Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
He doeth there speak de Symbolo, which is, Externa species sacramenti. i. The outward form of the Sacrament. He meaneth that, that doth tarie in his own nature. Moreover, as it was reported, he brought for his answer Augustinum in sententijs Prosperi.
Theodorete also in his seconde Dialogue of these kinds of bread and wine saith: Nec naturam egrediuntur, manent etiam in sua substantia. i. They go not out of their own nature, but they tarie in their own substance.
But what say you by this? Manent in priori substantia: They remain in their former substance.
Symbola manent: The outward signs do tarie.
But what is meant here by this word, Symbolum?
The outward form or shape only of the Nature.
Then you cannot call them a substance.
Yes Syr, everything hath a certain substance in his kind.
That is true, but accidents are not substaunces in their kind.
Sunt quid in suo genere. Of this they contended much.
Chrysostom ad Caesarium Monachum saith, Sicut antequam consecratur, panis est: sic postquam consecratur, liberatus est ab appellatione panis, donatusque est appellatione corporis Domini, cum natura remanet: That is. Like as before it is consecrated, it is bread: so after it is consecrated, it is delivered from the name of bread, and is endued with y e name of the Lord's body, where as the nature doth remain.
Here in Peter Martyr I find it: I have his Book in my hand.
The author shall be of more credit, before that I make so much of him, as to frame an answer unto it.
In deed I know not well where he findeth it. But Gelasius saith, that the nature of bread and wine do tarry.
What is that Gelasius?
A Bishop of Rome.
Then he allowed the Mass.
Yea, and oftentimes said it: and Purgatory he also allowed, and so prayer for the dead, relics, and invocation to saints.
Belyke then he meant nothing against Transubstantiation.
It doeth appear so in deed. But Origen upon Math. the 15. Chapter saith, that the material bread doeth tarrye, and is conveyed into the privy, and is eaten of worms.
Tushe, tushe, this place appertaineth unto holy bread.
What, doth it appertain to holy bread?
Yea, unto holy bread.
By what means can you show how this myraculous work bringeth Christ into the sacrament.
By the scriptures I prove that, which saith: Hoc est corpus meum. This is my body.
It doeth rejoice all us not a little, that you have so well maintained the sound doctrine of the sacrament of the Altare, wherein you have faithfully cleaved to the Catholic Church, as an only stay of our religion: by the which means you have proved yourself meet to be authorised further towards the practicing of the scripture.
And here I do openly witness, that I do thoroughly consent with you, and have for disputations sake only, brought these arguments against you, which you have right learnedly satisfied: and now all things being done, after our form and manner, we will end this disputation, saying: In oppositum est sacra theologia. In oppositum est. &c.
Thus have ye heard in these foresaid disputations, about the holy supper of the Lord, the reasons and arguments of the Doctors, the answers and resolutions of the Bishops, and the triumph of the Prolocutor, triumphing before the victory, w t Vicit veritas, who rather in my mind should have exclaimed, vicit potestas: As it happeneth always, Vbi pars major vincit meliorem. For else if potestas had not helped the Prolocutor more then veritas, there had ben a small victoria. But so it is where judgments be partial, and parties be addicted, there all things turn to victory, though it be never so mean and simple, as in this disputation might well appear.
For first of the Opponents part, neither was there almost any argument in true mood & figure rightly framed: neither could the answearers be permitted to say for them selves: and if they answered anything, it was condemned before they began to speak. Again, such disturbance and confusion, more like a conspiration then any disputation, without all form and order, was in the schools during the time of their answering, that neither could the answearers have place to utter their minds, neither would the Opponents be satisfied with any reasons. Cōcerning the which disturbance of that misruled disputation, you shall hear what M. Ridley himself reporteth by his own description, in manner as followeth.
The report and narration of M. Ridley concerning the misordered disputation had against him and his fellow prisoners at Oxford.
I Never yet sithence I was borne saw, or heard anything done or handled more vainly, or tumultuously, then the disputation which was with me in the Schools at Oxford. Yea verily, I could never have thought that it had ben possible to have found amongst men recounted to be of knowledge and learning in this Realm, any so brazen faced and shameless, so disorderly and vainly, to behave themselves, more like to Stageplayers in Interludes, to set forth a Pageant, then to be grave Divines in Schools to dispute. The Sorbonical clamours (which at Paris I have seen in time past when Popery most reigned) might be worthily thought (in comparison of this thrasonical oftentation) to have had much modesty. And no great marvel, seeing they which should have been Moderatours, and Overseers of others, and which should have given good ensample in words and gravity: they themselves, above all other gave worst ensample, and did (as it were) blow the trompe to the rest, to rail, roar, rage, and cry out. By reason whereof (good christen reader) manifestly it may appear, that they never sought for any truth or verity, but only for the glory of the world, and their own bragging victory. But least by the innumerable railings & reproachful taūts, wherewith I was baited on every side, our cause, yea rather God's cause & his churches, should be evil spoken off, and slandered to the world through false reports, and untrue ensamples given out of our disputation, and so the verity might sustain some damage, I thought it no les then my duty to write mine answers: to the intent y t who so ever is desirous to know the truth thereof, may by this perceive, as well those things which were chiefly objected, as summarily that which was answered of me unto every of them. How be it (good Reader), I confess this to be most true, that it is impossible to set forth either all that was (God knoweth) tumultuously and confusedly objected of their partes being so many, speaking many times all together so thick that one could not well hear another, either all that was answered on my behalf, to thē so sundry and diverse Opponents.
Moreover, a great parte of the time appointed for the disputations, was vainly consumed in opprobrious checks and reviling taunts, with hissing and clapping of hands, and that in the English tongue, to procure the people's favor withal. All which things, when I with great grief of heart did behold, protesting openly, that such excessive and outrageous disorder, was unseemly for those schools and men of learning and gravity, and that they which wer the doers and stirrers of such things, did nothing else but bewray the slenderness of their cause, and their own vanities: I was so far off by this my humble complaint from doing any good at all, that I was enforced to hear such rebukes, checks, and taunts for my labor, as no person of any honesty without blushing could abide to hear the like spoken of a moste vile varlet, against a moste wretched Russian.
At the first beginning of the Disputation, when I should have confirmed mine answer to the first proposition in few words, and that (after the manner and law of Schools) afore I could make an ende of my first probation, which was not very long, even the Doctors themselves cried out, he speaketh plasphemies, he speaketh blasphemies. And when I on my knees besoughte them, and that heartily, that they would vouchsafe to hear me to the ende, (whereat the Prolocutour being moved, cried out on hie, Let him read it, let him read it) yet when I began to read it again, there followed immediately such showting, such a noise and tumult, and confusion of voices, crying, blasphemies, blasphemies, as I to my remembrance never heard, or read the like, except it be that one which was in the Acts of the Apostles, stirred up of Demetrius the silver Smith, and other of his occupatiō, crying out against Paul, Great is Diana of the Ephesians, great is Diana of the Ephesians: and except it be a certain disputation which the Arians had against the Orthodoxes, and such as were of godly judgment in Aphryca, where it is said, that such as the President and rulers of the Disputation were, such was the ende of the disputations. All were in a hurly burly, and so great were the sclanders which the Arians cast out, that nothing could quietly be heard. This writeth Uictor in the second book of his Hystorie.
The which cries and tumults of them against me so prevailed, that wild I, nild I, I was enforced to leave of y e reading of my probations, although they were short. If any man doubt of the truth hereof, let the same ask any one that was there, and not utterly perverted in Popery, and I am assured he will say, I speak the least. But to complain of these things further, I will cease.
And further speaking of this disputation, he concludeth with these words: And thus was ended this moste glorious disputation of the most holy Fathers, sacrificers, Doctors, and Masters, which fought most manfully (as ye may see) for their god and goods, for their faith and felicity, for their country and kitchen, for their beautye and belly, with triumphant applauses and favor of the whole University.
After the disputation of master Latimer ended, which was the 18. day of April, the Friday following which was the 20. day of the said month, the Commissioners sat in saint Mary's Church, as they did the Saturday before, and Doctor Weston used particularly dissuasions with every of them, and would not suffer them to answer in any wise, but directly and peremptorily, (as his words w • re) to say whether they would subscribe, or no. And first to the Bishop of Canterbury he said he was overcome in disputations: whom the Bishop answered, that where as Doctor Weston said, he had answered and opposed, and could neither maintain his own errors, nor impugn the verity, all that he said, was false. For he was not suffered to Oppose as he would, nor could answer as he was required, unless he would have brauled with them, so thick their reasons came one after another. Euer four or five did interrupt him, that he could not speak. Master Ridley and M. Latimer were asked, what they would do, they said, they would stand to that they had said. Then were they all called together, and sentence read over them, that they were no members of the Church. And therefore they, their fautors and patrons were condemned as heretics: and in reading of it, they were asked, whether they would turn or no, & they bade them read on in the name of God, for they were not minded to turn. So were they condemned all three.
After which sentence of condemnation being awarded against them, they answered again everyone in their turn, in manner and effect of words, as followeth, the archbishop first beginning thus.
From this your judgment and sentence, I appeal to the just judgment of God almighty, trusting to be present with him in heaven, for whose presence in the altare, I am thus condemned.
Although I be not of your company, yet doubt not I but my name is written in another place, whether this sentence will send us sooner, then we should by the course of nature have come.
I thank God most heartily, that he hath prolonged my life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God by that kind of death.
After the sentence pronounced, they were separated one from the other, videlicet, the Archbishop was returned to Bocardo, D. Ridley was carried to the sheriffes house, master Latimer to the Bailiffs.
On Saturday following, they had a Mass with a general procession and great solemnity. Doctor Cranmer was caused to behold the Procession out of Bocardo, Doctor Ridley out of the Sheriffs house. Latimer also being brought to see it, from the Bailiffs house, thought that he should have gone to burning, and spake to one Augustine Cooper a Catchpoll, to make a quick fire. But when he came to Karfox, and saw the matter, he ran as fast as his old bones would carry him, to one Spensers shop, and would not look towards it. Last of all, D. Weston carried the sacrament, and four doctors carried the Canapie over him.
Immediately after the sentence was given, D. Ridley writeth to the Prolocutor, in manner, as followeth.
Doctor Ridley to the Prolocutor.
MAister Prolocutor, you remember, I am sure, howe you promised me openly in the schools, after my protestation, that I should see howe my answers were there taken and written of the Notaries whom ye appointed, (me fateor neminem recusare) to write what should be said, and to have had license for to have added unto them, or to have altered them, as upon more deliberation should have seemed me best. Ye granted me also at the delivery of my answer unto your first proposition, a copy of the same: these promises are not performed. If your sudden departure be any part of the cause thereof, yet I pray you remember that they may be performed: for performaunce of promise is to be looked for at a righteous Judges hands. Now I send you here my answers in writing, to your second and third propositions, & do desire and require earnestly a copy of the same, & I shall by God's grace procure the pains of the writer to be paid for and satisfied accordingly. Master Prolocutor, in the time of my aunswearing in the Schools, when I would have confirmed my sayings with authorities and reasons, ye said then openly, that I should have time and place to say and bring whatsoever I could another time, and the same your saying was then there confirmed of other of the Commissioners: yea, and (I dare say) the audience also thought then that I should have had another day, to have brought and said what I could for the declaration and confirmation of mine assertions. Now that this was not done, but so suddenly sentence given before the cause was perfectly heard, I can not but marvel. &c.
On Monday next ensuing, after these things done and past, being the xxiij. of the said month of April, D. Weston Prolocutor took his journey up to London, with the letters certificatorie from y e university unto the Queen, by whom the Archb. of Cant. directed his letters supplicatorie unto the Counsaile. The which letters after the Prolocutor had received, & had carried them well near half way to London, by the way he opened the same, and seeing the contents thereof, sent them back again, refusing to carry them. &c. Likewise Bishoppe Ridley, hearing of the Prolocutors going to London, writeth to him his letters, wherein he desireth him to carry his answers up to certain Bishops in London, the form of which letters, first of D. Ridley, then of the Archb. and lastly another letter of D. Ridley to the Archbishop, here in order followeth.
A letter of B. Ridley to the Prolocutor.
MAister Prolocutour, I desire you, and in God's name require you, that you truly bring forth and show all mine answers, written and subscribed with mine own hand, unto the higher house of the Conuocation, and specially to my L. Chauncelor, my Lord's of Duresme, Eli, Worcester, Norwich, and Chichester, and also to show and exhibit this my writing unto them, which in these few lines here I write unto you: and that I did make this request unto you by this my writing, know ye that I did take witness of them by whom I did send you this writing, and also of those which were then with them present, videlicet, the two Bailiffs of Oxford, and of master Irishe Alderman, then there called to be a witness.
By me Nicholas Ridley 23. of April, An. 1554.
The copy of the Archb. of Canterb. letters to the Counsaile, sent by Doctor Weston, who refused to deliver them.
IN right humble wise showeth unto your honorable Lordships, Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury, beseeching the same to be a means for me unto the Queens highness for her mercy and pardon. Some of you know by what means I was brought and trained unto the will of our late sovereign Lord king Edward the sixte, and what I spake against the same, wherein I refer me to the reports of your honors and woorships. Furthermore, this is to signify unto your Lordship’s, that upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last past, were open disputations here in Oxford against me, master Ridley, and master Latimer, in three matters concerning the Sacrament: First of the real presence, secondly of Transubstātiation, & thirdly of the sacrifice of the Mass: upon Monday against me, upon Tuesday against Doctor Ridley, and upon Wednesday against master Latimer. Howe the other two were ordered, I know not, for we were separated▪ so that none of us knoweth what the other said, nor how they were ordered. But as concerning myself I can report. Doctor Chadsey was appointed to dispute against me, but the disputation was so confused, that I never knew the like, every man bringing forth what him liked▪ without order, and such hast was made, that no answer could be suffered to be taken fully to any argument, before another brought a new argument: and in such weighty matters the disputation must needs be ended in one day, which can scantly well be ended in three months. And when we had answered them, they would not appoint us one day to bring forth our proofs, that they might answer us, being required by me thereunto, whereas I myself have more to say, then can be well discussed, as I suppose in twenty days. The means to resolve the truth, had been to have suffered us to answer fully to all that they could say, and then they again to answer us fully to all that we can say. But why they would not answer us, what other cause can there be, but that either they feared their matter, that they were not able to answer us, or else for some consideration they made such hast, not to seek the truth, but to condemn us, that it must be done in poast haste before the matters could be thoroughly heard: for in all haste we were all 3. condemned of heresy. Thus much I thought good to signify unto your Lordship’s, that you may know the indifferent handlinge of matters, leaving the judgment thereof unto your wisdoms. And I beseech your Lordships to remember me a poor prisonner unto the Queens Majesty, and I shall pray as I do daily, unto God for the long preservation of your good Lordship’s in all godliness and felicity. April. 23.
Doctor Ridley to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
I Wishe ye might have seen these mine answers before I had delivered them, y t ye might have corrected them. But I trust in the substance of the matter we do agree fully, both led by one spirit of truth, and both walking after one rule of God's word. It is reported that Sergeant Morgane, the chief Justice of the Common place is gone mad. It is said also that Justice Hales hath recanted, perverted by D. Moreman. Item, that M. Rogers, D. Crome, and M. Bradford shall be had to Cambridge, and there be disputed with, as we were here, and that the Doctors of Oxford shall go likewise thither, as Cambridge men came hither. When ye have red mine answers, send thē again to Agustine, except ye will put anything to them. I trust the day of our delivery out of all miseries, and of our entrance into perpetual rest, and unto perpetual joy and felicity draweth me: the Lord strength us with his mighty spirit of grace. If you have not to write with, you must make your man your friend. And this bearer deserveth to be rewarded, so he may and will do you pleasure. My man is trusty, but it grieveth both him and me, that when I send him with anything to you, your man will not let him come up to see you, as he may to M. Latimer, and yours to me. I have a promise to see how my answers were written in the schools, but as yet I cannot come by it. Praye for me. I pray for you, and so shall I for you. The Lord have mercy of his church, and lighten the eyes of the magistrates, that God's extreme plagues light not on this realm of England.
These disputations being thus discoursed and ended, which were at Oxford in the month of April, as is aforesaid: now let us return again to the prosecuting of our story, touching other things likewise y t happened in other parties of the realm, in this tumultuous time of Queen Marie. And because things that happened in that time, were so many and diverse, that it is hard to keep a perfect order in reciting them all: to the intent therefore to inserte things left out before, or else to prosecute the same more at full, we have thought here a little to interrupt the order of time (albeit not much) returning again to the month of July the year before, videlicet. 1553. In the which month of July I shown before howe the Duke of Northumberland was apprehended by the Gard, and brought to London by the Earl of Arundell and other Lord's and Gentlemen appointed for that purpose on S. James day, being the 25. day of July, and so to the tower, where they remained. These be the names of them which were committed to the Tower with the Duke.
First the Earl of Warwike, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Ambrose, and Lord Henry Dudley, Lord Hastings, who was delivered again y e same night, sir John Gates, sir Henry Gates, sir Andrew Dudley, sir Thom. Palmer, and D. Sandes Chancellor of Cambridge.
The 26. day the Lord Marques of Northampton, the B. of London, Lord Robert Dudly, and sir Richard Corbet were brought and committed to the Tower.
The 27. day the Lord chief Justice of England, and the Lord Mountacute chief Justice of the common place, were committed to the Tower.
Uppon the Friday being the 28. of Iulye, the Duke of Suffolk, and Sir John Cheeke were committed to the Tower.
The 30. of Iulye, the Lord Russell was committed to the Sheriff of London's custody.
The 31. day the Earl of Rutlande was committed to the Fleet.
Uppon the monday the last of July, the Duke of Suffolk was delivered out of the Tower again.
Upon thursday the 3. of August, the Queen entered into the city of London at Algate, & so to the Tower, where she remained seven days, and then removed to Richmond.
Uppon friday the fourth day, doct. Day was delivered out of the Fleet.
Upon saterday the 5. day, the Lord Feries was committed to the tower, and the same day D. Boner was delivered out of the Marshalsey. The same day at night D. Co • kes was committed to the Marshalsey, and one M. Edward Underhill to Newgate. Also the same day doctor Tons ••• and Ste. Gardener were delivered out of the Tower▪ and Gardener received into the Queens privy counsel, and made Lord Chancelor.
Uppon Sunday the 7. day, Henry Dudley captain of the Garde at Guynes, which before had been sent to the French king by his cosin the Duke of Northumberlande, after the dispatch of his ambassage with the French king, returned to Guines, & so was taken, and this day brought to the Tower.
Uppon mondaye the seventh day of August, Dirige in Latin was song within the Tower, by all the Kynges Chapel, and the bishop of Winchester was chief minister, whereat was present the Queen, and the most parte of the Counsaile.
Uppon Tuesday the viii. day of August, the kings body was brought to Westminster, and there buried, where D. Day Bishop of Chichester preached. The same day a Mass of Requiem was song within the tower, by the Bishop of Winchester, who had on his Miter, & did all things as in times past was done, at which Mass the Queen was present.
Upon thursday the Duke of Norfolk came forth of the Tower, with whom the Duches of Somerset was also delivered this thursday.
Uppon Sunday the 11. of August, Doctor Bourne preached at Paul's Cross, of the which sermon read before, pag. 1339.
In the week following, commandment was given throughout the city, that no Prentises should come to the sermon, nor wear any knife or dagger.
Uppon the wednesday, being the xvi. day of August, M. Bradford, M. Beacon, and M. Ueron, were committed to the Tower: with whom also M. Sampson should have been committed, and was sought for the same time in M. Elsinges house in Fleetestreete (where M. Bradford was taken) and because he was not found, the Bishop of Winchester fumed like a prelate with the messenger.
Upon the Fridaye being the 18. of August, the Duke of Northumberland, the marques of Northampton, and the Earl of Warwick were arrayned at Westminster, and there y e same day condemned, the Duke of Norfolk that day being the high Judge.
Upon saterday the 19. of August, sir Andrew Dudley, sir John Gates, sir Henry Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer were araigned at Westminster, & condemned the same day, the L. Marques of Winchester being hie Judge.
Upō which day, a letter was sent unto sir Henry Tirrel, Anthony Brown, and Edmonde Brown Esquiers, praying them to committee to ward all such as shall contemn the Queens order of religion, or shall keep them selves from church, there to remain until they be conformable, and to signify their names to the counsel.
Upon Sunday the 20. of August, Doctor Watson the Byshoppe of Winchesters Chaplain Preached at Paul's Cross, at whose Sermon was present the Marques of Winchester, the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Penbroke, the Lord Rich, and two hundredth of the Garde with their Halbardes, lest the people would have made any stir against the Preacher.
Uppon Monday the 21. of August, the Duke of Northumberlande, the Marques of Northampton, Syr Andrew Dudley, Syr John Gates, and Syr Thomas Palmer heard a Mass within the Tower, and after Mass they all five received the Sacrament in one kind only, as in the Popish time was used. On the which day also Queen Mary set forth a Proclamation, signifying to the people that she could not hide any longer the religiō which she from her infancy had professed. &c. inhibiting in the said Proclamation Printing & Preaching, the tenor whereof, read before pag. 1334.
Uppon the Tuesday, being the 22. of August, the Duke of Northumberlande, Syr John Gates, and Syr Thomas Palmer, were beheaded at the Tower hill, as before is said, pag. 1338. The same day certain noble personnages heard Mass within the Tower, and likewise after mass, received the Sacrament in one kind.
Uppon Sunday the 27. day of August, Doctor Chedsey Preached at Paul's Cross, and the same day the Bishop of Canterbury, Syr Thomas Smith, and the dean of Paul's were cited to appear the week following before the Queens Commissioners, in the Bishops Consitory within Paul's.
In this mean time it was noised abroad by running rumors falsely and craftily devised, either to stablish the credit of the Mass, or else to bring Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury out of credit, that he to currye favor with Queen Mary, should promise to say Dirige Mass after the old custom, for king Edward, and that he had already said Mass at Canterbury, &c. Wherefore to stop the noise and slander of those rumors, the said Thomas Archb. of Caunter. the 7. day of September set forth a letter, which was also printed, in purgation of him self, the copy of which letter here ensueth.
A purgation of Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, against certain sclaunders falsely raised upon him.
AS the devil, Christ's ancient adversary, is a liar and the father of lies, even so hath he stirred up his servants and members, to persecute Christ and his true word and religion with lying: which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present time. For where as the Prince of famous memory king Henry the eighte seeing the great abuses of the Latin Mass, reformed some things therein in his life time, and after our late sovereign Lord king Edward the 6. took the same whole away for the manifold and great errors and abuses of the same, and restored in the place thereof Christ's holy Supper according to Christ's own institution, and as the Apostles used the same in the primative Church: the devil goeth about now by lying to overthrow the Lord's holy Supper again, and to restore his Latin satisfactory Mass, a thing of his own invention and devise. And to bring the same more easily to pass, some have abused the name of me Thomas Archb. of Canterbury, bruting abroad that I have set up the Mass again at Canterbury, & that I offered to say Mass at the burial of our late sovereign prince K. Ed. 6. & that I offered also to say Mass before the Queens highness and at Paul's Church, and I wot not where. And although I have been well exercised these xx▪ years to suffer and bear evil reports and lies, and have not been much grieved thereat, but have borne all things quietly, yet when untrue reports & lies turn to the hindrance of God's truth, they are in no wise to be suffered. Wherefore these be to signify unto the world, that it was not I that did set up the Mass at Canterbury, but it was a false flattering, lying, and dissembling monk, which caused Mass to be set up there without mine advise or Counsel: Reddat illi Dominus in die illo. And as for offering myself to say Mass before the Queens highness or in any other place, I never did it, as her grace well knoweth. But if her grace will give me leave, I shall be ready to prove, against all that will say the contrary, that all that is contained in the holy Communion set out by the most innocent and godly Prince king Edward the 6. in his high court of Parliament, is conformable to that order which our Savior Christ did both observe and command to be observed, & which his Apostles & primative church used many years, whereas the Mass in many things not only hath no foundation of Christ, his Apostles, nor the primative Church, but is manifestly contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible abuses in it. And although many, either unlearned or malicious, do report that M. Peter Martyr is unlearned, yet if the Queen • highness will grant thereunto, I with the said M. Peter Martyr, and other 4. or 5. which I shall choose, will by God's grace take upon us to defend, not only the common prayers of the Church, the ministration of the Sacraments, and other rites & ceremonies: but also all the doctrine and religion set out by our said sovereign Lord king Edward the 6. to be more pure and according to God's word, then any other that hath been used in England these 1000. years: so that God's word may be judge, & that the reasons and proofs of both parties may be set out in writing, to the intent, as well that all the world may examine and judge thereon, as that no man shall start back from his wrytinge. And where they boast of the faith that hath been in the Church these 1500. years, we will join with them in this point, and that the same doctrine and usage, is to be followed, which was in the Church .1500. years past, and we shall prove that the order of the Church, let out at this present in this Realm by Acte of Parliament, is the same that was used in the Church .1500. years past, & so shall they be never able to prove theirs.
The same Thursday being the 7. of September. Lord Mountacute chief Justice, and Lord chief Baron were delivered out of the Tower.
The 13. of September the reverend father M. Hughe Latimer was committed to the Tower.
The 14. of September. the bishop of Caunterburye was committed to the Tower.
The 26. of September, one Master Graye of Cambridge called before him one M. Garth, for that he would not suffer a boy of Peter house to help him say Mass in Penbroke hal, which was before any law was established for that behalf.
The Queen came to the Tower of London upon the Thursday being the 28. of September, and upon the Saturday following, she rode from the Tower thorough the City of London, where were made many Pageants to receive her, and so was triumphantly brought to Westminster to White hall.
Uppon the Sunday being the first day of October, the Queens highness went from White hall to Westminster Abbey, accompanied with the most part of the Nobility of this Realm, namely these: The Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Arundell, the Earl of Shrewsburie, the Marques of Winchester, the Earls of Darby, Bedford, Worcester, Cumberland, Westmorland, Oxford, Sussex, Devonshire, Penbroke, the Lord Dacres of the North, Lord Ferris, Lord Cobham, Lord Aburgeiny, Lord Wentwoorth, Lord Scroupe, Lord Rich, Lord Uaus, Lord Hawarde, Lord Conias, Lord Morley, Lord Paget, and the Lord Willowbye, with many other Nobles, and all the Ambassadors of diverse countries, the Major of London with all the Aldermen. Also out of the Abbey to receive her coming, came three silver Crosses, and to the number of four score or near upon, of singing men, all in very rich & gorgeous coapes. Amongest whom were the Dean of Westminster, and diverse of her Chaplains, which bare everyone some ensign in their hands, and after them followed 10. Bishops mytred all, and their Croyser staves in their hands, and rich Copes upon them everyone. And in this order they returned frō Westminster hal, before the Queen to the Abbey, where she was crowned by Stephen Gardener Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor of England. At the time of the Coronation Doctor Day Bishop of Chichester made a sermon to the Queens majesty, and to the rest of the nobility.
Also there was a general Pardon proclaimed within the Abbey at the said time of her Coronation, out of which Proclamation all the prisoners of the Tower and of the Flete were excepted, and 62. more. Wherof M. Whitchurch and M. Grafton were two.
The third of October, the Uicechauncellour of Cambridge did challenge one M. Pierson, for that he ministered still the Communion in his own Parish, and did receive strangers of other Parishes to the same, and would not say mass. Whereupon within 2. days after, he was clean discharged from farther ministering in his Cure.
Uppon the Wedensday following, the Archb. of York was committed to the Tower.
Uppon Thursdaye being the 5. of October. 1553. the Queen road to the Parliament in her robes, and all the nobility with her, and when they were set in the Parliament house, the Bishop of Winchester made to them a solemn Oration, and Sergeant Pollarde was chosen speaker of the Parliament. The same day the Bishops of Lincoln, Harford, and Westchester, were discharged from the Parliament and Conuocation.
Also the 10. day of October, the Earl of Huntingdon was delivered out of the Tower.
Upon the Sunday after, being the 15. of Oct. M. Laurence Saunders preached at Alhallowes in Breadstreete in y e morning: where he declared the abomination of the mass, with diverse other matters very notably and godly. Wherof more shall be heard (by the Lord's leave) hereafter when we come to his story. In which his doing, as he shown himself to be God's faithful minister, so is he sure not to be defrauded of gods faithful promise, who saith: Omnis qui confitebitur me coram hominibus, confitebor & ego illum coram patre meo qui est in coelis. Math. 10. But about noon of the same day he was sent for by the bishop of London, and from thence committed to the Marshalsee.
Upon the Sunday following, being the 20. of October, Doctor Weston preached at Paul's Cross. Who in the beginning of his Sermon willed the people to pray for the souls departed on this wise: You shall pray for all them y t be departed, that be neither in heavē, nor hell, but in a place not yet sufficiently purged to come to heavē, that they may be releued by your devout prayers. He named the Lord's table an oyster board. He said that the Catechism in Latin, lately set out, was abhominable heresy, & likened the setters out of the same Catechism to Julianus Apostate, and the book for a Dialogue set out by the said Julianus Apostate, wherein Christ and Pilate were the speakers: with many other things. Which Sermon with all the points thereof, master Couerdall the same time learnedly confuted by writing, which remaineth yet in my hands to be seen.
In the week following, began the disputations in the convocation house in Paul's Church, whereof sufficient hath been before declared, pag. 1342.
The 26. day of October, the Uicechauncellour of Cambridge went to Clarehall, and in the presence of Doctoure Walker, displaced Doctor Madewe, and placed Master Swynborne in the Maistership there, by force of the Lord Chauncellours letters, for that he was (as they termed it,) Vxoratus, that is, married.
The 28. day of October, the Papists in the kings college in Cambridge (not tarrying the making of any law, but of their blind zeal) had their whole service again in the Latin tongue, contrary to the law then in force.
The last of October, the Uicechauncelloure of Cambridge, did sharply reprove and threaten one M. Thrackold, for that he challenged the said Uicechauncellor, who had suffered master Bouell (contrary to the statutes then in force) quietly without punishment to depart, notwithstanding that he refused to swear to the supremacy of the Queen, and the abrogation of the bishop of Rome.
The third day of November, the Uicechauncellor sent for the Curate of the round Parish in Cambridge, commanding him not to minister anymore in the English tongue, saying: he would have one uniform order of service throughoute the Town, and that in Latin, with Mass, which was established the xii. day of this month.
The 6. day of November, M. Pollarde preached at S. Michaels, and in his Sermon approved Purgatory.
The 28. day of November, the Archdeacons Officiall visited in Hynton, where he gave in charge to present all such as did disturb the Queens proceedings, in letting the Latin service, the setting up of their altars, and saying of Mass, or any parte thereof: whereby it was easy to see how these good fellows meant to proceed, having the law once on their side, that thus readely against a manifest law would attempt the punishment of any man.
The 15. day of December, there was two Proclamations at London: the one for the repealing of certain acts made by king Edward, and for the setting up of the Mass, for the 20. day of December then next following: the other was, that no man should interrupt any of those that would say Mass.
The Parliament beginning about the v. day of October, continued till the fifth of December. In the which Parliament were dissolved as well all Statutes made of Fremunire, in the time of King Henry viii. &c. as also other laws and statutes concerning religion and administration of Sacraments decreed under king Edward the 6. as is partly above touched. In the which Parliament moreover was appointed the 20. day of December next ensuing the same year .1553. that all the old form and manner of Church service, used in the last yere of king Henry, should now again be restored.
On Newyeares even being the last of December, the Lord Marques of Northampton was delivered out of the Tower.
About this time a Priest at Canterbury said Mass on the one day, & the next day after he came into the pulpit and desired all the people to forgive him, for he said he had betrayed Christ, but not as Judas did, but as Peter did, and there made a long Sermon against the Mass.
The day after Newyeares day, being the seconde day of January, in the year of our Lord. 1554. four Ambassadors came into London from the Emperor, and were honorably received. Their names were these. Le County de Egmont, Le County de Lalen, Monsieur Corire, Le Chancellor Nigre.
About this time a great number of new Bishops, Deans. &c. were chosen, more then were made at one time since the Conquest. Theyr names are these.
- D. Holyman B. of Bristow.
- D. Coates B. of Westchester.
- D. Hopton Bishop of Norwich.
- D. Bourne B. of Bathe.
- D. White B. of Lyncolne.
- D Mores B. of Rochester.
- D. Morgan Bishop of S. Dauies.
- D. Poole B. of S. Ass.
- D. Brookes Bish. of Gloucester.
- D. Moreman, coadiutour to the Bishop of Exceter, & after his decease Bishop of Exceter.
- D. Glin B. of Bangor.
- Master Fecknam Dean of Paul's.
- D. Rainolds Dean of Bristow, with others.
The 12. day of January, the Uicechancellour of Cambridge called a congregation general, wherein amongst other things, he shown that the Queen would have there a Mass of the holy Ghost upon the 18. day of February then next following, for that it was her birthe day, which was fulfilled the day appointed, and that very solemnly.
Upon the Saturday being the 13. of January Doctor Crome was committed to the Fleet. Also upon the Sunday following, one M. Addington was committed to the Tower. Also this same Sunday knowledge was given in the Court openly by the B. of Winchester, that the marriage between the Queens majesty & the king of Spain was concluded, and the day following, being monday and the 15. of January, the Major, with the Aldermen and certain Commoners were at the Court, and there they were commanded by the Lord Chancellor to prepare the City ready to receive the said king of Spain, who declared unto them what a Catholic, mighty, prudent & wise prince the said king is, with many other commendations of him.
Upon the Saturday following, being the 20. of Ian. the Court of the first fruits and tenths was dissolved.
Upon the Thursday at night, following the 25. day of January, the Lord Marques of Northampton was again committed to the Tower, and sir Edward Warnar with him. Who were brought to the Tower by the Major.
Uppon the Saterdaye following, being the 26. of January, Justice Hales was committed to the Marshalsee, and the same day master Rogers was committed to Newgate. Upon this Saturday, Sunday, and Monday following the Londoners prepared a number of soldiers (by the Queens commandment) to go into Kent against the Commons: whereof were chief Captains the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Wormwood, sir Harry Iernyngham, sir George Haward, and 10. other captains. Which soldiors when they came to Rochester bridge, where they should have set upon their enemies, most of them (as it is said) left their own Captains, and came wholly to the Kentishmen, and so the foresaid Captains returned to the Court, both void of men and victory, leaving behind them both 6. pieces of ordinance, and treasure.
Aboute the latter ende of January, the Duke of Suffolk with his brethren departed from his house at Shene, and took his voyage into Leycester shyre. After whom was sent the Earl of Huntingdon to take him and bring him to London, who proclaimed the said Duke traitor by the way as he r • ade.
And thus passing to the month of February, here is to be noted by the way of story, that upon the 15. day of the said month being Thursday, there was seen within the City of London, about 9. of the clock in the forenoon, strange sightes. There was seen two Suns both shining at once, the one a good pretty way distaunt from the other. At the same time was also seen a Rainbow turned contrary, and a great deal higher then hath been accustomed. The common standing of the Raynebowe is thus
As touching the rising of master Wyate, with Syr W. Cobham and others in Kent, and there coming to London in the month of February: also of the Queens coming to the Guilde Hall, and her Oration there made: and after of the taking of the said Wyat and his company: likewise of the apprehension of the Duke of Suffolk with his brother Lord John Gray: and the next day after of beheading of Lord Gildford and Lady Jane, which was the 12. day of February, and how the day before, which was 11. of the said month, Lord William Haward and sir Edward Hastings, were sent for the Lady Elizabeth: and how the same Sunday, Syr Harrye Iseley, M. Culpepper, and M. Winter were committed to the Tower, the B. of Winchester, the same day being the 11. of February, preaching before the Queen, and persuading her to use no mercy toward these Kentishmen, but severe execution, all which was in the month of February: because most of these matters have been briefly touched before, or else may be found in other Chronicles, I will cease to make any further story of them: having somewhat notwithstanding to declare touching the rainment and death of the Duke of Suffolk.
Uppon Saturday, being the 17. day of Februarye, the Duke of Suffolk was arraigned at Westminster, and the same day condemned to die by his Peres, the Earl Arundel was chief Judge for this day.
Uppon the Sunday following, which was the 18. day of the said month, Sessions was kept in London, which hath not before been seen to be kept upon the Sunday.
Upon the monday the 19. of February, the Lord Cobhams 3. sons, and 4. other men were arraigned at Westminster: of which sons the youngest was condemned, whose name is Thomas, and the other two came not at the bar, and the other 4. were condemned.
Upon the Tuesday being the 20. of February, the Lord John Gray was araigned at Westminster, and there condemned the same day, and other 3. men, whereof one was named Nailer.
Upon the Wedensday the 21. of February, the L. Thomas Gray, and sir James Croft were brought through London to the Tower with a number of horsemen.
Upon the Thursday being the 22. of February, syr Nicholas Throgmorton was committed to the Tower.
Uppon the Friday being the 23. of February. 1554. the Duke of Suffolk was beheaded at the Tower hill, the order of whose death here followeth.
The godly ende and death of the Duke of Suffolk beheaded at Tower hill. An. 1554. Febr. 23.
ON Friday the 23. of February. 1554. about 9. of y e clock in the fore noon, the Lord Henry Gray duke of Suffolk, was brought forth of the Tower of London unto the Scaffolde on the Tower hill, with a great company, &c. and in his coming thither, there accompanied him Doctor Weston as his Ghostly father, notwithstanding, as it should seem, against the will of the said Duke. For when the Duke went up to the Scaffolde, the said Weston being on his left hand, preased to go up with him. The Duke with his hand put him down again of the stairs: and Weston taking hold of the Duke, forced him down likewise. And as they ascended the second time, the Duke again put him down.
Then Weston said that it was the Queens pleasure he should so do. Wherewyth the Duke casting his hands abroad, ascended up the Scaffolde, and paused a pretty while after. And then he said: Masters I have offended the Queen, and her laws, and thereby am justly condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient, and I pray God that this my death may be an ensample to all men, beseeching you all to bear me witness, that I die in the faith of Christ, trusting to be saved by his blood only, and by no other trumpery, the which died for me, and for all them that truly repent, and steadfastly trust in him. And I do repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me, that when you see my breathe depart frō me, you will pray to God that he may receive my soul. And then he desired all men to forgive him, saying that the Queen had forgiven him.
Then M. Weston declared with a loud voice that the Queens Majesty had forgiven him. With that, diverse of the standers by said with meetely good and audible voice: such forgiveness God send thee, meaning Doctor Weston. Then the Duke kneeled down upon his knees, and said the Psalm Miserere mei Deus, unto the end, holding up his hands, and looking up to heaven. And when he had ended the Psalm, he said: In manus tuas Domine commendo spiritum meum, &c. Then he arose and stood up, and delivered his cap and his skarffe unto the executioner.
Then the said executioner kneeled down and asked the Duke forgiveness. And the Duke said, God forgive thee & I do, & when thou doest thine office, I pray thee do it well, and bring me out of this world quickly, and God have mercy to thee. Then stood there a man and said, my Lord, how shall I do for the money that you do owe me? And the Duke said, alas good fellow, I pray thee trouble me not now, but go thy way to my officers. Then he knit a kercher about his face, and kneeled down and said, Our father which art in heaven, &c. unto the ende. And then he said, Christ have mercy upon me, and laid down his head on the block, and the executioner took the Axe, and at the first chop stroke off his head, and held it up to y e people, &c.
The same day a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through the City with their halters about their necks. They were in number about two hundredth.
Upon the Saturday the 24. of February. Syr William Sentlow was committed as prisoner to the master of the horse to be kept. This Syr William was at this time one of the Lady Elizabeth's Gentlemen.
Upon the Sunday being 25. of February, Syr John Rogers was committed to the Tower.
In this week, all such Priests within the Dioces of London as were married, were divorced from their livings, and commanded to bring in their wives within a fortnight, that they might likewise be divorced from them. This the Bishop did of his own power.
Upon the Tuesday in the same week, being the 27. of February, certain Gentlemen of Kent were sent into Kent to be executed there. Their names were these, the two Mantels, two Kneuets, and Bret: with these, Master Rudston also and certain other were condemned, and should have been executed, but they had their pardon.
As touching the foresaid Master Mantell the elder, here by the way is to be noted, that as he was lead to execution, and at his first casting under the Gallows, the rope brake. Then they would have had him recanted the truth, and received the sacrament of the alter (as they term it) and then they said he should have the Queens pardon: but Master Mantell like a worthy Gentleman, refused their serpentine counsel, and chose rather to die, then to have life for dishonoring of God.
Moreover, as touching the sayid M. Mantell, for that he was reported falsely to have fallen from the constancy of his profession, to clear himself thereof, and to reprove the sinister surmise of his recantation, he wrote this brief Apology in purgation of himself: the copy whereof you shall hear.
The Apology of M. Mantell the elder.
PErceiuing that already certain false reports are raised of me concerning my answers in the behalf of my belief, whiles I was prisoner in the Tower of London, and considering how sore a matter it is to be an occasion of offense to any of those little ones that believe in Christ: • have thought it the duty of a Christian man as near as I can (with the truth) to take away this offense. It pleased the Queens Majesty to send unto me M. Doct. Bourne, unto whom at the first meeting I acknowledged my faith in all points to agree with the four Creedes, that is, the common Creed, the Creed of Nicene, Quicunque vult, and Te Deum laudamus.
Further, as concerning confession and penance, I declared that I could be content to show unto any learned Minister of Christ's Church, anything that troubled my conscience, and of such a mā I would most willingly hear absolution pronounced.
Touching the Sacrament of the altar (as he termed it) I said that I believed Christ to be there present as the holy Ghost meant when these words were written: Hoc est corpus meum.
Further, when this would not satisfy, I desired him to consider that I was a condemned man to die by a law, and that it was more me • e for me to seek a readiness and preparation to death. And in so much as I dissented not from him in any article of the Christian faith necessary to salvation, I desired him for God's sake no more to trouble me with such matters, as which to believe is neither salvation, nor not to believe, damnation. He answered, that if I dissented but in the least matter frō the catholic Church, my soul was in great danger, therefore much more in this great matter, alleging this text: Qui offenderit in minimo, factus est reus omnium. He that offendeth in the least of these, is gilty of them all. Yea (quoth I) Verum est, ex hisce mandatis i. It is true, of these commandments of God. To this I desired him to consider, that it was not my matter, neither was I able in these matters to keep disputation, nor minded so to do, and therefore to take these few words for a full answer, that I not only in the matter of the sacrament, but also in all other matters of Religion, Believe as the holy Catholic Church of Christ (grounded upon the Prophets and Apostles) believeth. But upon this word Church we agreed not, for I took exceptionat the Antichristian Popish Church.
Then fell we in talk of the Mass, wherein we agreed not: for I, both for the occasion of Idolatry, and also the clear subversion of Christ's institution, thought it naught, and he e contra upon certain considerations supposed it good. I found fault that it was accounted a Sacrifice propiciatory for sin, and at certain other applications of it. But he said that it was not a propiciatory sacrifice for sin (for the death of Christ only was the Sacrifice) and this but a commemoration of the same. Then I: if ye think so, certain blasphemous collectes left out, I could be content (were it not for offending my poor brethren that believe in Christ, which know not so much) to hear your Mass. See (quoth he) howe vain glory toucheth you. Not so sir (quoth I) I am not now I thank God, in case to be vain glorious.
Then I found further fault with it, that it was not a communion. Yes (saith he) one Priest saying Mass here, and another there, and the third in another place &c. is a communion. This agreeth scarcely with these words of Paul (said I): Non in melius, sed in deterius conuenitis i. Ye come not after a better manner, but after a worse. Yea, and it is a communion to (said he) when they come together. Now draweth on the time (quoth he) that I must depart from you to the Court, to say Mass before the Queen, and must signify unto her in what case I find you, and me think I find you sore seduced. Then I said, I pray you report the best, for I trust you find me not obstinate. What shall I say are ye content to hear Mass, and to receive the sacrament in the Mass? I beseech you, said I, signify unto her Majesty, that I am neither obstinate, nor stubborn, for time and persuasion may altar me, but as yet my conscience is such, that I can neither hear Mass, nor receive the sacrament after that sort, Thus after certain requests made to the Queens Majesty concerning other matters, he departed.
The next day he came to me again and brought with him S. Cyprians works, for so I had required him to do the day before, because I would see his sermon De mortalitate. He had in this book turned in and interlyned certain places both concerning the Church and the sacrament which he willed me to read. I read as much as my time would serve, and at his next coming I said that I was wholly of Cyp • ians mind, in the matter of the Sacrament. Doctor Weston and Doctor Mallet came after to me, whom I answered much after that sort as I did the other. Doctor Weston brought in the place of Cyprian, Panis iste non effigie sed natura mutatus. &c. I asked of him how natura was taken in the Conuocation house in the disputation, upon the place of Theodoret.
To be short Doctor Bourne came often unto me, and I always said unto him that I was not minded nor able to dispute in matters of Religiō, but I believed as the holy Catholic Church of Christ, grounded upon the Prophets and Apostles doth believe, and namely in the matter of the Sacrament, as the holy fathers Cyprian and Augustine do write and believed, and this answer and none other they had of me in effect, what words soever have been spread abroad of me that I should be conformable to all things &c. The truth is, I neither heard Mass nor received the sacrament during the time of my imprisonment.
One time he willed me to be confessed. I said I am content. We kneeled down to pray together in a window. I began without Benedicite, desiring him not to look at my hand for any superstitious particular enumeration of my sins Therewith he was called away to the Council, & ego liberatus Thus much I bear only for my life, as God knoweth. If in this I have offended any Christian, from the bottom of my heart I ask them forgiveness. I trust God hath forgiven me, who knoweth that I durst never deny him before men, least he should deny me before his heavenly father.
Thus have I left behind me written with mine own hand the effect of all the talk, especially of the worst that ever I granted unto, to the uttermost I can remember, as (God knoweth) all the whole communication I have not written, for it were both to long and to foolish so to do. Now I beseech the living God which hath received me to his mercy and brought to pass that I die steadfast and undefiled in his truth, at utter defiaunce and detestation of all Papistical and Antichristian doctrine, I beseech him (I say) to keep and defend all his chosen for his names sake, from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome that Antichrist, and from the assault of all his satellites. God's indignation is known: he will try and prove who be his. Amend your lives. Deny not Christ before men, least he deny you before his heavenly father. Fear not to lose your lives for him, for ye shall find them again. God hold his merciful hand over this Realm, and avert the plagues imminent, from the same. God save the Queen, and send her knowledge in his truth. Amen, pray, pray, pray ye Christians, and comfort yourselves with the Scriptures.
Written the 2. of March. an. 1554.
by me Walter Mantell prisoner, whom both God and the world hath forgiven his offenses. Amen.
And thus much concerning the purgation of Mayster Walter Mantell, who if he had cōscented unto the Queen, what time she sent Doctor Bourne unto him, to deny his faith, it is not otherwise to be thought, but he had had his pardon, and escaped with life.
Upon the Saturday being the iii. of March, sir Gawen Carew, and master Gibbes were brought through London to the Tower with a company of horsemen.
In London the vii. day of March, every householder was commanded to appear before the Alderman of their ward, and there were commanded, that they, their wives and servants should prepare themselves to shrift, and receive the Sacrament at Easter, and that neither they, nor any of them should depart out of the City, until Easter was past.
Upon the Sunday following, being the xviij. day of March, the Lady Elizabeth, of whom mention was made before, the Queens Sister, was brought to the Tower.
Upon Easter even, being the xxiiij. of March, the Lord Marques of Northampton, the Lord Cobham, and Sir William Cobham were delivered out of the Tower.
The xxv. day (being Easter day) in the morning, at S. Pancrase in Cheape, the Crucifix with the Pixe were taken out of the Sepulcher, before the Priest rose to the resurrection: so that when after his accustomed manner he put his hand into the Sepulcher, and said very deuoutely: Surrexit non est hic, he found his words true, for he was not there in deed. Whereupon being half dismayed, they consulted amongst themselves whom they thought to be likeliest to do this thing. In which debatement they remembered one Marsh, which a little before had been put from that personage, because he was married, to whose charge they laid it. But when they could not prove it, being brought before the Major, they then burdened him to have kept company with his wife, since that they were by commandment diuorsed. Whereto he answered, that he thought the Queen had done him wrong to take from him both his living and his wife: which words were then noted, and taken very grievously, and he and his wife were both committed to several Counters, notwithstanding that he had been very sick.
The viii. of April, there was a Cat hanged upon a gallows at the Cross in Cheape, appareled like a Priest, ready to say Mass, with a shaven crown. Her two forefeete were tied over her head, with a round paper like a wafer cake put between them: whereon arose great evil will against the City of London. For the Queen and the Bishops were very angry withal: and therefore the same after noon, there was a Proclamation, that who soever could bring forth the party that did hang up the Cat, should have xx. nobles, which reward was afterwards increased to xx. marks, but none could, or would earn it.
As touching the first occasion of setting up this Gallows in Cheapeside, here is to be understand, that after the Sermon of the Bishop of Winchester (above mentioned) made before the Queen for the strait execution of Wyats soldiers, immediately upon the same the xiii. of February, were set up a great number of Gallows in diverse places of the City, namely two in Chepeside, one at Leaden hall, one at Billynges gate, one at S. Magnus Church, one in Smithfield, one in Fleetestreete, four in Southwarke, one at Allgate, one at Bishops gate, one at Aldersgate, one at Newgate, one at Ludgate, one at Saint James parcke corner, one at Cripplegate: all which Gibbets & gallows to y e number of xx. there remained for terror of other, frō the xiii. of February, till the iv. of June, & then at the coming in of King Philip were taken down.
The xi. day of April, was Syr Thomas Wyat beheaded and quartered at the Tower hill, where he uttered these words, touching the Lady Elizabeth, and the Earl of Deuonshyre. Concerning (said he) what I have said of other in my examination, to charge any other as partakers of my doings, I accuse neither my Lady Elizabeth's grace, nor my Lord of Deuonshyre. I cannot accuse them, neither am I able to say, that, to my knowledge, they knew anything of my rising. And when Doctor Weston told him, that his confession was otherwise before the Counsel, he answered: that which I said then, I said: but that which I say now, is true.
Uppon the Tuesday being the xvij. of April, Syr James Croft, and Master Winter, were brought to the Guild hall, with whom also the same time, and to the same place was brought sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and there arraigned of treason, for that he was suspected to be of the conspiracy with the Duke of Suffolk & the rest, against y e Queen, where he so learnedly and wisely behaved him self (as well in clearing his own case, as also in opening such laws of the Realm as were then alleged against him) that the Quest which was charged with his matter, could not in conscience, but find him not gilty: for y t which the said xii. persons of the Quest, being also substantial mē of the City, were bound in the sum of 500. pounds a piece, to appear before y e Queens Counsel at a day appointed, there to answer such things as should be laid against thē for his acquitting. Which Quest appeared accordingly before the Counsel in the Star chamber upon Wednesday, being the xxv. of April, and S. Markes day. From whence, after certain questioning, they were committed to prison, Immanuel Lucar, & master Whetstone were committed to the Tower, and the other ten to the Fleet.
As concerning the condemnation of Thomas Archbyshop of Cant. of Doctor Ridley, and M. Latimer, which was the xx. of this month of April, & also of their disputations, because we have said enough before, it shall not need now to bestow any further rehearsal thereof.
The Friday next following, after the condemnation of them, the xxvij. of April, Lord Thomas Gray, the late Duke of Suffolkes brother, was beheaded at Tower hill.
Upon the Saturday, being the xxviij. of April, Syr James Croft, and Master Winter were again brought to the Guild hall, where Sir James Croft was arraigned and condemned, and because the day was far spent, Master Winter was not arraigned.
Upon the Thursday, being the xvij. of May, William Thomas was arraigned at the Guild Hall, and there the same day condemned, who the next day after, was hanged, drawn, and quartered. His accusation was, for cōspiring the Queens death: which how true it was, I have not to say. This is certain, that he made a right godly ende, and wrote many fruitful exhortations, Letters and Sonets in the prison before his death.
In the month of May it was so given out, and bruitted abroad, that a solemn disputation should be holden at Cambridge (as ye heard before in Master Ridleys letter page. 1396) between M. Bradford, M. Saunders, master Rogers, and other of that side, and the Doctors of both the Universities on the other side, like as had been in Oxford before, as you have heard. Whereupon y e godly Preachers which were in prison having word thereof, albeit they were destitute of their books, neither were ignorant of the purpose of the adversaries, and how y e cause was prejudicate before, also how the disputations were cōfusedly handled at Oxford: nevertheless they thought not to refuse the offer of disputatiō, so that they might be quietly and indifferently heard, and therefore wisely pondering the matter with themselves, by a public consent, directed out of prison a declaration of their mind by writing, the vii. day of May. Wherein first as touching the disputation, although they knew that they should do no good, whereas all things were so predetermined before, yet nevertheless, they would not deny to dispute, so that the disputation might be either before the Queen, or before the Counsaile, or before the Parlamēt houses, or else if they might dispute by writing: for else if the matter were brought to the Doctors handling in their own schools, they have sufficient proof (they said) by the experience of Oxford, what little good will be done at Cambridge: and so consequently declaring the faith and doctrine of their Religion, and exhorting the people withal to submit themselves with all patience and humility, either to the will or punishment of the higher powers, they appealed in the end from them to be their Judges in this behalf, and so ende their protestation, the copy and contents whereof I thought not unfit here to be inserted.
*A copy of a certain declaration drawn and sent out of prison by Mayster Bradford, Mayster Saunders, and divers other godly Preachers, concerning their disputation, and doctrine of their Religion, as followeth.
BEcause we hear that it is determined of the magistrates and such as be in authority, especially of the Clergye, to send us speedily out of the prisons of the kings Bench, the Fleet, the Marshalsey, and Newgate, where presently we are, and of long time some of us hath ben, not as rebels, traitors, seditious persons, thieves, or transgressors of any laws of this realm, inhibitions, Proclamations, or commandments of the Queens highness, or of any of y e Councils (God's name be praised therefore) but alonely for the conscience we have to God and his most holy word & truth, upon most certain knowledge: because we say, we hear that it is determined, we shall be sent to one of the universities of Cambridge, or Oxford, there to dispute with such as are appointed in that behalf: in that we purpose not to dispute otherwise then by writing, except it may be before the Queens highness and her Counsel, or before y e Parliament houses, and therefore perchance it will be bruted abroad, that we are not able to maintain by the truth of God's word, and the consent of the true and Catholic Church of Christ, the doctrine we have generally and severally taught, and some of us hath writ̄ & set forth (wherthrough the godly and simple may be offended & somewhat weakened:) we have thought it our bounden duty, now whilst we may, by writing to publish and notify the causes why we will not dispute otherwise then is abovesaid, to prevent the offenses which might come thereby.
First, because it is evidently known unto the whole world, that the determinations of both the Universities in matters of Religion, especially wherein we should dispute, are directly against God's word, yea against their own determinations in the time of our late sovereign Lord and most godly Prince, King Edward: and further it is known they be our open enemies, and have already condemned our causes, before any disputation had of the same.
Secondly, because the Prelates and clergy do not seek either us or the verity, but our destruction and their glory. For if they had sought us (as charity requireth) thē would they have called us forth hereaboutes before their laws were so made, that frankly and without peril we might have spoken our consciences. Again, if they had sought for the verity, they would not have concluded of controversies, tofore they had been disputed: so that it easily appeareth that they seek their own glory and our destruction, and not us and the verity: and therefore we have good cause to refuse disputation, as a thing which shall not further prevail, then to the setting forth of their glory, and the suppression of the verity.
Thirdly, because the Censors and Judges (as we hear who they be) are manifest enemies to the truth, and that which worse is, obstinate enemies, before whom pearls are not to be cast, by the commandments of our Savior Jesus Christ, and by his own example. That they be such their doings of late at Oxford, and in the Conuocation house in October last past, do most evidently declare.
Fourthly, because some of us have been in prison these 8. or 9. months, where we have had no books, no paper, no pen, no ink, or convenient place for study, we think we should do evil thus suddenly to descend into disputation with them, which may allege as they list, the fathers and their testimonies, because our memories have not that which we have read so readily, as to reprove, when they shall report and wrest the authors to their purpose, or to bring forth that we may have there for our advantage.
Fifthly, because in disputation we shall not be permitted to prosecute our Arguments, but be stopped when we would speak, one saying thus, another that, the third his mind, &c. As was done to the godly learned fathers, especially D. Ridley at Oxford, who could not be permitted to declare his mind and meaning of the propositions, & had oftentimes half a dosen at once speaking against him: always letting him to prosecute his argument, and to answer accordingly: we will not speak of the hissing, scoffing, and taunting, which wonderfully then was used. If on this sort and much worse they handled these fathers, much more will they be shameless bold with us if we should enter into disputation with them.
Sixthly, because the Notaries that shall receive & write the disputations, shall be of their appointment, and such as either do not or dare not favor y e truth, and therefore must write either to please them, or else they themselves (the Censours and Judges we mean) at their pleasure will put to and take from, that which is writ̄ by y e Notaries, who cannot, nor must not have in their custody that which they write, longer then the disputation endureth, as their doings at Oxford declareth. No copy nor scroule could any man have by their good will. For the Censors and Judges will have all delivered into their hands: Yea, if any man was seen there to write (as the report is) the same man was sent for, and his writings taken from him: so must the disputation serve only for the glory, not of God, but of the enemies of his truth.
For these causes we all think it so necessary not to dispute with them, as if we did dispute we should do that which they desire & purposely seek, to promote the kingdom of Antichrist, and to suppress (as much as may be) y e truth. We will not speak of the offense that might come to the godly, whē they should hear, by the report of our enemies, our answers and arguments framed (you may be sure) for their fantasies, to the sclaundering of the verity.
Therefore we publish, and by this writing notify unto the whole congregation and church of England, that for these aforesaid causes we will not dispute with thē, otherwise then with the pen, unless it be before the Queens highness and her Council, or before the houses of the parliament, as is above said. If they will write, we will answer, & by writing confirm and prove out of the infallible verity, even the very word of God, and by the testimony of y e good and most ancient fathers in Christ's Church, this our faith and every piece thereof, which hereafter we in a sum do write and send abroad purposely, that our good brethren and sisterne in the Lord may know it: and to seal up y e same, we are ready through God's help and grace to give our lives to y e halter of fire, or otherwise as God shall appoint, humbly requiring, & in the bowels of our Savior Jesus Christ, beseeching all that fear God, to behave themselves as obedient subjects to the Queens highness and the superior powers, which are ordained of god under her, rather after our example to give their heads to the block, then in any point to rebel or once to mutter against the Lord's annointed: we mean our sovereign Lady Queen Mary, into whose heart we beseech the Lord of mercy plentifully to doure the wisdom and grace of his holy spirit, now and forever. Amen.
First we confess and believe all the Canonical books of the Old Testament, and all the books of the New Testament, to be the very true word of God, and to be written by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, and are therefore to be heard accordingly, as the Judge in all controversies and matters of religion.
Secondly, we confess and believe the Catholic church which is the spouse of Christ, as a most obedient and loving wife, to embrace and follow the doctrine of these books in all matters of religion, and therefore is she to be heard accordingly: so that those which will not hear this church thus following and obeying the word of her husband, we accompt as heretics and schismatics, according to this saying: If he will not hear the Church, let him be unto thee as a Heathen.
Thirdly, we believe and confess all the Articles of faith & doctrine set forth in the Simbole of the Apostles, which we commonly cal the Creed, and in the Symboles of the Councils of Nice, kept. An. dom. 324. of Constantinople An. dom. 384. of Ephesus kept An. dom. 432. of Calcedon, kept An. dom. 454. of Toletum, the first and fourth. Also the Symboles of Athanasius, Irenaeus, Tertullian, & of Damasus, which was about the year of our Lord. 376. we confess and believe (we say) the Doctrine of the Symboles generally and particularly: so that who soever doth otherwise, we hold the same to err from the truth.
Fourthly, we believe and confess concerning justification, that as it cometh only from God's mercy through Christ, so it is perceived and had of none which be of years of discretion, otherwise then by faith only: which faith is not an opinion, but a certain perswasiō wrought by the holy Ghost in the mind and heart of man, where through as y e mind is illumined, so the heart is soupled to submit it self to the will of God unfeignedly, & so showeth forth an inherēt righteousness, which is to be discerned in the Article of justification, from the righteousness which God endueth us withal justifying us, although inseparably they go together. And this we do not for curiosity or contention sake, but for conscience sake, that it might be quiet, which it can never be, if we confound without distinction, forgiveness of sins, and Christ's Justice imputed to us, with regeneratiō and inherent righteousness. By this we disalowe Papistical doctrine of free will, of works of supererogation, of merits, of the necessity of auricular confession, and satisfaction to Godwardes.
Fifthly, we confess and believe concerning the exterior service of God, that it ought to be according to the word of God, and therefore in the congregation all things public ought to be done in such a tongue as may be most to edify & not in Latin, where the people understand not the same.
Sixthly, we confess and believe that God only by christ Jesus is to be prayed unto and called upon, & therefore we disallow invocation or prayer to Saints departed this life.
Seventhly, we confess and believe, that as a man departeth this life, so shall he be judged in the last day generally, & in the mean season is entered either into the state of the blessed forever, or damned forever, and therefore is either past all help, or else needs no help of any in this life. By reason whereof we affirm Purgatory, Masses of Scala coeli, Trentals, and such Suffrages as the Popish Church doth obtrude as necessary, to be the doctrine of Antichrist.
Eighthly, we confess and believe the Sacraments of Christ, which be Baptism and the Lord's Supper, that they ought to be ministered according to the institution of Christ, concerning the substantial partes of them: and that they be no longer Sacraments, then they be had in use, and used to the end for the which they were instituted.
And here we plainly confess that the mutilation of the Lord's Supper, and the subtraction of the one kind from the lay people, is Antichristian.
And so is the doctrine of transubstantiation of the Sacramental bread and wyne after the words of consecration, as they be called.
Item, the adoration of the Sacrament, with honor due unto God: the reservation and carrying about of the same.
Item, the Mass to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead, or a work that pleaseth God.
All these we confess and believe to be Antichrists doctrine: as is the inhibition in Marriage as unlawful to any state. And we doubt not by God's grace, but we shall be able to prove all our confessions here to be most true by the verity of God's word, and consent of the Catholic Church, which followeth and hath followed the governance of God's spirit, and the judgment of his word.
And this thorough the Lord's help we will do, either in disputation by word before the Queens hyghnesse and her Counsayle, either before the Parliament houses, of whom we doubt not but to be indifferently heard, either with our pens, whensoever we shall be thereto by them that have authority required and commanded.
In the mean season, as obedient Subiectes we shall behave our selves towards all that be in authority, and not cease to pray to God for them, that he would govern them all, generally and particularly with the spirit of wisdom & grace. And so we heartily desire, & humbly pray all men to do, in no point consenting to any kind of rebellion or sedition against our sovereign Lady the Queens highness: but where they cannot obey, but they must disobey God, there to submit themselves with all patience and humility to suffer as the will and pleasures of the higher powers shall adjudge: as we are ready thorough the goodness of the Lord to suffer whatsoever they shall adjudge us unto, rather then we will consent to any doctrine contrary to this which we here confess, unless we shall be justly convinced thereof, either by writing or by word, before such Judges as the Queens highness and her Counsel, or the Parlamēt houses shall appoint: For the Universities and Clergy have condemned our causes already by the bigger, but not by the better part, without all disputation of the same: and therefore most justly we may, & do appeal from them to be our Judges in this behalf, except it may be in writing, that to all men the matter may appear. The Lord of mercy endue us all with the spirit of his truth and grace of perseverance therein unto the end. Amen.
The 8. of May, Anno Dom. 1554.
- Robert Menauen, alias
- Robert Ferrar.
- Rowland Taylor.
- John Philpot.
- John Bradford.
- John. Wigorne and Glouc. Episcopus, alias
- John Hooper.
- Edward Crome.
- John Rogers.
- Laurence Saunders.
- Edmund Laurence.
- I. P.
- T. M.
To these things abovesaid, do I Myles Coverdale late of Exon, consent and agree with these my afflicted brethren being prisoners with mine own hand.
And thus much concerning this present declaration subscribed by these preachers, which was on the viii. day of May.
Furthermore, the xix. day of the said month, the Lady Elizabeth, Sister to the Queen, was brought out of the Tower, and committed to the custody of Syr John Williams, after Lord Williams of Tame, of whom, her highness was gently and courteously entreated: who afterward was had to Woodstock, and there committed to the keeping of Sir Henry Benifield Knight of Oxeborough in Norfolk: who on the other side, both forgetting her estate, and his own duty, (as it is reported) shown himself more hard & straight unto her, then either cause was given of her part, or reason of his own part would have led him, if either grace or wisdom in him might have seen before, what danger afterward might have ensued thereof. Whereof we have to entreat more at large (the Lord willing) hereafter in the story & life of Queen Elizabeth.
Upon the Friday following, being the xx. of July, and S. Margaret's day, the prince of Spain lāded at Southhampton. The Prince him self was the first that landed: who immediately as he set foot upon the land, drew out his sword, and carried it naked in his hand a good pretty way.
Then met him without the Town a little the Major of Southampton, with certain Commoners, who delivered the keys of the Town unto the Prince, who removed his sword (naked as it was) out of his right hand, into his left hand, and so received the keys of the Major without any word speaking, or countenance of thankfulness, and after a while delivered the keys to the Major again. At the Town gate met him the Earl of Arundell and Lord Williams, and so he was brought to his lodging.
Upon the Wednesday following, being S. James day, and the xxv. of July, Philip Prince of Spain, & Mary Queen of England, were married together solemnly in the Cathedral Church at Winchester, by the Bishop of Winchester, in the presence of a great number of noble men of both the Realms. At the time of this marriage the Emperors Ambassador being present, openlie pronounced, y t in consideration of that Marriage, the Emperor had granted & given unto his son, the Kingdom of Naples, &c.
Whereupon the first day of August following, there was a Proclamation, that from that time forth, the style of all manner of writings should be altered, and this following should be used.
Philip and Mary by the grace of God, Kyng and Queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the Faith, Princes of Spain and Cicill, Archdukes, of Austrich, Dukes of Millaine, Burgundy, and Brabant, Counties of Haspurge, Flaunders and Tyroll.
Of this Marriage, as the Papists chiefly seemed to be very glad, so diverse of them after diverse studies, to show forth their inward affections, some made Interludes and Pagentes, some drew forth Genealogies, deriving his petigrue from Edward the third and John of Gaunte, some made Uerses. Amongst all other, Mayster Whyte, then Bishop of Lincoln (his Poetical vain being drunken with joy of the Marriage) spewed out certain Uerses: the copy whereof we have here inserted.
Philippi & Mariae Genealogia, qua ambo Principes ex Iohanne de Gandauo, Edwardi tertij, Angliae, Franciaeque Regis filio descendisse ostenduntur, Whito Lincolniense Authore.
Verses of M. White Bishop of Lincoln, concerning the Marriage of Philip and Mary.
Aunswere by the reverend Bishop of Norwich to the Bishop of Lyncolne.
Another answer by the said Author.
Other Verses answering to Bishop White, made by I. C.
*Other verses answering likewise.
After the consummation of which marriage, they both removed frō Winchester to sundry other places, and by easy journeys came to Windsore Castle, where he was stalled in the order of the Garter, upon Sunday, being the xii. of August. At which time an Herald took down the arms of England at Windsore, and in the place of them would have set the arms of Spain, but he was commanded to set them up again by certain Lord's. From thence, they both removed to Richmond, and frō thence by water came to London, and landed at y e Bishop of Winchesters house through which they passed both into Southwark park, & so to Southwarke house called Suffolk place, where they lay that night being the 18. of August.
And y e next day, being Saturday, and the xix. of August the king and Queens majesties rode from Suffolk place (accompanied with a great number, as well of noble men as gentlemen) through the City of London to White Hall and at Londō bridge as he entered at the draw bridge, was a vain great spectacle set up, two Images representyng 2. Gyantes, one named Corineus, and the other Gogmagoge holding between them certain Latin verses, which for the vain ostentation of flattery, I overpass.
And as they passed over the bridge, there was a number of ordinance shot at the Tower, such as by old men's report the like hath not been heard or seen these hundredth years.
From London Bridge they passed to the Conduit in Gracious street which was finely painted, and among other things, the ix. worthies, whereof king Henry the 8. was one. He was painted in harness having in one hand a sword, and in the other hand a book, whereupon was written Verbum Dei, delivering the same book (as it were) to his son 〈◊〉 Edward, who was painted in a corner by him.
But hereupon was no small matter made, for the Bishop of winchester Lord Chancellor, sent for the painter and not only called him knave for paynting a book in K. Henries hand, and specially for writing thereupon Verbum Dei, but also rank Traytour and Uillaine, saying to him that he should rather have put the book into the Queens hand (who was also painted there) for that she had reformed the church and religion, with other things according to the pure and sincere word of God in deed.
The Paynter answered and said, that if he had know̄ that that had been the matter wherefor his Lordship sent for him, he could have remedied it, and not have troubled his Lordship.
The bishop answered & said, that it was the Queens majesties will and commandment that he should send for him: and so commanding him to wype out the book and Verbum Dei too: he sent him home. So the Paynter departed, but fearing least he should leave some parte either of the book, or of Verbum Dei, in king Henries hand: he wiped away a piece of his fingers withal.
Here I pass over and cut of other gaudes & Pageantes of pastime shown unto him in passing through London, with the flattering verses set up in Latin, wherein were blased out in one place the five philips, as the five worthies of the world, Philip of Macedonia Philip y e Emperor, Philippus Audax, Philippus Bonus, Philip Prince of Spain and king of England.
In another Poetry K. Philip was resembled by an Image representing Orpheus, and all English people resembled to brute & savage beasts following after Orpheus harp, and daunsing after king Philip's pipe. Not that I reprehend the art of the Latin verses, which was fine and cunning, but that I pass over y e matter, having other graver things in hand, and therefore pass over also the sight at Paul's church side of him that came down upon a rope tied to the batilmentes with his head before, neither staying himself with hand or foot: which shortly after cost him his life.
But one thing by the way I cannot let pass touching the young flourishing Rood newly set up against this present tim • 〈◊〉 welcome king Phillip into Paul's Church. The setting up of which Rood was this, and may make as good a Pageant as the best.
An 2. Mariae Boner in his royalty, and all his Prebendaries about him in Paul's Quiere, the Rood laid a long upon the pavement, and also all the doors of Paul's being shut, the Bishop with other, said and song diverse prayers by the Rood: that being done they annointed the Rood with oil in diverse places, and after the anointing crept unto it and kissed it.
After that they took the said Rood and weighed him up and set him in his old accustomed place, and all the while they were doing thereof, the whole Quiere sang Te Deum, and when that was ended, they rang the Belles, not only for joy, but also for the notable and great fact they had done therein.
Not long after this, a merry fellow came into Paul's and spied the Rood with Mary and John new set up whereto (among a great sort of people) he made low courtesy and said: sir, your Maistership is welcome to town. I had thought to have talked further with your Maistership, but that ye be here clothed in the Queens colors. I hope ye be but a sommers byrd, in that ye be dressed in white and green, &c.
The Prince thus being in the Church of Paul's, after Doctor Harpesfield had finished his Oration in Latin, set forward through Fleetestreete, and so came to White hall, where he with the Queen remained four days after, and from thence removed unto Richmond.
After this, all the Lord's had leave to depart into their countries, with strait commandment to bring all their harness and artillery into the Tower of London with all speed. Now remained there no English Lord at the court but the Bishop of Winchester. From Richmond they removed to Hampton Court, where the hall door within the Court was continually shut, so that no man might enter, unless his arrand were first known: which seemed strange to English men that had not been used thereto.
About the eight day of September, Bishop Bouer began his visitation, who charged vi. men in every parish to inquire (according to their oaths) and to present before him the day after S. Matthews day, being the xxij. of September, all such persons as either had or should offend in any of his Articles, which he had set forth to the number of 37. Of the which visitation of Boner, I have somewhat more largely to entreat, after that first I shall overpass a few other things following in course of this present story.
The xvij. day of September, was a Proclamation in London, that all Uacabonds and master • es men, as well strangers as Englishmen, should depart the City within five days: & straitly charging all Inholders, Uictuallers, Tauerners, and Alehousekeepers, with all other that sell victuals, that they (after the said five days) should not sell any meat, drink, or any kind of victual to any Seruingman whatsoever, unless he brought a testimonial from his Master to declare whose servant he was, and were in continual household with his said Mayster, upon pain to run in danger of the law if they offend herein.
Uppon the Sunday following, being the xxx. day of September, the Bishop of Winchester Lord Chancellor of England preached at Paul's Cross, at whose Sermon were present all the Coūsell that were at the Court, namely the Marques of Winchester, the Earl of Arundell, Lord North, Sir Anthony Brown, Master Rochester, Master Walgraue, Master Englefild, Lord Fitzwaters, and Secretary Peter, & the Bishop of London, Duresme, & Eli, which iii. sat under the Bishops arms. The Gospel whereof he made his Sermon is writ̄ in the xxij. cha. of Math. Where the Pharisees came unto Christ, & amongst them one asked Christ which was the greatest commandment. Christ answered: Thou shalt love thy Lord God with all thy heart, &c. and thy neighbor as thyself, in these two is comprehended the Law and the Prophets.
After his long declaration of these words, speaking very much of love and charity, at the last he had occasion upon S. James his words, to speak of the true teachers, and of the false teachers, saying, that all the Preachers almost in King Edwards time, preached nothing but voluptuousness, and filthy and blasphemous lies, affirming their doctrine to be that false doctrine whereof S. James speaketh: saying, that it was full of perverse zeal, earthly, full of discord and discensiō, that the preachers aforenamed would report nothing truly, & that they taught that it was lawful for a man to put away his wife for adultery, and marry another, and that if a man vowed today, he might break it tomorrow at his pleasure, with many other things which I omit. And when he spoke of the Sacrament, he said that all the Church from the beginning have confessed Christ's natural body to be in heaven, & here to be in the Sacrament, and so concluded that matter: & then willed all men to say with Joseph's brethren: Peccauimus in fratrem. We have all sinned against our brother, and so (said he) have I to. Then he declared what a noble King & Queen we have, saying that if he should go about to show that the King came hither for no necessity or need, & what he had brought w t him, it should be superfluous, seeing it is evidently known that he hath x. times as much as we are in hope & possession of, affirming him to be as wise, sober, gentle & temperate a Prince as ever was in England, and if it were not so proved, then to take him for a false liar for his so saying: Exhorting all men to make much of him, & to wynne him whilst we had him, and so should we also win all such as he hath brought with him, and so made an ende.
Upon the Tuesday following, being the seconde day of October, xx. carts came from Westminster laden (as it was noised) with gold and silver, and certain of the Gard with them through the City to the Tower, and there it was received in by a Spaniard, who was the Kings Treasurer, and had custody of it within the Tower. It was matted about with mattes, and mayled in little bundels about two foot long, and almost half a foot thick, and every cart were six of those bundels. What it was in deed God knoweth, for it is to us uncertain.
Aboute the same time, or a little before, upon Corpus Christi day, the processiō being made in Smithfield, where after the manner the Priest with his box went under the Canapy, by chance there came by the way a certain simple man, named John Streate, a ioyner of Colemā street, who having some hast in his business, and finding no other way to pass through, by chance went under the Canapy by the Priest. The Priest seeing the man so to presume to come unto the Canapy, being belike afraid, and worse feared then hurt, for fear let his Pixe fall down. The poor man being straight ways apprehended, was had to the Counter, the Priest accusing him unto the Counsayle, as though he had come to slay him, whē as y e poor man (as he himself hath since declared unto us) had no such thought ever in his mind. Then from the Counter he was had unto Newgate, where he was cast into the Dongeon, there chayned to a post, where he was cruelly & miserably handled & so extremely dealt withal, that being but simple before, he was now feared out of his wit altogether, and so upon the same had to Bedlem. Wherupon the brief Chronicle of London in this point is not to be credited, which untruly reported that he feigned himself in Newgate to be mad: which thing, we in writing of this history by due inquisition of the party, have found to be contrary.
About the v. day of October, and within a fortnight following, were diverse as well householders as servants & prentises apprehended and taken, and committed to sundry prisons, for the having and selling of certain books which were sent into England by the Preachers that fled into Germany and other Countries, which books nipped a great number so near, that within one fortnight there were little less then threescore imprisoned for this matter: among whom, was M. Brown a Goldsmith, Mayster Sparke a Draper, Randall Tirer a Stationer, M. Beston a Marchaunt, with many other.
Upon the Sunday being the xiv. day of October, the old Bishop of Duresme preached in the shroudes.
Upon S. Luke's day following, being the xviij. of October, the Kyngs Majesty came from Westminster to Paul's Church along the Streetes, accompanied with a great number of Noble men, and there he was received under a Canapy at the West door, and so came into the Chauncell where he heard Mass (which a Spanish Bishop and his own Chapel soong) and that done, he returned to Westminster to dyner again.
Upon the Friday being the xxvj. of October, certain men, whereof I spake before, which were of Mayster Throgmortons quest, being in number viii. for the other four were delivered out of prison, for that they submitted themselves and said they had offended, like weakelyngs, not considering truth to be truth but of force for fear said so: these viii. men I say (whereof Master Immanuel Lucas, and M. Whetstone were chief) were called before the Counsaile in the Star chamber: where they all affirmed that they had done all things in that matter according to their knowledge and with good consciences, even as they should answer before God at the day of judgment. Where master Lucas said openly before all the Lord's, that they had done in the matter like honest men and true and faithful subjects, and therefore they humbly besought the Lord Chancellor and the other Lord's, to be means to the King and Queens Majesty's, that they might be discharged and set at liberty, & said that they were all contented humbly to submit themselves to their majesties, saving and reserving their truth, consciences and honesty. Some of the Lord's said that they were worthy to pay a thousand pounds a piece, and other some said that Mayster Lucas and Master Whetstone were worthy to pay a thousand marks a piece, and the rest five hundredth poūds a piece. In conclusion, sentence was given by the Lord Chancellor, that they should pay a thousand Markes a piece, and that they should go to prison again, & there remain till further order were taken for their punishment.
Upon the Tuesday being the xxx. of October, the Lord John Gray was delivered out of the Tower and set at liberty.
Upon Sunday the fourth of November, five Priests did penance at Paul's Cross, which were content to put away their wives, and take upon them again to minister. Every of them had a Taper in his hand, and a rod, wherewith the Preacher did disple them.
Upon Wednesday the vii. of November, the Lord Paget & Syr Edward Hastings Master of the horse, were sent as Ambassadors, I know not whither, but as it was adjudged, to Cardinal Poole, who lay all the summer before at Bruxelles, and it was thought: they were sent to accompany and conducte him into England, where at that time he was nominated and appointed Byshoppe of Canterbury.
Upon the Friday following the 9. of November Mayster Barlow late Bishop of Bathe, and M. Cardmaker were brought before the counsel in the Star Chamber, where a • ter communication they were commanded to the Fleet.
Upon the Saturday being the tenth of November, the Sheriffs of London had commandment to take an inuētory of everyone of their goods which were of M. Throgmortons quest, & to seal up their doors, which was done the same day. M. Whetstone, master Lucas, and Mayster Kyteley, were judged to pay 2000. pounds a piece and the rest 1000. Markes a piece, to be paid within one fortnight after. From this payment were exempted those 4. which confessed a fault and submitted themselves whose names are these, M. Loe, M. Poynter, M. Beswicke, and M. Cater.
Mention was made a little before of the visitation of Ed. Boner bishop of Londō, which began (as is said) about the month of September: for the better preparation whereof were set forth certain Articles to the number of 37. Which articles partly for the tediousness of them, partly for that master Bale in a certain treatise hath sufficiently painted out the same in their colors, partly also, because I will not infect this book with them, I slip them over, proceeding in the progress of this bishop in his visitation in the Countye of Essex. Who passing through the said Countye of Essex being attended with diverse worshipful of the shyre (for so they were commanded) ariued at Sterford in Hertfordshyre where he rested certain days, solacing himself after that painful peregrination with no small feasting and banqueting with his attendants aforesaid, at the house of one Persons his Nephew whose wife he commonly called his fair Niece (and fair she was in deed) he took there great pleasure to hear her play vpō the Uirginals (wherein she excelled) in so much y t every dinner (sitting by his sweet side) she rose and played three several times at his request of his good and spiritual deuotiō towards her. These certain days thus passed in this bishoplike fashion, he proceeded in his popish visitation towards Hadham his own house and parish, not past two miles from Sterford, being there most solemnly rang out, as in all other places whereas he passed. At length drawing nere unto Hadham, when he heard no bells there •••• ring in honor of his holiness, he grew into some choler & the nearer he approached the hotter was his fit, & the quieter the bells were, the vnquieter was his mood. Thus rode he on chafing and fuming with himself. What meaneth (saith he) that knave the Clarke, that he ringeth not, and the parson that he meeteth me not? with sundry other furious words of fiery element. There this patient prelate coming to the town, alighted, calling for the key of the Church, which was then all unready, for that (as they thē pretended) he had prevented his time by two hours, whereupon he grew frō coler to plain melancholy, so as no man willingly would deal with him to qualify the raging humor so far incorporated in his breast. At last the Church-door being opened, the Bishop entered, and finding no sacrament hanged up, nor rood lost decked after the Popysh precept (which hade commanded about the same time a well favored Rood, and of able stature universally in all Churches to be set up) curtalled his small devotions, and fell from all coler and melancholy to flat madness in the uppermost degree, swearing and raging with an huntynge • the or two, and by no beggars, that in his own Church where he hoped to have seen best order, he found most disorder (to his honors most heavy discomfort, as he said) calling the Parsō (whose name was Doctor Bricket) knave, and heretic. Who there humbled himself and yielded as it were, to his fault, saying he was sory his Lordship was come before that he and his parish looked for him: and therefore could not do their duties to receive him accordingly: & as for those things lacking, he trusted, a short time hereafter should cōpass that, which hitherto he could not bring about. Therefore if it pleased his Lordship to come to his poor house (where his dynner was prepared) he would satisfy him in those things, which his Lordship thought amiss. Yet this so reasonable an answer, nothing could satisfy nor asswage his passion unreasonable. For the Catholic Prelate utterly defied him and his chere, commanding him out of his sight saying: (as his by word was) before God thou art a knave, auant heretic, and therwithal, whether thrusting or striking at him, so it was that with his hand he gave syr Thomas Iosselin Knight (who was then amongst the rest, & stood next the bishop) a good flewe • upon the upper part of the neck, even under his ear (as some say which stood by) but as he himself said he hit him full upon the ear: whereat he was somewhat astonied at the sodennes of the quarrel for that time. At last, he spake and said, what meaneth your Lordship? have you been trained in Will Somers scole, to strike him who standeth next you? The Bishop still in rage either heard not, or would not hear.
Then M. Fecknam Dean of Paul's seeing the bishop still in this bitter rage, said: O M. Iosselin, you must bear with my lord: for truly his long imprisonment in the marshalsey, and the misusing of him there hath altered him, y t in these passions he is not ruler of himself, nor it booteth any man to give him counsel until his heat be past, & then assure yourself M. Iosselin my lord will be sory for those abuses that now he cannot see in himself. Wherunto he merrily replied and said: so it seemeth Master Fecknam, for now that he is come forth of the marshalsey, he is ready to go to Bedlem. At which merry conciepte some laughed and moe smiled because the nail was so truly hit upon the head. The Bishop nothing abashed at his own folly, gave a deaf ear, as no marvel it was that he shamed little to strike a stranger, which spared not the burning of so many good men.
After this worthy combat thus finished and achieved, this marshiall Prelate presently taketh him to his horse again (notwithstanding he was minded to tarry at Hadhā 3. or 4. days, and so had made prouisiō in his own house) and leaving his dinner rode that night with a small company of his household to Ware (where he was not looked for 3. days after) to the great wonder of all the country why he so prevented his day afore stalled.
At this hasty posting away of this Bishop, his whole trayne of attendants there left him. Also his Doctors and chaplaines (a few excepted) tarried behind, and dined at D. Brickets as merrily as he rode towards Ware all chasingly: which diner was prepared for the bishop himself. Now whether the Bishoppe were offended at those solemnities which he wanted and was accustomed to be saluted withal in other places where he iornied, joining to y t his great God was not exalted above ground over y e alter, nor his block almighty set seemly in the rood lost to entertain strangers, and therupō took occasion to quarrel with D. Bricket (whose religion percase he somewhat suspected) I have not perfectly to say, but so it was supposed of diverse the cause thereof to rise, which drave the bishop so hastily frō such a dinner. Testified by such as there and thē were present, Rich. K. &c.
A story of a Rood set up in Lankashyre.
In this Uisitation of Bishop Boner above mentioned, ye see how the bishop took on for not setting up the Rood and ringing the bells at Hadham. Ye heard also of the precept, which commanded in every parish a Rood to be erected both well favored and of an hab • e stature. By the occasion whereof, it cometh in mind (and not out of place) to story likewise what happened in a certain Town in Lankashyre nere to Lancaster called Cockram, where the Parishioners & Churchwardens having the same time a like charge for the erecting of a rood in their parish church had made their bargayn and were at a price with one that could cunningly karue & paint such idols, for the framyng of their Rood: who according to his promise, made them one, & set it up in their Church. This done, he demanded his money. But they misliking his workmanship, refused to pay him, whereupon he arrested them, and the matter was brought before the Major of Dancaster, who was a very meet man for such a purpose, and an old favorer of the Gospel, which is rare in that country. Then the karuer began to declare how they had couenaunted with him for the making of a Rood, with the appurtenaunces ready karued and set up in their Church, which he according to his promise had done and now demanding his money they refused to pay him. Is this true, quoth the Major to the Wardens? Yea Syr, said they. And why do ye not pay the poor man his due, quoth he? And it please you Mayster Major (quoth they) because the Rood we had before was a welfauored man, and he promised to make us such another: but this that he hath set us up now, is y e worst favored thing that ever you set your eyes on, gaping & grinning in such sort that none of our Children dare once look him in the face or come nere him. The major thinking that it was good enough for y e purpose if it had been worse, my masters (quoth he) howsoever the rood like you, the poor man's labor hath been never the less, and it is pity that he should have any hinderance or loss thereby. Therefore I will tell you what you shall do: Pay him the money ye promised him, and go your ways home and look on it, & if it will not serve for a God, make no more a do: but clap a pair of horns on his head, and so will he make an excellent devil. This the Parishioners took well aworth, the poor man had his money, and diverse laughed well thereat: but so did not the babilonish Priests.
This Major above mentioned continued a Protestant almost fifty years, & was the only releuer of M. Marsh the Martyr (whole story followeth hereafter) with meat, drink, and lodging while he lay in Lancaster Castle the space of iii. quarters of a year, before he was had to Chester to be burned. &c.
About this time or the month next before, which was October, there came a precept or mandate from Boner bishop of London, to all Parsons and Curates within his Dioces, for the abolishing of such scriptures & writings as had been painted upon Church walls before, in king Edward's days. The copy of which precept or mandate here we thought good to express, that the world might see the wicked proceedings of their impious zeal, or rather their malicious rage against the Lord and his word, & against the edifying of Christian people: whereby it might appear by this blotting out of these Scriptures, not only how blasphemously they spake against the holy Scriptures of God, but also howe studiously they sought by all manner of means, to keep the people still in ignorance.
A Mandate of Boner Bishop of London, to abolish the Scriptures and writings painted upon the Church Walls.
EDmund by God's permission bishop of London, to all & every Parsons, Vicars, Clerks, and lettered, within the parish of Hadham, or within the precinct of our diocese of London wheresoerver being, sendeth greeting, grace, & benediction. Because some children of iniquity, given up to carnal desires and noueltyes, have by many ways enterprised to banish the ancient manner & order of the Church and to bring in and establish sects and heresies: taking from thence the picture of Christ, and many things besides instituted and observed of ancient time laudably in the same, placing in the room thereof such things, as in such a place it behooved them not to do: & also have procured as a stay to their heresies (as they thought) certain scriptures wrongly applied, to be painted upon the Church walls, all which persons tend chiefly to this end, that they might uphold the liberty of the flesh & marriage of priests, and destroy as much as lay in them, the reverend sacrament of the alter and might extinguish and enaruate holy-days, fasting days, and other laudable discipline of the Catholic church, opening a window to all vices, and utterly closing up the way unto virtue: Wherefore we being moved with a Christian zeal, judging that the premises are not to be longer suffered do for discharge of our duty, commit unto you jointly & severally, & by the tenor hereof do straight • y charge and command you, that at the receipt hereof, with all speed convenient, you do warn, or cause to be warned, first, second, & third time, & peremptorily, all and singular Churchwardens and Parishioners whosoever within your foresaid Dioces of London, wheresoever any such Scriptures or payntings have been attempted, that they abolish and extinguishe such manner of Scriptures, so that by no means they be either readde or seen, and therein to proceed moreover as they shall see good and laudable in this behalf. And if after the said monition, the said Churchwardens and Parishioners shall be found remiss and negligent, or culpable, then you jointly and severally shall see the foresaid Scriptures to be rased abolished and extinguished forthwith: citing all and singular those Churchwardens and Parishioners (whom we also for the same do cite here by the tenor hereof) that all and singular the said Churchwardens and Parishyoners being slack and negligent, or culpable therein, shall appear before us our Vicar general and principal official, or our Commissary special in our Cathedral Church of S. Paul at Londō, in the Consistory there, at the hour appointed for the same, the sixth day next after their citation if it be a court day, or else at the next court day after ensuing▪ whereas either we or our Officiall or Commissary shall sit: there to say and allege for themselves some reasonable cause: if they have or cantell of any, why they ought not to be excommunicated, and otherwise punished for their such negligence, slackenesse, & fault, to say and to allege, and further to do and receive, as law & reason requireth. And what you have done in the premises, do you certify us, or our Vicar, principal Officiall, and such our Commissary, diligently and duly in all things, and through all things, or let him among you thus certify us, which hath taken upon him to execute this Mandate: In witness whereof we have set our seals to these presents. Dated in the bishops palace at London the 25. day of the month of October in the year of our Lord 1454. and of our translation the 16▪
About this time the L. Chancellor sent M. Christopherson unto the university of Cambridge with these 3. Articles, which he enjoined them to observe.
The first, that every scholar should wear his apparel according to his degree in the schools.
The second was touching the pronūciation of y e Greek tongue.
The third, that every Preacher there should declare the whole style of the king and Queen in their sermons.
In this university of Cambridge, and also of Oxford, by reason of the bringing of these things, and especially for the alteration of religion, many good wits and learned men departed the Universities: of whō, some of their own accord gave over, some were thrust out of their felowships some were miserably handled: in so much that in Cambridge in the College of Saint John, there were 24. places void together, in whose rooms were taken in 24. other which neither in virtue nor in religiō seemed to answer to them before. And no less miserable, was the state of Oxford, by reason of the time, and the straight dealing of the visitours that for setting forward their Papistical procedinges, had no regard or respect to the forwardness of good wits, and the maynteinaunce of good letters beginning then more & more to flourish in that Uniuersity.
And for so much as we have entered into the mention of Oxford, we may not pass over in silence the famous exhortation of D. Tresham who supplying the room of y e Subdeane in Christ's Church, after he had called all the Studentes of the College together, with great Eloquence & art persuasory, began to commend the dignity of the mass unto them, declaring that there was stuff in Scripture enough to prove the mass good. Then to allure them to the catholic service of the Church, he used these reasons declaring that there were a goodly company of Copes, that were appointed to Windsore, but he had found the Queen so gracious unto him, that they should come to Christ's church. Now if they like honest men, would come to Church, they should wear them on holy-days. And besides all this, he would get them the Lady Bell of Bampton, & that should make the sweetest ring in all England. And as for an holy watersprinckle, he had already the fairest that was within the realm, Wherefore he thought that no man would be so mad to forgo these commodityes. &c.
Which things I rehearse, that it may appear what want of descretion is in the fathers of popery, & into what idle follies such men do fall. Whome I beseech the Lord if it be his pleasure, to reduce to a better truth, & to opē their eyes to see their own blindness.
To proceed now further in the course & race of our story where as we left, being before in the month of Nouēber it followeth more that in the xii. day of the same month of November being Monday, began the Parliament holden at Westminster, to the beginning whereof both the king and Queen rode in their Parliament robes having 2. swords borne before them. The Earl of Penbroke bare his sword, & the Earl of Westmorland bare the Queens. They had ii. cappes of maynteinaunce borne before them: whereof the Earl of Arundell bare one, and the Earl o • Shrewsbury the other.
Cardinal Poole landed at Dover upon the Wednesday being the xxi. day of November, on which day one Act passed in the parliament for his restitution in blood, utterly repealing as false & most slanderous that Act made against him in king Henry the eightes time, and on the next day being Thursday and the xxij. of November, the King and the Queen both came to the Parliament house to give their royal assent & to establish this Act against his coming.
Upon the Saturday being the xxiiij. of November, the said Cardinal came by water to London, & so to Lambeth house which was ready prepared against his coming.
Upon the Wednesday following being the 28. of November, there was general procession in Paul's for joy y t the Queen was conceived and quick with child, as it was declared in a letter sent from the counsel to the Bishop of London. The same day at this procession was present ten Bishops with all the Prebendaries of Paul's, and also the Lord Major with the Aldermen, and a great number of Commons of the City in their best array. The Copy of the Councils letter here followeth, ad perpetuam rei memoriam.
*A Copy of a letter sent from the Counsel unto Edmund Boner Bishop of London, concerning Queen Mary conceived with Child.
AFter our hearty commendations unto your good Lordship whereas it hath pleased almighty God amongst other his infinite benefits of late most graciouslye poured upon us and this whole Realm, to extend his benediction upon the Queens majesty in such sort, as she is conceived and quick of child. Whereby (her majesty being our natural liege Lady, queen & undoubted inheritor of this imperial crown) good hope of certain succession in the crown is given unto us, & consequently the great calamities, which (for want of such succession might otherwise have fallen upon us, & our posterity) shall by God's grace be well avoided, if we thankfully acknowledge this benefit of almighty God, endeavoring our selves with earnest repentance to thank honor and serve him as we be most bounden: These be not only to advertise you of these good news, to be by you published in all places within your Dioces, but also to pray and require you, that both yourself do give God thanks with us for this his especial grace, and also give order that thanks may be openly given by singing of Te Deum in all the churches within your said Dioces: and that likewise all priests and other Ecclesiastical ministers, in their Masses and other divine services, may continually pray to almighty God, so to extend his holy hand over his majesty, the kings highness and this whole Realm, as this thing being by his omnipotent power graciously thus begun may by the same be well continued and brought to good effect, to the glory of his name. Whereunto, albeit we doubt not, ye would of yourself have had special regard without these our letters yet for the earnest desire we have to have this thing done out of hand, & diligently continued, we have also written these our letters, to put you in remembrance: and so bid your Lordship most heartily well to fare.
From Westminster the 27. of November 1554.
Your assured loving friends.
- S. Winton. Chancel.
- Arundell.
- F. Shrewesbury.
- Edward Darby,
- Henry Sussex.
- John Bathon.
- R Rich.
- Thomas Warthom.
- John Huddilstone.
- R. Southwell.
Also the same day in the afternoon, Cardinal Poole came to the Parliament house, which at that present was kept in the great Chamber of the Court at Whitehall: for that the Queen was then sick, and could not go abroad: where as (the King and Queens Majesty's sitting under y e cloth of Estate, & the Cardinal sitting on their right hand, with all the other Estates of the Parliament being present) the Bishop of Winchester being Lord Chancellor, began in this manner.
The words of Winchester for receiving of the Cardinal.
MY Lord's of the upper house, & you my Masters of the nether house, here is present the right reverend father in God my Lord Cardinal Poole come frō the apostolicke Sea of Rome. As Ambassador to the king and Queens Majesty's, upon one of the weightiest causes that ever happened in this Realm, & which pertaineth to the glory of God, and your universal benefit. The which Ambassage their Majesty's pleasure is to be signified unto you all by his own mouth, trusting that you will receive and accept it in as beneuolent and thankful wise, as their highnesses have done, and that you will give an attent and inclinable ear unto him.
When the Lord Chancellor had thus ended his talk, the Cardinal taking the time then offered, began his Oration, wherein he declared the causes of his coming, and what were his desires and requests. In the which mean time, the Court gate was kept shut until he had made an end of his Oration. The tenor and words whereof here followeth.
The tenor of Cardinal Pooles Oration. made in the Parliament house.
MY Lord's all, and you that are the Commons of this present Parliament assembled, which in effect is nothing else but the state and body of the whole realm, as the cause of my repair hither hath been most wisely & gravely declared by my Lord Chancellor, so before that I enter to the particularities of my Commission, I have somewhat touching myself, and to give most humble and hearty thanks to the king and Queens Majesty's, and after them to you all, which of a man exiled and banished from this Cōmon wealth, hath restored me to be a menber of the lame, & of a man having no place, neither here, or else where within this Realm, have admitted me in place, where to speak and to be heard. This I protest unto you all, that though I was exiled my native country without just cause as God knoweth, yet the ingratitude could not pull from me the affection and desire that I had to profit & do you good. If the offer of my service might have been received, it was never to seek, and where that could not be taken, you never failed of my prayer, nor never shall.
But leaving the rehearsal thereof, and coming more near to the matter of my Commission, I signify unto you all that my principal travel is, for the restitution of this noble realm to the ancient nobility, and to declare unto you, that the Sea Apostolic from whence I come, hath a special respect to this realm above all other, & not without cause seeing that God himself, as it were by providence hath given this realm, prerogative of Nobility above other, which to make more plain unto you, it is to be considered that this Island, first of all Ilandes received the light of Christ's religion. For as stories testify, it was prima prouinciarum quae amplexa est fidem Christi.
For the Britain's being first inhabitauntes of this Realm (notwithstanding the subjection of Emperors and heathen Princes) did receive Christ's faith from the Apostolic Sea universally, and not in partes as other Countries nor by one and one, as Clockes increase their hours by distinction of times, but altogether at once, as it were in a moment. But after that their ill merits or forgetfulness of God had deserved expulsion, and that Straūgers being Infidels had possessed this land, yet God of his goodness not leaving where he once loved, so illuminated the hearts of the Saxons being Heathen men, that they forsook the darkness of heathen errors and embraced the light of Christ's religion. So that within small space, idolatry and Heathen superstition was utterly abandoned in this Island.
This was a great prerogative of Nobility, whereof though the benefit thereof be to be ascribed to God, yet the mean occasion of the same came frō the church of Rome. In the faith of which Church, we have ever since continued and consented with the rest of the world in unity of religion. And to show further the fervent devotion of the inhabitants of this Island towards the Church of Rome, we read that diverse princes in the Saxons time w t great travel & expenses went personally to Rome, as Offa & Adulphus which thought it not enough to show themselves obedient to the said Sea, unless that in their own persons they had gone to that same place from whence they had received so great a grace and benefit.
In this time of Carolus Magnus who first founded the Uniuersity of Paris, he sent into England for Alcuinus a great learned man, which first brought learning to that Uniuersity, Whereby it seemeth that the greatest part of the world set the light of the religion from England.
Adrian the fourth being an Englishmā, converted Norway from infidelity, which Adrian afterwards, vpō great affection and love that he bare to this Realm, being his native country, gave to Henry the second king of England the righte and segniory of the dominion of Ireland, which pertained to the Sea of Rome.
I will not rehearse the manifold benefits that this Realm hath received frō the Apostolic Sea, nor how ready y e same hath been to relieve us in all our necessities. Nor I will not rehearse the manifold miseries & calamities that this realm hath suffered by swerving from that unity. And even as in this realm, so in all other countries which refusing the unity of the Catholic saith have followed fantastical doctrine, the like plagues have happened. Let Asia and the Empire of Greece be a spectacle unto the world who by swerving from the unity of the Church of Rome are brought into captivity & subiectiō of the Turk. All stories be full of like examples. And to come unto the latter time, look upon our neighbors of Germany, who by swerving from this unity, are miserably afflicted with diversity of sects and divided in factions.
What shall I rehearse unto you the tumults & effusiō of blood, y t hath happened there of late days? Or trouble you with the rehearsal of those plagues that have happened since this innovation of religion, where you have felt the bitterness, and I have heard the report? Of all which matters I can say no more, but such was the misery of the time. And see how far forth this fury went. For those that live under the Turk, may freely live after their conscience, and so was it not lawful here.
If men examine well upon what grounds these innovations began: they shall well find that the roo • of this as of many other mischiefs, was avarice, and that the lust & carnal affection of one man confounded all laws both divine and human. And notwithstanding all these devises and policies practiced within this realm against y e church of Rome, they needed not to have lost you, but that they thought rather as friends to reconcile you, then as enemies to infest you. For they wanted not great offers of the most mighty Potentates in all Europe to have aided the Church in that quarrel. Then mark the sequel: There seemed by these chaūges to rise a great face of riches & gayn which in proof came to great misery and lack. See how God then can confound the wisdom of the wise, & turn unjust policy to mere folly, & that thing that seemed to be done for relief, was cause of plain ruin & decay. Yet see that goodness of God, which at no time failed us, but most beningly offered his grace, when it was of our partes least sought, and worse deserved.
And when all light of true religion seemed utterly extinct, as the churches defaced, the aultars overthrown, the Ministers corrupted: even like as in a lamp the light being covered, yet it is not quenched, even so in a few remained the confession of Christ's faith, namely in the breast of the Queens excellency, of whom to speak without adulation, the saying of the prophet may be verified: Ecce quasi derelicta.
And see how miraculously God of his goodness preserved her highness, contrary to the expectatiō of man, y t whē numbers conspired against her, and policies were devised to disherite her, and armed power prepared to destroy her yet she being a virgins helpeles, naked and unarmed, prevailed, & had the victory of tyrants, which is not to be ascribed to any policy of man, but to y e almighty great goodness and providence of God, to whom the honor is to be given. And therefore it may be said, Da gloriam Deo. For in man's judgment, on her graces part, was nothing in appearance, but despair.
And yet for all these practices and devises of ill men here you see her Grace established in her estate being your lawful Queen and Gouernesse, borne among you, whō God hath appointed to reign over you for the restitution of true religion, and extirpation of all errors and sects. And to confirm her grace the more strongly in this enterprise, loe how the providence of God hath joined her in marriage with a Prince of like religion, who being a King of great might, armor & force, yet useth towards you neither armor nor force, but seeketh you by the way of love and amity: in which respect great cause you have to give thankes to almighty God, that hath sent you such a catholic Gouernesse. It shall be therefore your part again to love, obey and serve them.
And as it was a singular favor of God to conjoin thē in marriage, so it is not to be doubted but that he shall send them issue, for the comfort & surety of this commō wealth. Of all Princes in Europe, the Emperor hath trauayled most in the cause of Religion, as it appeareth by his acts in germany: yet happily by some secret judgment of god, he hath not achieved the end. With whom in my journey hitherwardes I had conference touching my legation, whereof whē he had understanding, he shown great appearance of most earnest joy & gladness, saying that it rejoiced him no less of y e recōcilemēt of this realm unto christiā unity, thē that his son was placed by marriage in y e kingdom, and most glad he was of all, that the occasion thereof should come by me, being an English man borne, which is, (as it were) to call home our selves. I can well compare him to David, which though he were a man elect of God, yet for that he was contaminate with blood and war, he could not build the temple of Ierusalē, but left the finishing thereof to Solomon, which was Rex pacificus. So may it be thought that the appeasing of controversies of religion in christianity, is not appointed to this Emperor, but rather to his son, who shall perform the building that his Father hath begun. Which church cannot be perfectly built, without universally in all Realms we adhere to one head, and do acknowledge him to be the Vicar of God, and to have power frō above. For all power is of God, according to the saying, Non est potestas nisi a Deo. And therefore I consider that all power, being in God, yet for the conservation of quiet & godly life in the world, he hath derived that power frō above into two partes here in earth: which is into the power Imperial and Ecclesiastical. And these two powers, as they be several and distinct, so have they two seuerell effects and operations. For secular Princes to whom the temporal sword is committed, be ministers of god to execute vengeance upon transgressors and evil livers, and to preserve the well doers and Innocentes from injury and violence. Which power is represēted in these two most excellent persons, the king & Queens Majesty's here present, who have this power committed unto them immediately from God, without any superior in that behalf.
The other power is of ministratiō, which is the power of the keys, and order in the ecclesiastical state, which is by the authority of gods word, & examples of the apostles, and of all old holy fathers from Christ hitherto, attributed and given to the Apostolic sea of Rome by special prerogative. From which sea I am here deputed Legate & Embassador, having full and ample cōmissiō from thence, and have the keys committed to my hands. I confess to you that I have the keys, not as mine own keys, but as the keys of him that sent me: and yet cannot opē, not for wat of power in me to give, but for certain impedimēts in you to receive, which must be taken away before my commission can take effect. This I protest before you, my Commission is not of prejudice to any persō. I come not to destroy but to build, I come to reconcile, not to condemn, I come not to compel, but to call again, I am not come to call anything in question already done, but my Commission is of grace and clemency, to such as will receive it. For touching all matters that be past, they shall be as things cast into the sea of forgetfulness.
But the mean whereby you shall receive this benefit, is to revoke and repeal those laws and statutes, which be impediments, blocks, and bars to the executiō of my commission. For like as I myself had neither place nor voice to speak here among you, but was in all respects a banished man, till such time as ye had repealed those laws, that lay in my way: even so cannot you receive the benefit and grace offered from the apostolick sea, until the abrogation of such laws, whereby you have disioined and disseuered yourselves from the unity of Christ's Church.
It remaineth therefore, that you like true Christians & provident men for the weal of your souls & bodies, ponder what is to be done in this so weighty a cause, and so to frame your acts and proceedings, as they may tend first to the glory of God, and next to the conservation of your common wealth, surety and quietness.
The next day after, the 3. Estates assembled again in the great chamber of the Court at Westminster: where the king and queenes majesties, and the Cardinal being present, they did exhibit (sitting all on their knees) a supplication to their highnesses, the tenor whereof ensueth.
*The Copy of the supplication and submission exhibited to the king and Queens majesties, by the Lord's and Commons of the Parliament.
WE the Lord's spiritual, and temporal, and the commons of this present parliament, assembled, representing the whole body of the realm of England, and dominions of the same, in our own names particularly, and also of the said body universally in this supplicatiō directed to your maiestyes, with most humble suit, that it may by your gracious intercession and mean be exhibited to the most reverend father in God, the Lord Cardinal Poole Legate, sent specially hither from our most holy father Pope Julius the third, and the Sea Apostolic of Rome, do declare our selves very sorry and repentant for the schism and disobedience committed in this realm and the dominions of the same, against the said sea Apostolic, either by making, agreing, or executing any laws, ordinances, or commandments against the supremacye of the said sea, or otherwise doing or speaking, that might impugn the same: Offring our selves & promising by this our supplication, that for a token and knowledge of our said repentance, we be, and shall be always ready, under and with the authorities of your Majesty's, to the uttermost of our power, to do that shall be in us, for the abrogation and repealing of the said laws and ordinances in this present parliament, as well for our selves, as for the whole body, whom we represent.
Whereupon we most humbly beseech your majesties, as persons undefiled in the offense of his body towards the said Sea, which nevertheless God by his providence hath made subject to your majesties so to set forth this our moste humble suit, that we may obtain from the sea Apostolic, by the said most reverent father, as well particularly as universally, Absolution, release and discharge from all danger of such Censures, and sentences, as by the laws of the church we be fallen in, and that we may, as children repentant, be received into the bosom & unity of Christ's church, so as this noble Realm, with all the members thereof, may in unity and perfect obedience to the Sea Apostolic, and Popes for the time being, serve GOD and your Majesty's to the furtherance and advancement of his Honor and Glorye. Amen.
The Supplication being read, the king and Queen delivered the same unto the Cardinal, who (perceiving y e effect thereof to answer his expectation) did receive the same most gladly from their Majesty's: and after he had in few words given thanks to God, and declared what great cause he had to rejoice above all others, that his coming from Rome into England had takē most happy success: He by the Popes authority, did give them this absolution following.
An absolution pronounced by Cardinal Poole, to the whole Parliament of England, in the presence of the King and Queen.
OUr Lord Jesus Christ which with his most precious blood hath redeemed and washed us frō all our sins and iniquities, that he might purchase unto himself a glorious spouse without spot or wrinkle, & whō the Father hath appointed head over all his church: he by his mercy absolve you. And we by apostolick authority given unto us by the most holy lord Pope Julius the 3. his Uicegerent in earth) do absolve & deliver you, and every of you with the whole Realm and the Dominions thereof, from all Heresy and Schism, and from all and every judgment, Censures, and pains, for that cause incurred: & also we do restore you again, unto the unity of our Mother the holy Church: as in our Letters more plainly it shall appear: In the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy Ghost.
When all this was done they went into the Chapel, and there singing Te Deum, with great solemnity, declared the joy and gladness that for this reconciliation was pretended.
The report of this was with great speed sent unto Rome, as well by the king and Cardinals Letters, which hereafter follow: as also otherwise. Wherupō the pope caused there at Rome processions to be made, and thanks to be givē to God with great joy, for the conversion of England to his Church: and therefore praising the Cardinals diligence, and the devotion of the king and queen, on Christmas even, by his Bulls he set forth a general pardō to all such as did truly rejoice for the same.
A copy of king Philip's Letter, written with his own hand to Pope Julius, touching the restoring of the Realm of England.
MOst holy Father, I wrote yesterday unto Don John Maurique, that he should declare by word of mouth, or else write to your holiness, in what good state the matter of religion stood in this Realm, and of the submission to your holiness, as to the chief. As this day, which is the feast of S. Andrew, late in the evening, we have done God that service (to whose only goodness we must impute it, and to your holiness, who have taken so great pain to gain these souls) that this realm with full & general consent of all them that represent the state, being very penitent for that was past and well bent to that they come to do, submitted themselves to youe holiness, & to that holy Sea, whom at the request of the Queen and me, your Legate did absolve. And forasmuch as the said Don John shall signify unto your holiness, all that passed in this matter, I will write no more thereof, but only that the Queen & I, as most faithful & devout children of your holiness, have received the greatest joy and comfort hereof, that may be expressed with tongue: Considering that besides the service done to God hereby, it hath chanced in the time of your holiness, to place as it were in the lap of the holy Catholic church, such a kingdom as this is. And therefore I think I cannot be thankful enough for that is done this day. And I trust in him, that your holiness shall always understand, that the holy sea hath not had a more obedient son then I, not more desirous to preserve and increase the authority of the same. God guid and prosper the most holy personage of your holiness as I desire.
From London the xxx. of November. 1554.
Your holiness most humble Son the king. &c.
Here followeth likewise the Cardinals letter to the said Pope concerning the same matter.
THose things which I wrote unto your holiness of late, of that hope, which I trusted would come to pass, that in short space this realm would be reduced to the unity of the church, & obedience of the Apostolic sea, though I did write them not without great cause: yet nevertheless, I could not be void of all fear, not only for that difficulty, which the minds of our countrymen did show, being so long alienated from the sea Apostolic, and for the old hatred which they had borne so many years to that name: but much more I feared, least the first entry into the cause itself should be put of by some other by matter or conuention coming betwixt.
For the avoiding whereof, I made great means to the king and Queen, which little needed, for their own godly forwardness, and earnest desire to bring the thing to pass, far surmounted my great and earnest expectation. This day in the evening being S. Andrew's day, (who first brought his brother Peter to Christ) it is come to pass by the providence of God, that this Realm is reclaimed to give due obedience to Peters seat and your holiness, by whose means it may be cōjoined to Christ the head, & his body, which is the Church. The thing was done and concluded in Parliament (the king and queen being present) with such full consent & great rejoicing, that incontinently after I had made my Oration, and given the Benediction with a great joy, and shout, there was diverse times said, Amen, Amen: which doth evidently declare, that that holy seed, although it hath been long oppressed, yet was not utterly quenched in them: which chiefly was declared in the Nobility. Returning home to my house, these things I wrote unto your holiness upon the sudden rejoicing that I had of so weighty a matter, so luckely brought to pass by the divine providence, thinking to have sent my letters by the kings post, who? as it was said) should have departed shortly: but afterwards, changing my purpose, when I had determined to send one of mine own men, I thought good to add this much to my Letters, for the more ample gratulation and rejoicing at that good chance: which thing as it was right great gladness to me, through the event of the same (being it self very great, and so holy, so profitable to the whole Church, so healthsome to this my Country, which brought me forth, so honorable to y e same (which received me) so likewise I took no less rejoicing of y e Princes themselves, through whose virtue and godliness the matter did take success and perfection. Of how many, and how great things may the Church (which is the spouse of Christ, & our mother) make her accompt through those her children? Oh notable zeal of godliness, Oh ancient faith which undoubtedly doth so manifestly appear in thē both that who so seeth them, must needs (whether he will or no) say the same which the Prophette spake of, of the first children of the Church: Isti sunt semen, cui benedixit Dominus. Haec plantatio Domini ad gloriandum. That is. These are the seed which the Lord hath blessed. This is the Lord's planting to glory in. How holily did your holiness with all your authority and earnest affection favor this marriage, which truly seemeth to express a great similitude of y e highest king, which being heir of the world, was sent down by his father from the Regal seat, to be Spouse and Son of the Virgin, & by this means to comfort all mankind: for even so this king himself, the greatest heir of all men which are in the earth, leaving his fathers kingdoms that are most great, is come into his little kingdom, and is become both the spouse, and son of this Virgin (for he so behaveth himself as though he were a son, whereas in deed he is an husband) that he might (as he hath in effect already performed) show himself an ayder & helper to reconcile this people to christ, & his body, which is the church. Which things seeing they are so, what may not our mother the Church her self look for at his hands that hath brought this to pass, to convert the hearts of the Fathers towards their Sons, and the unbelievers to the wisdom of the righteous, which virtue truly doth wonderfully shine in him. But the Queen, which at that time when your holiness sent my Legate unto her, did rise up as a rod of incēce springing out of the trees of mirre, and as Frankincence our in the desert, she I say, which a little before was forsakē of all men, how wonderfully doth she now shine? what a savor of myrre & frankincēce doth she give forth unto her people? which (as y e Prophet saith, of the mother of Christ) brought forth before she labored, before she was delivered brought forth a man child, whoever heard of such a thing? and who hath seen the like of this? shall y e earth bring forth in one day, or shall a whole natiō be brought forth together? But she hath now brought forth a whole nation before the time of that delivery, whereof we are in most great hope.
How great cause is given to us to rejoice? How great cause have we to give thanks to God's mercy, your holiness and the Emperors majesty, which have been causers of so happy and so godly a marriage, by which we being reconciled, are joined to God the father, to Christ & to the Church? of the which, although I cannot comprehend in words the joy that I have taken, yet I cannot keep silence of it. And to this my rejoicing, this also was joined (which whē I had perceived by the letters of the reverend Archb. of Cousane, your holiness Nuncio, with the Emperors majesty, brought me marvelous great gladness) y t your said holiness began to restore to y e aūciēt beauty, those things which in the Church of Rome through the corruptiō of times were deformed, which truly whē it shall be finished, thē in deed may we well cry out with y e Prophet, and speak unto your holiness with these words. Exue te stola luctus & vexationis & indue te decore, qui a deo tibi est in gloria sempiterna: nominabitur enim tibi nomen tuum a deo sempiternū, pax iustitiae, & honor pietatis. Tum autē dicetur, circumspice & vide collectos filios tuos ab oriente sole us{que} in occidēt • m, verbo sancto gaudentem. That is: Put of the stool of sorrow and vexation and put on comliness, which thou hast of God in everlasting glory. For thy name shall be named of God everlasting, peace of righteousness, and honor of godliness: & then it shall be said: look about and see thy sons gathered together from the son rising to the going down of the same, rejoicing in the holy word. There is nothing truly (to speak of thy children gathered together in the West, which prepare thenselves to meet their mother) which they had rather see, thē her appareled (that I may use the words of the prophet) in that garment of righteousness, wherewith God adorned her in times past. This one thing remaineth, that your holiness joy, and the joy of all the universal Church may be perfected, which together with us her unworthy children, ceaseth not to pray to God for it. The almighty God preserve your holiness long to continue in health, for the profit of his church.
Frō London the last of November. 1554.
Your most humble servant Reginald Poole Cardinal.
Upon the Sunday following, being the 2. of December the Bishop of Wynchester Lord Chancellor of England preached at Paul's Cross, at which Sermon was present the King and Cardinal Poole. He took for his Theame this parte of the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans the 13. chap. This also we know the season (brethren) that we should now awake out of sleep, for now is our salvation nearer, then when we believed &c.
Some notes whereof as they came to my hands faithfully gathered (as it appeareth by sundry copyes) I have here thought good to set forth.
First, he shown how the saying of S. Paul was verified upon the gentiles, who had a long time slept in dark ignorance not knowing god: therefore S. Paul (quoth he) to stir up their heavy dullness, willed them to wake out of their long sleep, because their salvation was nearer then when they believed. In amplifying this matter, & comparing our times with theirs: he took occasiō to declare what difference the Jewish Sacraments had, from those of the Christians, wherein he used these words:
Even as the Sacraments of the Jews did declare Christ to come, so doth our sacraments declare Christ to be already come: but Christ to come, and Christ to be come is not all one. For now that he is come, the Jews sacraments be done away, and ours only remain, which declare y t he is already come, & is nearer us then he was to the fathers of the old law: for they had him but in signs, but we have him in the Sacrament of the alter, even his very body. Wherefore now also it is time that we awake out of our sleep, who have slept, or rather dreamed these xx. years past, as shall more easily appere by declaring at large some of the properties and effects of a sleep or dream. And first, as men intending to sleep, do separate themselves frō company, and desire to be alone: even so have we separated our selves from the sea Apostolic of Rome, and have been alone, no Realm in Christendom like us.
Secondly, as in sleep men dream sometime of killing, sometime of maiming, sometime of drowning, or burning sometime of such beastliness as I will not name, but will spare your ears: so have we in this our sleep, not only dreamed of beastliness but we have done it in deed. For in this our sleep, hath not one brother destroyed another? Hath not half our money been wiped away at one time? And again those that would defend their conscience, were slain: and others also otherwise troubled, besides infinite other things: which you all know as well as I: whereof I report me to your own consciences.
Farther in a man's sleep all his senses are stopped, so y t he can neither see, smell, nor hear, even so whereas the ceremonies of the church were instituted to move and stir up our senses, they being taken away, were not our senses (as ye would say) stopped and we fast a sleep? Moreover whē a man would gladly sleep, he will put forth the candle least peradventure it may let his sleep, & awake him: So of late all such writers as did hold anything with the Apostolic Sea were condemned, and forbid̄ to be read and Images (which were lay men's books) were cast down and broken.
The sleep hath continued with us these xx. years, and we all that while without a head. For when King Henry did first take upon him to be head of the church, it was thē no Church at all. After whose death, King Edward (having over him Governors and Protectours which ruled as them listed) could not be head of the Church but was only a shadow or sign of a head: and at length it came to pass, that we had no head at all, no, not so much as our 2. Archbishops. For on the one side, the Queen being a woman could not be head of the Church, and on the other side they both were convicted of one crime & so deposed. Thus while we desired to have a supreme head among us, it came to pass that we had no head at all. When the tumult was in the North, in the time of king Henry the • . (I am sure) the king was determined to have given over the supremacy again to the Pope: but the hour was not then come, and therefore it went not forward, least some would have said, that he did it for fear.
After this M. Kneuet, and I were sent Ambassadors unto the Emperor to desire him that he would be a mean between the popes holiness and the king, to bring the king to the obedience of the sea of Rome: but the time was neither yet come. For it might have been said, that it had been done for a civil policy. Agayne, in the beginning of Kyng Edward's reign, the matter was moved, but the time was not yet: for it would have been said that the king (being but a child) had been bought and sold. Neither in the beginning of the Queens reign was the hour come. For it would have been said that it was done in a time of weakness Likewise when the king first came, if it had been done, they might have said it had been by force & violence. But now even now, hora est, the hour is come, when nothing can be objected, but that it is the mere mercy and providence of God. Now hath the Popes holiness, Pope Julius the 3. sent unto us this most reverend father, Cardinal Poole, an Ambassador from his side. What to do? not to revenge the injuries done by us against his holiness: sed benedicere maledicētibus, to give his benedictiō to those which defamed and persecuted him.
And that we may be the more meet to receive the said benedictiō, I shall desire you that we may always acknowledge our selves offenders against his holiness. I do not exclude myself forth of the number. I will flere cum flentibus, & gaudere cum gaudentibus, that is: weep with them that weep and rejoice with them which rejoice. And I shall desire you that we may defer the matter no longer, for now hora est the hour is come. The King and the Queens Majesty's have already restored our holy Father the Pope to his supremacy and the three estates assembled in the Parliament representing the whole body of the Realm have also submitted themselves to his holiness, and his successors forever. Wherefore let not us any longer stay. And even as S. Paul said to the Corinthians, that he was their father, so may the Pope say that he is our Father: for we received our doctrine first from Rome, therefore he may challenge us as his own. We have all cause to rejoice, for his holiness hath sent hither, and prevented us before we sought him: such care hath he for us. Therefore let us say: Haec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus & laetemur in ea, Rejoice in this day which is of the Lord's working: that such a noble man of birth is come, yea such a holy Father (I mean my Lord Cardinal Poole) which can speak unto us, as unto brethren, and not as unto strangers: who hath a long time been absent. And let us now awake, which so long have slept, and in our sleep have done so much naughtiness against the Sacraments of Christ, denying the blessed Sacrament of the Aultar, and pulled down the aultars which thing Luther himself would not do, but rather reproved them that did, examining them of their belief in Christ.
This was the sum of this Sermon before his prayers, wherein he prayed, first for the Pope, Pope Julius the 3. withal his College of Cardinals, the B. of Londō with the rest of that order: then for the king and Queen & the nobility of this Realm, and last for the commons of the same, with the souls departed, lying in the pains of Purgatory. This ended (the time being late) they began in Paul's to ring to their Euening song, whereby the precher could not be well heard, which caused him to make a short end of this clerkly Sermon.
About this very time a Poste or Messenger was sent frō the whole Parliament to the Pope, to desire him to cōfirm and establish the sale of Abbey lands and Chauntry lands: For the Lord's and the Parliament would grant nothing in the Popes behalf before their purchases were fully confirmed.
Upon the Thursday following, being the 6. day of december, and S. Nicholas day, all the whole Conuocation both Bishops and other: were sent for to Lambeth to the Cardinal, who the same day forgave them all their per • urations, schisms, and heresies, and they all there kneeled down and received his absolution, and after an exhortation and gratulation for their conversion to the catholic church made by the Cardinal, they departed.
Upon the Wednesday being the 12. of December, five of the 8. men (which lay in the Fleet, that were of M. Throgmortons quest) were discharged and set at liberty upon their fine paid, which was ccxx.li. a piece, and the other • our put up a Supplication, therein declaring, that their goods did not amount to the sum that they were appointed to pay, and so upon that declaration paying lx.li. a piece, they were delivered out of prison upon S. Thomas day before Christmas, being the xxi. of December.
Upon the Saturday following, being the xxij. of December, all the whole Parliament had strait commandment, that none of them should depart into their country this Christmas, nor before the Parliament were ended. Which commandment was wonderful contrary to their expectations. For as well many of the Lord's, as also many of the inferior sort had sent for their horse, and had them brought hither.
Upon the Friday following, being the 28. of December, and Childermas day, the Prince of Piedmont came to the court at Westminster.
Anno. 1555.
Upon Newyeares day at night following, certain honest men and women of the City, to the number of xxx. & a minister with them named M. Rose, were taken as they were in a house in Bow Churchyard at the Communion, and the same night they were all committed to prison. And on the Thursday following, being the 3. day of January, M. Rose was before the B. of Winchester being L. Chancellor, and from thence the same day he was committed to the Tower, after certain communication had between the Bishop and him.
The same day the Act of the supremacy past in the parliament. Also the same day at night was a great tumult between Spaniards & English men at Westminster, whereof was like to have ensued great mischief through a Spanish Frier, which got into the Church and rong Alarum. The occasion was about two whores which were in the cloister of Westminster with a sort of Spaniards, whereof whilst some played the knaves with them, other some did keep the entry of the Cloister with Dags in harneis. In the mean time certain of the Deans men came into the cloister, and the Spaniards discharged their dags at them and hurt some of them. By and by the noise of this doing came into the streets, so that the whole town was up almost, but never a stroke was stricken. Notwithstandyng, the noise of this doing with the Deans men, and also the ringing of the Alarum made much ado, and a great number also to be sore afraid.
Ye heard a little before the Councils letter sent to B. Boner, signifying the good news of Queen Mary to be not only conceived, but also quick with child, which was in the month of November, the xxviij. day. Of this child great talk began at this time to rise in every man's mouth, with busy preparation, and much ado, especially amongst such as seemed in England to carry Spanish hearts in English bodies. In number of whom here is not to be forgotten, nor defrauded of his condign commendatiō for his worthy affection toward his Prince and her issue, one sir Rich. Southwel, who being the same time in the parliament house when as the Lord's were occupied in other affairs & matters of importance, suddenly starting up, for fullness of joy, brast out in these words following: Tush my Masters (quoth he) what talk ye of these matters? I would have you take some order for our young master that is now coming into the world apace, lest he find us unprovided, &c. By the which words both of him, and also by the foresaid letters of the counsel, and the common talk abroad, it may appear what an assured opinion was thē conceived in men's heds of Queen Mary, to be conceived and quick with child. In so much that at the same time, and in the same Parliament: there was eftsoons a bill exhibited, and an Act made upon the same, the words whereof for the more evidence, I thought here to exemplificate, as under followeth.
The words of the Acte.
ALbeit we the Lord's spiritual and temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assembled, have firm hope & confidence in the goodness of almighty God, that like as he hath hitherto miraculously preserved the Queens majesty from many great imminent perils and dangers: even so he will of his infinite goodness, give her highness strength, the rather by our continual prayers to pass well the danger of deliverance of child, wherewith it hath pleased him (to all our great comforts) to bless her: Yet forasmuch as all things of this world be uncertain, and having before our eyes the dolorous experience of this inconstant government during the time of the reign of the late king Edward the 6. do plainly see the manifold inconveniences, great dangers and perils that may ensue to this whole realm, if foresight be not used to prevent all evil chances if they should happen: For the eschewyng hereof, we the Lord's spiritual & temporal, and the commons in this present Parliament assembled, for and in consideration of a most special trust and confidence, thot we have and repose in the kings majesty, for and concerning the politic government, order, and administration of this realm in the time of the young years of the issue or issues of her majesties body to be borne, if it should please God to call the Queens highness out of this present life, during the tender years of such issue or issues (which God forbid) according to such order and manner, as hereafter in this present Acte his highness most gracious pleasure is, should be declared and set forth, have made our humble suit by the assent of the Queens highness, that his majesty would vouchsafe to accept and take upon him the rule, order, education, and government of the said issue or issues to be borne, as is aforesaid, upon which our suit being of his said majesty most graciously accepted, it hath pleased his highness not only to declare, that like as for the most part his majesty verily trusteth that almighty God (who hath hitherto preserved the Queens majesty) to give this realm so good an hope of certain succession in the blood royal of the same realm, will assist her highness with his graces and benedictions, to see the fruit of her body well brought forrh, live and able to govern (whereof neither all this realm, ne all the world besides, should or could receive more comfort then his majesty should and would) yet if such chance should happen, his majesty at our humble desires is pleased and contented, not only to accept and take vpō him the cure and charge of the education, rule, order, and government of such issues as of this most happy Marriage, shall be borne between the Queens highness and him: but also during the time of such government, would by all ways and means, study, travail, and employ himself to advance the weal both public & private, of this realm and dominions thereunto belonging, according to the said trust in his majesty reposed, with no less good will and affection, then if his highness had been naturally borne amongst us. In consideration whereof, be it enacted by the King and the Queens most excellent majesties, by the assent of the Lord's spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, &c. as it is to be seen in the Acte more at large ratified and confirmed at the same Parliament, to the same intent and purpose.
Thus much out of the Acte and statute I thought to rehearse, to the intent the Reader may understand, not so much how Parliaments may sometimes be deceived (as by this child of Queen Mary may appear) as rather what cause we Englishmen have to render most earnest thanks unto almighty god, who so mercifully against the opinion, expectatiō, and working of our adversaries, hath helped & delivered us in this case, which otherwise might have opened such a window to the Spaniards to have entered and replenished this land, that peradventure by this time Englishmen should have enjoyed no great quiet in their own country: the Lord therefore make us perpetually myndfull of his benefits, Amen.
Thus we see then, how man doth purpose, but God disposeth as pleaseth him. For all this great labor, provision, and order taken in the Parliament house for their young master long looked for, coming so surely into the world in the end appeared neither young master, nor young maistresse, that any man yet to this day can hear of.
Furthermore, as the labor of the lay sort was herein deluded: so no less ridiculous it was to behold what little effect the prayers of the Popes Churchmen had with almighty God, who travailed no less with their processions Masses, and Collects, for the happy deliverance of this young master to come, as here followeth to be seen.
A prayer made by D. Weston Dean of Westminster, daily to be said for the Queens deliverance.
O Most righteous Lord God, which for the offense of the first woman, hast threatened unto all women a common, sharp, and inevitable malediction, and hast enjoined them that they should conceive in sin, and being conceived, should be subject to many and grievous torments, and finally be delivered with the danger and jeopardy of their life: We beseech thee, for thine exceeding great goodness and bottomless mercy, to mitigate the straitness of that law. Asswage thine anger for a while and cherish in the bosom of thy favor and mercy, our most gracious Queen Mary, being now at the point of her deliverance. So help her, that without danger of her life, she may overcome the sorrow, and in due season bring forth a child, in body beautiful and comely, in mind noble and valiant. So that afterward she forgetting the trouble, may with joy, laude & praise the bountifulness of thy mercy, and together with us, praise and bless both thee and thy holy name, world withouten ende. This (Oh Lord) we desire thee, we beseech thee, and most heartily crave of thee. Hear us oh Lord, and grant us our petition: Let not the enemies of thy faith, and of thy Church say: Where is their God?
A solemn prayer made for king Phillip and Queen Mary's child, that it may be a male child, welfauoured and witty, &c.
O Most mighty Lord God, which regardest the prayer of the humble, and despisest not their request, bow down from thine high habitation of the heavens, the eyes of thy mercy, unto us wretched sinners, bowing y e knees of our hearts, and with many and deep sighs bewailing our sins & offenses, humbly with eyes intent, & hands displayed, praying & beseeching thee, with the shield of thy protection, to defend Mary thy servant, and our Queen, who hath none other helper but thee, and whom through thy grace thou hast willed to be conceived with child: and at the time of her travail graciously with the help of thy right hand deliver her, and from all danger with the child in her conceived, mercifully preserve.
It hath seemed good in thy sight merciful Father, by thy servant Mary, to work these wonders, that is to say: in her hands to vanquish and overthrow the stout enemy & to deliver us thy people out of the hands of heretics, Infidels, enemies to thee, and to the cross of thy beloved son Jesus Christ, that of thy servant thou mightest speak in far countries. Therefore for these wonderful works which thou doest to thy servants, thou art magnified Lord God forever, and we thy people bless thee the God of heaven, which hast wrought upon us this great mercy, and hast excluded from us the heretic, the enemy of truth, the persecutor of thy church. We know, we know that we have grievously (Lord) sinned, that we have been deceived by vanity, and that we have forsaken thee our God. Our iniquities be multiplied on our head, and our sins be increased up to heaven, and we our selves have offended, and our princes & our priests for these our sins have deserved an hypocrite to our prince, our sins have deserved a Tyrant to our Governor, that should bring our life to bitterness. We be not worthy to have so gentle and merciful a Queen, so godly a ruler, & finally so virtuous a prince: at the very beginning of whose reign, a new light as it were of God's religion, seemed to us for to spring & rise. The Jews did bless y e widow Judith with one voice, saying: Thou art the glory of Jerusalem, thou art the joy of Israel, thou art the honor of our people, for that thou hast loved chastity, and thou shalt be blessed forever.
And we the English people with one agreeable consent do cry: Thou Mary art the glory of England, our joy, the honor of thy people, for that thou hast embraced chastity: thine heart is strengthened, for the hand of our Lord hath comforted thee, and therefore thou shalt be blessed forever. But bow down, O most merciful Father, thine ear, and open thine eyes, and behold our affliction, and our humble confession. Thou knowest Lord, that against Phillip, not by human, but by thy ordinance our king, and against thy servant Mary by thy providence our Queen, the restorers and maintainers of thy Testament & of the faith & most constant defenders of thy church? thou knowest I say, that against these our two governors (the enemies of thy holy Testament, & of the Church thy spouse) be most rank Rebels and spiteful murmurers, walking after their lusts, whose mouth speaketh words of pride, to the end they may set up the kingdom of heretics & schismatics. By the power of their hands they would change thy promises, and destroy thine inheritance, and stop and shut up the mouths of them y t praise thee, and extinguish the glory of thy catholic Church and alter.
It is manifest and plain, how many contentions how many conspiracies and seditions, how great wars, what tumults, how many, & how great troublesome vexations, how many heresies & schisms (for these be the most ready devises, and evident tokens of heretics) for our sins do hang over us, if thy servant be taken from this life: for we acknowledge that our Lord is omnipotent, who hath pitched his dwelling place in the midst of his people, to y e intent to deliver us out of y e hands of our enemies. Turn therefore thy countenance unto us, show unto us, O Lord, thy face. Punish us for our sins according to thy will & pleasure, only now deliver us. We bowing the knees of our heart, beseech thee that thou wilt not reserve unto us punishment forever, & we shall praise thee, all the days of our life. Hear our cry, and the prayer of thy people, & open to them the treasure of thy mercy, thy gracious savor, the spring of lively water. Thou that hast begun, make in the hand of the servant a perfect work. Suffer not, we pray thee, the faythlesse rebels to say of thy servant and her Counselors, that they have devised matters which they cannot perform. And grant unto thy servant an happy and an easy travail. For it is not impossible to thy power, nor indecent to thy justice, nor vnwoonted to thy mercy.
It is well known unto us, how maruelously thou diddest work in Sara of the age of xc. years, and in Elizabeth the barren, and also far stricken in age: for thy counsel is not in the power of men. Thou Lord that art y e searcher of harts & thoughts, thou knowest that thy servant never lusted after man, never gave her self to wanton company, nor made her self partaker w t them that walk in lightness: but she consented to take an husband with thy fear, & not with her lust. Thou knowest that thy servant took an husband, not for carnal pleasure, but only for the desire & love of posterity, wherein thy name might be blessed forever and ever. Geue therefore unto thy servants, Phillip our king, and Mary our Queen, a male issue, which may sit in the seat of thy kingdom. Geue unto our Queen thy servant, a little infant in fashion and body, comely & beautiful, in pregnant wit notable and excellent.
Grant the same to be in obedience like Abraham, in hospitality like Loth, in chastity and brotherly love, like Joseph, in meekness & myldnes like Moses, in strength & valiantness like Sampson. Let him be found faithful as David after thy heart. Let him be wise among kings as the most wise Solomon. Let him be like Job, a simple and an upright man, fearing God & eschewyng evil. Let him finally be garnished with the comelynes of all virtuous conditions, and in the same let him wax old and live, that he may see his children's children to the third & fourth generation. And give unto our sovereign Lord and Lady. K. Phillip and Queen Mary, thy blessing and long life vpō earth. And grant that of thē may come kings & Queens which may steadfastly continue in faith, love, and holiness. And blessed be their seed of our God, that all nations may know, thou art only God in all the earth, which art blessed forever and ever, Amen.
Another prayer for Queen Mary, and her conceived child.
O Almighty father, which diddest sanctify the blessed Virgin and mother of Mary in her conception, and in the birth of Christ our savior (thy only son:) also by thy omnipotent power didst safely deliver the prophet Jonah out of the Whales belly: Defend O Lord, we beseech thee, thy servant Mary our Queen, with child conceived, and so visit her in and with thy godly gift of health, that not only the child thy creature within her contained, may joyfully come from her into this world, and receive the blessed Sacraments of Baptism and Confirmation, enjoying therewith daily increase of all princely and gracious gifts both of body & soul, but that also she, the mother, thorough thy special grace and mercy, may in time of her travail avoid all excessive dolour and pain, and abide perfect and sure from all peril and danger of death, with long and prosperous life, thorough Christ our Lord, Amen.
It followeth now further in process of the story, that upon the Tuesday, being the x. of January, xix. of the lower house of the Parliament, with the Speaker, came to the White Hall to the king, and there offered him the government of the realm, and of the Issue, if the Queen should fail, which was confirmed by act of Parliament, within ten days after.
Upon Wednesday following, being the xxvi. of January, the Parliament was clean dissolved. In this Parliament, among other things, the bishop of Rome was established, and all such laws as were made against him since the xx. year of K. Henry the 8. were repealed, & also cardinal Poole, bish. Pates, Lily & other were restored to their blood. Also there was an act made for speaking of words: that whosoever should speak any thing against the king or Queen, or that might move any sedition or rebellion, at the first time to have one of his ears cut of▪ or to forfeit an C. marks: and at the second time to have both his ears cut off, or else to forfeit an C. pounds, & who so ever should write, cipher, or print any of the premisses, to have their right hand cut off.
Also in this Parliament, three statutes were revived for trial of heresy: one made in the fifth yere of Richard the 2. another in the 2. year of Henry the 4. and the third, in the 2. year of Henry the 5. Also the doing of M. Rose and the other that were with him, was communed of in this Parliament, and upon that occasion an act was made, that certain evil prayers should be treason against the Queens highness. The prayers of these men were thus: God turn the heart of Queen Mary from Idolatry, or else shorten her days. Wherof read the statute, Ann. 1. & 2. Reg. Phil. & Mariae. Cap. 9.
As touching the taking of M. Rose & his felows, word was brought thereof to M. Hooper being thē in the Fleet. Whereupon the said M. Hooper sendeth answer again, with a letter also of consolation sent to the said prisoners: the copy whereof I thought here not to overpass.
The answer of M. Hooper to a letter sent unto him concerning certain prisoners taken in Bowe churchyard.
THe grace of God be with you. Amen. I perceive by your letter, how that upon Newyeres day at night, there were taken a godly company of Christians, whilst they were praying. I do rejoice in that men can be so well occupied in this perilous time, and flee unto God for remedy by prayer, as well for their own lacks and necessities, as also charitably to pray for them that persecute them. So doth the word of God command all men to pray charitably for them that hate them, and not to revile any Magistrate with words, or to mean him evil by force or violence. They also may rejoice that in well doing, they were taken to the prison. Wherefore I have thought it good to send them this little writing of consolation: praying God to send them patience, charity & constancy in the truth of his most holy word. Thus fare you well, and pray God to send his true word into this Realm again amongst us, which the ungodly Bishops have now banished. Ianua. 4. ann. 1555.
A letter of consolation sent from M. Hooper to the godly brethren taken in Bow churchyard, in prayer, and laid in the Counter in Breadstreat.
THe grace, favor, consolation, and aid of the holy ghost, be with you now and ever, So be it.
Dearely beloved in the Lord, ever sithens your imprisonment, I have been maruelously moved with great affections and passions, as well of mirth and gladness, as of heaviness & sorrow. Of gladness in this, that I perceived how ye be bent & given to prayer and invocation of gods help in these dark & wicked proceedings of men against God's glory. I have been sory to perceive the malice and wickedness of men to be so cruel, devilish, & tyrannical, to persecute the people of God for serving of God, saying & hearing of the holy Psalms, and the word of eternal life. These cruel doings do declare, that the Papists Church is more bloody and tyrannical, then ever was the sword of the Ethnikes and Gentiles.
When I heard of your taking, and what ye were doing wherefor, and by whom ye were takē, I remembered how the Christians in the Primatiue Church were used by the cruelty of unchristened heathens, in the time of Traiane the Emperor about 77. years after Christ's ascension into heaven: and how the Christians were persecuted very sore, as though they had been traitors and moouers of sedition. Wherupon the gentle Emperor Traiane required to know the true cause of Christian men's trouble. A great learned man called Plinius, wrote unto him & said, it was because the Christians said certain psalms before day, unto one called Christ, whō they worshipped for god. When Traiane the Emperor understood it was for nothing but for conscience & religion, he caused by his commandments everywhere, that no man should be persecuted for serving of God. But the Pope & his church hath cast you into prison, being taken even doing the work of God, and one of the excellents works that is required of Christian men: that is, to wit, whiles ye were in prayer, & not in such wicked & superstitious prayers as the papists use, but in the same prayer that Christ hath taught you to pray. And in his name only ye gave God thanks for that ye have received, and for his sake ye asked for such things as ye want. O glad may ye be that ever ye were borne, to be apprehended whilst ye were so virtuously occupied. Blessed be they that suffer for righteousness sake. For if God had suffered them that took your bodies, then to have taken your life also, now had ye been following the Lamb in perpetual joys, away from the company and assembly of wicked men. But the Lord would not have you suddenly so to depart, but reserveth you, gloriously to speak and maintain his truth to the world.
Be ye not careful what ye shall say, for God will go out & in with you, and will be present in your harts, & in your mouths to speak his wisdom, although it seemeth foolishness to the world. He that hath begun this good work in you, continue you in the same unto the end: & pray unto him, that ye may fear him only, that hath power to kill both body & soul, and to cast them into hell fire. Be of good comfort. All the hairs of your hed are numbered, and there is not one of them can perish, except your heavenly father suffer it to perish. Now ye be in the field & placed in y e forefront of Christ's battle. Doubtless, it is a singular favor of God, & a special love of him towards you, to give you this foreward & preeminence, & a sign that he trusteth you before others of his people. Wherefore (dear brethren and sisters) continually fight this fight of the Lord. Your cause is most just and godly, ye stand for the true Christ (who is after the flesh in heaven) & for his true religion and honor, which is amply, fully, sufficiently and abundantly contained in the holy Testament, sealed with Christ's own blood. How much be ye bound to God, to put you in trust with so holy and just a cause.
Remember what lookers upon you have, to see & behold you in your sight, God & all his Angels, who be ready always to take you up into heaven, if ye be slain in his fight. Also you have standing at your backs all the multitude of the faithful, who shall take courage, strength, and desire to follow such noble & valiant Christians as you be. Be not afraid of your adversaries: for he that is in you, is stronger then he that is in them. Shrinke not although it be pain to you, your pains be not now so great, as here after your joys shall be. Read the comfortable chapiters to the Romans. 8.10.15. Heb. 11.12. And upon your knees thank God that ever ye were accounted worthy to suffer anything for his names sake. Read the 2. chap. of s. Luke's gospel, & there you shall see how the shepeherds that watched upon their sheep all night, as soon as they heard that Christ was borne at Bethlehem, by and by they went to see him. They did not reason nor debate with thenselves, who should keep the Wolf from the sheep in the mean time, but did as they were commanded, & committed their sheep unto him, whose pleasure they obeyed. So let us do now we be called, commit all other things to him that calleth us. He will take heed that all things shall be well. He will help the husband, he will comfort the wife, he will guide the servants, he will keep the house, he will preserve the goods: yea, rather then it should be undone, he will wash the dishes, and rock the cradle. Cast therefore all your care upon God, for he careth for you.
Besides this, you may perceive by your imprisonment that your adversaries weapons against you, be nothing but flesh, blood, and tyranny. For if they were able, they would maintain their wicked religion by God's word: but for lack of that, they would violently compel such as they cannot by holy Scripture persuade, because the holy word of God, and all Christ's doings be contrary unto them. I pray you pray for me, & I will pray for you. And although we be asunder after the world, yet in Christ (I trust) forever joining in the spirit, and so shall meet in the palace of the heavenly joys, after this short and transitory life is ended. God's peace be with you. Amen. The 14, of January. 1554.
Upon the Friday after this following, being the 18. of January, all the Counsaile went unto the Tower, & there the same day discharged and set at liberty all the prisoners of the Tower, or the most part of them, namely, the late duke of Northumberlands sons, Ambrose. Robert, and Henry, sir Andrew Dudley, sir John Rogers, sir James Crofts, sir Nich. Throgmorton, sir Nicholas Arnall, sir George Harper, sir Edw. Warner, sir W. Sentlow, sir Gawen Carew, M. Gybbes, Cuthbert Uaughan, with many other.
Upon the Tuesday following, being the xxij. of January, all the preachers that were in prison were called before the B. of Wincher, L. Chancellor and certain other, at the bishops house at S. Mary Oueries. From whence (after communication being asked whether they would convert and enjoy the Queens pardon, or else stand to that they had taught: they all answered that they would stand to that they had taught) they were committed to straiter prison then before they were, with charge that none should speak with them.
Amongst the which number of prisoners, one James George the same time died in prison, being there in bands for religion & righteousness sake: who therefore was exempted to be buried in the popish churchyard, and was buried in the field.
Upon the Wednesday following being the 23. of January, all the bishops with all the rest of the Conuocation house were before the cardinal at Lambeth, where he willed them to repair every man where his cure and charge lay, exhorting them to entreat the people and their flock with all gentleness, and to endeavor themselves to win the people rather by gentleness then by extremity & rigor, and so let them depart.
Upon the Friday following, being the 25. of January & the day of the Conversion of S. Paul, there was general and solemn procession through London to give God thanks for their conversion to y e catholic church: Wherein (to set out their glorious pomp) there were fourscore & ten crosses, 160. priests and clerks, who had everyone of them copes upon their backs, singing very lustely. There followed also for the better estimation of the sight, 8. Bishops, and last of all came Boner the B. of London, carrying the popish pyx under a Canapy.
Besides, there was also present the Major, Aldermen, and all the livery of every occupation. Moreover, the king also himself, and the Cardinal came to Paul's Church the same day. From whence after Mass they returned to Westminster again. As the king was entered the Church at the steps going up to the Quiere, all the Gentlemen that of late were set at liberty out of the Tower, kneeled before the king and offered unto him themselves and their services.
After the procession there was also commandment given to make Bonefires at night. Whereupon did rise among the people a doubtful talk why all this was done. Some said it was that the Queen, being then (as they said) with child, might have a safe delivery. Others thoght that it was for joy that the realm was joined again to the sea of Rome, which opinion of both, seemed most true.
Upon the Monday following being the 28. of January, the B. of Winchester and the other bishops, had Commission from the cardinal to sit upon, and order according to the laws, all such preachers and heretics (as they termed them) as were in prison, and according to this Commission, the same day the B. of Winchester and the other bishops with certain of the counsel, sat in S. Mary Oueries church, and called before them these three, M. Hooper, M. Rogers, and M. Cardmaker, who were brought thither by the shriues, from whence after communication, they were committed to prison till the next day, but Cardmaker this day submitted himself unto them.
Upon the Tuesday being the 29. of January, Hooper, Rogers, D. Taylor, and Bradford were brought before them, where sentence of excommunication and judgment ecclesiastical was pronounced upon M. Hooper, and M. Rogers by the Bish. of Winchester, who sat as Judge in Caiaphas seat, who drove them out of the church according to their law and order. D. Taylor and Bradford were committed to prison till the next day.
Upon the Wednesday being the 30. of January, Doct. Taylor, D. Crome, M. Bradford, M. Saunders, and D. Ferrar sometime B. of S. David's, were before the said bishops, where iii. of them, that is to say, D. Taylor, M. Sanders, and M. Bradford were likewise excommunicated, & sentence pronounced upon them, & so committed to the Sheriffs. D. Crome desired two months respite, and it was granted him, & M. Ferrar was again committed to prison till another time. All these men shown thenselves to be learned (as in deed they were no less) but what availeth either learning, reason or truth itself, where will beareth rule.
After the examination and condemnation of these good men and preachers above recited, Commissions and Inquisitors were sent abroad likewise into all partes of the realm: by reason whereof a great number of most godly & true Christians (out of all the quarters of the realm, but especially Kent, Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk) were apprehended, brought up to London, and cast in prison, and afterward (most of them) either consumed cruelly by fire, or else thorough evil handling died in the prisons, & were buried on dunghills abroad in the fields, or in some backside of the prison. Of all which matters, concerning the tragical handling of these blessed Martyrs and witnesses of Jesus Christ, of all the bloody persecution of this time, now followeth (the Lord so grantyng) severally and more particularly in this next book in order to be declared: after that I shall first recite a general supplication, given up in the name of the preachers aforesaid lying in prison, unto the King and Queen, during the time of the Parliament, as followeth.
Unto the King and Queens most excellent Majesty's, and to their most honorable and high Court of Parliament.
IN most humble and lamentable wise complain unto your Majesty's, and to your high court of Parliament, your poor desolate & obedient subjects, H. F. T. B. P. R. S. &c. That where as your said subjects living under the laws of God and of this realm in the days of the late most noble king Edward 6. did in all things show themselves true, faithful and diligent subjects, accord • ng to their vocation, as well in the sincere ministering of God's holy word, as in due obedience to the higher powers, & in the daily practice of such virtues and good demeanor, as the laws of God at all times, and the statutes of the realm did then allow: Your said subjects nevertheless, contrary to all laws of justice, equity and right, are in very extreme manner, not only cast into prison (where they have remained now these 15. or 16. months) but their livings also, their houses and possessions, their goods and books taken from them, and they slandered to be most heinous heretics, their enemies themselves being both witnesses, accusers, and Judges, belying, slandering, and misreportyng your said subjects at their pleasure, whereas your said subjects being straightly kept in prison, cannot yet be suffered to come forth and make answer accordingly.
In consideration whereof, it may please your most excellent Majesty's, and this your high court of Parliament, graciously to tender the present calamity of your said poor subjects, and to call them before your presence, granting them liberty, either by mouth or writing in the plain English tongue, to answer before you or before indifferent Arbiters to be appointed by your Majesty's unto such articles of controversy in religion as their said adversaries have already condemned them of, as of heinous heresies: Provided, that all things may be done with such moderation & quiet behavior, as becometh subjects and children of peace, & that your said subjects may have the free use of all their own books and conference together among themselves.
Which thing being granted, your said subjects doubt not but it shall plainly appear that your said subjects are true and faithful Christians, & neither heretics, neither teachers of heresy, nor cut of from the true catholic universal church of Christ: Yea, that rather their adversaries themselves be unto your Majesty's, as were the charmers of Egypt unto Pharaoh Sedechias & his adherents, unto the king of Israel, and Bariesu to the Proconsul Sergius Paulus. And if your said subjects be not able by the testimony of Christ, his prophets, Apostles, & godly fathers of his church to prove, that the doctrine of the church, homilies, and service taught and set forth in the time of our late most godly prince and king, Edward the 6. is the true doctrine of Christ's Catholic church, and most agreeable to the articles of the Christian faith: your said subjects offer themselves then to the most heavy punishment, that it shall please your majesties to appoint.
Wherefore for the tender mercy of God in Christ (which you look for at the day of judgment) your said poor subjects in bonds, most humbly beseech your most excellent majesties, and this your high court of Parliament, beningly and graciously to hear and grant this their petition, tendyng so greatly to the glory of God, to the edifying of his church, to the honor of your majesties, to the commendation and maintenance of justice, right, and equity, both before God and man. And your said subjects according to their bounden duty, shall not cease to pray unto almighty God, for the gracious preservation of your most excellent majesties long to endure.
A Letter of the Lady Mary, sent to the Lord's of the Counsel, wherein she claymeth the Crown after the decease of king Edward,
MY Lord's, we greete you well, and have received sure advertisement that our dearest Brother the king our late sovereign Lord, is departed to God's mercy: which news howe they be woeful unto our heart, he only knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and do humbly submit us and our willes. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit, now after his Majesty's departure and death, concerning the Crown and governance of this Realm of England, with the title of France, and all things thereto belonging, what hath been provided by Act of Parliament and the Testament and last will of our dearest Father, besides other circumstances advancing our right, you know, the Realm, and the whole world knoweth, the Rolls and Recordes appear by the authority of the king our said Father, and the king our said brother, and the subjects of this Realm, so that we verily trust that there is no good true subject, that is, can, or would pretend to be ignorant thereof, and of our parte we have of our selves caused, and as God shall aid and strength us, shall cause our right and title in this behalf to be published and proclaimed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth strange, that the dying of our said brother upon Thursday at night last past, we hitherto had no knowledge from you thereof, yet we consider your wisdoms and prudence to be such, that having eftsoons amongst you debated, pondered, and well weighed this present case with our estate, with your own estate, the common wealth, and all our honors, we shall and may conceive great hope and trust with much assurance in your loyaltye and service, and therefore for the time interpret and take things not to the worst, and that ye yet will like Noble men work the best. Nevertheless we are not ignorant of your consultations, to undo the provisions made for our preferment, nor of the great bands and provisions forceable, wherewith ye be assembled and prepared, by whom, and to what ende, God and you know, and nature can but fear some evil. But be it that some consideration political, or whatsoever thing else hath moved you thereto, yet doubt you not my Lord's, but we can take all these your doings in gracious part, being also right ready to remit & fully pardon the same, with that freely to eschew bloodshed and vengeance against all those that can or will intend the same: trusting also assuredly you will take and accept this grace and virtue in good part as appeateyneth, and that we shall not be enforced to use the service of other our true subjects and friends which in this our just and right cause, God in whom our whole affiaunce is, shall send us. Wherefore my Lord's we require you and charge you, and every of you, that every of you, of your allegiance which you owe to God and us, and to none other, for our honor and the surety of our parson, only employ yourselves, & forth with upon receipt hereof, cause our right and title to the Crown and gou • rnement of this Realm to be proclaimed in our Citty of London, and other places as to your wisdoms shall seem good, and as to this case appertaineth, not failing hereof as our very trust is in you. And thus our Letter signed with our hand, shall be your sufficient warrant in this behalf.
Yeu • n under our Signet, at our Manor of Kenyngall, the ninth of July. 1553.
To this Letter of the Lady Mary, the Lord's of the Counsel make answer again as followeth.
Aunswere of the Lord's unto the Lady Mary's Letter.
MAdame, we have received your letters the ninth of this instant, declaring your supposed title, which you judge yourself to have to the Imperial crown of this Realm, & all the dominions thereunto belonging. For answer whereof, this is to advertise you, that forasmuch as our sovereign Lady Queen Jane is after the death of our sovereign Lord Edward the sixth, a prince of most noble memory invested and possessed with the just and right title in the Imperial Crown of this Realm, not only by good order of old ancient laws of this Realm, but also by our late sovereign Lord's Letters patentes signed with his own hand, and se • led with the great seal of England in presence of the most parte of the Nobles, Counselors, Judges, with diverse other grave and sage personages, assenting & subscribing to the same: We must therefore as of most bound duty and allegiance assent unto her said Grace, and to none other, except we should (which faithful subjects cannot) fall into grievous and unspeakable enormities. Wherefore we can no less do, but for the quiet both of the realm and you also, to advertise you, that forasmuch as the divorce made between the king of famous memory K Henry the 8. & the Lady Katherine your mother, was necessary to be had both by the everlasting laws of God, and also by the Ecclesiastical laws, & by the most part of the noble & learned Universities of Christendom, and confirmed also by the sundry acts of Parliamentes remaining yet in their force, and thereby you justly made illegitimate and vnheritable to the crown Imperial of this realm, and the rules and dominions, and possessions of the same: you will upon just consideration hereof, and of diverse other causes lawful to be alleged for the same, & for the just inheritance of the right line and godly order taken by the late king our sovereign Lord king Edward the sixth, and agreed upon by the Nobles and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease by any pretence to vex and molest any of our sovereign Lady Queen Jane her subjects from their true faith and allegiance due unto her grace: assuring you, that if you will for respect show yourself quiet and obedient (as you ought) you shall find us all and several ready to do you any service that we with duty may, and be glad with your quietness to preserve the common state of this realm: wherein you may be otherwise grievous unto us, to yourself, and to them. And thus we bid you most heartily well to fare,
from the Tower of London, this 9. of July. 1553.
Your Ladyships friends, showing yourself an obedient subject.
- Thomas Canterbury.
- The Marques of Winchester.
- John Bedford.
- Will. Morthhampton.
- Thom. Eli Chancellor.
- Northumberland.
- Henry Suffolk.
- Henry Arundell.
- Shrewesbury.
- Pembroke.
- Cobham.
- R. Riche.
- Huntingdon.
- Darcy.
- Cheyney.
- R. Cotton.
- John Gates.
- W. Peter.
- W. Cicelle.
- John Cheeke.
- John Mason.
- Edward North.
- R. Bows.
All these aforesaid, except only the Duke of Northumberland and syr John Gates, afterward were either by especial favor or special or general pardon discharged.
After this answer received, and the minds of the Lord's perceived, Lady Mary speedeth her self secretly away far of from the City, hoping chiefly upon the good will of the Commons, and yet perchance not destitute altogether of the secret aduertisementes of some of the Nobles. When the Counsel heard of her sodiene departure, and perceived her stoutness, & that all came not to pass as they supposed, they gathered speedily a power of mē together, appointing an army, and first assigned that the Duke of Suffolk should take that enterprise in hand, & so have the leading of the Bande. But afterward alterynge their minds, they thought it best to send forth the Duke of Northumberland, with certain other Lord's and Gentlemen, and that the Duke of Suffolk should keep the Tower, where the Lord Gilford and the Lady Jane the same time were lodged.
In the which expedition y e Gard also, albeit they were much unwilling at the first thereunto, yet notwithstanding through the vehement persuasions of the Lord Treasurer, M. Chomley, & other, they were induced to assist the duke, and to set forward with him.
These things thus agreed upon, and the Duke now being set forward after the best array out of London, having notwithstanding his times prescribed, and his journeys appointed by the Counsel, to the intent he would not seem to do anything but upon warrant, Mary in the mean while tossed with much travel up and down, to work the surest way for her best advantage, withdrew her self into the quarters of Norfolk and Suffolk, where she understood the Dukes name to be had in much hatred, for the service that had ben done there of late under king Edward, in subduing the rebels: and there gathering to her such aid of the commons in every side as she might, keepeth her self close for a space within Fremingham Castle. To whom first of all resorted the suffolke men: who being always forward in promoting the procedinges of the Gospel, promised her their aid & help, so that she would not attempt the alteration of the religion which her Brother king Edward had before established by laws and orders publicly enacted and received by the consent of the whole Realm in that behalf.
To make the matter short, unto this condition she eftsoons agreed, with such promise made unto them, that no innouatiō should be made of religiō, as that no mā would or could then have misdoubted her. Which promise, if she had as constantly kept, as they did willingly preserve her with their bodies and weapons, she had done a deed both worthy her blood, & had also made her reign more stable to her self through former tranquility. For though a man be never so puissant of power, yet brech of promise is an evil upholder of quietness, fear is worser, but cruelty is y e worst of all.
Thus Mary being guarded with the power of y e Gospellers, did vanquish the Duke, and all those that came against her. In consideration whereof, it was (me thinks • an heavy word that she answered to the suffolke men afterwards, which did make supplication unto her grace to perform her promise: For so much (saith she) as you being but menbers, desire to rule your head you shall one day well perceive that members must obey their head, and not look to bear rule over the same. And not only that, but also to cause the more terror unto other, a certain Gentleman named M. Dobbe, dwelling about Wyndam side, for the same cause, that is, for advertising her by humble request, of her promise, was punished, being three sundry times set on the pillory to be a gasing stock unto all men. Divers other delivered her books and supplications made out of the Scripture, to exhort her to continue in the true doctrine then stablished, and for their good wills were sent to prison. But such is the cōditiō of man's nature (as here you see) that we are for the most part more ready always to seek friendship whē we stand in need of help, thē ready to requite a benefit once past & received. Howbeit against all this, one shoot anker we have, which may be a sure comfort to all miserable creatures, y e equity & fidelity are ever perfect and certeinely found with the Lord above, though the same being shut out of the doors in this world, be not to be found here among men. But seeing our intent is to write a story, not to treat of office, let us lay Suffolk men aside for a while, whose deserts for their redines and diligence with the Queen, I will not here stand upon. What she performed on her part, the thing it self, and the whole story of this persecution doth testify, as hereafter more plainly will appear.
On the contrary side, the Duke of Northumberlande, having his warrant under the broad Seal, with all furniture in readiness, as he took his voyage and was now forward in his way, what ado there was, what stirring on every side, what sending, what riding and posting, what letters, messages, and instructions went to and fro, what talking among the soldiers, what hartburning among y e people, what fair pretēses outwardly, inwardly what privy practices there were, what speeding of Ordinance daily and hourly out of the Tower, what rumors and coming down of soulders from all quarters there was, a world it was to see, & a process to declare, enough to make a whole Ilias. The greatest help that made for the Lady Mary, was the short iourneis of the Duke, which by commission were assigned to him before, as is above mentioned. For the longer the Duke lingered in his voyage, the Lady Mary the more increased in puissaunce, the hearts of the people being mightily bent unto her. Which after the Counsel at London perceived, and understood howe the common multitude did withdraw their hearts from them to stand with her, and that certain Noble men begā to go the other way, they turned their song, and proclaimed for Queen the Lady Mary, eldest daughter to king Henry the eight, and appointed by Parliament to succeed K. Edward dying without issue.
And so the Duke of Northumberland, being by counsel and advise sent forth against her, was left destitute and forsaken alone at Cambridge, with some of his sons, & a few other, among whom the Earl of Huntingdon was one: who there were arrested and brought to the Tower of London, as traitors to the Crown, notwithstanding that he had there proclaimed her Queen before.
Thus have you Mary now made a Queen, and the sword of authority put into her hand, which, how she afterward did use, we may see in sequel of this book. Therefore (as I say) when she had been thus advanced by y e gospellers, & saw all in quiet by means y t her enemies were conquered, sending the Duke captive to the Tower before (which was the xxv. of July) she followed not long after, being brought up the third day of August to Londō, with the great rejoicing of many men, but with a greater fear of moe, and yet with flatterye peradventure most great, of feigned hearts.
Thus coming up to London, her first lodging she took at the Tower, where as the foresaid Lady Jane with her husband the Lord Gilford, a little before her coming▪ were imprisoned: where they remained waiting her pleasure almost five months. But the Duke within a month after his coming to the Tower, being adjudged to death, was brought forth to the scaffolde, and there beheaded. Albeit he having a promise, and being put in hope of pardon (yea though his head were upon the block) if he would recant and hear mass, consented thereto, and denied in words that true religion, which before time, as well in K. Henry the 8. days, as in K. Edwards he had oft evidently declared himself both to favor and further: exhorting also the people to return to the Catholic faith (as he termed it. ) Whose recantation the papists forthwith did publish and set abroad, rejoicing not a little at his conversion or rather subversion, as then appeared.
Thus the Duke of Northumberland with Sir John Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer (which Palmer on the other side confessed his faith that he had learned in the gospel, and lamented that he had not lived more Gospellike) being put to death: In the mean time Queen Mary, entering thus her reign with the blood of these men: besides hearing Mass her self in the Tower, gave a heavy show and signification hereby, but especially by the sudden delivering of Stephen Gardener out of the Tower, that she was not minded to stand to that which she so deeply had promised to the Suffolk men before, concerning the not subuertyng or alteryng the state of religion: as in very deed the surmise of the people was therein nothing deceived.
Besides the premisses, other things also followed which every day more and more discomforted the people, declaring the Queen to bear no good will to the present state of religion: as, not only the releasing of Gardener being then made Lord Chancellor of England and B. of Winchester, Doct. Poynet being put out, but also that Boner was restored to his bishopric again, and D. Ridley displaced. Itē, D. Day to the bishopric of Chichester, John Scory being put out. Item, D. Tonstall to the bishopric of Duresme. Item, D. Heath to the bishopric of Worcester, and John Hooper committed to the Fleet. Item, D. Uesi • to Exceter, and Miles Coverdale put out. These things being marked and perceived, great heaviness and discomfort grew more and more to all good men's hearts: but contrary to the wicked, great rejoicing. In which discord of minds, and diversity of affections, was now to be seen a miserable face of things in the whole commō wealth of England. They that could dissemble, took no great care how the matter went. But such whose consciences were joined to truth, perceived already coals to be kindled, which after should be the destruction of many a true Christian man, as in deed it came to pass. In the mean while Queen Mary after these beginnings, remoouyng from y e Tower to Hampton Court, caused a Parliament to be sūmoned against the x. day of Octob. next ensuing, whereof more is to be said hereafter.
Ye heard before how diverse Bishops were removed, and other placed in their roumes: amongst whom was D. Ridley B. of London, a worthy man both of fame and learning. This D. Ridley in time of Queen Jane had made a Sermon at Paul's cross, so commanded by the Counsaile: declaring there his mind to the people, as touching the Lady Mary, and dissuading them, alleging there the incommodities and inconueniēces which might rise by receiving her to be their Queen, prophesieng as it were before, that which after came to pass, y t she would bring in foreign power to reign over them: besides the subuertyng also of Christian Religion then already established: showing moreover, that the same Mary being in his Diocese, he according to his duty, being then her Ordinary, had travailed much with her to reduce her to this Religion, and notwithstanding in all other points of civility, she shown her self gentle and tractable, yet in matters that concerned true faith and doctrine, she shown her self so stiff and obstinate, that there was no other hope of her to be conceived, but to disturb and overturn all that which with so great labors had been confirmed and planted by her brother afore. Shortly after this Sermon, Queen Mary was proclaimed, whereupon he speedily repairyng to Fremingham to salute the Queen, had such cold welcome there: that being despoiled of all his dignities, he was sent back upon a lame halting horse to the Tower.
After him preached also Master Rogers the next Sunday, entreatyng very learnedly upon the Gospel of the same day.
This so done, Queen Mary seeing all things yet not going so after her mind as she desired, deviseth with her Counsaile, to bring to pass that thing by other means, which as yet by open law she could not well accomplish, directing forth an Inhibition by Proclamation, that no man should preach or read openly in churches the word of God, besides other things also in the same Proclamation Inhibited, the copy whereof here followeth.
An inhibition of the Queen, for preaching, Printyng, &c.
THe Queens highness well remembering what great inconvenience and dangers have grown to this her highness Realm in times past, thorough the diversity of opinions in questions of religion, and hearing also that now of late, sithence the beginning of her most gracious Rain, the same contentions be again much revived thorough certain false and untrue reports and rumors spread by some light and evil disposed persons, hath thought good to do to understand to all her highness most loving subjects, her most gracious pleasure in manner following.
First, her Majesty being presented by the only goodness of God, settled in her just possession of the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and other Dominions thereunto belonging, cannot now hide that religion which God and the world knoweth she hath ever professed from her infancy hitherto. Which as her Majesty is minded to observe and maintain for her self by gods grace during her time, so doth her highness much desire and would be glad the same were of all her subjects quietly and charitably embraced.
And yet she doth signify unto all her majesties loving subjects, that of her most gracious disposition & clemency, her highness myndeth not to compel any her said subjects thereunto, unto such time as further order by common assent may be taken therein: forbidding nevertheless all her subjects of all degrees, at their peryls to move seditions, or stir unquietness in her people by interpreting the Laws of this Realm, after their brains and fantasies, but quietly to continue for the time, till (as before is said) further order may be taken, and therefore willeth and straitly chargeth and commandeth all her said good loving subjects, to live togethers in quiet sort and Christian charity, leaving those new found devilish terms of Papist or heretic, and such like, and applying their hole care, study and travail to live in the fear of God, exercising their conversations in such charitable & godly doing, as their lives may in deed express that great hunger and thirst of God's glory and holy word, which by rash talk & words many have pretended: and in so doing they shall best please God, and live without dangers of the laws, and maintain the tranquility of the Realm. Wherof as her highness shall be most glad, so if any man shall rashlye presume to make any assemblies of people, or at any public assemblies or otherwise, shall go about to stir the people to disorder or disquiet, she myndeth according to her duty, to see the same most surely reformed & punished according to her highness laws.
And furthermore, forasmuch also as it is well known, that sedition and false rumors have been nourished and maintained in this Realm by the subtlety and malice of some evil disposed persons, which take upon them without sufficient authority to preach & to interpret the word of God after their own brain in churches and other places, both public and private, & also by playing of Interludes, and printyng of false fond books, ballades, rymes, and other lewd treatises in the English tongue, concerning doctrine in matters now in question, and controversy touching the high points and mysteries of christen religion, which books, ballades, rymes, and treatises, are chiefly by the Printers and Stationers set out to sale to her graces subjects of an evil zeal, for lucre and covetousness of vile gain. Her highness therefore straitly chargeth and commandeth all and every of her said subjects, of whatsoever state, condition or degree they be, that none of them presume from henceforth to preach, or by way of reading in Churches or other public or private places, except in schools of the University, to interpret or teach any scriptures or any manner points of doctrine concerning religion, neither also to print any books, matter, ballade, ryme, Enterlude, process or treatise, nor to play any Enterlude, except they have her graces special license in writing for the same, upon pain to incur her highness indignation and displeasure.
And her highness also further chargeth and commandeth all and every her said subjects, that none of them of their own authority do presume to punish, or to rise against any offender in the causes abouesayde, or any other offender in words or deeds in the late rebellion▪ committed or done by the Duke of Northumberland or his complices, or to cease any of their goods, or violently to use any such offender by strikyng or imprisonyng, or threatenyng the same, but wholly to refer the punishment of all such offenders unto her highness and public authority, whereof her majesty myndeth to see due punishment, according to the order of her highness laws.
Neuertheles, as her highness myndeth not hereby to restrain and discourage any of her loving subjects, to give from time to time true information against any such offenders in the causes abovesaid, unto her grace or her Counsaile, for the punishment of every such offender, according to the effect of her highness laws provided in that part: so her said highness exhorteth and straitly chargeth her said subjects to observe her commandment & pleasure in every part aforesaid, as they will avoid her highness said indignation and most grievous displeasure. The severity and rigor whereof, as her highness shall be most sory to have cause to put the same in execution: so doth she utterly determine not to permit such unlawful and rebellious doings of her subjects, whereof may ensue the danger of her royal estate to remain unpunished, but to see her said laws touching these points, to be thoroughly executed, which extremities, she trusteth all her said loving subjects will foresee, dread, and avoid accordingly: her said highness straightly charging and commanding all Mayors, Sheriffs, Justices of Peace, Bailiffs, Constables, and all other public Officers and Ministers, diligently to see to the observing and executing of her said commandments and pleasure, and to apprehend all such as shall willfully offend in this part, committyng the same to the next Jail, there to remain without bail or maineprise, till upon certificate made to her highness or her privy Counsaile, of their names and doings, and vpō examination had of their offenses, some further order shall be taken for their punishment to the example of others, according to the effect and tenor of the laws aforesaid. Yeuen at our Manor of Richmond, the 18. day of August, in the 1. year of our most prosperous reign.
M. Bourne preaching at Paul's Cross.
ABout this time or not long before, Boner B. of London being restored, appointed M. Bourne a Canon of Paul's, to preach at the Cross, who afterward was B. of Bathe, he taking occasion of the Gospel of the day to speak somewhat largely in iustifieng of Boner being thē present: which Boner said he, upon the same text in that place, that day four years had preached before, and was upon the same most cruelly and unjustly cast into y e most vile Dungeon of the Marshalsey, and there kept during the time of King Edward. Hys words sounded so evil in the ears of the hearers, that they could not keep silence but began to murmur and to stir in such sort, that the Mayor and Aldermen with other estates thē present, feared much an uproar. But the truth is, that one hurled a dagger at the preacher, but who it was, it could not then be proved, albeit afterward it was known.
In fine, the stir was such, that the Preacher plucked in his head, and durst no more appear in that place. The matter of his Sermon tended much to the derogation and disprayse of King Edward: which thing the people in no case could abide. Then M. Bradford at the request of the Preachers brother, and other then being in the pul: pit, stood forth and spake so my •• ely, Christianly, and effectuously, that with few words he appeased all: and afterward he and M. Rogers conducted the Preacher betwixt them from the Pulpit to the Grammar school door, where they left him safe, as further in the story of Master Bradford is declared. But shortly after they were both rewarded with long imprisonment, and last of all, with fire in Smithfield.
By reason of this tumult at Paul's Cross, an order was taken by the Lord's of the Counsaile with the Mayor and Aldermen of London, that they calling the next day following a common counsel of the City, should thereby charge every householder to cause their children, apprentices, and other servants, to keep their own parish Churches upon the holydays, and not to suffer them to attempt any thing to the violatyng of the common peace. Willyng them also to signify the said assembly the Queens determination uttered unto them by her highness the 12. of August in the Tower. Which was, that albeit her graces conscience is stayed in matters of religion: yet she graciously meant not to compel or strayne other men's conscience otherwise then God shall (as she trusted) put in their harts a persuasion of the truth that she is in, thorough the opening of his word unto them, by godly virtuous, & learned preachers, &c.
Also it was then ordered, that every Alderman in his Ward, should forthwith send for the Curates of every parish within their liberties, and to warn them not only to forbear to preach themselves, but also not to suffer any other to preach, or make any open or solemn reading of scripture in their churches, unless the said preachers were severally licensed by the Queen.
After this Sermon at Paul's Cross aforenamed, the next day after it followed, that the Queens Gard was at the cross with their weapons to gard the Preacher. And when men withdrew themselves from the Sermon, order was taken by the Mayor, that the Ancients of all companies should be present, least the preacher should be discouraged by his small Auditory.
August. 1553.
The 5. of August, an. 1553. was one William Rutler committed (by the Counsaile) to the Marshalsey, for uttering certain words against Master Bourne Preacher, for his Sermon at Paul's Cross on Sunday last before.
The 16. of August, was Humfrey Palden committed to the Counter for words against the said Bournes sermon at Paul's cross.
A letter to the Sheriff of Buckingham and Bedford, for the apprehending of one Fisher person of Ammersham a preacher.
Another letter to the B. of Norwich, not to suffer any preacher or other to preach or expound the scripture openly without special license from the Queen.
The same day was M. Bradford, M. Uernon and M. Beacon preachers committed to the charge of the Lieuetenant of the Tower.
The same day also was M. John Rogers Preacher commanded to keep himself prisoner in his own house at Paul's, without having conference with any other thē those of his own household.
The 22. of August, there was two letters directed to M. Couerdall B. of Exceter, & M. Hooper B. of Gloucester, for their indelayed repair to the Court, and there to attend the Counsels pleasure.
The same day Fisher person of Ammersham made his appearance before the Counsaile, according to their letter the 16. of August, and was appointed the next day to bring in a note of his sermon.
The 24. of August was one John Meluin a Scotte and and Preacher sent to Newgate in London by the Counsaile.
The 26. of August there was a letter sent to the Mayor of Coventry and his brethren, for the apprehension of one Symonds of Worcester preacher, and then Vicar of S. Michaels in Coventry, and for the sending of him up to the counsel with his examinations and other matters they could charge him with. With a Commission to them to punish all such as had by means of his preaching▪ used any talk against the Queens proceedings.
The 29. of August, M. Hooper B. of Worcester made his personal appearance before the Counsaile, according to their letters the 22. of August.
The 31. of August, M. Couerdall B. of Exceter, made his appearance before the Counsaile, according to their letters the 22. of August.
September. 1553.
The 1. of September, M. Hooper and M. Couerdall appeared again before the Counsaile, whence M. Hooper was committed to the Fleet, and M. Couerdall commanded to attend the Lord's pleasure.
The 2. of September M. Hugh Saunders Vicar of S. Michaels in Coventry, was before the Counsaile for a sermon, and was commanded to appear again upon Monday next after.
The 4. of September a Letter was directed from the Counsaile to M. Hugh Latimer for his appearance before them.
About the 5. day of September the same year, Peter Martyr came to London from Oxford, where for a time he had been commanded to keep his house, & found there the Archbishop of Canterbury, who offered to defend the doctrine of the book of Common prayer, both by the scriptures and Doctors, assisted by Peter Martyr and a few other, as hereafter ye shall hear. But whilst they were in hope to come to Disputations, the Archbishop and other were imprisoned, but Peter Martyr was suffered to return whence he came.
The same day there was a letter sent to the Mayor of Coventry to set Hugh Symonds at liberty if he would recant his Sermon, or else to stay him, and to signify so much to the Counsaile.
The 13. of September M. Hugh Latimer appeared before the counsel according to their letter the 4. of September, and was committed to the Tower close prisoner, having his servant Agustine to attend him.
The same day the Archbishop of Canterbury appearing before the Counsaile, was commanded to appear the next day at after noon before them in the Star chamber.
The 14. of September, the Archbishop of Canterbury, according to their former days commandment, made his appearance before the Lord's in the Star chamber. Where, they charging him with treason, & spreadyng abroad of seditious bills, to the disquieting of the estate, they committed him from thence to the Tower of London, there to remain till further Justice and order at the Queens pleasure.
The 15. of September, there was a letter sent to M. Horne Dean of Durham, for his appearance before thē, and another was sent to him the 7. of October next after, for his speedy appearance.
The 16. of September, there was letters sent to the Mayors of Dover and Rye, to suffer all French Protestants to pass out of this Realm, except such, whose names shall be signified to them by the French Ambassador.
October. 1553.
The first day of October, Queen Mary was crowned at Westminster, and the x. day of the said month of October then following, began the parliament with a solemn Mass of the holy Ghost, after the popish manner, celebrated with great pomp in the pallaice of Westminster. To the which Mass among the other Lord's, according to the manner, should come the bishops, which yet remained vndeposed, which were the Archb. of York, D. Taylor B. of Lincoln, John Harley B. of Herford. Of the bishops, D. Taylor, and M. Harley presenting themselves according to their duty, and taking their place amongst the Lord's, after they saw the Mass begin, not abidyng the sight thereof, withdrew themselves from the company: for the which cause the Bishop of Lincoln being examined, and protestyng his faith, was upon the same commanded to attend: who not long after at Ankerwyke by sickness departed. M. Harley, because he was married, was excluded both from the Parliament, and from his bishopric.
Mass being done, the Queen accompanied with the Estates of the Realm, was brought into the Parliament house, there according to the manner, to enter and begin the consultation. At which consultation or Parliament were repealed all statutes made in the time of king Henry the 8. for Premunire, & statutes made in K. Edward the sixtes time for administration of common prayer & the sacraments in the English tongue: & further, the attainder of the duke of Northumberland was by this Parliament confirmed. In this mean while many men were forward in the erecting of altars & masses in churches. And such as would stick to the laws made in K. Edward's time, till other should be established: some of them were marked, & some presently apprehended. Among whom sir James Hales, a knight of Kent, and Justice of the Common place was one, who notwithstanding he had ventured his life in Queen Mary's cause, in that he would not subscribe to y e disheriting of her by the kings will, yet for that he did at a quarter Sessions give charge upon the statutes made in the time of Henry the 8. and Edward the 6. for the supremacy and religion, he was imprisoned in the Marshalsey, Counter, and Fleet, and so cruelly handled & put in fear by talk, that the Warden of the Fleet used to have in his hearing, of such torments as were in preparyng for heretics (or for what other cause God knoweth) y t he sought to rid himself out of this life, by wounding himself with a knife: and afterward was contented to say as they willed him: whereupon he was discharged, but after that he never rested till he had drowned himself in a river, half a mile from his house in Kent. Of whom more is to be seen when you come to his story.
During the time of this parliament, the Clergy likewise after their wonted manner, had a Conuocation, with a disputation also appointed by the Queens commandment, at Paul's Church in London the same time, which was about the 18. of October. In the which Conuocation, first M. John Harpesfield Bachelor of Divinity, made a sermon ad Clerum, the 16. of October. After the sermon done, it was assigned by the bishops, that they of the Clergye house, for avoiding confusion of words should choose them a Prolocutor. To the which room and office by common assent, was named Doc. Weston Dean of Westminster, and presented to the Bishops, with an Oration of M. Pie Dean of Chichester, and also of Master Wymbisley Archdeacon of London. Which D. Weston being chosen and brought unto the bishops, made his gratulatory Oration to the house, with the answer again of B. Boner.
After these things thus sped in the convocation house, they proceeded next to the Disputation appointed, as is abovesaid, by the Queens Commandment, about the matter of the sacrament. Which disputation continued six days. Wherein D. Weston was chief on the Popes part who behaved himself outrageously in tauntyng and checking. In conclusion, such as disputed on the contrary part were driven some to flee, some to deny, & some to die, though to the most men's judgments that heard the disputation, they had the upper hand, as here may appear by y e report of the said disputation, the copy whereof we thought here to annex, as followeth.
The true report of the disputation had and begun in the Conuocation house at London, the 18 of October. Anno. 1553.
WHere as divers and uncertain rumoures be spread abroad of the Disputation had in the Conuocation house, to the intent that all men may know the certainty of all things therein done and said, as much as the memory of him that was present▪ thereat can bear away, he hath thought good at request, thoroughly to describe what was said therein on both parties of the matters argued and had in question, and of the enteraunce thereof.
Acte of the first day.
FIrst upon Wednesday, being the 18. of October, at after noon, M. Weston the Prolocutor certified the house that it was the Queens pleasure, that the company of the same house being learned men, assembled, should debate of matters of Religion, and constitute laws thereof, which her grace and the Parliament would ratify. And for that (said he) there is a book of late set forth, called the Catechism (which he shown forth) bearing the name of this honorable Synod, & yet put forth without your consents as I have learned, being a book very pestiferous, and full of heresies, and likewise a book of Common prayer very abominable (as it pleased him to term it) I thought it therefore best, first to begin with the articles of the Catechism, concerning the sacrament of the alter, to confirm the natural presence of Christ in the same, and also transubstantiation: Wherefore (said he) it shall be lawful on Friday next ensuing, for all men freely to speak their conscience in these matters, that all doubts may be removed, and they fully satisfied therein.
Acte of the second day.
The Friday coming, being the 20. of October, whē men had thought they should have entered Disputation of the questions proposed, the Prolocutor exhibited two several bills unto the house: the one for the natural presence of Christ in the sacrament of the alter, the other concerning the Catechism, that it was not of that houses agrement set forth, and that they did not agree thereunto: requiring all them to subscribe to the same, as he himself had done. Wherunto the whole house did immediately assent, except six, which were the Dean of Rochester,