a long time to peruse. And also the greatest part of their witnesses were utterly unknown of the bishop and all his. And also dwelling in so many sundry places of the Dioces among the mountains and else where, scarcely within the circuit of two hundred miles.

Item, another great Sessions holden at Carmarthen in the month of October last, during which time he was attendant there as is aforesaid. All which causes considered, being also in the time of his ordinary visitatiō, which he did execute himself, he could not make ready his exceptions in shorter time.

The said Bishop dispatched his man towards London, the 23. day of October, whoever sithens hath been and is attendaunt in the same suit, for the obtainyng of the Commission, for proof of his matter against his adversaries.

A copy of a certain letter written by the Bish. of S. David's.

MOst humbly showeth unto your honor, your poor Orator Robert Bishop of Saint Dauies, that where as one Thomas Lee (by the procurement of T. Y. and R. M. being both Canons of Saint Dauies, & George Constantine Register to the said Bishop) hath exhibited unto your honor against him certain articles, in the which are mentioned many trifling things, unworthy to be declared in your honorable audience, and also their pretensed weighty articles (as they have alleged there) are utterly untrue: for proof whereof the aid Thomas Lee hath had Commissions into the country: Therefore it may please your honor of your favorable goodness, to grant unto your said Orator a like Commission for the examination of witness, in defense of his truth and honesty against the said Thomas Lee, George Constantine and the aforenamed Rowland Merike, and all other persons with their iniust articles, attestations, and sayings, which hath deposed against him. And in tender consideration that your said Orator standeth boun en, and sureties with him, in the sum of a thousand marks, to appear before the Kings Justice, in the Sessions at Carmarthen, in July next coming, to answer to a forged matter of premunire, by the procurement and counsel of his forenamed adversaries, maliciously surmised against him to his utter undoing. And furthermore, your Orator being in debt to the Kings Majesty, by reason of the malicious vexation of his foresaid adversaries, cannot (if he remain here) satisfy the same: for where as there be rerages to a great sum (as well of the Kings money as of his own rentes) he can receive none thereof, his adversaries hath made such ill report to his discredit, bearing the people in hand, that he shall come no more thither. By reason of which brute, neither his own tenants will pay their rentes and rerages, nor the priests their rerages due to the Kyngs Majesty, as well for anno secundo, and tertio, as for quarto and quinto. In consideration of all which things, it may ylease your honorable goodness to license your said Orator to depart into the Diocese, for these affairs and other. And he is ready at all times at your honorable commandment, and pleasure, to repair again, and ever to pray to the Lord Jesus for the perpetual conservation of your honor, to his glory.

Another letter written by the Bishop of S. Dauies.

RIght honorable, and my very especial good Lord, with humble service and hearty thanks to God: and to you for your godly favor towards me at all times, as right plainly appeareth by your fatherly letters, most lovingly admonishing me to enclyne unto that which is very necessary, as charitable concord and unity: This is furtherly to besiche your Lordship for the Lord's sake not to be grieved, but benignly to hear, and gravely to ponder that weighty matter, which appearing (to other) but a light grief to me, is in very deed a right grievous offense to God, with no little hinderance of his holy word, and disturbance of the Kings godly proceedings, & may be a great occasion of much inobedience, and disorder of good life. Wherefore I am straightly bounden for the true zeal that I (ought to) bear unto God's word of life, Christian religion, the Kings Majesty's honor, and the godly quiet state of his people, not faintly to let fall the burden of diligent redress to be sought at his Majesty's hands by the godly wisdom of his most honorable and upright Counsaile, but with hearty affection to bear it up against those high minded, arrogant, stubborn, ambitious, covetous canons, trusting in their biting tongues, with crafty prevention, and utterly untrue surmises, to stop the light that their ungodly misdoings in darkness shall either not be seen, or at the lest may seem to appear in colorable appearance of right. In so much that I do not a little marvel at these qualities in M. Chaunter, the Canon, and the Dean of Worcester, whose ungentle and untrue behavior I have not only known, but expertly proved, and sensibly feeled in two of the first to my great losses whereof I make no complaint. But I wonder in my mind and lament in my heart the strange alteration and willful going backward of mine old faithful brother George Constantine, the which (knowing them all three to have been in times past either obstinate enemies to the true bearers of the Cross of Christ, or at the least priuye lurkers under pretence of favor towards the Gospel, to sting the poor followers thereof, seeking but their own lucre and pleasure in all their doings) would so earnestly cleave unto them in their wrong deeds, as to betray me with his tongue, become untrue of his promise, and a bearer of filthy sin for lucres sake, even yet stiffly persisting in the same (namely) in things manifestly known unto many, although he would deny it, and that I might not be credited. And as for their premunire, both George and they at my first coming, vngētly deteining from M. Ferlee his commission for the Chauncellorship, would have faced me down with premunire, because it was written in my own name according to the statute: yet was I fain for the zeal of unity, not to see their uncourteous deeds, departing with M. Farlee for the avoiding of their malice and envy, and gave that office for the a •• tie of George, unto M. Chaunter his son in law, and to D. Merike the office of Cardigan. But seeing afterward their covetous respect to their own glory and lucre, not regarding the reformation of sin and specially of shameless whoredom, I was compelled to remove thē, sore against their wyls: and where as I desired many and sundry times charitable redress of their wrong doings in the vacation time, I obtained many fair words, and nothing in deed. Also desiring to have sight of the book of Statutes of the church, for the knowledge of my duty and theirs, I could not obtain. Desiring to have a key of y e Chapter seal, as my L. of Bathe had, they would not deliver it but upon conditions: yet was I content to be bridled, receiving it, as pleased them to give it. And further requiring the sight of necessary evidences, for the declaration of diverse things in trauers of my right, they would in no wise grant it. And thereupon considering their vngentlenes, I moved the quo warranto, knowing right well that if they should show any substantial grant under the kings seal for their corporation, it must therein appear the Bish. to be the hed, and ever hath been under the king: for other they never have, nor had, except they would return to Rome again, as I trust they will not. And yet perceiving afterward that they had no special grant to show, or else such as they would not show. I myself for the respect of unity, wrote my letters to the kings Attorney, by reason whereof the quo warranto was stayed, and so yet remaineth. But touching the certificate, y e kings subsidy being due at Michaelmas last, and forborne till after Christmas, and lawfully demanded afore, they did utterly refuse to pay, both to my Uice collector and to myself, except I would take it of thē in portions, not knowing where to ask the rest, and it is committed unto me in the Kings roll, a whole sum in gross to be received of the Canons Residentiaries for their dividēt, who because they cannot agree in deviding, would have the kings majesty to tarry for his money till they can agree to make division. And I cannot demand it of any particular person nor at any particular place. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your fatherly goodness for the Lord's sake, to persist and continue my good Lord and friend, unto such time as ye find me either desiring to be defended in my wrong, or not willing to put the judgment of my right cause into your hands. And because that the residue of matters touching them and their ungentle, untrue, and ungodly doings is too long, and I have molested you too much with this my tedious letter, I shall now surcease: humbly beseeching your good Lordship to accept in good part this my boldness, proceeding of necessity, and to pardon it for the love of our Lord Jesus, who save and keep you in health, comfort, and honor, long to endure for thaduancement of his glory.

Written at Aburguily this ix. of March.

Your Lordships to command during life. R. F.

And thus you have heard the first trouble of this blessed Martyr of the Lord, in King Edwards days, with the whole discourse thereof. Which we thought the rather here to express, to give other good bishops warning to be more circumspect, whom they should trust and have about them. Briefly, in few words to conclude this process, B. Farrer, partly upon the importunate suit of his adversaries, partly upon the sinister and infortunate fall of the good Duke of Somerset, by whom he had been before promooted and maynteined, having but small favor shown, was detained in prison, till the death of king Edward, and the coming in of Queen Mary and popish religion, whereby a new trouble rose upon him being now accused and examined for his faith and doctrine. The process of which his trouble here likewise followeth.

After that the foresaid M. Farrer Bishop of S. David's had been long detained in custody under sureties, in the reign of king Edward, not for any just cause of his part deserved, but by reason that he had been promoted by the D. of Somerset, and now after his fall he found fewer friends to support him against such as hunted after his Bishoprike, at length after the decease of king Edward, by the coming in of Queen Mary, the state of religion began to be changed and altered. Whereby a new trouble rose upon him, being now accused and examined, not for any matter of Premunire, but for his faith and doctrine. Whereupon he was called before the Bish. of Winchester, with M. Hooper, M. Rogers, M. Bradford, M. Saunders and others aforesaid, the 4. of February. On the which day he should also with them have been condemned: but because laisure or list did not so well then serve the Bish. his condemnation was deferred, and he sent to prison again, where he continued till the 14. day of the said month of February. What his examinations & answers were before the said B. of Winchester, so much as remained and came to our hands, I have here annexed in manner as followeth.

The answer of Rob. Farrer B. of S. David's, before Winchester and others.

AT his first coming and kneeling before my Lord Chancellor, the Bishop of Duresme, and the Bish. of Worcester, who sat at the table, and Master Rochester Master Southwell, Master Bourne and other standing at the tables end, the Lord Chancellor said unto him on this sort.

Winchester.

Now sir, you have heard how the world goeth here.

Farrer.

If it like your honor I know not.

Winch.

What say you? Do not you know things abroad, notwithstanding you are a prisoner?

Farrer.

No my L. I know not.

Winchest.

Lo, what a froward fellow is this?

Farrer.

If it please your Lordship, how should I know any thing abroad, being a prisoner?

Winch.

Have ye not heard of the coming in of the Lord Cardinal?

Farrer.

I know not my L. Cardinal, but I heard that a Cardinal was come in, but I did not believe it, and I believe it not yet.

Worcest.

I pray your Lordship (said the B. of Worcester) tell him yourself, that he may know what is done.

Winch.

The Queens Majesty and the Parliament, hath restored religion into the same state it was in at the beginning of the reign of K. Henry the 8. Ye are in y e Queens debt, and her majesty will be good unto you, if you will return to the catholic church.

Farrer.

In what state I am concerning my debts to the Queens Majesty in the Court of Excheker, my Lord Treasurer knoweth: and the last time that I was before your honor, & the first time also, I shown you, that I had made an oath never to consent nor agree, that the Bish. of Rome should have any power or jurisdiction within this Realm: and further, I need not to rehearse to your Lordship, you know it well enough.

Bourne.

You wer once abjured for heresy (said M. Bourn) in Oxford.

Farrer.

That was I not.

Bourne.

You were.

Farrer.

I was never, it is not true.

Bourne.

You went from S. David's to Scotland.

Farrer.

That did I not.

Bourne.

You did.

Farrer.

That did I never, but I went from York into Scotland.

Bourne.

Ah so said I: you went with Barlow.

Farrer.

That is true, but never from S. David's.

Bourne.

You carried books out of Oxford, to the Archb. of York, L. Lee▪

Farrer.

That did I not.

Bourne.

You did.

Farrer.

I did not, but I carried old books from s. Oswalds to the B. of York.

Bourne.

You supplanted your master.

Farrer.

That did I never in my life.

Bourne.

By my faith you did.

Farrer.

Forsooth I did not, never in my life, but I did shield and save my Master from danger, and that I obtained of King Henry the eight, for my true service, I thank God therefore.

Bourne.

My L. (said M. Bourne to my L. Chancellor) he hath an ill name in Wales, as ever had any.

Farrer.

That is not so. Whosoever saith so, they shall never be ab e to prove it.

Bourne.

He hath deceived the Queen in diverse sums or money.

Farrer.

That is utterly untrue. I never deceived king nor Queen, of one penny in my life, and you shall never be able to prove that you say.

Winchest.

Thou art a false knave.

Farrer.

Then Farrer stood up unbidden (for all that while he kneeled) and said: No my Lord, I am a true man, I thank God for it. I was borne under King Henry the seventh, I served King Henry the eight, and K. Edward the sixth truly, and have served the Queens Majesty that now is, truly with my poor heart and word: more I could not do, and I was never false, nor shall be by the grace of God.

Winch.

How sayest thou, wilt thou be reformable?

Farrer.

My L. if it like your honor, I have made an oath to God and to K. Henry the 8. and also to K. Edward, and in that to the Queens Majesty, the which I can never break while I live, to die for it.

Duresme.

You have made another oth before.

Farrer.

No my Lord, I never made another oth before.

Duresme.

You made a vow.

Farrer.

That did I not.

Winch

You made a profession to live without a wife.

Farrer.

No, my Lord, if it like your honor, that did I never, I made a profession to live chaste, not without a wife.

Worcest.

You were sworn to him that was M. of your house.

Farrer.

That was I never.

Winchest.

Well, you are a froward knave: we will have no more to do with you, seeing that you will not come, we will be short with you, & that you shall know within this seuennight.

Farrer.

I am as it pleaseth your honor to call me, but I cannot break my oath which your Lordship yourself made before me, and gave in example: the which confirmed my conscience. Then I can never break that oath whilst I live to die for it.

Duresme.

Well, saith he, he standeth upon his oath: call another.

My L. Chancellor then did ring a little bell, and M. Farrer said: I pray God save the King & Queens majesties, long to continue in honor to gods glory, & their comforts, and the comfort of the whole Realm, and I pray God save all your honors, and so he departed.

After these examinations thus ended, B. Farrer so remained in prison uncondemned, till the xiv. day (as is aforesaid) of February, & then was sent down into Wales, there to receive sentence of condemnation. Who then vpō the 26. of February, in the Church of Carmarthen, being brought by Griffith Leyson Esquire, shirife of the County of Carmarthen, was there personally presented before Henry Bish. of S. David's, and Constantine the public Notarie: which Henry, there and then discharged the said Sheriff, and received him into his own custody, further committing him to the keeping of Owen Jones, and thereupon declared unto the said M. Farrer, the great mercy and clemency that the King and Queens highness pleasure was to be offered unto him, which he there did offer unto the said M. Farrer: that is to say, that if he would submit himself to the laws of this Realm, and conform himself to the unity of the universal catholic church, he should be received and pardoned: and after that seeing the said M. Farrer to give no answer to the premisses, the said B. ministered unto him these Articles following.

Articles devised against B. Farrer.

1 FIrst, whether he believeth the marriage of priests to be lawful by the laws of God & holy church, or no?

2 Item, whether he believeth, that in the blessed Sacrament of the alter, after the words of consecration duly pronounced by the priest, the very body & blood of Christ is really and substantially contained, without the substance of bread and wyne.

Unto the which articles the said B. required the said M. Farrer to answer upon his allegiance.

To which he said, he would answer when he saw a lawful commission, and would make no further answer at that time. Whereupon the said B. taking no advantage upon the same answer, committed him to the said keeper, to be kept in prison until a new monition, and in the mean time to deliberate with himself for his further answer to the premisses.

Another examination of the Bish of S. David's, before Henry Morgan the pretensed Bishop of S. David's, George Constantine his Register, and others, the last of February. Ann. 1555.

THis day and place, Morgan the pretensed Bishop of S. David's, sitting as Judge, ministered unto Bishop Farrer there personally present before him certain Articles and Interrogatories in writing, which being openly read and ministered unto him, the said B. Farrer refused to answer, until he might see his lawful Commission and authority. Whereupon the foresaid pretensed Bishop of S. David's, did pronounce him as Contumax, and for the punishment of this his contumacy, to be counted Pro confesso, and so did pronounce him in writing: which being done, he committed the said Bish. to the custody of Owen Ihones, until Monday next, being the 4. day of March, then to be brought again into the same place, between one and two.

Another appearance of the said B. Farrer, before Morgan the pretensed Bishop of S. David's.

ITem, the day and place appointed, the said Bish. appearing again before the pretensed B. humbly submittyng himself as ready to answer to the articles and positions above mentioned, gently required the copy of the articles, and a competent term to be assigned unto him to answer for himself: which being granted unto him, & Thursday next being assigned unto him between one and three, to answer precisely and fully, so he was committed again to custody, as above.

Another appearance of the said Bishop.

ON Thursday as was appointed, which was the 7. of March, the said B. personally again appeared, where he exhibited a certain bill in writing, containing in it his answer unto certain articles objected and ministered unto him before. Then after Henry the pretensed B. of S. David's offered him again the said articles as before: the tenor whereof tended to this effect.

First, that he willed him being a priest, to abrenounce matrimony.

Secondly, to grant the natural presence of Christ in the sacrament, under the forms of bread and wyne.

Thirdly, that the Mass is a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead.

Fourthly, that general Councils lawfully congregated, never did, nor can err.

Fifthly, that men are not justified before God by faith only, but that hope and charity is also necessarily required to justification.

Sixthly, that the catholic church which only hath authority to expound scriptures, and to define controversies of religion, and to ordain things appertaining to public discipline, is visible, and like unto a city set upon a mountain for all men to understand.

To these articles thus objected to him, he refused to subscribe, affirming that they were invented and excogitated by man, and pertain nothing to the Catholic faith. After this the Bish. abovenamed, delivered unto him the copy of the articles, assigning him Monday next following, to answer and subscribe to the same, either affirmatively, or negatively.

Another appearance of Bish. Farrer.

VPon the which Monday, being the xi. day of March, he appearing again before the Bish. and the foresaid Notary George Constantine, exhibited in a written paper, his mind & answer to the foresaid Articles, which the Bishop had twice now objected against him before. To the which Articles and answers, he did so subscribe, adding these words, as tenens se de aequitate & iustitia esse Episcopum Meneuensem, that the Bishop assigned the next Wednesday in the fore noon, to hear his final and definitive sentence.

The last appearance of Bishop Farrar.

THe which day and place the said B. and true servant of God M. Farrer, personally there appearing, was demanded of Henry the pretensed B. of S. David's, whether he would renounce and recant his heresies, schisms, and errors (as he called them) which hitherto he had maintained, and if he would subscribe to the catholic articles, otherwise then he had done before.

After this the said godly M. Farrer did exhibit a certain schedule written in English, and remaining in the Acts, appealyng withal by express word of mouth from the Bishop, as from an incompetent Judge, to Cardinal Poole, &c.

All which notwithstanding, the said B. proceeding in his rage, pronounced the definitive sentence against him, contained in writing, and there left in the Acts: by the which sentence he pronounced him as an heretic excommunicate, & to be given up forthwith to the secular power, namely to the Sheriff of the town of Carmarthen, M. Leyson. The tenor of which sentence, as well of his condemnation, as of his degradation here followeth.

The sentence of condemnation against Bishop Farrar.

IN Dei nomine. Amen. Nos Henricus permissione diuina Meneuen. episcopus iudicialiter, & pro tribunali sedentes, in quodam inquisitionis & haereticae prauitatis, negotio, contra te Robertum Ferrar praesbyterum, coram nobis in iudicio personaliter comparentem, & nobis super haeretica prauitate traditum, ac fama, & notorietate facti delatum, ac in ea parte legitime procedendo auditis, visis, & intellectis, rimatis, ac matura deliberatione discussis, & ponderatis dicti negotij meritis & circumstantijs, seruatisque in omnibus & per omnia in eodem negotio de iure seruandis, ac quomodolibet requisitis, Christi nomine inuocato, ac ipsum solum deum prae oculis nostris habentes: Quia per acta inactitata, deducta, confessata & ex parte tua coram nobis in eodem negotio, saepius recognita, asserta, & confirmata, comperimus te, tum per confessiones tuas varias, tum per recognitiones tuas iudiciales, coram nobis iudicialiter factas, eriores, heresies, & falsas opiniones subscriptas, iure diuino, ac Catholicae vniuersalis & Apostolicae ecclesiae determinationi obuiantes, contrarias, & repugnantes tenuisse, credidisse, affirmasse, praedicasse, & dogmatizasse infra dioecesem nostram Meneuen. Viz. Quod licet cuicumque religioso etiam express professo & praesbytero post susceptam professionem, & post susceptum praesbyteratus ordinem, ducere vxorem, ac cum eadem tanquam cum vxore legitima conuersari. Item sacras religiones ab ecclesia catholica institutas cum scandalo damnasse, & reprobasse. Item, quod in Eucharistia, sieve altaris sacramento vna cum corpore & sanguine Christi remanet substantia panis & vini. Item, quod Missa non est sacrificium noui testamēti, propitiatorium pro vinis atque defunctis. Et Sacramentum altaris non esse in altari ministrandum eleuandum, vel aliquo modo adorandum. Item, quod homo sola fide iustificatur. Quos quidem errores, heresies, & falsas opiniones iure diuino ac Catholicae vniuersalis & Apostolicae ecclesiae determinationi obuiantes, &c.

Here followeth the copy of his degradation.

IN nomine patris, ✚ & filij, ✚ spiritus sancti, ✚ Amen. Quia nos Henricus permissione diuina Meneuen. episc. per viam inquisitionis in negotio hereticae prauitatis cognoscentes te Robertum Ferrar clericum propter tuam manifestam contumaciam & obstinatiam per nos nunciatum fuisse & esse in illud detestabile crimen haeresis multipliciter incidisse & commisisse quod cum non solum grande, sed etiam damnabile & damnosum sit, & adeo enorme, quod exinde non tantum diuina maiestas offensa, sed & vniuersa dioecesis Mēeuensis cōmota est, & ab hoc indignus officio sacerdotali & ecclesiastico sis redditus. Idcirco nos autoritate dei patris omnipotentis, & filij, & spirirus sancti, & nostra te ab omni huiusmodi officio sententialiter perpetuo priuamus in hijs scriptis, teque ab illis verbo deponimus realiter, & actualiter secundum traditionem Canonum deponendum, & degradādum, prout in ordinario & ponti ficali contineturdegradamus, prout sequitur. In primus amouemus a te. &c.

Thus this godly bishop being condemned and disgraded, was committed to the secular power: who not long after, was brought to the place of executiō in the town of Carmarthen, where he in the market place in the Southside

[illustration]
The cruel burning of Master Farrar, Martyr.
of the market cross, the xxx. day of March, being Saturday next before Passion Sunday, most constantly sustained the torments and passion of the fire.

Touchyng the which constancy of this blessed Martyr, this is moreover to be added and noted: that one named Richard Jones, a Knights son, coming to master Farrar a little before his death, seemed to lament the paynefulnesse of the death he had to suffer. Unto whom the Bishop answered again to this effect, saying: that if he saw him once to stir in the pains of his burning, he should then give no credit to his doctrine. And as he said, so he right well performed the same, for so patiently he stood, that he never moved, but even as he stood holding up his stumpes, so still he continued, till one Rich. Grauell with a staff dashed him upon the head, and so stroke him down.

Letters.

As touching the letters of M. Farrer, we do not find many that he did write. And peradventure in Queen Mary's time his imprisonment was so strait, that at no time it was permitted to him to write. Albeit in his other troubles in king Edwards time, certain letters he wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, and to the Earl of Warwike, which letters although they might be well referred to the first edition of this story, yet because in the said letters is contained briefly and in few lines, the whole discourse of his unjust vexation at that time wrought by his adversaries, I thought good not to pass them over, but to communicate them unto the Reader, for the better understanding both of the innocence of y blessed B. and of the crafty iniquity of his conspired enemies: as in the said letters here following to the indifferent reader may easily appear.

The copy of a certain letter of the Bishop of S. David's, written belike to the L. Chancellor Doct. Goodrike Bishop of Eli.

MOst humbly showeth unto your honor, your poor orator Rob. Bish. of S. David's, that where as one Tho. Lee (by the procurement of Tho. Yong, Rowland Mericke being both Canons of S. David's, and George Constantine Register to the said bishop) hath exhibited unto your honor against him certain articles, in the which are mentioned many trifling things unworthy to be declared in your honorable audience, and also their pretensed weighty articles, (as they have alleged there) are utterly untrue, for proof whereof, the said Thomas Lee hath had Commissions into the country: therefore it may please your honor of your favorable goodness, to grant unto your said Orator a like Commission for the examination of witnesses in defense of his truth and honesty, against the aforenamed Thomas Lee, George Constantine, Tho. Yong, Rowland Mericke, and all other persons with their unjust articles, attestations, and sayings deposed against him. And in tender consideration that your said Orator standeth bounden and sureties with him, in the sum of a thousand marks, to appear before the kings Justice in the Sessions at Carmarthen, in July next coming, to answer to a forged matter of Premunire, by the procurement and counsel of his forenamed adversaries maliciously surmised against him, to his utter undoing: and furthermore, that your Orator being in debt to the kings majesty, by reason of the malicious vexation of his foresaid adversaries, cannot (if he remain here) satisfy the same (for where as there be rerages to a great sum as well of the kings money, as of his own rentes, he can receive none thereof, his adversaries have made such ill report, to his discredit, bearing the people in hand that he shall come no more thither, by reason of which brute, neither his own tenaunts will pay their rentes and rerages, nor the priests their rerages due to the Kings Majesty, as well for anno secundo and tertio, as for quarto and quinto.) In consideration of all these things, it may please your honorable goodness to license your said Orator to depart into the Dioces for these affairs and other: & he shall be ready at all times at your honorable commandment and pleasure to repair again, and ever to pray to the Lord Jesus for the perpetual conservation of your honor to his glory.

Besides this letter he wrote another likewise to y e said Lord (who was, as seemeth, D. Goodricke L. Chancellor afore mentioned) wherein he declareth the whole cause of his trouble, how it rose against him by his adversaries, as here followeth.

Another letter written by the B. of S. David's, to the L. Chancellor aforesaid.

RIght honorable, and my very especial good Lord, with humble service and hearty thanks to God, and to you for your godly favor towards me at all times, as right plainly appeareth by your fatherly letters, most lovingly admonishing me to incline unto that which is very necessary, as charitable concord and unity. This is further to beseech your Lordship for the Lord's sake, not to be grieved, but benignly to hear and gravely to ponder that weighty matter, which appearing to other but a light grief, to me is in very deed a right grievous offense to Godward, with no little hinderance of his holy word, and disturbance of the Kings godly proceedings, and may be great occasion of much inobedience, and disorder of good life.

Wherefore I am straitly bounden for the true zeal that I ought to bear unto the word of life, Christian religion the kings majesties honor, and the godly quiet state of his people, not faintly to let fall the burden of diligent redress to be sought at his majesties hands by the godly wisdom of his most honorable and upright Counsayle, but with hearty affection to bear it up against those high minded, arrogant, stubborn, ambitious, covetous Canons, trusting in their biting tongues, with crafty prevention and utterly untrue surmises, to stop the light, that their ungodly misdoyngs in darkness shall either not be seen, or at the least may have a coulourable appearance of right. In so much that I do not a little marvel at these qualities in Master Chaunter, the Canon and the Dean of Worcester, whose ungentle and untrue behavior I have not only known, but expertly proved, and sensibly felt in two of the first, to my great losses, whereof I make no complaint.

But I wonder in my mind and lament in my heart, the strange alteration & willful going backward of mine old faithful brother George Constantine, the which knowing them all three to have been in times past, either obstinate enemies to the true bearers of the cross of Christ, or (at the least) privy lurkers under pretence of favor towards the Gospel, to sting the poor followers thereof, seeking but their own lucre and pleasure in all their doings) would so earnestly cleave unto them in their wrong deeds as to betray me with his tongue, become untrue of his promise, and a bearer of filthy sin for lucres sake, even yet stiffly persisting in the same, namely, in things manifestly known unto many, although he would deny it, and that I might not be credited.

And as for their Premunire, both George & they, at my first coming, vngently deteinyng from M. Ferlee his commission of the Chauncellorship, would have faced me down with the Premunire, because it was written in mine own name according to the statute: yet was I fain for the zeal of unity, not to see their uncourteous deeds, departing with M. Ferlee, for the avoiding of their malice and envy, and gave that office for the amity of George, unto M. Chaunter his son in law, and to D. Mericke the office of Cardigan. But seeing afterward their covetous respect to their own glory and lucre, not regarding the reformatiō of sin, and especially of shameless whoredom, I was compelled to remove them, sore against their wylles: and whereas I desired many and sundry times charitable redress of their wrong doings in the vacation time, I obtained many fair words, and nothing in deed.

And desiring to have sight of the book of Statutes of the Church, for the knowledge of my duty and theirs, I could not obtain. Desiring to have a key of the Chapter house seal, as my L. of Bath had, they would not deliver it, but upon conditions: yet was I contented to be bridled, receiving it as it pleased them to give it. And further, requiring the sight of necessary evidences for the declaration of diverse things, in trauers of my right, they would in no wise grant it. And thereupon considering their vngentlenesse, I moved the Quo warranto, knowing right well that if they should show any substantial grant under the kings seal for their corporation, it must therein appear, the B. to be the head, and ever hath been under the king: for other they neither have, nor had, except they would return to Rome again, as I trust they will not. And yet perceiving afterward, that they had no special grant to show, or else such as they would not show, I myself for the respect of unity, wrote my letters to the Kyngs Attorney, by reason whereof the Quo warranto was stayed, and so yet remaineth.

But as touching the certificate, the kings subsidy being due at Michaelmas last, and forborne til after Christmas, and lawfully demanded afore, they did utterly refuse to pay, both to my Uice collector and to myself, except I would take it of them in portions, not knowing where to ask the rest, and it is committed unto me in the kings roll a whole sum in gross, to be received of the Canons residentaries for their Diuident: who because they cannot agree in dividing, would have the kings majesty to tarry for his money, till they can agree to make division: and I cannot demand it of any particular person, nor at any particular place.

Wherefore I most humbly beseech your fatherly goodness for the Lord's sake, to persist and continue my good Lord and friend, unto such time as ye find me either desiring to be defended in my wrong, or not willing to put the judgment of my right cause into your hands. And because that the residue of matters touching them and their vngētle, untrue, and ungodly doings is too long, and I have molested you too much with this my tedious letter, I shall now surcease: humbly beseeching your good Lordship to accept in good part this my boldness proceeding of necessity, and to pardon it for the love of our Lord Jesus: who save and keep you in health, comfort, and honor, long to endure, for the advancement of his glory.

Written at Agurguily this ix. of March.

Your Lordships to command during life. R. F.

The history of one Rawlins White, burned at Cardiffe in Wales, about the month of March, for the testimony of Christ's Gospel, reported by John Dane being yet alive, who was almost continually with him during his trouble, unto his death.

FOr so much as we have here passed the history of Master Farrer, burned at the town of Carmardē in Wales I thought to adjoin and accompany with the same, the history also of one Rawlins White, a Fisherman, which both in the like cause, and in the same country of Wales, & also about the same month of March, and yere aforesaid, gave his life like a valiāt souldior of Jesus Christ, to martyrdom, and was burned at Cardiffe: the process of whose story here followeth expressed more at large.

This Rawlins was by his calling or occupation a Fisherman, living & continuing in the said trade by the space of xx. years at the least, in the town of Cardiffe, being (as a man of his vocation might be) one of a very good name, & well accounted amongst his neighbors. As touching his religion at the first, it cannot otherwise be known, but that he was a great partaker of the superstitiō and Idolatry that then was used, I mean in the reign of K. Henry the 8. But after that God of his mercy had raised up the light of his Gospel, thorough the blessed government of K. Edward the vi. here in this Realm of England, this Rawlins began partly to mislike that which before he had embraced, and to have some good opinion of that which before by the iniquity of the time had ben concealed from him: and the rather to bring this good purpose and intent of his to pass, he began to be a diligent hearer, and a great searcher out of the truth.

But because the good man was altogether unlearned, and withal very simple, he knew no ready way how he might satisfy his great desire: At length it came in his mind to take a special remedy to supply his necessity, which was this: He had a little boy which was his own son, which child he set to school to learn to read English. Now after the little boy could read indifferently well, his father every night after supper, summer and winter, would have the boy to read a piece of the holy scripture, & now and then of some other good book. In which kind of virtuous exercise, the old man had such a delight & pleasure, that as it seemed, he rather practiced himself in the study of Scripture, then in the trade or science which before time he had used: so that Rawlins within few years in the said time of K. Edward, through the help of his little son, as a special minister appointed by god (no dout) for that purpose, & through much conscience besides, profited & went forward in such sort, that he was able not only to resolve himself touching his own former blindness & ignorance, but was also able to admonish and instruct other: and therefore when occasion served, he would go from one place to another, visiting such as he had best hope in. By which his doing, he became in that country both a notable and open professor of the truth, being at all times and in all such places, not without y e company of his little boy, whom (as I have said) he used as an assistance to this his good purpose. And to this his great industry and indeuor in holy scripture, God did also add in him a singular gift of memory, so that by the benefit thereof he would & could do that in vouching and rehersing of the text, which men of riper and more profound knowledge, by their notes and other helps of memory, could very hardly accomplish. In so much that he upon the alleging of scripture, very often would cite the book, the leaf, yea and the very sentence: such was the wonderful working of God in this simple and unlearned father.

Now when he had thus continued in his profession the space of five years, K. Edward died, upon whose decease Queen Mary succeeded, and with her all kind of superstition and Papistry crept in. Which thing being one perceived, Rawlins did not altogether use open instruction and admonition (as before he was wont) and therefore oftentimes in some private place or other, he would call his trusty friends together, & with earnest prayer and great lamentation pass away the time, so that by his virtuous instructions, being without any blemish of error, he converted a great number, which number (no doubt) had greatly increased, had not the cruel storm of persecution been.

The extremity and force whereof, at the last so pursued this good father Rawlins, that he looked every hour to go to prison: whereupon many of those which had received comfort by his instructions, did resort unto him, and by all means possible began to persuade him to shift for himself, and to dispose his goods by some reasonable order to the use of his wife and children, & by that means he should escape that danger which was imminent over his head.

But Rawlins nothing abashed for his own part, through the iniquity of the time, & at all nothing moved with these their fleshly persuasions, thanked them most heartily for their good will, and told them plainly, that he had learned one good lesson touching the confessing & denial of Christ, advertising them, that if he upon their persuasions should presume to deny his master Christ, Christ in the last day would deny and utterly condemn him: and therefore (quoth he) I will by his favorable grace confess and bear witness of him before men, that I may find him in everlasting life.

Notwithstandyng which answer, his friends were very importunate with him. Howbeit, father Rawlins continued still in his good purpose, so long till at the last he was taken by the Officers of the town, as a man suspected of heresy: upon which apprehension he was convented before the B. of Landaffe that then was, the said B. lying then at his house besides Chepstow: by whom, after diverse combats and conflicts with him and his chaplains, this good father Rawlins was committed to prison in Chepstow. But this his keeping, whether it were by the Bishops means, because he would rid his hands of him, or through the favor of his keeper, was not so severe and extreme, but that (if he had so listed) he might have escaped oftentimes.

But that notwithstanding, he continued still, in so much, that at the last he by the aforenamed Bishop was removed from Chepstow to the castle of Cardiffe, where he continued by the space of one whole year. Duryng which time, this reporter resorted to him very often, with money and other relief from this reporters mother (who was a great favorer of those that were in affliction in those days) and other of his friends: which he received not without great thanks and praises given to the name of God. And albeit that he was thus troubled and imprisoned, as ye have heard, to his own undoing in this world, and to the utter decay of his poor wife & children: yet was his heart so set to the instruction and furtherance of other in the way of salvation, that he was never in quiet, but when he was persuading or exhorting such of his familiar friends as commonly came unto him. In so much that on the Sondayes and other times of laisure, when his friends came to visit him, he would pass away the time in prayer and exhortations, admonishyng them always to beware of false Prophets which come in sheep's clothing.

Now when he had continued in Cardiffe Castle by the space of one whole year (as I have said) the time of his further trial was at hand. Whereupon, the aforenamed Bishop of Landaffe caused him to be brought again from the castle of Cardiffe unto his own house besides Chepstow, & whilst he continued there, y e Bishoppe assayed many ways howe to reduce him to some conformity. But when all means either by their threatening words or flattering promises were to no purpose: the Byshoppe willed him to advise and be at a full point with himself, either to recant his opinions, or else to abide the rigor of the law, and thereupon gave him a day of determination.

Which day being come, the Bishop with his Chaplaynes went into his chapel, not without a great number of other by dwellers, that came to behold the manner of their doings. When the Bishop with his retinue were placed in order, poor Rawlins was brought before them. The Bishop after great deliberation in addressyng himself (as it seemed) and silence forewarned to the rest that were there present, used a long kind of talk to him, declaring the cause of his sending for, which was, for that he was a man well known to hold heretical opinions, and that through his instruction many were led into blind error. In the end he exhorted him to consider his own estate wherein he stood: for (said the B.) Rawlins, you have been oftentimes since your first trouble, both here in my house, and else where been travailed withal touching your opinions, and that notwithstanding ye seem altogether obstinate and willful.

Now hereupon we thought good to send for you, to see if there were any conformity in you: so that the matter is come to this point, that if you shall show yourself repentant for that which you have done both against God and the princes law, we are ready to use favor towards you: but if by no means we can persuade with you touching your reformation, we are minded at this time to minister the law unto you, and therefore advise yourself what you will do.

When the B. had made an ende of his long tale, this good father Rawlins spake very boldly to him, and said: My Lord. I thank God I am a Christian mā, and I hold no opinions contrary to the word of God, & if I do, I desire to be reformed out of the word of God, as a Christian mā ought to be: many mo words in like sort wer between the B. & Raulins, which this reporter doth not well remember. But in the end when Rawlins would in no wise recant his opinions, the B. told him plainly, y t he must proceed against him by y e law, & condemn him as an heretic.

Proceed in your law a God's name said Rawlins, but for an heretic you shall never condemn me while y e world standeth. But (said the B. to his company) before we proceed any further with him, let us pray unto God that he would send some spark of grace upon him, (meaning Rawlins) & it may so chance that God through our prayer will here turn and convert his heart. When Rawlins heard the B. say so, Ah my Lord, quoth he, now you deal well and like a godly Bish. and I thank you most heartily for your great charity and gentleness. Christ saith: where as two or three be gathered in my name, I will be in the midst of them, and there be moe then two or three of you. Now if it be so that your request be godly and lawful, and that that you pray as ye should pray, without doubt God will hear you. And therefore my Lord go to, do you pray to your God, and I will pray to my God, I know that my God will both hear my prayer, and perform my desire.

By and by the B. with his company fell to prayer. And Rawlins turning himself to a pew that stood somewhat near him, fell down upon his knees covering his face with his hands: and when they had prayed a while, the B. with his company arose from prayer. And then also arose Rawlins, and came before the Bishop.

Then said the B. Now Rawlins▪ how is it with thee? wilt thou revoke thy opinions, or no? Surely (said Rawlins) my Lord, Rawlins you left me, and Rawlins you find me, and by God's grace Rawlins I will continue. Certainly if your petitions had been just and lawful, God would have heard them: but you honor a false God and pray not as ye should pray, and therefore hath not God granted your desire: But I am one poor simple man as you see, and God hath heard my complaint, and I trust he will strengthen me in his own cause.

The Bishop when he perceived that this hipocrisye of theirs took none effect, then with hot words he reproved him, and forthwith was ready to read tht sentence. Howbeit upon some advise given to him by his Chapleynes that were there present, he thought best first to have a mass, thinking that in deed by so doing, some wonderful work should be wrought in Rawlins, and thereupon a priest began Mass.

In the mean time poor Rawlins betook himself to prayer in a secret place thereby, until such time as the priest came to the Sacring (as they term it) which is a principal point of their Idolatry. When Rawlins heard the Sacring bell ring (as the use was) he rose out of his place and came to the Qu ere door, and there standing a while, turned himself to the people, speaking these words: good people, if there be any Brethren amongst you, or at the least if there be but one Brother amongst you, the same one bear witness at the day of judgment, that I bow not to this Idol, meaning the Host that the Priest held over his head.

The Mass being ended, Rawlins eftsoons was called for again. To whom the Bishop used many persuasions: but the blessed man continued steadfast in his former profession, that the Bishops talk was altogether in vain, and to no purpose. Wherupon the Bishop caused the definitive sentence to be read. Which being ended, Rawlins was dismissed, and from thence he was by the bishops commandment carried again to Cardiffe, there to be put into the prison of y e town, called Cockmarell, a very darck loathsome, and most vile prison.

Rawlins in the mean while passed away the time in prayer, and chiefly in singing of Psalms: which kind of godly exercises he always used, both at Cardiffe Castle & in all other places.

Now, after he had thus continued as Prisoner in Cockmarell Prison at Cardiffe (as is aforesaid) a good space, about three weeks before the day wherein he suffered, the head Officers of the Town that had the charge of his execution, were determined to burn him, because they would be sooner ryd of him: having not in deed a writ of executiō awarded, as by the law they should have.

Whereuppon one Henry Louis the Recorder of the Town that then was, seeing that they went about to burn him without any warrant by writ, came to them, and told them, that if they did burn him before they had the writ De haereticis comburendis, the Wyfe of the said Rawlins would upon just cause by law, call their doings into question.

Immediately upon this advertisement, they sent to London for the writ above named: upon the receipt whereof they made some speed to the execution of the said Raulins. Now when the day was come, wherein the good father should perform and accomplish the last Act of this his worthy conflict, he was the night before willed to prepare himself.

Now, when he perceived his time no less near then it was reported unto him, he sent forthwith to his Wyfe, and willed her by the mess̄ger that in any wise she should make ready, and send unto him his wedding Garment, meaning a Shyrt, which afterward he was burned in. Which request or rather commandment of his, his wife with great sorrow and grief of heart did perform, and early in the morning did send it him, which he received moste gladly and joyfully.

Now whē the hour of his execution was come, this good and constant father Raulins was brought out of prison, having on his body the long Shyrt, Which (as you heard before) he called his wedding garment, and an old Russet coat which he was wont to wear. Besides this, he had upon his legs an old pair of leather Buskins which he had used long afore. And thus being brought out of the prison (as I have said) he was accompanied or rather guarded with a great company of Billes and gleaues: which sight when he beheld: Alas (quoth he) what meaneth all this? All this needed not. By God's grace I will not start away: but I with all my heart & mind give unto God most hearty thanks that he hath made me worthy to abide all this for his holy names sake.

So he came to a place in his way where as his poor wife and children stood weeping and making great lamentation: the suddein sight of whom so pierced his heart, that the very tears trickeled down his face. But he soon after, as though he had misliked this infirmity of his flesh, began to be as it were altogether angry with himself: In so much that in striking his breast with his hand▪ he used these words: Ah flesh, stayest thou me so? wouldest thou fain prevail? Well, I tell thee do what thou canst, thou shalt not, by God's grace, have the victory. By this time this poor innocent came to y e very altar of his sacrifice (I mean the place appointed for his death) and there found a stake ready set up, with some wood toward the making of the fire. Which when he beheld, he set for7ard himself very boldly: but in going toward y e stake he fell down vpō his knees and kissed the ground, & in rising again, the earth a little sticking on his nose, he said these words: Earth unto earth, and dust unto dust, thou art my mother, and unto thee I shall return. Then went he cheerfully & very joyfully, and set his back close unto the stake, & when he had stood there a while, he cast his eye upon this Reporter, & called him unto him, and said: I feel a great fighting between the flesh and the spirit, & the flesh would very fain have his swinge, and therefore I pray you when you see me anything tempted, hold your finger up to me, and I trust I shall remember myself.

As he was thus standing with his back close unto the stake, a Smith came with a great chain of iron: whom when he saw, he cast up his hand with a loud voice, and gave God great thanks. Then the Smith cast the chain about him, and as he was making it fast on the other side, Rawlins said unto him, I pray you good friend knock in the chain fast, for it may be that the flesh would strive mightily: but God of thy great mercy give me strength & patience to abide the extremity.

Now when the Smyth had made him sure to the stake, the officers began to lay on more wood, with a little straw and Reede: wherein the good old man was no less occupied then the best: for as far as he could reach his hands, he would pluck the straw and Reede, and lay it about him in places moste convenient for his speedy dispatche. Which thing he did with such a cheerful countenance and familiar gesture, that all men there present were in a manner astonished.

Thus when all things were ready, so that there lacked nothing but the putting to of the fire, directly over against the stake in the face of Rawlins, there was a standing erected, whereon stepped up a Priest addressing him self to speak to the people, which were many in number, because it was market day. Whē Rawlins perceived him, and considered the cause of his coming, he reached a little straw unto him, and made two little stays, & set them under his elbows. Then went the priest forward in his sermon, wherein he spake of many things touching y e authority of the church of Rome. In the mean time Rawlins gave such good care and intention, that he seemed nothing at all moved or disquieted. At the last the priest came to the sacrament of the altar, and there he began to inuey against Rawlins opinions: in which his inuection he cited the common place of Scripture, and thereupon made a Clerklye interpretation.

Now when Rawlins perceived that he went about not only to preach and teach the people false doctrine, but also to confirm it by Scripture, he suddenly starte up, and beckoned his hands to the people, saying twice: Come hither good people, & hear not a false prophet preaching: and then said unto the preacher: Ah thou naughty hypocrite, doest thou presume to prove thy false doctrine by Scripture? Look in the text what followeth: did not Christ say: Doo this in the remembrance of me▪ After which words the Priest being rather amazed then interrupted, forthwith held his peace.

Then some that stood by cried out, Put fire, set to fire: which being set to, the straw and Reede by and by caste up both a great and sudden flame. In the which flame this good & blessed man bathed his hands so long, until such time as the sinews shrunk, and the fat dropped away, saving that once he did, as it were, wipe his face with one of them. Al this while, which was somewhat long, he cried with a loud voice: O Lord receive my soul: O

[illustration]
The burning of Raulins, Martyr.
Lord receive my spirit, until he could not opē his mouth. At the last the extremitye of the fire was so vehement against his legs, that they were consumed almost before the rest of his body was burned: which made the whole body fall over the chain into the fire sooner then it would have done. During which time of his burning it cannot be said, that he suffered or felt any great pain, considering that not without his perfect memory he abode both quietly and patiently, even unto the departing of his life. Thus died this godly and old man Rawlins for the testimony of God's truth, being now rewarded, no doubt, w t the crown of everlasting life.

It is recorded furthermore of the said good father Raulins by this Reporter, that as he was going to his death, and standing at the stake, he seemed in a manner to be altered in nature. For whereas before he was wont to go stooping, or rather crooked, through the infirmity of age, having a sad countenance and a very feeble complexion, and withal very soft in speech and gesture.

Now he went and stretched up himself, not only bolt upright, but also bare withal a most pleasant and comfortable countenance, not without great courage and audacity both in speech and behavior. He had (of which thing I should have spoken before) about his head a kerchiefe. The hears of his head (somewhat appearing beneath his kerchiefe) and also of his beard were more inclined to white then to gray: which gave such a show and countenance to his whole person, that he seemed to be altogether angelical.

It is also said by this Reporter, that a little before the fire flashed up to his body (as ye have heard) many of his friends came to him, and took him by the hand, amongst whom, the Reporter of this story held him so long by the hand, till the flame of the fire rose, and forced them to sunder. In the mean time the priest of whom I spake afore, cried out, and said, that it was not lawful for any man to take him by the hand, because he was an heretic, and condemned by the Church. The chief cause of his trouble, was his opinion touching the sacrament of the alter. He was at the time of his death, of the age of threescore years or thereaboutes.

*The sum of the words spoken by Queen Mary to certain of her Counsellers. March. 28. an. 1555. touching the restitution of Abbey lands.

BEfore I pass over this month of Marche, I cannot but leave a little memorandum of the words or consultation of Queen Mary, used to certain of the Counsel, the eight and twenty day of the said month of March, touching the restoring again of the Abbey lands. Who after she had called unto her presence four of her priuye Counsel, the day and Moneth aforesaid: the names of which Counsellers were these:

  • 1 William Lord Marques of Winchester high treasurer of England.
  • 2 Syr Robert Rochester knight, the queenes Controller.
  • 3 Syr William Peter knight, Secretary.
  • 4 Syr Francis Inglefielde knight, Mayster of Wardes.

The said Queen Mary inferred these words: the principal effect and sum whereof here followeth. You are here of our Counsel, and we have willed you to be called unto us, to the intent ye might hear of me my conscience, and the resolution of my mind, concerning the lands & possessions as well of Monasteries, as other Churches whatsoever being now presently in my possession.

Firste, I do consider, that the said lands were taken away from the Churches aforesaid, in time of schism, and that by unlawful means, such as are contrary both to the law of God and of the Church. For the which cause my conscience doeth not suffer me to deteyne them: and therefore I here expressly refuse either to claim or to retain the said lands for mine, but with all my heart, freely, and willingly without all paction or condition, here and before God I do surrender and relinquishe the said lands and possessions or inheritaunces what so ever, and do renounce the same with this mind and purpose, that order and disposition thereof may be taken, as shall seem best liking to our most holy Lord the Pope, or else his Legate the Lord Cardinal, to the honor of God and wealth of this our Realm.

And albeit you may object to me again, that considering the state of my kingdom, the dignity thereof, and my Crown Imperial cannot be honorably maintained and furnished without the possessions aforsayde: yet notwithstanding I set more by the salvation of my soul, then by x. kingdoms, and therefore the said possessions I utterly refuse here to hold after that sort and title, and give most hearty thanks to almighty God, which hath given me an husband likewise minded, with no less good affection in this behalf, then I am myself,

Wherefore I charge and command, that my Chancellor (with whom I have conferred my mind in this matter before) and you four, tomorrow together do resort to the most reverend Lord Legate, and do signify to him the premises in my name, and give your attendaunce upon him for the more full declaration of the state of my kingdom, and of the foresaid possessions accordinglye, as you yourselves do understand the matter, and can inform him in the same.

This Intimation being given by the Queen, first unto the Counselors, and then coming to the Cardinals hand, he drawing out a copy thereof in Latin, sent the same to the Pope: which copy drawn into Latin, & coming afterward to my hand, I have thus translated into English, as ye have heard.

Furthermore here by the way is to be understand, that in the month before, which was February, and in the xix. day of the said month, the Bishop of Eli, with the Lord Mountacute, and seven score horse, were sent as ambassadors from the king and Queen unto Rome. For what cause, in story it is not expressed, but by conjecture it may be well supposed to be for the same cause of Abbey lands, as by the sequel thereof may probably appear.

For it was not long after, but the Pope did set forth in Print a Bull of Excommunication for all manner such persons, without exception, as kept any of the Church or Abbey lands: by virtue of which Bull, the Pope excommunicated as well all such as had any of the Church or Abbey lands, as also all such Princes, Bishops, & noble men. Justices of peace, and other in office, who had not, or did not forthwith put the same Bull in execution. Albeit this execution (God be thanked) yet to this day was never put in practice.

Wherein again is to be observed another Catholic fetch, not unworthy perchance of marking. For where this kind of Catholics by rigor and force may ouermayster, they spare for no cost, but lay on load enough. This well appeared, & still doeth appear in burning the poor patient Christians, whō because they see to be destitute of power and strength to resist them, and content with patience to receive what so ever is put unto them, there they play the Lions, and make no end of burning and persecutinge. But where they spy themselves to be overmatched, or fear to receive a foil in presuming too far, there they keep in, and can stay the executiō of their laws and Bulls, be they never so Apostolical, till they spy their time convenient for their purpose, as in this case is evident for all the world to see.

For notwithstanding that the Popes Bull coming down with full authority for restitution of Abbey lands, did so thunder out most terrible excommunication, not only against them which detained any such lands, but also against all other that did not see the Popes commandment to be executed, yet neither Winchester nor any of all the Popes Clergye would greatly stir in that matter, perceiving the Nobility to be too strong for them to match withal, and therefore were contented to let the case fall, or at least to stay for a time, while time might better serve them.

Yea, and moreover under a crafty pretense, that the nobility and men of lands at the first coming out of the Bull, should not be exasperate too much against them, they subtly abused the Pulpites, and dissembled with the people, affirming that the said Popes late Bull set forth in Print for restitution of Abbey lands, was not meant for England, but for other foreign countries where in very deed the meaning of that Bull was only for England, & no country else, as both by this intimatiō of Queen Mary here mentioned, and by many other conjectures, and also by Master Fecknams Ballet of Caveat emptor, may appear. Whereby it is easy for all men to understand what the purpose of those men was to do, if time, which they observed, might have served their deuotiō. But to let this matter pass of the Popes Bull, the time now serveth to entreat of Pope Julius death, for so much as he made his end about the latter end of this foresaid month of March. Concerning the deeds and acts of which Pope, to make a full declaratiō, it were not so much tedious to the reader, as horrible to all good ears. Under this Julius flourished the Archb. of Beneuentanus, a Florentine, named Johannes a Casa, Dean of the Popes Chamber, & chief Legate to the Uenetians: who well declaring the fruit of that filthy See, so far forgot both honesty and nature, that he shamed not only to play the filthy Sodomite himself, & to boast openly of the same: but also took upon him most impudently in Italian metre, to all men's ears, to set forth the praise & commendation of that beastly iniquity, saying that he himself never used other: & this book was prynted at Venice, by one Troianus Nauus: & yet the Pope could suffer this so great iniquity and shameless beastliness, even under his nose in his own chamber, which could not abide the true doctrine of Christ in Christian books.

Amonges other pranks and deeds of this foresaid Pope, in his Jubiliee, and in the Sinode of Trent, and in confirming of the Idole of Lauretane, this is also reported of him in his life, that he delighted greatly in Porkefleshe and Peacockes. Upon a time when he was admonished of his Physician to abstain from all Swynes flesh, for that it was noisome for his Goute, and yet would not follow his counsel: the Physician afterward gave warning to his steward or orderer of his diet, that he should set no more Porkeflesh before him.

Wherupon when the Pope perceived the said Porke flesh to be lacking in his accustomed service: where (said he) is my Porke? And when his Steward had answered that his Physician had forbidden any Porke to be served: thē the Pope bursting out in great rage, said in these words: Bring me, said he, my Porkefleshe Al dispetto di Dio That is to to say in English, In the despite of Cod.

At another time, he sitting at dinner, pointing to a Peacock upon his table, which he had not touched, keep said he, this cold Peacock for me against supper, and let me sup in the gardē, for I shall have guests. So whē supper came, and amongst other hot Peacockes, he saw not his cold Peacock brought to his table: y e Pope after his wonted manner, most horribly blaspheming God, fell into an extreme rage. &c. Whereupon one of his Cardinals sitting by, desired him saying: Let not your holiness, I pray you, be so moved with a matter of so small weight. Then this Julius the Pope answering again: What, said he, if God was so angry for one apple, that he cast our first parents out of Paradise for the same, why may not I being his vicar, be angry thē for a Peacock, sithens a Peacock is a greater matter then an apple? Behold here good reader, by this Pope, the holiness of that blasphemous See: and yet thou shalt see here, what affectiō was borne unto this Pope here in England, by the Diriges, Hearses, and Funerals commanded to be had and celebrated in all churches by the Queen and her Counsel, as may appear by the copy of their letters here following.

A Letter from the Bishop of Winchester (being Lord Chancellor) unto Boner Bishop of London, touching the celebrating of the Popes Funeralles.

AFter my hearty commendations to your good Lordship: The king and Queens Majesty's having certain knowledge of the death of the Popes holiness, thought good there should be as well solemn Obsequies said for him throughout the Realm, as also these prayers (which I send you herein enclosed) used at Mass times in all places at this time of vacation, and therefore willed me to signify their pleasures unto you in this behalf: that thereupon ye might proceed to the full accomplishmente thereof by putting the same in due execution within your own Diocese, and sending word to the rest of the Byshoys to do the like in theirs.

Thus doubting not but that your Lordship will use such diligence in this matter at this time, as shall be necessary, I bid your Lordship heartily well to fare.

From my house at Assher, the tenth of April. 1555.

Your assured friend and brother, Stephanus Winton. Chancel.

Prayers commanded to be used in the funeral Masses for the Pope, Apostolica seed vacante.

SVpplici te domine humilitate deposcimus, vt tua immensa pietas sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae concedat pontificem illum, qui & pro in nos studio semper tibi gratus, & tuo populo pro salubri regimine sit assidue ad gloriam tui nominis venerādus, per dominum nostrum.

Secreta.

TVae nobis domine pietatis abundantia indulgeat, vt gratum maiestati tuae pontificem sanctae marris Ecclesiae regimini praeesse gaudeamus per dominum nostrum.

Post Communionem.

PReciosi corporis & sanguinis tui domine sacramēto refectos, mirifica tuae maiestatis gratia de illius summi pontificis assūptione laetificet, qui & plebem tuam virtutibus instruat, & fidelium mentes, spiritualium aromatum odor perfundat, per dominum nostrum.

Upon this commandment, on wednesday in Easter week there were Hearses set up, & Diriges song for the said Julius in diverse places. At which time it chanced a woman to come into S. Magnus church at the bridgefoot in Londō, & there seeing an Hearse & other preparation, asked what it meant: and other that stood by, said, that it was for the Pope, and that she must pray for him. Nay (quoth she) that will I not, for he needeth not my prayer: and seeing he could forgive us all our sins, I am sure he is clean himself: therefore I need not to pray for him. She was heard speak these words of certain that stood by: which by & by carried her unto the Cage at Londō bridge. and bade her cool her self there.

A spectacle for all Christians to behold and to take heed of the Popes blasphemous Doctrine.

BY many and sundry ways almighty God hath admonished men of all nations in these our latter years to embrace, and not violently to repugn against the light of his Gospel, as first by preaching of his word, secondly, by the blood of the Martyrs, and thirdlye, by terrible examples shown from time to time upon his Aduersaryes. In the number of whom cometh here to be remembered the notable working of God's hand upon a certain Priest in Kent named Nightingall, Parson of Crondall besides Canterbury: who upon Shrouesonday, which was about the third day of the said Moneth of Marche, and year of our Lord aforesaid, rejoicing belike not a little at this alteration of Religion, began to make a Sermon to his Parishioners, taking his Theame out of the words of S. John: He that saith, he hath no sin, is a liar, and the truth is not in him. &c. And so upon the same very impertinently declared to them all such Articles as were set forth by the Popes authority, and by the commandment of the Bishops of this Realm: saying moreover unto the people in this wise: Now Maysters and neighbors rejoice and be merry, for the prodigal son is come home. For I know that the most part of you be as I am: for I know your hearts well enough. And I shall tell you what hath happened in this week past. I was before my Lord Cardinal Pooles grace, & he hath made me as clean from sin, as I was at the fontstone: & on Thursday last being before him, he hath appointed me to notify (I thank him for it) the same unto you. And I will tell you what it is. And so reading the Popes Bull of pardon that was sent into England, he said, he thanked God that ever he had lived to see that day: adding moreover that he believed, that by the virtue of that Bull he was as clean from sin, as that night that he was borne: and immediately

[illustration]
*The Description of a Popish Priest, who when he had taken away the glory and office of Christ, fell down suddenly, and died.
upon the same fell suddenly down out of the Pulpit, and never stirred hand nor foot, and so lay he. Testified by Rob. Agustine of Cartham, which both heard and saw the same, & is witnessed also by the whole country round about.

John Awcocke.

IN the Moneth of April, and the second day of the same Moneth, died in prison John Awcocke, who after was buried in the fields, as the manner of the Papists was to deny their Christian burial to such as died out of their popish Antichristian Church.

Now forasmuch as having passed the month of March, we are entered into the mouth of April, so set down in order out of public Recordes, what happened in the said Moneth, here followeth to be noted: That the 1. day of April Ann. 1555. A Letter was sent to the Sheriff of kent to apprehend Thomas Wodgat and William Maynard, for preaching secretly, and to send them up to the Counsel.

The 7. day of the said Moneth another Letter to the said Sheriff for the apprehension of one Harwiche who went about with a boy with him preaching from place to place.

The 15. of April, a letter was directed to Syr Nicholas Hare, and Syr Thomas Cornewallis, willing them to examine M. Flower alias Braunche what he meant to wear about his neck written, Deum time, Idolum fuge, and whō else he knew to wear the like praying also to speak to Boner Bishop of London speedily to proceed against him for his Religion according to the laws: and that the Justices of Peace of Middlesex should likewise proceed against him for shedding of blood in the Church according to the statute, so as if he continue his opinion he might be executed at the farthest by the latter end of this week, and that his right hand be the day before his execution, or the same day stricken off.

The 22. of April there was a like letter sent to the Justices of peace of Middlesex, with a writ for the executiō of the said Flower, commanding them to see his hand stricken of before his burning.

The 29. of April M. Robert Hornebey servant then to the Lady Elizabeth was convented before the Counsel for his religion: and standing constantly to the truth, notwithstanding their threats and other persuasions, was therefore committed to the Marshalsea.

A declaration of the life, examination, and burning of George Marsh, who suffered most constant Martyrdom for the profession of the Gospel of Christ, at Winchester, the 24. day of April. Ann. 1555.

THe said George Marshe was borne in the Parishe of Dean, in the Countye of Lancaster, and was well brought up in learning and honest trade of living by his Parentes, who afterwards about the xxv. year of his age, took to wife an honest maiden of the country, with whom he continued, earning their living upon a Farm, having children between them lawfully begotten: and then God taking his wife out of this Worlde, he being most desirous of godly studies, (leaving his household and children in good order) went unto the university of Cambridge, where he studied, and much increased in learning and godly virtues, & was a minister of God's holy word and Sacraments, and for a while was Curate to Laurence Saunders, as he himself reporteth. In which condition of life, he continued for a space, earnestly setting forth God's true Religion, to the defacing of Antechristes false doctrine, by his Godly Readinges and Sermons, as well there and in the Parishe of Dean, or else where in Lanckeshyre.

Whereupon at length, by detection of certain adversaries he was apprehended, & kept in close prison by George Cotes then Byshoppe of Chester, in straight Prison in Chester, within the precincte of the Bishops house, about the space of four Monethes, being not permitted to have relief and comfort of his friends: but charge being given unto the Porter, to mark who they were that asked for him, and to signify their names unto the Bishop, as by the particular descriptiō of his story, testified and recorded with his own pen, more evidently may appear in the process hereunder following.

The handling, entreating, and examination of George Marsh, being sent first by the Earl of Derby to Doctor Cotes Bishop of Chester.

ON the monday before Palme Sunday, which was the xii. day of March, it was told me at my mothers house that Rog. Wrinstone, with other of M. Bartōs servants did make diligent search for me in Bolton, and when they perceived that I was not there, they gave strait charge to Roger Ward and Rob. Marsh, to find & bring me to M. Barton the day next following, with others, to be brought before the honorable Earl of Darby, to be examined in matters of Religion. &c.

I knowing by this relatiō of diverse of my friends, was diversely affected, my mother, and other my friends advertising me to flee and to avoid the peril, which thing I had intended afore after a week then next ensuing, if this in the mean while had not chanced, seeing, that if I were takē, and would not recant in matters of religion (as they thought I would not, and as God strengthening and assisting me with his holy spirit I never will) it would not only have put thē to great sorrow, heaviness, & losses, with costs and charges, to their shame & rebuke in this world, but also mine own self after troubles and painful prisonment, unto shameful death.

This considered, they advised me & counseled me to depart & fly y e country, as I had intended to have done, if this had not happened. To whose counsel my weak flesh would gladly have cōscented, but my spirit did not fully agree: thinking and saying thus to myself, that if I fled so away, it would be thought, reported, and said, that I did not only fly the country and my nearest and dearest friends: but much rather from Christ's holy word, according as these years past I had with my heart, or at least with mine ou ward living professed, and with my mouth & word taught, according to the small talent given me of the Lord. I being thus with their advise & counsel, and the cogitations & counsels of mine own mind drawn, as it were diverse ways, went trom my mothers house, saying, I would come again at evening.

In the mean time I ceased not by earnest prayer to ask and seek counsel of God (who is the giver of all good gifts) and of other my friends, whose godly judgments and knowledge I much trusted unto. After this, I met with one of my said friends on Dean Moore, about sun going down: and after we had consulted together of my business, not without hearty prayer kneeling on our knees, we departed, I not fully determinyng what to do, but taking my leave with my friend said I doubted not but God (according as our prayer and trust was) would give me such wisdom and counsel, as should be most to his honor and glory, the profit of my neighbors and brethren in the world, and ob eining of mine eternal salvation by Christ in heaven.

This done, I returned to my mothers house again, where had been diverse of M. Bartons servants seeking after me: who when they could not find me, straitly charged my brother and William Marsh to seek me that night, and to bring me to Smethehilles the next day: who being so charged were gone to seek me in Adderton, or elsewhere I know not. Thus intending afore to have been all night with my mother, but thē considering that my tarrying there would disquiet her with her household, I departed from thence, and went beyond Dean Church, and there tarried all night with an old friend of mine, taking ill rest, and consulting much with myself of my trouble.

So at my first awaking, one came to me from a faithful friend of mine with letters, which I never read, nor yet looked on, who said this: My friends advise was that I should in no wise fly, but abide & boldly confess the faith of Jesus Christ. At whose words I was so confirmed & established in my conscience, that from thenceforth I consulted no more, whether was better to fly or to tarry, but was at a point with myself, that I would not fly, but go to master Barton, who did seek for me, and there present myself, and patiently bear such cross, as it should please God to lay upon my shoulders. Wherupō my mind and conscience afore being much vnquieted and troubled, was now merry and in quiet estate.

So betimes in the morning I arose, and after I had said the English Litany (as my custom was) with other prayers kneeling on my knees by my friends beddeside, I prepared myself to go toward Smethehilles: and as I was going thitherward, I went into the houses of Harry Widdowes, of my mother in law, of Rafe Yeton, and of the wife of Thomas Richardsonne, desiring them to pray for me, and have me commended to all my friends, and to comfort my mother, and be good to my little children, for (as I supposed) they should not see my face anymore, before y e last day: & so took my leave of thē not without tears shed on both parties, and came to Smethehilles about 9. of the clock, & presented myself afore M. Barton: who shown me a letter from the Earl of Darby, wherein he was commanded to send me with others to Lathum.

Wherupon he charged my brother and William Marsh, to bring and deliver me the next day, by x. of the clock before the said Earl or his Counsel. I made earnest suit with other special friends, which I had there at the same time, to M. Barton, that he would take someone of them or them all bound by recognisaunce or otherwise for mine appearing before the said Earl or his said Counsel, that my brother & William Marsh might be at home, because it was the chiefest time of seding, & their ploughes could not go if they wer not at home: but nothing could be obtained.

So we went to my mothers, and there I dyned & shifted part of my clothes, and so praying, took my leave of my mother, the wife of Richard Marsh, and both their householdes, they and I both weeping, & so departed from them, and went toward Lathum, and were all night a mile and a half on this side Lathum. So the next day which was Wednesday, we arose, prayed, & came to Lathum betimes, and tarried there till four of the clock at afternoon.

Thē was I called by Roger Mckinson, to come to my Lord and his counsel, & so I was brought into the chamber of presence, where was present Syr William Nores, Syr Pierce Alee, Mayster Shereburne the Parson of Grapenhall, master More, with others. Where when I had tarried a little while, my Lord turned him toward me, and asked what was my name. I answered Marsh.

Then he asked whether I was one of those that sowed evil seed and dissention amongst the people. Which thing I denied, desiring to know mine accusers, and what could be laid against me: but that I could not know.

Then said he, he would with his counsel examine me themselves, & asked me whether I was a priest. I said no. Then he asked me, what had been my living? I answered, I was a Minister, served a Cure, and taught a school. Then said my Lord to his Counsel, this is a wonderful thing. Afore he said he was no Priest, and now he confesseth himself to be one. I answered, by the laws now used in this Realm (as far as I do know) I am none.

Then they asked me who gave me orders, or whether I had taken any at all? I answered, I received orders of the Bishops of London and Lincoln.

Then said they one to another, those be of these new heretics, and asked me what acquaintance I had with them? I answered, I never saw them, but at the time when I received orders.

They asked me how long I had been Curate, & whether I had ministered with a good conscience? I answered I had been Curate but one yere, and had ministered with a good conscience, I thanked God, and if the Laws of the Realm, would have suffered me, I would have ministered still: & if the laws at any time hereafter would suffer me to minister after that sort, I would minister again.

Whereat they murmured: and the person of Grapnall said: this last Communion was the most deuilishe thing that ever was devised. Then they asked me what my belief was.

I answered, I believed in God the Father, the Son & the holy Ghost, according as the Scriptures of the old and new testament do teach and according as the 4. Symboles, or Creedes, that is to wit, the Creed commonly called Apostolorum, the Creed of Nice Council, of Athanasius and of Agustine, and Ambrose do teach.

And after a few words, the parson of Grapnall said: but what is thy belief in the Sacrament of the alter?

I answered, I believed that whosoever, according to Christ's institution, did receive the holy Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, did eat and drink Christ's body and blood with all the benefits of his death and resurrection to their eternal salvation? for Christ (said I) is ever present with his sacrament.

Then asked they me, whether the bread and wyne, by the virtue of the words pronounced of the Priest, were changed into the flesh and blood of Christ, and that the sacrament, whether it were received or reserved, was the very body of Christ?

Wherunto I made answer, I knew no further then I had shown already. For my knowledge is imperfect (said I:) desiring thē not to ask me, such hard & unprofitable questions, whereby to bring my body into danger of death, & to suck my blood. Whereat they were not a little offended, saying they were no blood succors, and intended nothing to me but to make me a good Christian man.

So after many other questions, which I avoided as well as I could, remembering the saying of Paul: Foolishe and unlearned questions avoid, knowing they do but ingender strife: my Lord commanded me to come to the board, and gave me pen and incke in my hand and commanded me to write mine answers to the questions of the Sacrament above named: & I wrote as I had answered before. Wherat he being much offended, commanded me to write a more direct answer, saying, I should not choose but do it.

Then I took the pen and wrote, that further I knew not. Whereat he being sore grieved, after many threatenings, said I should be put to shameful death like a traitor, with such other like words, and sometimes giving me air words, if I would turn and be conformable as other were, how glad he would be.

In conclusion, after much ado, he commanded me to Ward in a cold windy stone house, where was little room where I lay two nights without any bed, saving a few great canuasse tentclothes, and that done, I had a pair of sheets, but no woolen clothes, & so continued till Palm-Sunday, occupying myself as well as I could in meditatiō, prayer, & study, for no man could be suffered to come to me but my keeper twice a day when he brought me meat and drink.

An other examination of G. Marsh before the Earl of Darby.

ON Palme Sunday at after dinner I was sent for to my Lord and his counsel (saving Syr William Nores, & Syr Pierce Alee were not then present in place) amongst whō was Syr John Beram, & the Uicar of Prescot. So they examined me yet once again of the sacrament. And after I had communed apart with the Vicar of Prescot a good space concerning that matter, he returned to my Lord and his Counsel with me, saying: that answer which I had made before, and then did make (as it is above writ̄) was sufficient for a beginner, and as one which did not profess a perfect knowledge in that matter, until such time as I had learned further. Wherewith the Earl was very well pleased, saying he doubted not, but by the means & help of the vicar of Prescot I would be conformable in other things. So after many fair words he commanded I should have a bed, with fire, and liberty to go amongst his servants, so that I would do no harm with my communication amongst them.

And so after much other communication, I departed, much more troubled in my spirit then afore, because I had not with more boldness confessed Christ, but in such sort, as mine adversaries thereby thought they should prevail against me: whereat I was much grieved: For hitherto I went about as much as in me lay, to rid myself out of their hands, if by any means, without open denying of Christ and his word that could be done.

This considered, I cried more earnestly unto God by prayer, desiring him to strengthen me with his holy spirit, with boldness to confess him: and to deliver me from their enticing words, and that I were not spoiled through their Philosophy & deceitful vanity after the traditions of men and ordinances of the world, and not after Christ.

And so after a day or two I was sent for to y e Uicar of Prescot, and the Parson of Grapnall: where our most communication was concerning the mass: and he asked what offended me in the Mass. I answered the whole Mass did offend me, first because it was in a strange language, whereby the people were not edified, contrary to S. Paul's doctrine, 1. Cor. 14. and because of the manifold and intolerable abuses & errors contained therein, contrary to Christ's Priesthood and sacrifice.

Then they asked me in what place thereof, and I named certain places: which places they went about with gentle and far sought interpretations to mitigate, saying those places were understood far otherwise then the words did purport, or then I did take them.

I answered, I did understand thē as they did purport, & as their own books do comment and gloss upon them.

They said, Sacrificium or Oblatio did not in the Mass signify anything else, then either a Sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, or else a memorial of a sacrifice or oblatiō. So they caused a Mass book to be sent for, and shown me where in some places of the Mass was written, Sacrificium laudis. Whereto I answered, that it followed not therefore that in all places it signified a sacrifice or oblation of praise or thanksgiving: and although it did, yet was not a sacrifice of praise or thanksgiving to be offered for the sins of the people, for that did Christ by his own Passion once offer on the Cross: where the words of the Mass were that the Priest did offer an oblation and sacrifice for the sins and offenses both of himself and of the people: for them that were dead, and for the saluatiō of the living: and that the commixion of the body and blood of Christ was health both of body and soul.

The Vicar answered, that was to be understanded of the commixtion of Christ's body and blood with his Church or people. So after much exhortatiō unto me that I should be conformable to the true Catholic Church (which as they meant, was the Romish Church) I departed, not consenting unto them.

So within a day or twayne came to me Master More bringing with him certain Articles, whereunto Doctor Crome had consented and subscribed in the presence of certain witnesses in the days of king Henry the eight and willed me to read thē over, & asked me whether I would consent and subscribe unto those Articles: and after communication had of one or two of the said Articles, I confessed plainly I would in no wise consent and subscribe to those Articles. for then I did against mine own conscience: and so he departed.

So within a short space after, which was on sherethursday, the said Parson and Uicar sent for me again, saying, my lord would be at a short point with me: for if I would not consent and subscribe unto 4. Articles drawn out of the articles aforesaid, I must go to prison strait ways.

The first was, whether the Mass now used in the church of England, was according to Christ's institution, & with faith, reverence and devotion to be heard and seen?

The second whether the almighty by the words pronounced by the Priest, did change the bread and wyne after the words of consecration, into the body and blood of Christ, whether it were received or reserved?

Thirdly, whether the lay people ought to receive but under the form of bread only, and that the one kind was sufficient for them?

Fourthly, whether confession to the Priest now used in England were godly and necessary?

These four questions or articles they delivered me in writing, and bad me go to my chamber and subscribe my answers with mine own hand, and come again. So within one half hour, I came to them again, and delivered them the questions with mine answers. The first I denied. The second I answered, as I did to my Lord afore, & as is above written. To the third I answered that the lay people by Christ's institution ought to receive under both kinds, & that it sufficeth not them to receive under the one kind only. Fourthly▪ that though confession auricular were a commodious mean to instruct the rude people, yet was it not necessary nor commanded of God.

They much exhorted me then to leave mine opinions, saying I was much deceived, understanding the Scriptures amiss, and much counseled me to follow the Catholic Church of Christ, and to do as other did. I answered, my faith in Christ conceived by his holy word I neither could nor would deny, alter or change, for any living creature whatsoever he were, desiring them to speak to my Lord that during my life and imprisonment, my poor friends might be suffered to relieve me with necessary things according to their powers, and so after much exhortation of them to do & believe as the Catholic Church did, we departed: I from thenceforth continuing in the Porters ward not coming forth of my chamber saving at noon and night while I dined and supped.

Upon one of the Easter holy days master Shereburn and M. More sent for me persuading me much to leave mine opinions: saying all the bringers up and favorers of that Religion had evil luck, and were either put to death or in prison, and in danger of life. Agayne, the favorers of the Religion now used had wondrous good luck, & prosperity in all things: with many other worldly reasons of man's wisdom, for as for the scriptures, Master Shereburne confessed himself ignorant.

I answered that I believed and leaned only to the Scriptures, not judging things by prosperity or adversity: but they earnestly advised me to refuse mine opinions, and not to let for any worldly shame.

I answered that that which I did, I did not for the avoiding of any worldly shame, saying: my soul and life were dearer to me thē the avoiding of any worldly shame: neither yet did I it for any vain praise of the world, but in the reverent fear of God.

Then Master More questioned with me of receiving the Sacrament under the one kind. I said Christ's institution was plain that all men should drink of the cup. Then he told me of the 24. of Luke, and the 20. of the Acts, where was but mention of breaking of bread only: whereof he gathered, that they received the Sacrament but under one kind.

That I denied, saying: those places either did not speak of the celebration of the Lord's Supper, or else under the name of breaking bread, was signified and meant the receiving of the Sacrament, both of the body & blood of Christ, according to his institution. So after much communicatiō of that matter, M. Shereburne said it was great pity that I being a welfauored young man, and one that might have good living and do good, would so foolishly cast myself away, sticking so hard to such foolish opinions.

I answered as afore I had done to my Lord and to his counsel, that my life, mother, children, brethren, sisters, and friends, with other delights of life, were as dear & sweet unto me as unto any other man, and that I would be as loath to lose them, as another would, if I might hold them with good conscience, and without the ignominy of Christ: and seeing I could not do that, my trust was that God would strenthen me with his holy spirit to lose them all for his sake: for I take myself (said I) for a sheep appaynted to be slain, patiently to suffer what cross so ever it shall please my merciful father to lay on me. And so after I had desired them that if I were committed to prison my friends might be suffered to relieve me, they departed.

Mayster More afore this brought unto me a book of one Alphonsus a Spanish Frier, of all heresies wherewith the church of Rome, which he called Christ's true church, had been troubled since Christ's time, willing me to read and take Counsel of that book: & appointed me a place, where this author did write against them that say, the lay people ought to receive under both kinds.

This Author I perceived did vehementlye write against Luther, Melancthon, Pellicā & other Germaynes of this our time, in all pointes defēding y e blasphemous abuses and enormities of the Romish Church, condemning as detestable heresies, whatsoever was written, taught, or believed contrary to the same, using for his strōgest and surest arguments, the consent, agrement, and determinatiō of the Romish Church. So within a few days Mayster More came to me again, asking me how I liked the book. I said the author of the book did in all points being a Papist, allow the rites and abuses of the Romish church, and shown him further, that this author without authority, and contrary both to the Scriptures & old Doctors, did condemn for heresy, the lay people receiving of this sacrament under both kinds, where as this Author witnesseth his own self, that Christ's church 900. years after Christ used the contrary.

So in conclusion he rebuketh me, saying I was unlearned, & erred from the Catholic faith, stubborn, and stood altogether in mine own conceit. I answered, for my learning, I knowledge myself to know nothing but Jesus Christ, even him that was crucified, and that my faith was grounded upon God's holy word only, & such as I doubted not, pleased God, and as I would stand in until the last day, God assisting me: and that I did not say or do anything, either of stubbernes, self willfulness, vain glory, or any other worldly purpose, but with good conscience, and in the fear of God: and desired him to speak to my Lord and his Counsel, that I might find some gentleness and mercy at their hands. He made me but short answer. Then I said, I commit my cause unto God, who hath numbered the hairs of my head, and appointed the days of my life saying: I am sure God which is a righteous Judge, would make inquisition for my blood, according as he hath promised. Then he took his book frō me, and departed.

I continued still in Ward until Low Sunday, and after dinner my keeper Richard Scot came to me into my chamber, and told me that two young men were come to carry me to Lancaster, and so delivered me unto them, a great company both of my Lord's servants and others accompanying and bringing me on the way, unto Rich. Addertons and somewhat further, counseling and persuading like as is aforesaid.

To whom I made plain answer, that in matters of faith, I would give place to no earthly creature. So they comforted me, and said y t they wer sory for me, saying: if I knew mine opinion to be good, I did well, and so they departed, willing my bringers to entreat me honestly.

My bringers by the way shown me they were willed & advised to bind me, and that they desired first to see me: and after they had looked on me, sitting at dinner, they answered they would take charge of me being loose, for they said I seemed to be an honest man.

The first night we were all night at Broughton, and the second day we came to Lancaster betimes at after noon and so they kept me all night with them of their gentleness, and on the morrow delivered me to y e Jailor, who brought me into the highest prison, where I do remain.

After that, the said George came to Lancaster Castle, & there being brought with other prisoners unto the Sessions, was made to hold up his hands w t other malefactors. The Earl of Darby had this communication with him, as here followeth.

Communication between George Marsh and the Earl of Darby.

I Sayd unto my Lord, I had not dwelled in the country these three or four years past, and came home but lately to visit my mother, children, and other my friends, and to have departed out of the country before Easter thē next, & to have gone out of the realm, Wherefore I trusted, seeing nothing could be laid against me, wherein I had offended against the laws of this realm, his Lordship would not with captious questions examine me to bring my body into danger of death, to the great discomfort of my mother but suffer me to avoid peaceably, seeing I might have fled out of the country, and yet of mine own will came to his Lordship.

He said to his Counsel, he had heard tell of me above at London: and intended to make search for me, and take me either in Lancashyre or above at London, and asked me into what land I would have gone.

I answered, I would have gone either into Almain or else into Denmark. He said to his Counsel: in Denmark they used such heresy as they have done in England: but as for Almayne he said the Emperor had destroyed them.

So after such like words I said unto him, my trust was that his Lordship being of the honorable Counsel of the late king Edward, consenting and agreeing to acts concerning faith toward God and religion under great pain, would not so soon after consent to put poor men to shameful death, as he had threatened me, for embrasing the same with so good a conscience.

He answered that he, with the Lord Windsor, & Lord Dacars, with one moe, whose name I have forgotten, did not consent to those Acts, and that the nay of them four would be to be seen as long, as y e Parliament house stood. Then my Lord did rehearse the evil luck of the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk with others, because they favored not the true religion, and again the good hap and prosperity of the Queens highness, because she favored the true religion, thereby gathering the one to be good and of God, and the other to be wicked and of the devil, & said that the Duke of Northumberland confessed so plainly.

George Marsh to the Reader.

FOr as much as not only when I was at Latham, but also since I departed thence, I hear that there be diverse and sundry reports, and opinions of the cause of mine imprisonment, as well at Latham as at Lancaster (as by credible persons I am informed) some saying it was only because I would not do open penance, and some because I could not agree with my Lord and his council concerning the sacrament of Christ's body and blood, and the manner of Christ's presence there: some because I would not grant it sufficient and according to Christ's institution the lay people to receive the said sacrament under the one kind only I thought it good, dearly beloved in Christ, and my bounden duty, to certify you by mine own hand writing, of mine examination and handling at Latham, and to tell you the truth as near as I could, to quiet your mind in this behalf, and therefore I have here written with mine own hand the certainty of those things as near as I could, here above expressed, not omitting anything at all concerning Religion, whereof they did examine me: howbeit I perceive in some things, I keep not the same order in writing that thing which was asked by them, and answered by me afore or after, as it was in very deed in all points saving this, telling the truth as near as I can, desiring you to accept in good worth this my good will, and to pray for me and all them that be in bonds, that God would assist us with his holy spirit, that we may with boldness confess his holy name: and that Christ may be magnified in our bodies, that we may stand full and perfect in all the will of God: to whom be all honor and glory world without end. Amen.

And thus you have heard all the whole trouble which George Marsh sustained both at Lathum, & also at Lancaster, testified and written with his own hand whereto he addeth moreover and saith.

While I was (saith he) in Ward at Lathum, diverse at sundry times came unto me. Some said unto me that all my fellows had recanted and were gone home, where as in deed that was not so, for I saw diverse of them divers times after. Other said that it was reported amongst my Lord's household, that I had consented and agreed in all things with my Lord and his counsel.

Furthermore, while I was at Lancaster, at this Sessiō time many came to me to talk with me, some of good will towards me, but without knowledge gave me such like counsel as Peter gave Christ as he went up to Jerusalem when he took him aside and began to rebuke him: saying master favor thyself: this thing shall not be unto thee. But I answered with Christ's sharp answer unto Peter again: who turned about, and said unto Peter, come after me Satan, and perceiving that they were an hinderance unto me, and that they favored not the things which are of God, but the things that are of men, I made them plain answer, that I neither could ne would follow their counsel, but that by God's grace I would both live and die with a pure conscience and according as hitherto I had believed and professed. For we ought in no wise to flatter and bear with them, though they love us never so well, which go about to pluck us away from the obedience that we owe unto God and to his word, but after Christ's example sharply to rebuke them for their counsel.

Some others, yea even strangers also, came to me far unlike to these, who after sober communication had, consented with me in all things, lamenting much my troublous estate, giving me comfortable words, & some money to, and resorted to me often times, for the space of two three or four, days. There came also many Priests to me by 2.3.4.5. or 6. at once, whose mouths it was a thing easy enough to stop, for the Priests (which is much to be lamented) be not always greatest clerks & best learned in y e law of God. At their departing they either consented w t me, or else had nothing to say against me, saying they could find no fault with my words. My communication with them was about the Sacrament. There came also into y e prison to me master Westby, Mayster Ashton of Hyll, M. Ashton of Chatertō, & many moe both gentlemen and others to my great comfort. Unto whom I had good occasion to utter a great parte of my conscience: for God so strengthen me with his spirit of boldness, according to my humble request and prayer before (everlasting thanks be given him therefore) that I was nothing afraid to speak to any that came to me, no not even to Judges, themselves, before whom I was thrice arraygned at the bar amongst the thieves with irons on my feet, and put up my hand as other did, but yet with boldness I spake unto them so long as they would suffer me.

They also sent for me the fourth time into their chamber, where amongst other things they laid it straitly to my charge, y t I had reported that I knew an whole mess of good gentlemen in Lancashyre of mine opinion, and straightly charged me upon pain of allegiaunce to the Queens grace, to show who they were. But I denied that I had spoken any such thing (as it was in deed a false forged lie of some wicked wretches.) After that, they threatened and rebuked me, for my preaching to the people out of the prison, as they called it, and for my praying and reading so loud, that the people in the streets might hear. The truth is, I and my prison fellow Warbarton, every day kneeling on our knees did read morning and evening prayer, with the english Litany every day twice, both before noon and after, with other prayers moe, & also read every day certain chapters of the Bible, commonly towards night: and we read all these things with so high & loud a voice, y t the people without in the streets, might hear us, and would often times, namely in y e eueninges, come and sit down in our sightes under the windows & hear us read, wherewith others being offended, complained.

All this while George Marshe was not yet brought before the bishop, whose name was Doctor Cotes, placed the same time in the Bishopric of Chester. Of whose coming then unto Lancaster, the said George Marshe reporteth himself as followeth.

*How the Bishop came to Lancaster and of his doings there.

THe bishop being at Lancaster, there set up and confirmed all blasphemous Idolatry, as holy water casting procession gadding, Mattins mumbling, children confirming, Mass hearing, Idols up setting, with such hethe ishe rites forbidden by God: but no Gospel preaching, which Christ God's son so earnestly commanded. He was informed of me, and willed to send for me & examine me. Which thing he refused to do, saying he would have nothing to do w t heretics so hastily: So hasty in judgment and calling men heretics are our bishops in their Lordly dignities, afore y e hear or see, what is to be amended or condemned, contrary to the express commandment of gods word, which saith: Condemne no man before thou hast tried out the truth of the matter, and when thou hast made inquisition then reform righteouslye. Geue no sentence before thou hast heard the cause, but first let men tell out their tale, and he that giveth sentence in a matter before he hear it, is a fool & worthy to be confounded.

And instead of his liberality towards me poor prisoner, he sent for the Jailor and rebuked him because he suffered me to fare so well, willing to have me more straitly kept and dieted: but if his Lordship were tabled but one week with me, I do think he would judge our fare but slender enough.

Also, he and his Chapleines and Chancellor did find fault with the Scholemaister and others, for speaking to one as to a most heinous heretic, and also with y e Jailor for suffering them. Such is the mercy that these religious fathers show to the friendles and comfortless in their adversities. If we may know the tree by the fruits (as Christ saith, no man can judge such for any other but for very enemies to Christ and his true religion. God lay it never to their charges, but forgive them and turn their hard hearts, if it be his will.

But it is no new thing for the bishops to persecute the truth and the Prophets of the Lord, for their constancy in preaching of the true faith, for so did their Pharisaical forefathers, if ye mark well the histories of the holy Bible. Phasher was the head Bishop of the Temple, the ringleader of false Prophets, the chief heretic taker, that is as much to say, the outthruster of true godliness. After that the dignity of Priesthood was given unto him he abused it. For he taught not neither reproved by the word, but feared the godly with cruelty. He not only strocke, but also imprisoned the holy Prophet Ieremye, though he withstood him not, but presently looked for the help of God, steadfastly preaching the truth of God.

What mischief the ungracious bishop Iasō wrought among the Jews, destroying all godliness and setting up abhominable Idolatrous laws, ye may read in the iv. chapter of the 2. of Maccabees. How the execrable & blind Bishops Annas and Caiaphas, which never spake y e truth of God themselves, unless it were against their willes, unwittingly to their utter destruction, howe (I say) they pressed the truth in Christ and his Apostles, is so well known that I need not to rehearse it.

And thus much hitherto concerning the prisonment of George Marsh & his examinations before the Earl of Darby & his deputies above named. Now proceeding further in the troublesome persecution of this blessed man, let us likewise consider the latter part of his troubles and examinations which followed under the bishop of that same Dioces, which was Doctor Cotes: the effect whereof being drawn out of his own writing, here brieflye is to be seen as followeth.

The troubles and examination of G. Marshe under Doct. Cotes Bishop of Chester.

YE heard before how G. Marsh being first imprysoned at Lathum, and afterward translated unto Lancaster, was troubled by the Earl. Agayne, within few days after, the said Marsh was removed from Lancaster, & coming to Chester, was sent for Doct. Cotes then B. to appear before him in his Hal, nobody being present but they twayne: and then he asked him certain questions concerning y e sacrament: who made such answers as the Bish. seemed therewith to be content, saving y t he utterly denied transubstantiation, and allowed not the abuse of y e Mass nor that the lay people should receive under one kind only contrary to Christ's institution: in which point the bysh. went about to persuade him: howbeit (God be thanked) all in vain. Much other talk he had with him, to move him to submit himself to the universal church of Rome: and when he saw he could not prevail, he sent him to prison again: and after being there, came to him diverse times one Massy, a fatherly old man, one Wrench the Schoolmaster, one Hensham the Bishops Chaplayne, and the Archdeacon, with many moe: who with all probability of words, and Philosophy or worldly wisdom, and deceitful vanity after the tradition of men and the beggarly ordinances and laws of the world, but not after Christ (as it were all singing one song) went about to persuade him to submit himself to the church of Rome, and to acknowledge the pope to be head thereof, and to interpret y e scriptures none otherwise then that church did: with many such like arguments & persuasions of fleshly wisdom.

To whom the said George Marsh answered, that he did acknowledge and believe (though much evil be withal annexed) one holy catholic and apostolicke Church, without which there is no salvation, and that this church is but one, because it ever hath, doth, and shall confess and believe, one only god, and him only worship, and one only Messiah, and in him only trust for salvation: which church also is ruled and led by one spirit, one word, and one faith and that this church is universal and catholic, because it ever hath been since y e worlds beginning, is, and shall endure to the worlds end, and comprehending with in it all nations, kindreds, and languages, degrees, states, & conditions of men: and that this church is built only upon the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles, Jesus Christ himself being the head corner stone, & not upon the Romish laws and decrees, the Bishop of Rome being the supreme head.

And where they said, the Church did stand in ordinary succession of bishops, being ruled by general Councils holy fathers, and the laws of holy Church, and so had continued by the space of fiftene hundredth years & more: he made answer that the holy church, which is the body of Christ, and therefore most worthy to be called holy, was before any succession of Bishops, general Councils, or Romish decrees, neither yet was bound to any time, or place, ordinary succession, general councils, or traditions of Fathers, either had any supremacy over Empyres and kingdoms: but y t it was a little poor seely flock, dispersed and scattered abroad, as sheep without a shepherd in the midst of wolves, or as a flock of Orphans or fatherless children: and that this Church was led and ruled by the only laws, councils, and word of christ, he being the supreme head of this church, and assisting, succoring, and defending her from all assaults, errors, troubles, and persecutions wherewith she is ever compassed about,

He shown and proved unto them also, by the flood of Noah, the destruction of Sodom, the Israelites departing out of Egypt, by the parables of the sower, of y e kings sons marriage, of the great supper, and by other plain sentences of scripture, that this Church was of none estimation, & little in comparison of the church of hypocrites and wicked worldlings.

He was thrust at withal violence of craft and subtlety but yet the Lord upheld him and delivered him. Euerlasting thanks be to that merciful and faithful Lord, which suffereth us not to be tempted above our might, but in the midst of our troubles strengtheneth us with his holy spirit of comfort and patience, giveth us a mouth & wisdom how and what to speak: where against all his adversaries were not able to resist.

*An other appearance of George Marsh before the Bishop.

NOw, after that the said bishop had taken his pleasure in punishing this his prisoner and often reuilyng him, giving taunts, & odious names of heretic. &c. he caused him to be brought forth into a Chapel in the Cathedral church of Chester, called our Lady Chapel before him the said B. at two of the clock in the after noon, who was there placed in a Chair for that purpose, and Fulke Dutton Major of the said City, Doctor Walle, and other priests assisting him, placed not far from the said Bishop, but somewhat lower, George Wenslow chācellour, and one John Chetham Register, sat directly over against the said Bishop.

Then they caused the said George Marshe to take an oath upon a book, to answer truly unto such articles as should be objected against him. Upon which oath taken, the Chancellor laid unto his charge, that he had preach d and openly published most heretically and blasphemously within the Parishe of Dean, Eccles, Bolton, Berry, and many other parishes within the Bishops Dioces, in the months of January, February, or some other time of y e year last proceeding directly against y e popes authority and Catholic Church of Rome, the blessed Mass, the sacrament of the alter, and many other Articles. Unto all which in sum he answered, that he neither heretically nor blasphemously preached or spake against any of the said articles, but simply and truly, as occasion served, and (as it were thereunto forced in conscience) maintained the truth touching the same articles, as (said he) all you now present did acknowledge the same in the time of the late king Edward the vi.

Then they examined him severally of every Article, & bad him answer directly yea or nay, without circumstance: for they were come to examine, and not to dispute at that present.

Then he answered them unto every article very modestly, according to the doctrine by public authority received, and taught in this Realm at the death of the said king Edward: whose answers were everyone noted and written by the Register, to the uttermost that could make against him, which cannot at this present be gotten. After this, the company for that time brake up, and he was returned to his prison again.

The last and final appearance of George Marsh before the Bishop.

WIthin three weeks after this, or thereaboutes, in y e said Chapel and in like sort as before, the said Bishop and others before named there being assembled, the said George Marshe was brought by the keeper and others with bills and diverse weapons, before them, where first the said Chancellor by way of an Oration declared unto the people present, the said Bishops charge and burning charity, who even like as a good shepherd doth see to his flock, that none of his sheep hath the scabbe or there disease for infecting other clean sheep, but will save & cure the said scabbed sheep: so his Lordship had sent for the said George Marshe there present, as a scabbed sheep, and had weeded him out for corrupting others, and had done what he could in showing his charitable disposition towards y e said Marsh, to reduce him frō his naughty heresies: but all that he could do, would not help: so that he was now determined, if the said Marsh would not relent & abjure, to pronounce and give sentence definitive against him. Wherefore he bad the said George Marshe to be now well advised, what he would do: for it stood upon his life: and if he would not at that present forsake his heretical opinions, it would be after the Sentence given, to late, though he would never so gladly desire it.

Then the said Chancellor first asked him whether he were not one of the Bishops Dioces? To the which he answered, that he knew not how large his Diocese was, for his continuance was at Cambridge. But then they replied and asked, whether he had not lately been at Dean Parish in Lancashyre, and there abode? And he answered yea.

Then the Chancellor read all his former answers that he made in that place at his former examination▪ & at everyone he asked him whether he would stick to y e same or no? To the which he answered again, yea, yea▪

How say you then to this, quoth the Chancellor? In your last examinatiō, amongst many other damnable & schismatical heresies, you said, that the Church and doctrine taugh and set forth in king Edward's time, was the true Church, & the doctrine, the doctrine of the true Church & that the Church of Rome is not y e true & catholic church.

I so said in deed, quoth Marshe, and I believe it to be true. Here also others took occasion to ask him (for that he denied the Bishop of Rome's authority in England) whether Linus, Anacletus, and Clement, that were Bishops of Rome, were not good men, and he answered yes, and diverse others: but (said he) they claimed no more authority in England, then the Bishop of Canterbury doth at Rome: and I strive not, (quoth he) with the place neither speak I against the person of the Bishop, but against his doctrine, which in most points is repugnant to the doctrine of Christ.

Thou art an arrogant fellow in deed then, said the Bishop. In what article is the doctrine of the Church of Rome repugnant to the doctrine of Christ?

To whom George Marshe answered & said: Oh my Lord: I pray you judge not so of me: I stand now upon the point of my life and death: & a man in my case hath no cause to be arrogant, neither am I, God is my record. And as concerning the disagreement of y e doctrine, among many other things the Church of Rome erreth in the Sacrament. For where Christ in y e institution thereof, did as well deliver the cup, as the bread: saying Drink ye all of this, & Mark reporteth that they did drink of it: in like manner S. Paul delivered it unto the Corinthians. And in y e same sort also was it used in the primitive church by the space of many hundredth years. Now the Church of Rome both taketh away one parre of the Sacrament from the Laity. Wherefore, if I could be persuaded in my conscience by God's word, that it were well done, I could gladly yield in this point.

Then said the Bishop. Non disputandum est cum haeretico That is, There is no disputing with an heretic. And therefore when all his answers were read, he asked him whether he would stand to the same, being as they were (said he) full of heresy, or else forsake them and come unto the catholic Church?

To whom he made this full answer, and said: that he held no heretical opinion, but utterly abhorred at kind of heresy, although they most untruly so did slander him. And he desired all the people present to bear him wi nesse (if hereafter any would slander him and say y t he held any grievous heresy) that in all Articles of Religion, he he held none other opinion, then was by law most godly established and publicly taught in England at the death of king Edward the vi. and in the same pure Religion and doctrine he would (by God's grace) stand, live, & die. And here the Chancelor spake to one Leache, which tode near unto Marshe, and bad him stand farther from him, for his presence did him no good.

This being done, the Bishop took out a writing of his bosom, & begā to read the sentence of condēnatiō: but when the bishop had read almost half thereof, the Chancellor called to him and said: good my Lord, stay, stay, for if ye proceed any further, it will be to late to call it again and so the B. stayed. Then his popish Priests and many other of the ignorant people called upon Marsh, with many earnest words to recant, and amongst other one Pulleyn a Shomaker said to him: for shame man remember thyself and recant. They bad him kneel down and pray and they would pray for him: So they kneeled down, and he desired them to pray for him, and he would pray for thē.

The Bishoppe then asked him again, whether he would not have the Queens mercy in time: and he answered he did gladly desire the same, & did love her grace as faithfully as any of them: but yet he durst not deny his Savior Christ, for loosing his mercy everlasting, and so win everlasting death.

Then the Bishop put his spectacles again upon his nose, & read forward his sentence, about v. or vi. lives, and there again the Chancellor with a glauering and smiling countenance, called to the B. and said: Yet good my Lord once again stay, for if that word be spoken, all is past no relentyng will then serve: and the Bishop (pulling of his spectacles) said: I would stay and if it would be.

How sayst thou (quoth he) wilt thou recant? Many of the Priests and ignorant people bad him so do, and call to God for grace: and pulled him by y e sleeve and bad him recant and save his life. To whom he answered: I would as fain to live as you, if in so doing, I should not deny my master Christ, and again he should deny me before his father in heaven.

So the bishop read out his sentence unto the end and straight after said unto him. Now will I no more pray for thee, then I will for a dog. And Marshe answered, y t notwithstanding, he would pray for his Lordship: & after this the bishop delivered him unto the Sheriffs of the city. Then his late keeper bad him fare well good George, w t weeping tears, which caused y e officers to carry him to a prisō at the Northgate, where he was very straitly kept until the time he went to his death, during which time he had small comfort or relief of any worldly creature.

For being in y e dongeon or dark prison, none y t would him good, could speak w t him, or at least durst enterprise so to do for fear of accusation: and some of the Citizens which loved him in God for the gospel sake (whereof there were but a few) although they were never acquainted with him, would sometime in the evening at a hoale upon the wall of the City (that went into the said dark prisō) call to him, and ask him how he did. He would answer them most cheerfully, that he did well, and thanked God most highly that he would vouchsafe of his mercy to appoint him to be a witness of his truth, and to suffer for the same, wherein he did most rejoice, beseeching him that he would give him grace not to faint under the Cross, but patiently bear the same to his glory and comfort of his Church: with many other like godly sayings at sondrye times, as one that most desired to be with Christ. Once or twice he had money cast him in at the same hole, about ten pence at one time, & 2. shillings at another time: for which he gave God thanks, and used the same to his necessity.

When the time and day appointed came that he should suffer: the Sheriffs of y e City (whose names were Amry & Couper) with their Officers and a great mumber of poor simple Barbers, with rousty Billes & Polaxes, went to the Northgate, & there took out the said George Marsh, who came with them most humbly & meekly, with a lock upon his feet. And as he came upon the way towards y e place of execution, some folks proferd him money, & looked that he should have gone with a little purse in his hand (as the manner of felons was, accustomed in that City in times past, at their going to execution) to y e end to gather money to give unto a priest to say Trentals of Masses for thē after their death, whereby they might (as they thought) be saved: but Marsh said he would not as thē be troubled w t meddling with money, but willed some good man to take the money, if y e people were disposed to give any, & to give it unto the prisoners or poor people. So he went all the way unto his death, w t his book in his hand, looking vpō the same, & many of y e people said: this mā goeth not unto his death as a thief, or as one that deserveth to die.

Now when he came to the place of execution w t out the City, near unto Spittle boughton, one Uawdrey, being then deputy chamberleine of Chester, shown Marshe a writing under a great seal, saying, that it was a pardon for him if he would recant. Wherat Marsh answered, that he would gladly accept the same (and said farther, that he loved the Queen) but for as much as it tended to pluck him frō God, he would not receive it upon that condition.

After that, he began to speak to the people showing the cause of his death, and would have exhorted them to stick unto Christ. Whereupon one of the Sheriffs said: George Marshe, we must have no sermoning now. To whom he said, Mayster, I cry you mercy: and so kneeling down made his prayers, and then put of his clothes unto his shirt, and then was he chayned unto the post, having o number of Fagottes under him, and a thing made like a firkin, with pitch and tarre in the same over his head: & by reason the fire was unskillfully made, and that the wind did drive the flame to and fro, he suffered great extremity in his death, which notwithstanding he abode very patiently.

[illustration]
The cruel burning of George Marsh, Martyr.

Wherein this in him is to be noted, that when as he had been a long time tormented in y e fire without moving having his flesh so broiled and puffed up that they which stood before him vnneth could see the chain wherewith he was fastened, and therefore supposed no less but he had been dead, notwithstanding suddenly he spread abroad his arms, saying: father of heaven have mercy upon me, & so yielded his spirit into the hands of the Lord.

Upon this, many of y e people said that he was a martyr, and died marvelous patiently and godly. Which thing caused the Bishop shortly after to make a Sermon in the Cathedral Church, and therein affirmed, that the said Marshe was an heretic, burnt like an heretic, & was a firebrand in hell.

In recompense of this his good and charitable sermō within short time after, the just judgment of God appeared upon the said Bishop: recompensing him in such wise, that not long after he turned up his heels and died. Upon what cause his death was gendred. I have not here precisely to pronounce, because the rumour and voice of y e people is not always to be followed. Notwithstanding such a report went in all men's mouths, that he was burned of an harlot. Whereupon whether he died or no, I am not certain, neither dare lean to much upon public speech. Albeit this is certain, that whē he was afterward searched being dead, by some of his secret friends & certain Aldermen for stoppyng the rumour of y e people, this maydenly Priest and Bishop was found not to be free frō certain appearance, which declared but small virginity in him, & that the rumour was not raised up altogether vpō naught, amongst the people. But of this I will stay, and proceed no further, not because more cā not be said, but because I will not be so uncharitable in defacing these men, as they are cruel in condemning God's servants to death.

Letters of George Marshe.

This good mā wrote diverse and sundry letters out of prison besides his examinations, as before ye have heard. Touching the which his examinations, this letter first he sendeth to his friends, the copy whereof here followeth.

A letter of George Marsh to the reader, touching the matter of his examination.

HEre have ye dearly beloved friends in Christ, the chief & principal Articles of Christian doctrine briefly touched, which heretofore I have both believed, professed, and taught, and as yet do believe, profess, and teach, and am surely purposed by God's grace, to continue in the same until the last day. I do want both time and opportunity to write out at large the probations, causes, partes, effects, and contraries or errors of these Articles, which who so desireth to know, let them read over the common places of the godly learned men: Philippe Melancthon, and Erasmus Sarcerius, whose judgment in these matters of Religion I do chiefly follow and lean unto. The Lord give us understanding in all things, and deliver us from this present evil world, according to his will and pleasure, and bring us again out of this hell of affliction, into which it hath pleased the merciful Lord to throw us down: and deliver us out of the mouth of the Lyon and from all evil doing, and keep us unto his heavenly and everlasting kingdom. Amen.

Though Satan be suffered, as wheat to sift us for a time, yet faileth not our faith through Christ's aid, but that we are at all times able and ready to confirm the faith of our weak brethren, and always ready to give an answer to every man that asketh us a reason of the hope that is in us, and that with meekness and reverence, having a good conscience, that when as they backbyte us as evil doers, they may be ashamed, for as much as they have falsely accused our good cōuersatiō in christ. I thought myself now of late years, for the cares of this life well setteled with my loving and faithful wife and children, and also well quieted in the peaceable possession of that pleasant Euphrates, I do confess it: but the Lord who worketh all things for the best to them that love him, would not there leave me, but did take my dear and beloved wife from me: whose death was a painful cross to my flesh.

Also I thought myself now of late well placed under my most loving and most gentle master Laurence Saunders in the cure of Langhton. But the Lord of his great mercy would not suffer me there long to continue (although for the small time I was in his vineyard, I was not all an idle workman) But he hath provided me (I perceive it) to taste of a far other cup, for by violence hath he yet once again driven me out of that glorious Babylon, that I should not taste to much of her wanton pleasures but with his most dearly beloved Disciples to have my inward rejoicing in the Cross of his son Jesus Christ: the glory of whose Church I see it well, standeth not in the harmonious sound of Bells and Organes, nor yet in the glistering of Mitors & Copes neither in the shining of gilte Images and lights (as the blind Papists do judge it) but in continual labors and daily afflictions for his names sake.

God at this present here in England hath his fan in his hand, and after his great harvest, whereinto these years past he hath sent his laborers, is now sifting the corn frō the chaff and purging his floor, and ready to gather the wheat into his garnar and to burn the chaff with unquenchable fire.

Take heed and beware of the leaven of the scribes and of the Sadducees, I mean the erroneous doctrine of the papists, which with their glosses deprave the Scriptures. For as the Apostle S. Peter doth teach us: There shall be false teachers amongst us, which privily shall bring in damnable sects: And saith that many shall follow their damnable ways, by whom the way of truth shall be evil spoken of: and that through covetousness they shall with feigned words make marchaundise of us. And Christ earnestly warneth us, to beware of false Prophets, which come to us in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening Wolves: by their fruits ye shall know them. The fruits of the Prophets is their doctrine, In this place are we Christians taught that we should try the preachers, & other that come under color to set forth true Religion unto us, according to the saying of S. Paul: Try all things and chose that which is good. Also the Evangelist S. John saith: Beleue not every spirit, but prove the spirits whether they be of God or not, for many false Prophets (saith he) are gone out into the world. Therefore if thou wilt know the true Prophets frō the false, try their doctrine at the true touchstone, which is the word of God: and as the godly Thessalonians did, search ye the scriptures, whether those things which be preached unto you be evē so or not: for else by the outward conuersatiō of thē ye may easily be deceived. Desūt fortassis aliqua.

A letter exhortatory of George Marshe to the faithful professors of Langhton.

GRace be unto you, and peace be multiplied in y e knowledge of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

I thought it my duty to write unto you, my beloved in y e Lord at Langhton, to stir up your minds, & to call to your remembrance the words which have been told you before, and to exhort you (as that good man & full of y e holy Ghost Barnabas did the Antiochians) that with purpose of heart ye continually cleave unto the Lord, & that ye stand fast, and be not moved away from the hope of the Gospel, whereof (God be thanked) ye have had plenteous preaching unto you by your late pastor M. Saunders, & other faithful ministers of Jesus Christ, which now, when persecution ariseth because of y e word, do not fall away like shrinking children, and forsake the truth, being ashamed of the Gospel whereof they have been preachers, but are willing and ready for your sakes (which are Christ's mystical body) to forsake not only the chief and principal delites of this life (I do mean their native countries, friends, lyuinges. &c. but also to fulfill their ministry unto y e utmost that is to wit, with their painful imprisonmentes and bloudsheddinges (if need shall require) to confirm & seal Christ's Gospel, whereof they have been Ministers: and (as S. Paul saith) they are ready not only to be cast into prison, but also to be killed for the name of the Lord Jesus.

Whether these, being that good salt of the earth, that is true ministers of God's word, by whose doctrine (being received through faith) men are made sauory unto God, & which themselves lose not their saltnes, now when they be proved with the boisterous storms of adversity and persecutiō: or others being that unsavory salt which hath lost his saltnes, that is to wit, those ungodly ministers, which do fall from the word of God into the dreams and traditions of Antichrist: whether of these, I say, be more to be credited and believed, let all men judge.

Wherefore my dearly beloved, receive y e word of God with meekness, y t is graffed in you, which is able to save your souls: And see that ye be not forgetful hearers, deceiving yourselves with sophistry, but doers of the word whom Christ doth liken to a wise mā, which buildeth his house on a rock, that when the great rayn discendeth, and the flouddes come and beat upon the house, it fell not, because it was grounded upon a rock: this is to wit, that when Satan, with all his legion of devils with all their subtle suggestions, and the world with all y e mighty princes thereof, with their crafty counsels do furiously rage against us, we faint not, but abide constant in the truth, being grounded upon a most sure rock which is Christ, and the doctrine of the Gospel, against which the gates of hell (that is, the power of Satan) cannot prevail.

And be ye followers of Christ and the Apostles, and receive the word in much affliction (as the godly Thessalonians did): for the true followers of Christ and the Apostles, be they which receive the word of God. They only receive the word of god, which both believe it, & also frame their lives after it, & be ready to suffer all manner of adversity for the name of the Lord, as Christ & all y e Apostles did and as all that will live godly in Christ Jesus must do: for there is none other way into the kingdom of heaven, but through much tribulation. And if we suffer anything for y e kingdom of heavens sake, and for righteousness sake, we have the Prophets, Christ, the Apostles and Martyrs for an ensample to comfort us: for they did all enter into the kingdom of heavē at the strait gate and narrow way that leadeth unto life, which few do find. And unless we will be content to deny our own selves, and take up the cross of Christ and his saints, it is an evident argument, that we shall never reign with him.

And again, if we can find in our hearts patiently to suffer persecutions and tribulations, it is a sure token of y e righteous judgment of God, that we are counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which we also suffer. It is verily (saith the Apostle) a righteous thing with God, to recompense tribulation to them that trouble us, and rest to us that be troubled. For after this lfe, y e godly being delivered from their tribulations and pains shall have a most quiet and joyful rest, where as the wicked and ungodly, contrariwyse shall be tormented for evermore with intolerable and unspeakable pains, as Christ by the parable of the rich glutton & wretched Lazarus, doth plainly declare and teache These ought we to have before our eyes always, that in time of adversity and persecution (whereof all that will be the children of God, shall be partakers, and wherewith it hath pleased God to put some of us in ure all ready) we may stand steadfast in the Lord, and endure even unto the end, that we may be saved. For unless we like good warriors of Jesus Christ, will endeavor our selves to please him who hath chosen us to be soldiers, and fight y e good fight of faith even unto the end, we shall not obtain that crown of righteousness, which the Lord that is a righteous judge, shall give to all them that love his coming.

Let us therefore receive with meekness the word that is graffed in us, which is able to save our souls, and ground our selves on the sure rock Christ. For (as the Apostle saith) other foundation can no man lay, besides that which is laid already, which is Jesus Christ. If any man build on this foundation, gold, silver, precious stones, timber, haye, stubble, every man's work shall appear, for the day shall declare it, and it shall be shown in the fire. And the fire shall try every man's work what it is. If any man's work that he hath built upon abide, he shall receive a reward: if any man's work burn, he shall suffer loss, but he shall be safe himself: nevertheless yet as it were through fire.

By fi e here doth the Apostle understand persecution & trouble, for they which do truly preach & profess y e word of God, which is called the word of the cross, shall be railed upon, and abhorred, hated, thrust out of the company, persecuted and tried in the furnace of adversity, as gold and silver are tried in the fire.

By gold, silver, and precious stones, he understandeth them y t in the mids of persecution abide steadfast in word. By timber, hay, and stubble, are meant such, as in time of persecution do fall away from the truth. And when Christ doth purge his floor with the wind of adversity, these scatter away from the face of the earth like light chaff which shall be burned with unquenchable fire. If they then which do believe, do in time of persecution stand steadfastly in y e truth the builder (I do mean y e preacher of the word) shall receive a reward, and the work shall be preserved and saved: but if so be that they go back and swerve, when persecution ariseth, the builder shall suffer loss, that is to say shall lose his labor and cost: but yet he shall be saved, if he being tried in the fire of persecutiō, do abide fast in y e faith.

Wherefore (my beloved) give diligent heed, that ye as living stones be built upon this sure rock, & be made a spiritual house and a holy Priesthoode for to offer up spiritual sacrifices, acceptable unto God by Jesus Christ. For we are the true temple of God, and the spirit of God dwelleth in us, if so be that we continue in the doctrine of the Gospel. We are also an holy and royal Priesthode, for to offer up spiritual sacrifices & oblations, for the sacrifices of the New Testament are spiritual & of three manners.

The first is, the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, which S. Paul doth call the fruits of those lips which confess the name of God.

The second is, mercy towards our neighbors, as y e Prophet Osee saith: I will have mercy and not sacrifice. Read the xxv. chapter of Matthew.

The third is, whē we make our body a quick sacrifice, holy and acceptable unto God, that is, whē we mortify & kill our fleshly concupiscences & carnal lusts, & so bring our flesh thorough the help of the spirit, under y e obedēce of God's holy law. This is a sacrifice to God most acceptable, which the Apostle calleth Our reasonable serving of God And let us be sure, that unless we do now at this present take better heed to our selves, and use thankfully the grace of God offered to us by the Gospel preaching these years past, whereby we are induced & brought to y e knowledge of y e truth: unless, I say, we keep Christ and his holy word, dwelling by faith in y e house & temple of our harts, the same thing that christ threateneth unto the Jews, shall happen unto us: y t is to wit, the unclean spirit of ignorance, superstitiō, idolatry, and infidelity or unbelief, the mother & head of all vices, which by the grace of God was cast out of us, bringing with him 7. other spirits worse then himself, shall to our utter destruction, return again into us: and so shall we be in worse case thā ever we were before. For if we, after we have escaped from the filthiness of the world through the knowledge of the Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, be yet tangled therein again and overcome, then is the latter ende worse then the beginning: and it had been better for us not to have known the way of righteousness, then after we have known it, to turn frō the holy commandment given unto us.

For it is then happened unto us according to the true proverb: the dog is turned to his vomit again, and the sow that was washed, to wallowing in the mire. And thus to continue & persevere in infidelity, & to kick against the manifest and known truth, and so to die without repentance and with a despair of the mercy of God in Jesus Christ, is to sin against the holy Ghost, which shall not be forgivē, neither in this world, neither the world to come. For it is not possible (saith s. Paul) that they which were once lighted, and have tasted of the heavenly gift: and hast tasted of the good word of God, and of the power of y e world to come: if they fall away, should be renewed again by repentance, for as much as they have (as concerning themselves) crucified the some of God again, making a mocking of him. S▪ Paul's meaning in this place is: that they that believe truly and unfeignedly gods word, do continue and abide steadfast in the known truth.

If any therefore fall away from Christ and his word, it is a plain token, that they were but dissēbling hypocrites for all their fair faces outwardly, & never believed truly: as Judas, Simon Magus, Demas, Hymenaeus, Philetus, and others were, which all fell away from the know̄ verity, and made a mock of Christ: which S. Paul doth call here, to crucify Christ a new, because that they turning to their old vomit again, did most blasphemouslye tread y e benefits of Christ's death & passiō under their feet. They that are such, can in no wise be renewed by repentance: for their repentance is fleshly, as the repentance of Cain, Saul, & Judas was, which being without godly comfort, breadeth desperation unto death. These are not of y e number of the elect: & as S. John doth say: They went out from us, but they were not of us, for if they had been of us they would have remained with us unto the end. Also the Apostle saith in another place If we sin willingly after we have received the knowledge of the truth, there remaineth no more sacrifice for sin, but a fearful looking for judgment and violent fire, which shall devour the adversaries.

They sin willingly, which of a set malice & purpose do withhold the truth in unrighteousness & lying, kicking against the manifest & opē known truth, which although they do perfectly know that in all the world there is none other sacrifice for sin, but only that omnisufficient sacrifice of Christ's death: yet notwithstanding, they will not commit themselves wholly unto it: but rather despise it, allowing other sacrifices for sin, invented by the imagination of man (as we see by daily experience) unto whō if they abide still in their wickedness, & sin, remaineth a most horrible & dreadful judgment. This is y e sin unto death for which s. John would not that a man should pray.

Wherefore my dearly beloved in Christ, let us, (on whō the ends of the world are come) taking diligent heed unto ourselves, y t now in these last and perilous times, in y e which the devil is come down, and hath great wrath because he knoweth his time is but short, & whereof the Prophets, Christ & the Apostles have so much spoken & givē us so earnest forewarning: we withhold not y e truth in unrighteousness, believing, doing, or speaking any thing against our knowledge & conscience, or without faith. For if we do so, for whatsoever cause it be, it is a willful & obstinate infidelity, & a sin unto death: And as our Savior Christ saith: if ye believe not: ye shall die in your own sins. For unless we hold fast the word of life, both believing it & also bringing forth fruit worthy of repentance, we shall with the unprofitable fig tree, which did but cumber the ground, be cut down, and our talent taken from us and given unto another that shall put it to a better use: & we through our own unthankfulness put from the mercy of God, shall ever be able to pay our debts: that is to say, we shall altogether de lost & undone. For the earth that drinketh in rain that cometh o t upon it, & bringeth forth herbs meet for them y t dress it, receiveth blessing of god. But that ground that beareth thorns & brears, is reproved and is nigh unto cursing, whose end is to be burned.

Neuertheles dear friends, we trust to see better of you and things which accompany salvation, and that ye being y t good ground, watered with the moystnes of God's word plenteously preached amongst you, will with a good heart hear the word of God & keep it, bringing forth fruit with patience. And be none of those forgetful and hipocritish hearers, which although they hear the word yet the Devil cometh, and catcheth away that which was sow̄ in the heart: either having no root in themselves, endure but a season, and as soon as tribulation or persecution ariseth because of the word, by and by they are offended: either with the cares of this world & deceitfulness of riches choke the word, and so are unfruitful. Read the parable of the sower, & among other things note and mark, that y e most part of the hearers of God's word are but hypocrites and hear the word without any fruit or profit, yea only to their greater condemnation: for only the fourth part of y e seed doth bring forth fruit. Therefore let not us that be Ministers, or professors, & followers of God's word, be discouraged, though that very few do give credit, & follow the doctrine of the Gospel, and be saved.

Who soever therefore hath ears to hear, let him hear: for whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have abundance: but who soever hath not frō him shall be taken away even that he hath: that is to say, they that have a desire of righteousness and of the truth, shall be more & more illuminated of God, on the contrary part, they that do not covet after righteousness and truth, are more hardend and blinded, though they seem unto them selves most wise. For God doth here follow an example of a loving father, which when he seeth that fatherly love and correction doth not help towards his children, useth another way. He ceaseth to be beneficial unto them, & to minister unto thē fatherly correction: he giveth them over unto them selves, suffering them to live as they lust them selves.

But we trust to see better of you (my dearly beloved) and that ye like very Gadarenites, for fear to lose your worldly substance or other delites of this lif, will not banish away Christ & his gospel from amongst you: but that ye with all diligence of mind will receive y e word of god, taught you by such ministers, as now when persecution ariseth because of y e word, are not ashamed of the testimony of our Lord Jesus, but are content to suffer adversity with the Gospel, & therein to suffer trouble as evil doers, even unto bonds. And if ye refuse thus to do, your own blood will be upon your own heads. And as ye have had plenteous preaching of the Gospel, more then other have had: so shall ye be sure if ye repent not, and bring forth fruits worthy of repentance, to be sorer plagued, & to receive greater vengeance at God's hand, then others, and the kingdom of God shall be taken from you, and be given to another nation, which will bring forth the fruits thereof.

Wherefore my dearly beloved in Christ, take good heed to yourselves, & ponder well in your minds, how fearful and horrible a thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God. And see that ye receive not the word of God in vain, but continually labor in faith, and declare your faith by your good works, which are infallible witnesses of y e true justifying faith, which is never idle, but worketh by charity. And see that ye continually give yourselves unto all manner of good works: amongst the which, the chiefest are to be obedient to the Magistrates, since they are the ordinance of God, whether they be good or evil, unless they command Idolatry and ungodliness, that is to say, things contrary unto true Religion. For then ought we to say with Peter: We ought more to obey God then man. But in any wise we must beware of tumult, insurrection, rebellion, or resistance.

The weapon of a Christian in this matter, ought to be the sword of the spirit, which is God's word and prayer, coupled with humility and due submission, and with readynes of heart, rather to die then to do any ungodliness. Christ also doth teach us, that all power is of God, yea evē the power of the wicked, which God causeth often times to reign for our sins, & disobedience towards him and his word. Whosoever then doth resist any power, doth resist the ordinance of God, and so purchase to him self utter destruction and undoing.

We must also by all means, be promoters of unity, peace and concord. We must honor and reverence Princes, and all that be in authority, and pray for them, and be diligent to set forth their profit and commodity.

Secondly, we must obey our parents, or them that be in their rooms, & be careful for our households, that they be provided for & fed, not only w t bodily food, but much rather with spiritual food, which is the word of God.

Thirdly, we must serve our neighbors by all means we can, remembering well the saying of Christ: Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye likewise unto them, for this is the law and the Prophets.

Fourthly, we must diligently exercise the necessary work of prayer for all estates: knowing that God therefore hath so much commanded it, and hath made so great promises unto it, and doeth so well accept it. After these works we must learn to know the Cross, & what affection and mind we must bear towards our adversaries and enemies, what so ever they be, to suffer all adversities and evils patiently, to pray for them that hurt, persecute, and trouble us: and by thus using our selves, we shall obtain an hope & certainty of our vocation, that we be the elect children of God.

And thus, I commend you brethren unto God, and to the word of his grace, which is able to build further, & give you an inheritance among all thē, which are sanctified: beseeching you to help M. Saunders & me your late Pastors, and all them that be in bonds for the Gospels sake, with your prayers to God for us, that we may be delivered from all them that believe not, and frō unreasonable and froward mē, and that this our imprisonment & afflictiō may be to the glory and profit of our Christian brethren in the world, & that Christ may be magnified in our bodies, whether it be by death or by life. Amen.

Salute from me all the faithful brethren: & because I write not several Letters to them, let them either 〈◊〉 or hear these my letters. The grace of our Lord be with you all. Amē. The xxviij. of June, by the unprofitable servant of Jesus Christ, and now also his prisoner. George Marsh.

Save yourselves from this untoward generation. Pray, pray, pray. Never more need.

An other Letter of the said George Marsh, to certain of his dearly beloved friends at Manchester in Lancashire.

GRace be with you, and peace from God ou Father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.

After salutations in Christ to you, with thanks for youre friendly remembraunces of me, desiring and wishing unto you, not only in my letters, but also in my daily prayers, such consolation in spirit, and taste of heavenly treasures, that ye may thereby continually work in faith, labor in love, perseueer in hope, and be patient in all your tribulations and persecutions, even unto the ende and glorious coming of Christ: these shall be ea nestly to exhort and beseech you in Christ, as ye have received the Lord Jesus, even so to walk, rooted in him, and not to be afraid of any terror of your adversaries, be they never so many and mighty, and you on the other side never so few and weak: for the battle is the Lord's. And as in times past, God was with Abraham, Moses, Isaac, David the Maccabees and other, & fought for them, and delivered all their enemies into their hands, even so hath he promised to be with us also, unto the worlds end, and so to assist, strengthen, and help us, that no man shall be able to withstand us. For as I was with Moses, so will I be with thee (saith God) and will never leave thee nor forsake thee. Be strong and bold: neither fear nor dread: for the Lord thy God is with thee, whether soever thou goest. Now if God be on our side, who can be against us?

In this our spiritual warfare, is no man overcome, unless he traitorously leave and forsake his captain, either cowardly cast away his weapons, or willingly yield himself to his enemies, either fearfully turn his back and fly. Be strong therefore in the Lord (dear brethren) and in the power of his might, and put on all the armor of God, that ye may be able to stand steadfast against the crafty assaults of the devil.

Now, what weapons ye must fight withal, learn of S. Paul, a champion both much exercised, and also most valiant and invincible. For we must think none other, but that the life of man is a perpetual warfare upon earth, as the examples of all godly men, throughout all ages to declare. The valiant warrior S. Paul, being delivered from the hands of the ungodly, and that so many times, and also from so many extreme pearils and dangers of death (as he his own self doth witness) is fain to commit him self in the ende to the rough waters of the sea: where he was in great pearil and ieoperdie of his own life: yet was God always (to the great comfort of all that hear of it) most ready to comfort and succor him, and gloriously delivered him out of all his troubles: so that no man that invaded him, could do him any harm, and in the ende he was compelled to say: I have finished my course: the time of my departing is at hand: I long to be loosed, and to be with Christ, which is best of all, most heartily desiring death.

These things be written for our learning and comfort, and be to us a sure obligation, that if we submit our selves to God & his holy word, no man shall be able to hurt us, and that he will deliver us from all troubles, yea from death also, until such time as we covet and desire to die. Let us therefore run with patience unto the battle that is set before us, and look unto Jesus the Captain and finisher of our faith, and after his example, for the rewards sake that is set out unto us, patiently bear the cross and despise the shame. For all that will live godly in Christ Jesus, shall suffer persecution.

Christ was no sooner baptized and declared to the world to be the son of God, but Satan was by and by ready to tempt him: which thing we must look for also: yea, the more we shall increase in faith and virtuous living, the more strongly will Satan assault us: whom we must learn after the example of Christ, to fight against, and overcome with the holy and sacred Scriptures and word of God (which are our heavenly armor) and sword of the spirit. And let the fasting of Christ, while he was tempted in the wilderness, be unto us an example of sober living, not for the space of 40. days (as the Papists do fondly fancy of their own brains) but as long as we are in the wilderness of this wretched life, assaulted of Satan, who like a roaring Lyon walketh about, and ceaseth not, seeking our utter destruction.

Neither can the servants of God at any time come & stand before God, that is, lead a godly life, and walk innocently before God. But Satan cometh also among them, that is, he daily accuseth, finedeth fault, vexeth, persecuteth and troubleth the godly: for it is the nature and property of the devil always to hurt, and do mischief, unless he be forbidden of God: for unless God do permit him, he can do nothing at all, not so much as enter into a filthy hog: but we are more of price then many hogs before God, if we cleave unto his son by faith.

Let us therefore knowing Satan's deceits and rancor, walk the more warely, and take unto us the shield of faith, wherewith we may be able to quench and overcome all the fiery and deadly darts of the wicked. Let us take to us the helmet of salvation, & sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, and learn to use the same according to the example of our graunde Captayne Christ. Let us fast and pray continually. For this frantic kind of devils goeth not out otherwise (as Christ doeth teach us) but by faithful prayer and fasting, which is true abstinence and soberness of living, if we use the same according to the doctrine of the gospel and word of God. Fasting is acceptable to God, if it be done without hypocrisy, that is to say: f we use it to this intent, that thereby this mortal body and disobedient carcase may be amed and brought under the subjection of the spirit: and again, if we fast to this intent, that we may spare wherewith to help and succor our poor needy brethren.

This fast do the true Christians use all the days of their life, although among the common sort of people remaineth yet still that superstitious kind of fasting, which God so earnestly reproveth by his Prophet Isaiah. For as for true chastening of the body, and abstaining from vice, with showing mercy towards our needy neighbors, we will neither understand nor hear of, but still think with the Jews, that we do God a great pleasure when we fast, and that we then fast, when we abstain from one thing, and fil our bellies with another. And verily in this point doth our superstition much exceed the superstitiō of the Jews: for we never read that they ever took it for a fast, to abstain from flesh, and to eat either fish or white meat, as they call it.

To fasting and prayer must be joined alms, and mercy towards the poor and needy: and that our alms may be acceptable unto God, three things are chiefly required.

First, that we give with a cheerful and joyful heart: For the Lord loveth a cheerful giver.

Secondly, that we give liberally, putting aside all nigardship, knowing that he that soweth little, shall reap little, and he that soweth plenteouslye, shall reap plenteouslye. Lette every man therefore do according as he is able. The poorest caitiff in the world may give as great and acceptable an alms in the sight of God, as the richest man in the world can do. The poor widow that did offer but two mites, which make a farthing, did highly please Christ: In so much that he affirmed with an oath, That she of her penury, had added more to the offerings of God, then all the rich men, which of their superfluity had cast in very much. For if there be first a willing mind (as S. Paul saith) it is accepted, according to that a mā hath, and not according that a man hath not.

Thirdly, we must give without hypocrisy and ostentation, not seeking the praise of men, or our own glory of profit. And although the Scriptures in some places make mention of a reward to our alms and other good works, yet ought we not to think that we do merit or deserve any thing: but rather we ought to acknowledge, that God of his mere mercy rewardeth in us his own gifts. For what hath he that giveth alms, that he hath not received, he then that giveth unto a poor man any manner of thing, giveth not of his own, but of those goods which he hath received of God. What haste thou (saith the apostle) that thou hast not received? If thou hast received it, why rejoicest thou, as though thou hadst not received it?

This sentence ought to be had in remembrance of all men. For if we have nothing, but that which we have received, what can we deserve? or what need we to dispute and reason of our own merits? It cometh of the free gift of God, that we live, that we love God, that we walk in his fear. Where is our deserving then? We must also in this our spiritual warfare arm our selves with continual prayer, a very necessary, strong, and invincible weapon, and after the example of Christ and all other godly men, cry heartily unto God in faith, in all our distresses and anguishes. Let us go boldly to the seat of grace, where we shall be sure to receive mercy, and find grace to help in time of need. For now is pride and persecution increased: now is the time of destruction and wrathful displeasure.

Wherefore my dear brethren, be ye fervent in the law of God, and ieoperd ye your lives if need shall so require, for the testament of the fathers, and so shall ye receive great honor, and an everlasting name. Remember Abraham: Was not he found faithful in temptation, and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness? Joseph in time of his trouble kept the commandment, and was made a Lord of Egypt. Phinehas was so fervent for the honor of God, that he obtained the covenant of an everlasting Priesthode. Joshua for the fulfilling the word of God, was made the captain of Israel. Caleb bare record before the Congregation, and received an heritage. David also in his merciful kindness obtained the throne of an everlasting kingdom. Elias being zealous and fervent in the law, was taken up into heaven. Ananias, Azarias, and Misael remained steadfast in the faith, and were delivered out of the fire. In like manner Daniel being vnguiltie, was saved from the mouth of the Lions.

And thus ye may consider throughout all ages since the world began, that who soever put their trust in God, were not overcome. Fear not ye then the words of ungodly men: for their glory is but dong and worms: today are they set up, and tomorrow are they gone: For they are turned into earth, and their memorial cometh to naught. Wherefore let us take good hearts unto us, and quite our selves like men in the law: for if we do the things that are commanded us in the law of the Lord our God, we shall obtain great honor therein.

Beloved in Christ, let us not faint because of affliction, wherewith God trieth all them that are sealed unto life everlasting: for the only way into the kingdom of God, is through much tribulation. For the kingdom of heaven (as God teacheth by his Prophet Esdras) is like a City built and set upon a broad field, and full of all good things, but the entrance is narrow and sudden, [full of sorrow and travail, pearils and labors] Like as if there were a fire at the right hand, and a deep water at the les •• and as it were one straight path between them both, so small, that there could but one man go there. If this City now were given to an heir, and he never went through the pearillous way, how would he receive his inheritance? Wherefore seeing we are in this narrow and straight way, which leadeth unto the most joyful and pleasant City of everlasting life: let us not stagger, either turn back, being afraid of the dangerous and pearillous way, but follow our Captain Jesus Christ in the narrow and straight way, and be afraid of nothing, no not even of death it self: for it is he that must lead us to our journeys ende, and open us the door unto everlasting life.

Consider also the course of this world, howe many there be which for their masters sake, or for a little promotions sake, would adventure their lives in worldly affairs, as commonly in wars, & yet is their reward but light & transitory, & ours is unspeakable, great and everlasting. They suffer pains to be made Lord's on earth for a short season: howe much more ought we to endure like pains (yea peradventure much less) to be made kings in heaven for evermore? Consider also the wicked of this world, which for a little pleasures sake, or to be avenged on their enemies, will fight with sword and weapons, and put them selves in danger of imprisonment and hanging. So much as virtue is better then vice, & God mightier then the devil, so much ought we to excel them in this our spiritual battle.

And seeing brethren, it hath pleased God to set me, and that most worthy minister of Christ, John Bradford, your countrymen in the forefront of this battle, where (for the time) is most danger, I beseech you all in the bowels of Christ to help us and all other our fellow soldiers standing in like perilous place, with your prayers to God for us, that we may quite our selves like men in the Lord, and give some example of boldness & constancy, mingled with patience in the fear of God, that ye and others our brethren, thorough our example, may be so encouraged and strengthened to follow us, that ye also may leave example to your weak brethren in the world, to follow you. Amen.

Consider what I say: the Lord give us understanding in all things. Brethren the time is short: it remaineth that ye use this world as though ye used it not: for the fashion of this world vanisheth away. See that ye love not the world, neither the things that are in the world: but set your affection on heavenly things, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God. Be eeke, & long suffering, serve and edify one other, with the gift that God hath given you. Beware of strange doctrine: lay aside the old conversation of greedy lusts, and walk in a new life. Beware of all uncleanness, covetousness, foolish talking, false doctrine & drunkenness: Rejoice & be thankful towards God, & submit yourselves one to another▪ Cease from sin, spend no more time in vice, be sober and apt to pray, be patient in trouble, love each other, and let the glory of God and profit of your neighbor, be the only mark ye shoot at in all your doings. Repent ye of the life that is past, and take better heed to your doings hereafter. And above all things cleave ye fast to him, who was delivered to death for our sins, & rose again for our justification. To whom with the father & the holy ghost be all honor & rule for evermore. Amen.