Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
All the matter to be feared is exces in worshipping, wherein the church of Rome, hath been very precise. And specially Gregory, writing Episcopo Mastilien. which is contained, De consecratio. Distinctione. 3. as followeth.
Perlatum ad nos fuerat, quod inconsiderato zelo succensus, fanctorum imagines, sub hac quasi excusatione, ne adorari debuissent, confregeris, & quidem ease adorari vetuisse, omnino laudamus, fregisse vero reprehedimus. Dic frater, a quo factum esse sacerdote aliquādo auditum est, quod fecisti? Aliud est enim picturam adorare, aliud per picturam historiam, quid sit adorandum addiscere. Nam quod legentibus scriptura, hoc & idiotis praestat pictura cernentibus, quia in ipsa ignorantes vident quid sequi debeant, in ipsa legunt qui literas nesciunt, vnde & praecipue gentibus, pro lection pictura est.
Herein is forbidden adoration, and then in Sexta Sinodo, was declared what manner of adoration is forbidden, that is to say, godly adoration to it being a creature, as is contained in the chapiter, Venerabiles imagines, in the same distinction, in this wise.
Venerabiles Imagines Christiani non deos appellant, neque seruiunt eis vt dijs, neque spem salutis ponunt in eis, ne{que} ab eis ex spectant futurum iudicium, sed ad memoriam & recordationē primitiuorum venerantur ease & adorant, sed non seruiunt eis cultu diuino, nec alicui creaturae.
By which doctrine, all idolatry is plainly excluded, in evident words. So as we cannot say, that the worshipping of Images had his beginning by popery, for Gregory forbad it, unless we shall call that Synod, Popery, because there were so many bishops. And yet there is forbidden, cultus Diuinus, and agreeth with our beforesaid doctrine, by which we may creep before the cross on good Friday, wherein we have the Image of the crucifix in honor, & use it in a worshipful place, and so earnestly look on it, and conceive that it signifieth, as we kneel and creep before it, whiles it lieth there, and whiles that remembrance is in exercise, with which cross nevertheless, the Sexten when he goeth for a corse, will not be afraid, to be homely, and hold it under his gown whiles he drinketh a potte of ale, a point of homeliness that might be left, but yet it declareth, that he esteemed no Divinity in the Image. But ever since I was borne a poor parishioner, a lay man, durst be so bold at a shift (if he weee also churchwarden) to sell to the use of the Church at length, and his own, in the mean time, the silver cross on Easter Monday, that was creeped unto on good Friday. In specialties, there have been special abuses, but generally Images have been taken for Images, with an office to signify an holy remembrance of Christ and his saints. And as the sound of speech uttered by a lively Image, and representing to the understanding, by the sense of hearing godly matter, doth stir up the mind, and therewith the body, to consent in outward gesture of worshipful regard, to that sound: So doth the object of the Image, by the sight, work like effect in mā, within and without, wherein is verily worshipped, that we understand, and yet reverence and worship also shown to that, whereby we attain that understanding, and is to us in the place of an instrument. So as it hath no worship of it self, but remaineth in his nature of stone or timber, silver, copper or gold. But when it is in office, and worketh a godly remembrance in us, by representation of the thing signified unto us, then we use it worshipfully and honourably, as many do the priest at Mass, whom they little regard all the day after. And me thinketh ever, that like as it is an over gross error, to take an image for God, or to worship it with godly honor. So to grant that we may not have Images of Christ, and that we may do no worship before them, or not use them worshipfully, it is inexplicable. For it is one kind of worship to place them worshipfully. So as if a man place an Image in the church, or hang it about his neck, as all use to do the Image of the cross, and the knight of the order Saint George, this is some piece of worship. And if we may not contemn the images of Christ and his saints, when we have them (for that were villainy) not neglect them (for that were to have them without use▪) which were inconvenient, (quia nec natura nec art quicquam fit frustra) we must have them in estimation and reputation, which is not without some honor and worship, and at the least in the place, where we conveniently use them, as in the church, as where they serve us rather then we them, and because their service is worshipful, they be so regarded accordingly, for that time of service, and therefore they be called Venerabiles Imagines, and be worshipfully ordered, before whom we kneel, and bow, and cense, not at that the Images be, but at that the Images signify, which in our kneeling, bowing, and censing, we knowledge to understand and read in that fashion of contract writing, wherein is wrapped up, a great many of sentences, suddenly opened with one sudden sight, to him that hath been exercised in reading of them. And me seemeth, after the faith of Christ received & known, and thoroughly purged from heresies, if by case, there were offered a choice, either to retain painting and grauing, and forbear writing, or choosing writing, to forbear both the other gifts: it would be a problem, seeing if grauing were taken away, we could have no printing. And therefore they that press so much the words, of Non facies tibi sculptile, ever me thinketh they condemn printed books, the original whereof is of grauing to make matrrices literarum. Sed hoc est furiosum, & sunt tamen qui putāt palmarium. And therefore now it is englished. Thou shalt make no graven Images, least thou worship them, which (I here) is newly written in the new church, I know not the name, but not far frō the old Jury. But to y e matter of Images, wherein I have discoursed at large I think, and ye consider (as I doubt not, but ye will) the doctrine set forth by our late Sovereign Lord? Ye shall in y e matter see y e truth set forth by such as had that committed unto them, under his highness, amongst whom I was not, nor was not privy unto it, till it was done. And yet the clause in the book, for discussion of (the Lord) and (our Lord) hath made many think otherwise, but I take our Lord to witness, I was not: & that declaratiō of (our Lord) was his highness own devise, ex se. For he saw the fond Englishing of (the Lord) disseuered in speech whom our Lord had congregate. And this I add lest giving authority to the book, I should seem to aduaunt myself.
Now will I speak somewhat of holy water, wherein I send unto you, the xxxiiij. chapter in the ix. book of thistory Tripartite, where Marcellus the bishop, bad Equitius his Deacon, to cast abroad water by him first hallowed wherewith to drive away the devil. And it is noted, howe the devil could not abide the virtue of the water, but vanished away. And for my part, it seemeth the history may be true. for we be assured by scripture that in the name of God, the church is able and strong to cast out Devils according to the Gospel, In nomine meo daemonia eijcient &c. So as if the water were away, by only calling of the name of God, that maystry may be wrought. And being the vertrue of theffect only attributed to the name of God: the question should be only, whether y e creature of water, may have the office to convey the effect of the holiness, of thinuocation of God's name. And first in Christ, the skirt of his garment had such an office, to minister health to the womā and spe • cle and cley to the blind, and S. Peters shadow, & S. Paul's handkerchers. And leaving old stories here at home, the special gift of curation, ministered by the kings of this realm, not of their own strength but by invocation of the name of God, hath been used to be distributed in rings of gold and silver. And I think effectually wherein the metal hath only an office, and the strength is in the name of God, wherein all is wrought. And Elisha put his staff in like office. And why the whole church might not put water in like office, to convey abroad the invocation of gods name: there is no scripture to the contrary, but there is scripture how other inferior creatures have been promooted to like dignity, and much scripture, how water hath been used in like and greater service. And the story I send unto you, showeth how water hath been used in the same service, to drive away devils. In which matter if any shall say, he believeth not the story, and he is not bound to believe it, being no scripture: that man is not to be reasoned with, for the effect of the kings crampe rings. And yet for such effect as they have wrought, when I was in France, I have been myself much honored, and of all sortes entreated, to have them, with offer of as much for them, as they were double worth. Some will say, what is rings to holy water? Marrie thus I say, if the metal of gold and silver, may do service to carry abroad, the inuocatiō of the name of God effectually for one purpose, water may also serve to carry abroad the invocation of the name of God, wherewith to drive away devils. Hereto will be said. Non valet argumentum a posse ad esse. But the story saith, the water did that service, and other strangers say and affirm by experience, the kings Majesty's rings have done the service. And our late master continued all his life, the exercise of that gift of God, and used silver and gold to do that service, to carry abroad the strength of the invocation of the name of God by him, and he used it among us that served him in it, when he had thoroughly heard and seen what might be said in the matter, and yet he had no scripture, especially for it that spake of rings of silver or gold, no more then is for the ashes ministered a little before ye last preached. And as our young sovereign Lord hath received them reverently: so I trust he shall be advertised, ne negligat gratiam Dei in dono curationum, but follow his father therein: also not doubting but God will hear him as he hath heard his father, and others his progenitors, kings of this realm, to whose dignity God addeth this prerogative, as he doth also to inferior ministers of his church, in the effect of their prayer, when it pleaseth him. A man might find some yonglings percase y t would say, how worldly, wily, witty bishops, have enueigled simple kings heretofore, and to confirm their blessings, have also devised, how kings should bless also, and so authority to maintain, where truth failed, and I have had it objected to me, that I used to prove one piece of mine argument ever by a king, as when I reasoned thus. If ye allow nothing but scripture, what say you to the Kings rings? but they be allowed, Ergo, somewhat is to be allowed besides scripture. And another, if Images be forbidden why doth the king wear S. George on his breast. But he weareth S. George on his breast: Ergo, Images be not forbidden. If saints be not to be worshipped, why kep • we S. Georges feast? But we keep S. Georges feast, Ergo, &c. And in this matter of holy water, if the strength of the invocation of the name of God to drive away devils, cannot be distribute by water: why can it be destribute in silver, to drive away diseases, and the dangerous disease of the falling evil? But the rings hallowed by the holy church, may do so. Ergo, the water hallowed by the Church may do like service. These were sore arguments in his time, and I trust be also yet and may be conueniētly used, to such as would never make an end of talk, but rake up every thing y t their dull sight cannot penetrate, wherein me thought ye spake effectually, when ye said, men must receive the determination of the particular church and obey, where God's law repugneth not expressly. And in this effect to drive away devils, that prayer and invocation of the church may do it, scripture maintaineth evidently, and the same scripture doth autorise us so to pray, and encourageth us to it. So as if in discussiō of holy water, we attribute all the effect to y e holiness which proceedeth from God by invocation of y e church, and take water for an only servant to carry abroad holiness: there can be no superstition, where men regard only prayer, which scripture authorizeth. And if we shall say that the water cannot do such service: we shall be convinced, in that it doth a greater service in our baptism by gods special ordinance. So as we cannot say, that water cannot, or is not apt to do this service, only the stay is, to have a precise place, in the new Testament, to say, use water thus in this service, as we do in holy water, which me thinketh needeth not where all is ordered, to be well used by us: and whē the whole church agreed upon such an use: or any particular church, or the common minister of it: and by the exorcism ordered for it, the thing to be used, purged, there can be but slender matter to improve that custom, wherein God is only honored, & the power of his name set forth, whereunto all thing boweth and giveth place, all natural operation set apart and secluded. And when any man hath denied, that water may do service, because scripture appointeth it not, that (because) driveth away much of the rest, the church useth, and specially our cramp rings. For if water may not serve to carry abroad, the effect of God's grace obtained by invocation frō God, by y e common prayer of y e church. How can the metal of silver or gold carry abroad, the effect of the kings invocation in the crampe rings? which manner of reasoning (ad hominem) Christ used with the Jews, whē he said, Si ego in Belzebub, eijcio daemonia, filij vestri, in quo eijciunt? And if by our own principles, we should be enforced to say that our crampe rings be superstitiō (where truth enforceth us not so to do) it were a marvelous punishment. Si caeci essemus (as Christ saith) peccatum non haberemus, sed videmus, and this realm hath learning in it, and you a good portion thereof, according whereunto I doubt not, but ye will weigh this matter non ad popularem trutinam, sed artificis stateram. I mean that artificer y t teacheth the church our mother (as ye full well declared it) & ordered our mother to give nourishment unto us. In which point speaking of the church, although ye touched an unknown church to us, and known to God only, yet declared the union of that Church in the permixt Church, which God ordereth men to complain unto, & to hear again, wherein the absurdity is taken away of them that would have no church known, but every man believe, as he were inwardly taught himself, whereupon followeth the old Proverb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Which is far frō y e unity, ye so earnestly wished for, whereof (as me thought) ye said pride is the let, as it is undoubtedly, which fault God amend, and give you grace, so to facion your words, as ye may agree with them in speech, with whom ye be inclined to agree in opinion. For that is the way to relieve the world. And albeit there hath been between you and me, no familiarity, but contrariwise, a little disagreement (which I did not hide frō you,) yet considering the fervent zeal ye professed, to teach Peters true doctrine, that is to say, Christ's true doctrine, whereunto ye thought the doctrine of Images and holy water, to put away devils agreed not: I have willingly spent this time, to communicate unto you my folly (if it be folly) plainly as it is, whereupon ye may have occasion, the more substantially, fully and plainly to open these matters for the relief of such as be fallen from the truth and confirmation of those that receive and follow it, wherein it hath been ever much commended, to have such regard to histories of credit, and the continual use of the church rather to show how a thing continued from the beginning, as holy water and Images have done, may be well used: thē to follow the light rash eloquence, which is ever ad manū, to mock and improve that is established. And yet again I come to Marcellus that made a cross in the water, and bade his deacon cast it abroad, cum fide & zelo, after which sort, if our holy water were used, I doubt not but there be many Marcellus, and many Elisha, and many at whose prayer God forgiveth sin, if such as will enjoy y e prayer have faith and zeal, as Equitius, and were as desirous to drive the devil out of the temple of their body and soul, as Equitius out of the temple of Jupiter. So as if holy use were coupled with holy water, there should be more plenty of holiness then there is, but as men be profane in their living, so they cannot bide to have anything effectually holy, not so much as bread and water, fearing lest they should take away sin from us, which we love so well. Solus Christus peccata diluit, who sprinckleth his blood, by his ministers, as he hath taught his spouse, the Church in which those ministers be ordered, wherein many ways, maketh not many saviors, as ignorants do jest, whereof I need not speak further unto you, no more I needed not in the rest in respect of you, but me thought, ye conjured all men in your sermon, to say what they thought to you, id quod hanc mihi expressit Epistolam, quam boni consules, Et Vale.
Your loving friend. Ste. Winchester.
AS I have set forth here (gentle Reader) the cauillyng letter of Winchester, against M. Ridleys Sermon: so am I right sory, that I have not likewise the answer of the said Ridley again, to join withal. For so I understand, that not only M. Ridley, but also M. Barlow B. of S. David's (for Winchester wrote against them both) had written and sent immediately their answers to the same, refutyng the frivolous and unsavory reasons of this popish prelate, as may well appear by a parcel additional of a letter sent by the L. Protector to the said Bishop in these words.
And because we have begun to write to you, we are put in remembrance of a certain letter or book which you wrote unto us against the bishop of S. David's sermon, and D. Ridleys, to the which, answer being immediately made, was by negligence of us forgottē to be sent. Now we both send you that, and also the answer which the B. of s. David's wrote to the same book of yours.
Articles and positions ministered and objected eche of them jointly and severally to the B. of Winchester, as followeth.
The 1. Article.
IN primis, that the kings Majesty justly and rightfully is, and by the laws of God ought to be the supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and also of Ireland, and so is by the Clergy of this realm in their convocation, and by act of Parliament justly and according to the laws of God recognised.
The 2. Article.
Item, that his Majesty as supreme hed of the said Churches, hath full power and authority, to make and set forth laws, Injunctions, and ordinances, for and concerning religion & orders in the said churches for the increase of virtue, and repressing of all errors, heresies, and other enormities, and abuses.
Winchester.
To this second article he answereth affirmatively.
The 3. Article.
Item, that all and every his graces subjects are bound by the law of God to obey all his Majesty's said laws, Injunctions & proceedings concerning religion and orders in the said church.
Winchester.
To the third article, the laid B. answereth affirmatively, and granteth it.
The 4. Article.
Item, that you Stephen B. of Winchester, have sworn obedience to his majesty as supreme head of this Church of England, and also of Ireland.
The 5. Article.
Item, that all and every his graces subjects, that disobey any his said majesties laws, Injunctions, ordinances, and proceedings already set forth and published, or hereafter to be set forth and published, ought worthily to be punished according to his Ecclesiastical law used within this his realm.
Winchester.
To this fifth article, the said B. answereth affirmatively, and granteth it.
The 6. Article.
Item, that you the said Bishop, as well in the Kings Majesty's late visitation within your diocese, as at sundry times have been complained vpō, & sundry informations made against you for your doings, sayings, and preachings against sundry Injunctions, orders, and other proceedings of his majesty, set forth for reformation of errors, superstitions, and other abuses of religion.
Winchester.
This article toucheth other men's acts, who or how they are complained or informed, I cannot thoroughly tell. For at the time of the kings Majesty's visitation, I was in the Fleet, and the morrow after twelfe day I was delivered at Hampton court, my L. of Somerset, and my L. of Canterbury then being in counsel with many other counsailors, & was delivered by these words: The kings majesty hath granted a general pardon, and by the benefit thereof, I was discharged. Wherunto I answered, that I was learned never to refuse the kings majesties pardon, and in strength as that was: and I would & did humbly thank his majesty therefore, and then they began with me in an article of learning touching justification, whereunto they willed me to say my mind, adding therewith, that because other learned men had agreed to a form delivered unto me, that I should not think I could alter it: which I received of them, and promised the Thursday after to repair to my L. of Somersets house at Sheene, with my mind written: which I did, and that day seuennight following, appearing before him and other of the counsel, was committed to my house for prisoner, because I refused to subscribe to the form of words & sentences that other had agreed unto (as they said.) In which time of imprisonment in my house, the Bish. of Rochester then being as sent to me, and after M. Smith, & then M. Cecil, to which M. Cecil, when I had by learning resolved my mind in the matter, I delivered it, and he delivering it to my lords Grace, wrote me in his name, thanks for it: and then it was within the time of Lent, ere I was discharged of y e trouble, and so went to Winchester as a man clearly out of all travel of business.
And within 14. days after that, or there abouts, began other travel with me, upon a request made by my Lord of Somerset to surrender a college in Cambridge, & diverse letters were written between his grace & me in it. Wherein I might perceive the Secretary in his pen took occasiō to prick me more, then I trusted my Lord's grace himself would have done. And by this trouble was I deduced to an end. Then shortly after I received letters to come to y e counsel, & by reason I alleged my disease, I was respited by other letters, & three days before whitsontide, received yet other letters to come, by which it might seem unto me, that it was not of all believed that I was diseased, & therefore with all expeditiō when I could not ride, I came in an horselitter, and according to my duty presented myself to my Lord's of the counsel, who all then entertained me secretly among them before the matters were objected unto me, as I had been in the same place with them that I was in our late sovereign lords days. Afterwards my L. of Somersets Grace charged me with these matters following, & in this form, having the articles written in a paper. First, with disobedience that I came not at his sending for. Wherunto I answered, that I had his letters of license, to stay til I might come conveniently. And vpō the last letters I came incontinently in a horselitter.
Then it was objected y t I bare Palms, & crept to the cross. Wherunto I answered, that they were misinformed and I trusted they would not think I durst deny it, if I had done it, because ceremonies had such circumstances, as I might easily be reproved, if it were otherwise.
Then it was objected, that at Easter I had a solemn sepulcher in the church, and such other ceremonies. I answered, that I had even as many as the kings Majesty's proclamations commanded me, declaring plainly, that I thought it not expedient to make any alteration, wherein to offend the kings majesties proclamation, adding how he that followeth as he is commanded, is very obedient.
It was then objected unto me, y t I went about to deface two of the kings majesties chaplens, sent down to be Canons of the church of Winchester. Wherunto I answered, declaring the fact truly as it was, which I am yet able to justify. After this matter thus oft objected & answered, I was commanded to go apart, and being called in again, my L. of Somersets grace looking upon a bill of Articles, said I had preached how the Apostles went from the presence of the counsel, of the counsel, of the counsel, which matter I denied▪ adding that it was not my fashion of preaching so to play in i • eration of words.
After that, it was objected unto me for preaching of the Sacrament, to say: the body of Christ was really present being a fault to use the word really, not comprised in the Scripture. Whereunto I answered that I did not use the word really, which needeth not. For as I once heard my Lord of Canterbury reason against one Lambert in the presence of the kings Majesty that dead is: the words of scripture, This is my body that shall be betrayed for you, do plainly and lively express the very presence: and so did I set it forth to the people in my diocese. And this is the effect of all that was said against me at my being at the Counsayle, as I can remember. To whom I declared howe much I esteemed obedience, and told them I had taught in my diocese, how the whole life of a Christian man consisteth in suffering properly. And therefore we may not do our own will, but y e will of God. And among men we must either suffer the rulers will, or their power, their will to order us, & their power to punish us. After declaratiō whereof my Lord of Somerset said, ye must tarry in the town. Whereunto I answered, I would be contented at their commandment or pleasure to tarry: but seeing I was no offender, I desired them I might not tarry as an offender: and for declaration thereof, that I might have some house in the country about London, to remove unto for a shift. In devising whereof I stack much to borrow Asshar. My Lord of Somerset said, if he had any in faith he would lend me one. And in the end my Lord of Somerset desired me to write what my mind was in ceremonies and to send it unto him, and with that departed.
Thus I have truly opened after what sort I have been complained on, y t hath certainly come to my knowledge. Truth it is that one Philpot in Winchester, whom I accounted altered in his wits (as I heard) devised tales of me, the specialties whereof I never was called to answer unto. Players and minstrels also railed on me, & other made ballades and rimes of me, but never mā had just cause to cōplain of any my sayings, doings, or preachings, or to my knowledge did otherwise, then afore. And if any man shall put me in remembrance of any other cōplaynt that might in my absence be made of me: If I have heard it. I will grant so. But well assured I am▪ I was never complained on, & called to make answer to y e complaint, but this one time in all my whole life by no man of any degree. Once y e Lord Cromwell, God pardon his soul & forgive him, caused one day & a half to be spent in a matter between sir Frances Brian & me, which was ended, & I declared an honest man which the kings majesty that dead is, God pardon his soul, set forth with his familiarity to me incontinently. And this is all the trouble y t I have had in my life, saving y e sending to the Fleet, being occasioned by my own letter to the counsel upon a zeal that I had, which they allowed not, and finally, this sending of me, to y e Tower, which was without calling me before the counsel, to hear what I could say. I am loath to be forsworn: and therefore accompt all the complaints in my whole life made against me, whereunto I have been made privy.
The 7. Article.
Item, that after and upon occasion of those and many other complaints and informations, you have been sundry times admonished, commanded, and enjoined to conform yourself, as to your duty appertained.
Winchester.
To this seventh Article I answer: I was never afore the counsel called by way of outward complaint and information, but only once in all my whole life, which was at my last coming to London. Wherunto I answered (as afore) & have told the form & process of speech to serve for furniture of answer, to this and that Article: for other then I have before written, I remember not to have done or suffered by the higher powers in all my whole life, til my coming into the tower, without that I have had any by admonitions, as a mā faulty or negligent at any time that I remember, for the obseruatiō of any thing already made or set forth by y e kings majesty that now is, but have kept, & caused to be kept in my power the kings majesties arts, statutes, injunctions, and proclamations inviolably, having for that purpose such a Chancellor, as in orders & ordinances hath been always himself diligent and precise for that time I might have knowledge of his doings.
The 8. Article.
Item, that after the premisses, & for that those former admonitions & comandements, notwithstanding you did yet still she • yourself not conformable, & for that also others by your example were much animated, & thereby occasion of much unquietness ministered amongst the people, you were called before the kings majesties counsel in the month of June, in the 2. year of his majesties reign, and by them on his majesties behalf, commanded to preach a Sermon before his majesty, and therein to declare the • ustnesse and godliness of his majesties father in his proceedings upon certain matters partly mentioned in certain articles to you delivered in writing, and partly otherwise declared unto you.
The effect whereof was touching the usurped power and authority of the B. of Rome, that the same was justly and godly taken away in this realm, and other the kings majesties dominions: touching the just suppressing and taking away of monasteries and religious houses, of Pilgrimages, Relics, Shrines, Images.
The superstitious going about of S. Nicholas bishop, S. Edmund, S. Katherine, S. Clement, and such like: and just taking away of Chaunteries, Abbeys and Colleges, hallowyng of candels, water, ashes, Palme, holy bread, beads, creeping to the cross & such like.
Also, touching the setting forth of the kings majesties authority in his young years to be as great as if his highness were of many more years.
That auricular confession is indifferent, and of no necessity by the law of God: and touching the procession and Common prayer in English.
Winchester.
This Article being of so many partes as it is, some true, some otherwise, must be answered by division of it in to diverse members, to devide the one from the other, grāting that is true, denying that is otherwise, & opening that is ambiguous, avoiding y t is captious, so as according to my oth, I may open directly & plainly the truth, with sincerity of conscience. The motion of preaching was made unto me in mine own house by M. Cecil, upon the duke of Somersets behalf, after I had been before y e counsel, as I have before said: from which Counsaile I departed (as before is rehearsed) as no offender, & therefore when M. Cicil spake to me of preaching before the kings Majesty, with request to write my sermon before, I denied that manner of preaching, because I said it was to preach like an offender, and I was none, but departed from the Counsaile otherwise as I have before shown. And the said M. Cicil did not say to me that I was moved to preach, because I was not conformable: for I had at that time no manner of variance with the Counsaile, but was in all conformity with them for any thing that I know, as I will answer afore God.
As for evil example to any man, I could none give, for I never offended law, statute, or proclamatiō in this realm, • e did ever any act to the empairing of due obedience to y e kings majesty in all my whole life, but by observation of them, and letting innovations, done as much as in me lay to maintain obedience.
After M. Cecil had spoken to me of preaching, & delivered two papers containing the matters whereupon I should entreat, because I refused to give my sermō in writing (which was to me like an offēder, or to read those papers of another mans devise, as the conception and sincere manner of uttering of mine own conscience) which me thoght then and since, yet a marvelous unreasonable mater touching both my conscience and honesty) I was then fer to the duke of Somersets graces chamber, and came in at a back door to himself alone, saving he took to him as witness he said, the L. now of Wiltshire, then great master, & after many words, shown me certain articles subscribed by Lawyers, what a B. might command, & what the king might command, and what pain to the disobeyer.
To whom I said plainly & truly, how those Lawyers subscription could not serve in this case to command one to utter to the people for mine own devise in words, that is not in deed so: and if I might speak with these lawyers (I said) his grace should soon perceive them to agree with me. My L. said, I should speak with no man, and I should do as I was hidden, or do worse, and bade me advise me till dinner was done. And then was I conveyed by the L. great Master to his chamber, and there left alone to dyne, as was in deed honourably prepared. But I took myself to be in the nature of a prisoner, and a restrained man.
And about two of the clock at after noon, came unto me M. Thomas Smith then Secretary, unto whom I complained of the vnreasonablenes of the matter, & shown him certain particularities, who said it was not meant so precisely, but to speak of the matters. To whō I said, I was content to speak of the matters, and thē if I speak not according to the truth of them, there should be enough to bear witness to my condemnation, and if I spake the truth, then they had their desire. And I said further, I thought I might with my conscience say so as men ought and should be content & satisfied. And further if I thought that in my manner of the uttering of those matters, I should offend the Counsaile, I had rather deny to speak of the thing, and begin the contention secretly with them, then to begin with pulpit, and so bring myself in further trouble then needed, and therefore if they would have me preach, I would preach as of myself, and of these matters, so as I thought they should be content.
Wherupon I was brought up to my L. of Somersets chamber, and there the matter ended thus, that my L. of Somerset said he would require no writing of me, but remit it to me, so I spake of y e matters in the papers delivered me by M. Cicill. I told him I would speak of thē, saving for children's toys of going about of S. Nicholas and S. Clement. If that be now gone (quoth I) and forgotten, if I be to busy in rehearsal of them, they will say I comber their heads with ceremonies, and thus they will defame me: When ceremonies were plenty, they will say, I did nothing but preach on them, and now they be gone, I babble of thē still. I said I would teach y e chief points, adding that I would speak of other matters also, & with that, being put to my liberty to choose the day, departed: and otherwise I was not spoken with concerning preaching, saving after M. Cicill came unto me, whereof I shall speak anon.
As concerning the matters to be spoken of, all such things as be here rehearsed, be named in the papers, delivered unto me, although not altogether after this sort: saving the setting forth of the kings majesties authority in his minority, whereof there is no word in those papers, nor there was never any promise made of me to speak of it. Truth it is, y t after I had signified the day whē I would preach. M. Cicil came unto me making the chief message to know the day when I would preach: to whom I had sent word before that it should be s. Peters day, because me thought the gospel served well for that purpose, & in process of communication he told me that he lyked gaily well a word that I had said in another communication. How a king was as much a king at one year of age, as at one hundred years of age, and if I touched it, he thought it would be well taken. I told him again, every mā knew that, and then opened of myself the matter further.
And at his next repair unto me, which was the mōday before I preached, the said M. Cicil brought me papers of the kings majesties hand, showing me how his hyghnesse used to note every notable sentence, and specially if it touched a king, and therefore (quoth he) if ye speak of a king, ye must join Counsaile withal. Whereunto I made no answer, but shifted to other matter, without making him any promise or denial, because I would neither bind myself, nor trouble myself to discuss that matter. For albeit it is godly and wisely done of every Prince to use Counsaile, yet speaking of a kings power by scripture, I cannot by express scripture limit the kings power by counsel. And hearing blyndly by report some secret matter, that I will not speak of here, I thought not to meddle with it in the pulpet: and yet to the effect to have our sovereign L. now obeyed, of which mind I was ever, I pointed to our sovereign L. there in presence, & said he was only to be obeyed, and I would have but one king, and other words to that purpose. But for any promise to be made by me, I utterly deny it, and tell plainly the cause why I spake not otherwise of it. There was also in the papers delivered unto me, occasion given me to speak of the Mass, because of Masses satisfactory, as some understand them. And also there was occasion to speak of the sacrament of the altar, because of the proclamation passed of the same, which to be true, I shall justify by the said papers.
The 9. Article.
Item, that you receiving the same, and promising to declare the same in a Sermon by you made before his majesty for that purpose on the feast of S. Peter, in the said 2. year of his reign, did then and there contemptuously and disobediently omit to declare and set forth many of the said matters, and of divers others of the said Articles, you spake and uttered your mind in such doubtful sort, as the justness and godliness of his Majesty's fathers and his proceedings, was not set forth according to the commandment given unto you, and your own promise, to the great offense of the hearers, and manifest contempt of his majesty, and dangerous example of others.
Winchester.
Touching y e promise I answer as afore, & as touching omission of y t I should have spoken of, by contempt or disobedience, I answer by mine oth: I did not omit anything (if I did omit it) by contempt or disobedience: for I ever minded to satisfy y e promise, to speak of all matters in those papers, according to my former declaratiō. And if I did percase omit anything (whereof I cā make now no assurance being ii. years & a half past since I preached) but if I did omit anything, who knew my travel in y t matter, would not marvel, being troubled w t a letter sent from y e duke of Somerset, whereof I shall speak after. So as frō 4. of y e clock, on thursday, till I had done my sermon on y • friday, I did neither drink, eat, ne sleep, so careful was I to pass over y e travel of preching, without all slander of the truth, w t satisfaction of my promise, & discharge of my duty to God & y e kings most excellent majesty. Wherein, whether any thing were omitted or not, I could have answered more precisely thē I can now, if according to my most instant suit, & the suit of my servants, y • matter had been heard while it was in fresh memory. But because omissiō may be by infirmity of nature, in which obliuiō is a pain of our original sin, in which case it is no mortal offense, if a man being put in remembrance will purge it, I therefore according to the true testimony of mine own conscience, dare y e more boldly deny all contempt & disobedience, having for my declaratiō a general sentence spoken in my sermon, y t I agreed with the upper part in their laws, orders & commandments, or such like words, & found only fault in the lower part. By which sentence appeared, how I allowed in y e whole, that was past thetherto, & only dissented frō the doings of thē y t attempt innovations of their own presumption. And furthermore I say, y t that saying [omission] here objected unto me, if it were true as I know it not to be, may happen two ways: one way by infirmity of nature, another way of purpose. charity of a christē mā permitteth not to determine y e worst of that is doubtful & ambiguous to both parties: as touching doutfulnes objected. I take god to record I minded to speak simply, & to be on y e kings majesties side only, & not to go invisible in the world, w t ambiguities esteeming him, &c. The worst mā of all is, y t will make himself a lock of words & speech, which is known not to be my factiō, nor I think this life worth y • dissimulation, & how can y t be a doubtful speech in him, y t professeth to agree with the kings laws, injunctions & statutes, which I did expressly. There be y t cal a doubt whatsoever serveth not their appetite. It is not in y e speaker to satisfy the hearer y t will doubt where dout is not. The sum of my teaching was, y t all visible things be ordered to serve us, which we may in convenient service use. And whē we serve them, y t is an abuse, and may thē at y e rulers pleasure, unless scripture appointeth a special use of thē, be corrected in y • use, or takē away for reformatiō. And this is a plain teaching y t hath no dout in it, but a yea & a nay on ii. sides, w t out a mean to make a dout, And if any y t douteth cometh unto me, I will resolve him y • doubt as I can. And if I promised to speak plainly or am commanded to speak plainly & cannot, thē is my fault to promise only in the nature of folly & ignorance, whereunto I resort, not for a shift, whereof in deed I profess y e knowledge but to show how sometime to my hinderance, I am noted learned that can speak plainly, and yet speak doubtfully, other whiles am rejected as one y t understandeth not the matter at all. As touching contempt, there can be none▪ manifest y t proceedeth of a privy promise if I had broken it, I intended not, but intended to take it, as appeareth by my general sentence, to agre w t the superiors, & only find fault in y e inferior subjects, who daily transgresseth the kings majesties proclamations and other, whereof I spake then.
The 10. Article.
Item, that you being also commanded on his Majesty's behalf, for the avoiding of tumult, and for other great considerations inhibited to treat of any matter in controversy concerning the mass of the communion, then commonly called the sacrament of the altar, did contrary to the said commandment and inhibition, declare diverse your judgments and opinions in the same, in the manifest contempt of his highness said inhibition, to the great offense of the hearers and disturbance of common quiet and unity of the realm.
Winchester.
To the x. article the said B. answered, y t the Wednesday at after noon, next before y e friday whē I preached, M. Cicil came to me, & having in all his other accesses spoken no word thereof, did thē utter & advise me frō y e D. of Somerset, y t I should not speak of the sacrament, or of the Mass, whereby he said I should avoid trouble. And when he saw me not take it well, I mean (quoth he) doubtful matters. I asked him what? He said transubstantiation. I told him he wist not what transubstantiation meant. I will preach (quoth I) the very presence of Christ's most precious body & blood in the sacrament, which is the catholic faith, & no doubtful matter, ne yet in controversy, saving that certain unlearned speak of it, they wot not what. And among the matters quoth I, whereof I have promised to speak▪ I must by special words speak of the sacrament & the mass also. And when I shall so speak of thē. I will not forbear to utter my faith & true belief therein, which I think necessary for the kings majesty to know: & therefore if I wist to be hanged when I came down, I would speak it. Which plain zeal of my conscience, grounded vpō gods commandment to do his message truly, I would not hide, but utter so, as my L. should, if he would not have it spoken of, nor let me to come there as he might have done, where as else, if I had had a deceitful purpose, I might have accepted the advise, & w t out any color of trouble, have refused to follow it as a thing grounded upon wealth only, as it was thē uttered. With this my answer M. Cicil departed, & upon y e thursday which was the next day following, & the evening before I preached, between 3. & 4. at after noon, I received a letter signed with the hand of the D. of Somerset (the copy whereof I am ready to exhibit) & took it them, & esteemed it so now to continue no effectual inhibition whereunto I might by gods law, or the kings majesties laws with discharge of my conscience & duty obey, although the said letters had been (as they were not) in such terms framed, as had precisely forbidden me (as they did not) but only to speak of matters in controversy of the sacrament, which in deed I did not, but only uttered a truth to my conscience, most certainly persuaded of the most holy sacrament, necessary to be known to the kings majesty, & to be uttered by me admitted to that place of preaching, from whence God commandeth his truth to be uttered, which in this nature of truth (the undue estimation and use whereof, S. Paul threateneth with temporal death) may in no wise be omitted. So as I was and am persuaded the right estimation of the sacrament, to be to acknowledge the very presence of the same most precious body and blood present in the Sacrament to feed us, that was given to redeem us. If I shown not my sovereign Lord the truth thereof, I for my part suffer him wittingly to fall into that extreme danger of body, which S Paul threateneth, whose person I am bound by nature, by special oaths, by God's laws to preserve to my power as I will do, and must do, by all ways and means. And if the Kings Majesty doth vouchsafe to teache his people not to obey his commandment, where God commandeth the contrary, I might not take my Lord of Somersets letter for an inhibition to hold my peace, when God biddeth me to speak as he doth whē the Wolf cometh, and not to hide myself in silence, which is the most shameful running away of all. I have much matter to allege against the letter why I should not credit it, written in his name alone, against a common letter (as I took it) written by him and the counsel, and published in print the first day of the said month, which maintaineth my preaching of the sacrament & mass, according to the proclamations and injunctions: the violation of which public letters, had been a disorder and contempt, where as I neither offended in the one, nor the other.
And as for tumult, none could reasonably be feared of anything spoken agreeable to the kings majesties laws, as there did follow none, nor the people, or any man did offer my person any wrong, or make tumult against me, not withstanding players, jesters, rimers, ballademakers, did signify me to be of the true catholic faith, which I according to my duty declared to the kings majesty, from whō I may hide no truth that I think expedient for him to know. And as the name of God cannot be used of any creature against God, no more can the kings name, being used of any subject against his highness. Wherefore seeing the abuse of this holy sacrament hath in it a danger assured by scripture of body & soul, whosoever is persuaded in y e catholic faith (as I am) findeth himself so burdened to utter that unto his majesty, as no worldly loss cā let him to do his duty in that behalf, and much less my Lord's private letters written without other of the counsails hands.
The 11. Article.
Item, that after the premisses, viz. in the month of May or June or one of them, in the 3. year of his highness reign, his majesty sent eftsoons unto you to know your conformity towards his said reformations, and specially touching the book of common prayer then lately set forth by his majesty, whereunto you at the same time refused to show yourself conformable.
Winchester.
To the xi. article for answer and declaration thereof, he said: The next day at after noon after he had preached, when he looked for no such matter, came to his house the right worshipful Sir Anthony Wingfield, and Sir Rafe Sadler knights, accompanied with a great number of the gard, and used themselves for their part according to their worships, and (I doubt not) as they were appointed, Sir Rafe Sadler begā thus w t me: My L. (said he) ye preached yesterday obedience, but ye did not obey yourself, & went forth w t his message very soberly as he can, and discretely. I asked him wherein I obeyed not. He said, touching my L. of Somersets letter. Master Sadler, quoth I, I pray you say to my Lord's grace, I would he never made mention of that letter, for the love I bear him. And yet quoth I, I have not broken that letter, & I was mineded, quoth I, to have written to my L. upon the receipt of it, and loe, quoth I, ye may see how I begā, and shown him (because we were then in my study) the beginning of my letter, and reasoned with him for declaration of myself, and told him therewith, I will not spend, quoth I, many words w t you, for I cā not alter this determination. And yet in good faith quoth I, my manner to you, and this declaration may have this effect, that I be gently handled in the prison, and for that purpose I pray you, make suit on my behalf.
Master Wingfield laid his hand on my shoulder, and arrested me in y e kings name for disobedience. I asked them whether I should. They said to the Tower. Finally I desired them that I might be spoken with shortly, & heard what I could say for myself, and prayed them to be suitors in it, and so they said they would.
After y t I was once in the tower, until it was within 6. days of one whole yere, I could hear no manner word, message, comfort, or relief, saving once when I was sick, and me thought some extremity towards me, my Chaplain had license to come to me for one time, & then denied again, being answered that my fever was but a tertian, which my said Chaplain told me when he came to me at the Easter following, and there being with me from the morning till night on Easter day departed, and for no su • e could never have him since. To M. Lieftenant I made diverse suits to provoke the duke of Somersets grace to hear me. And if I might have the liberty of an English man, I would plainly declare I had neither offended law, statute, act, proclamation nor his own letter neither, but all would not help, & I shall report me to M. Lieftenāt whether in all this time I maligned, grudged or used any unseemly words, ever demanding justice, & to be heard according to justice. When I had been thus in the tower one whole year within 6. days or 7. as I remember, came to the Tower the Lord Chancellor of England, now being the L. Treasurer, and master Secretarye Peter, who calling me unto them, as I remember, entered this: They said they had brought with them a book passed by the parliament, which they would I should look on and say my mind to it, and upon my conformity in it, my Lord of Somerset would be suitor to the kings majesty for mercy to be ministered to me. Wherunto I answered that I trusted if I might be heard, the kings Majesty's justice would releue me, which I had longsued for, and could not be heard. And to sue for mercy, quoth I, when I have not in my conscience offended, and also to sue out of this place, where asking of mercy, employeth a further suspicion then I would be for all the world touched in it, were not expedient. And therefore, quoth I, not guilty is and hath been allowed a good plee for a prisoner. Then my Lord said, why quoth he, were ye not commanded to preach of the kings authority in his young age, & yet did not? I told him I was not commanded. Is not (quoth he) that Article in the papers ye had delivered you? I assured him no.
And after communication of the kings Majesty's authority wherein was no disagrement, then my lord Chancellor said I had disobeied my Lord's graces letter. I told him I thought not, and if the matter came to judgment, it should appear. And then I said to him, my Lord howe many open injunctions under Seal and in open Courte have been broken in this Realm? the punishment whereof hath not ben handled after this sort, & yet I would stand in defense y t I had not broken his letter, waying the words of the letter, wherein I reasoned with M. Peter Secretary what a controversy was, and some part what I could say further. But what so ever I can say (quoth I) you must judge it, and for the passion of God do it, and then let me sue for mercy, when the nature of the offense is known if I will have it. But when I am (quoth I) declared an offender, I will with humility of suffering make amends to the kings Majesty, so far as I am able: for I should never offend him, and much less in his young age.
My L. Chancelor then shown me the beginning of the act for common prayer, how dangerous it was to break the order of it, I told him that it was true, & therefore if I came abroad, I would be well ware of it. But it is (quoth I) after in the act how no man should be troubled for this act, unless he were first indicted, and therefore (quoth I,) I may not be kept in prison for this act. Ah (quoth he) I perceive ye know the law well enough, I told him my Chaplain had brought it unto me the after noon before. Then they required me to look on the boke, and to say my mind in it. I answered that I thought not mete to yield myself a scholar to go to school in prison, & then slander myself as though I redeemed my faults with my conscience. As touching the law which I know not, I will honor it like a subject, and if I keep it not, I will willingly suffer the pain of it. And what more conformity I should show, I cannot tell, for mine offenses be past if there be any. If I have not suffered enough I will suffer more, if upon examination I be found faulty, & as for this new law, if I keep it not, punish me likewise.
Then my Lord Chaunceloure asked me whether I would not desire the kings Majesty to be my good Lord. At which word I said: alas my Lord (quoth I) do ye think that I have so forgotten myself? My duty (quoth I) requireth so, and I will on my knees desire him to be my good Lord and my Lord Protectour also quoth I, that is well said quoth my Lord Chaunceler. And what will ye say further, quoth my L. Chanceler, In good faith quoth I this, that I thought when I had preached, that I had not offended at all, and think so still, and had it not ben for the article of the supremacy, I would have rather feigned myself sick, then be occasion of this that hath followed: but going to the Pulpit, I must needs say as I said. Well quoth my lord Chanceler, let us go to our purpose again. Ye will quoth he, desire the kings majesty to be your good Lord, and my Lord Protectour also, and ye say ye thought not to have offended. All this I will say quoth I. And ye will (quoth my Lord Chanceler) submit yourself to be ordered by my Lord Protector. Nay (quoth I) by the law for my Lord Protectour quoth I hath scourged me ouersore this yere, to put my matter in his hands now. And in the latter point I varied with my Lord Chancellor, when I could not refer my order to my Lord Protectour, but to the law, and staying at this point they were content to grant me of their gentleness to make their suit to procure me to be heard, and to obtain me liberty to go in the galery, and that I should hear of one of them within two days following. I desired them to remember that I refused not the boke by way of contempt, nor in no evil manner, but y t I was loath to yield myself a scholar in the Tower, and to be seen to redeem my faults if I had any, with my conscience. My body I said, should serve my conscience, but not contrariwise. And this is the truth upon my conscience and oath that was done and said at their coming. There was more said to the purposes aforesaid. And I bind not myself to the precise form of words, but to the substance of the matter and fashion of the entreating. So near as I can remember, I have truly discharged mine oth: But I heard no more of my matter in one whole yere after almost within 14. days notwithstanding two letters written by me to the Counsaile, of most humble request to be heard according to justice. And then at y e ende of 2. years almost, came unto me the Duke of Somerset with other of the counsel, which matter because it is left out here, I shall not touch but prepare it in a matter apart, for declaration of my behavior at all times.
The 12. Article.
Item, that after that. &c. the 9. day of July, in the 4. year of his Majesty's reign, his highness sent unto you his graces letters, with a certain submission and Articles, whereunto his grace willed and commanded you to subscribe, to which submission, you contemptuously refused to subscribe.
Winchester.
To the 12. article for answer thereunto, he granted that about the time mentioned in this Article, the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Warwike lord great master, sir William Harbert, and M. Secretary Peter, came to the tower: and called me before them, and delivered unto me the Kynges majesties letters which I have to show, and received them at the hands of the lord Treasurer upon my knees, kissed them as my duty was, and still upon my knees red them, where as they right gently required me to take more ease, & to go apart with them, & consider them, which after that I had thoroughly read, I much lamented that I should be commanded to say of myself as was there written, and to say otherwise of myself then my conscience will suffer me, & where I trust my deeds will not condemn me, thereto condemn myself w t my tongue, I should sooner (quoth I to them) by commandment: think if ye would bid me to tumble myself desperately into the Thames.
My lord of Warwick seeing me in that agonye, said: What say ye my Lord, quoth he, to the other Articles? I answered that I was loath to disobey, where I might obey and not wrast my conscience, destroying the comfort of it, as to say untruly of myself. Well, quoth my Lord of Warwick, will ye subscribe to the other Articles? I told him I would. But then, quoth I, the Article that toucheth me, must be put out. I was answered that needeth not, for I might write on the one side what I would say unto it: and then my Lord of Warwick entertained me very gently, and would needs whiles I should write, have me sit down by him, and when he saw me make somewhat strange so to do, he pulled me nearer him, and said we had ere this sit together, & trusted we should do so again. And then having pen & ink given me, I wrote as I remember, on the Article that touched me, these words: I cannot with my conscience say this of myself, or such like words. And there followed an Article of the kings Majesty's primacy, and I began to write on the side o • that, & had made an I, onward as may appere by the articles, & they would not have me do so, but write only my name after their articles: which I did. Whereat because they shown themselves pleased and content: I was bold to tell them merely that by this mean, I had placed my subscription above them all, & thereupon it pleased them to entertein me much to my comfort.
And I was bold to account unto them merry tales of my misery in prison, which they seemed content to hear: and then I told them also (desiring them not to be miscontent with that I should say:) when I remember eache of them alone, I could not think otherwise of them but they were my good Lord's: and yet when they meet together, I feel no remedy at their hands. I looked quoth I, when my L. of Somerset was here to go out within two days, and made my fare well feast in the Tower and all, since which time there is a month past or thereabout: and I agree w t them, and now agree with you, and I may fortune be forgotten. My Lord Treasurer said nay, I should hear from them the next day, and so by their special commandment came out of the chamber ofter them, that they might be seen depart as my good Lord's: and so was done. By which process doth appear how there was in me no contempt, as is said in this article, but such a subscriptiō made as they were content to suffer me to make, which I took in my conscience for a whole satisfaction of the kings majesties letters, which I desire may be deemed accordinglye. And one thing was said unto me further that other would have put in many moe Articles, but they would have no more but those.
The 13. Article.
Item, that you having eftsones certain of the kings Majesty's honorable Counsaile sent unto you the 12. of July in the said 4. yere with the said submission, and being on his Majesty's behalf required and commanded to consider again and better the said submission, and to subscribe the same, stood in justification of yourself, & would in no wise subscribe thereunto.
Winchester.
To the 13. article he said: The next day after the being in the Tower of the said L. Treasurer, the Earl of Warwike & other: came unto me Syr W. Harbert & M. Secretary Peter, to devise with me how to make some acknowledging of my fault (as they said) because the other form liked me not. Wherunto I said I knew myself innocent, and to enter with you to entreat of a devise to impair my innocence in any point by my words or writings, it can have no policy in it. For although I did more esteem liberty of body, then the defamation of myself: yet (quoth I) whē I had so done with you, I were not so assured by you to come out. For when I were by my own pen once made an naughtye man, then were I not the more sure to come out, but had locked myself the more surely in, and a small pleasure were it to me to have my body at liberty by your procurement, and to have my conscience in perpetual prison by mine own act. Many more words there were, and persuasions on their parties▪ which caused me to require of them, for the passion of God, that my matter might take an end by justice, and so departed, their being no contempt or faction of disobedience shown on my behalf, but only allegation for my defense of mine innocence in y e best manner I could devise, as I trust they will testify.
The 14. Article.
Item, that after all this, videlicet the 14. day of July in the said 4. year, the kings majesty sent yet again unto you certain of his majesties honorable Counsaile with another submission, and diverse other articles, willing and commanding you to subscribe your name thereunto: which to do you utterly refused.
Winchester.
To the 14. Article he said, that on the Monday in the morning following came the bishop of London, Syr William Harbert, master Secretary Peter, & another whom I know not, who brought with them a paper, with certain articles written in it, which they required me to subscribe. Whereupon I most instantly required that my matter might be tried by justice, which although it were more grievous, yet it hath a commodity with it, that it endeth certainly the matter? And I could never yet come to my assured stay, and therefore refused to meddle with anymore Articles, or to trouble myself with the reading of them, & yet they desired me so instantly to read them, that I was content, and did read, and to show my perfect obediente mind, offered incontinently upon my delivery out of prison, to make answer unto them, all such as I would abide by and suffer pain for, If I have deserved it. I would in deed gladly have been in hand with my Lord of London, but he said he came not to dispute, and said it was the hand of God that I was thus in prison, because I had so troubled other mē in my time. Finally my request was, that they should in this form make my answer to my Lord's of the Counsel as followeth: That I most humbly thank them of their good will to deliver me by the way of mercy, but because in respect of mine own innocent conscience I had rather have justice, I desired them, seeing both was in the kings Majesty's hands, that I might have it, which if it happen to me more grievous, I will impute it to myself, and evermore thank them for their good will, and so departed I with them, as I trust they will testify, and no misbehavior or demeanour to have been used on my behalf.
The 15. Article.
Item, that after all this, viz. the 19. day of Iulye, in the said 4. year, you being personally called before the kings majesties privy counsel, and having the said submission and articles openly and distinctly read unto you, & required to subscribe the same refused for unjust considerations by you alleged to subscribe the same.
Winchester.
To the 15. article. I grant, that upon a Saterdaye at after noon, even at such time of the day as they were at Evensong in the Chapel at the Courte, I was brought thither, and at my coming the Lord's of the Counsaile said they were all my Judges by special commission, and intended to proceed thus with me: That I should subscribe certain articles which were then read, and I must directly make answer, whether I would subscribe them or no. I answered on my knees in this wise: For the passion of God my Lord's be my good Lord's, and let me be tried by justice whether I be faultye or no: and as for these articles as soon as ye deliver me to my liberty, I would make answer to them whether I would subscribe them or no. Then they having further to say, I answered, these Articles were of diverse sortes: some be laws which I may not qualify: some be no laws but learning and fact, which may have diverse understandings, & a subscription to them without telling what I mean, were over dangerous: and therefore I offered for y e more declaration of rain obedience to all their requests, that if they would deliver me the articles into the prison with me, I would shortly make them particular answer, and suffer the pains of the law, that by my answer I might incur unto: Wherupon I was commanded to go a part, and they sent unto me the Lord Treasurer and master Secretary Peter, who communed with me of a mean way, and that liked not the Lord's. And then was I called forth again, and my absolute subscription required again, & I again made offer to answer particularly, for I could not with my conscience subscribe them as they were absolutely. And these my considerations, I trust to be just, seeing no man for any commandments ought to offend his conscience, as I must have done in that case.
The 16. Article.
Item, that for your sundry and manifold contempts and disobediences in this behalf used, the fruits of your Bishopric were then by special commission of his Majesty justly and lawfully sequestered.
Winchester.
To the 16. article, I deny contemptes, and disobedience of partes, and say that my doings cannot so be termed, because it is taught in this realm for a doctrine of obedience, that if a king command that is contrary to the commandment of God, the subject may not do as he is commanded, but humbly stand to my conscience, which is my case, who could not with my conscience do as I was required. And as touching the fact of decree, there was in deed a decree read, having words so placed and framed, as though I were such an offender, which mater I deny. And in that decree was mention made of sequestration of fruits: but whether the form of words were of the present tense, or else to be sequestered, I cannot precisely tell, but do refer that to the tenor of the decree.
The 17. Article.
Item, that after this, you had intimation and peremptory monition, with communication that you should within 3. months next following the said intimation, reconcile and submit youre self under pain of deprivation.
Winchester.
To the 17. article I answer, that in the same decree of sequestration at the same time read, I kneeling from the beginning of the decree, to the latter ende, I remember there was an intimation and three months spoken of, & expressed also how at every months end I should have pen and ink offered to write, if I would yet subscribe, and as I understand it was upon the pain of proceeding further. And I do not remember that I herd the word deprivation, but therein I refer me to the acts of the sentence, which whē it was red, I desired it might be testified what mine offer was, to answer all those articles particularly, even remaining in prison. And this done, I made suite for some of my servants abroad to resort to me to the tower, partly for my comfort, partly for my necessary business, which could not be obtained. And yet to provoke it, I said to my Lord of Warwike, howe for agreeing w t my L. of Somerset, I had some commodity, and for agreeing with him had nothing, and therefore would needs by intercession press him, that I might by his means have some of my servants resorting unto me. He answered very gently. And then one said I should win 2. or 3. days have somebody come to me. And then I was dismissed with commandment to the lieutenant to let me have the same liberty I had, but no more.
The 18. Article.
Item, that the said three months are naw thoroughly expired and run.
Winchester.
To the 18. Article he said, there is almost 6. months passed in time and number of days, but not one month past to the effect of the law, nor 10. days neither, because I have been so kept in prison y t I could not see for remedy in form abouesaide, nor there was not at every month, after the form of the sentence offered me, pen and ink & liberty given me to consult and deliberate w t other learned men and friends what were best to do, or to send unto them. And furthermore, the very 8. day after the decree given, I protested before my servants whom I had only commodity to use as witness of the nullity of the decree for the evident and apparent matter in it, but if it were any in law, I appealed to the kings Majesty, because my request was not admitted to have the copy of the articles to answer them particularly, and because it is excessive correction to sequester my fruits and keep me in prison, with other cases to be deduced where I might have opportunity. Which appellation I protested to intimate as soon as I could come to any presence mete therefore, as I did in this assemble at my last repair, desiring therewith the benefit restitutionis in integrum, because of mine imprisonment, and therefore do answer this matter with protestation of that appeal, and utterly deny all manner of contempt.
The 19. Article.
Item, that yon hitherto according to the said intimation and monition, submitted, reconciled, nor reformed yourself, but cōtemptuously yet still remain in your first disobedience.
Winchester.
To the 19. Article, I say that I have been all this while in prison so kept, as no man could have access to counsel with me, nor any means to write or send to any man, having made continual suite to Master Lieutenaunte and master Marshal, under whose custody I am here, to make suite in my name to the Lord's of the Counsaile, that I might come to hearing, or else be bailed upon surety: which I could not obtain, and so have remained under the benefit of my said appeal to the kings Majesty, made as I might for y e time, which I eftsoons desire may have liberty to prosecute.
And where as answering to these Articles, for declaration of the integrity of my conscience, I use in the same places general words: I protest I mean not by those words to setforth myself otherwise more arrogantly then as my direct intent (which excludeth malice) and purpose moveth me to say, and as my conscience beareth witness unto me at this time, and therefore will say therein with S. Paul: Nihil mihi conscius sum, sed non in hoc iustificatus sum. Wherefore if any specially be objected unto me, wherein by ignorance or oversight & negligence, any mine offense may appear against the kings Majesty's laws, Statutes and Injunctions, I shall desire and protest that it be not prejudicial to mine answer (for this present, credo, as lawyers in civil matters use that term) to be true, y t is to say such as w t out any alteration in my conscience, presently I may of myself say in affirmation or denial, as afore is answered. And whereas I speak of commandment to be made to me against God's law, I protest not to touch my sovereign Lord's honor therein, which my duty is by all means to preserve, but that the commandment given, resolveth to be against God's law on my part, in the obedience to be givē, because I may not answer or say otherwise, but Est, est, non, non. So as my words and heart may agree together, or else I should offend God's law, which my sovereign if he knew my conscience, would not command me.
After these things thus passed, certain of the Counsail by the kings appointment had sundry days and times access to him in the Tower to persuade with him: which were these, the Duke of Somerset, the lord Treasurer, the Lord privy Seal, the Lord great Chamberlain, and M. Secretary Peter. Who repairing to him the x. day of June an. 1550. he desired of them to see the kings book of proceedings: upon the sight whereof he would make a full answer, seeming to be willing in all things to conform himself thereunto: and promising that in case anything offended his conscience, he would open it to none but to the Counsaile. Whereupon it was agreed the book should be sent him to see his answer, that his case might be resolved upon, & that for the mean time he should have the liberty of the galery and gardine in the Tower, when the Duke of Norfolk were absent.
The king then was lying at Grenewich, at which time the Lieftenant of the tower was appointed to deliver the kings book to the bishop of Winchester. Who within three days after (which was the 13. of June) made declaration again unto the counsel, that the Bishop having perused it, said unto him he could make no direct answer unless he were at liberty, and so being he would say his conscience. Whereupon the Lord's and other that had been with him the other day, were appointed to go to him again to receive a direct answer that the Counsail thereupon might determine further order for him.
The answer of the bishop being received, through the report of the Lord's which had ben with him, declaration was made again, the 8. day of July 1550. that his answers were ever doutful, refusing while he were in prisō to make any direct answer. Wherefore it was determined that he should be directly examined whether he would sincerely conform himself unto the kings majesties proceedings or not. For which purpose it was agreed y t particular articles should be drawn, to see whether he would subscribe them or not, and a letter also directed unto him from the kings highness, with the which the L. Treasurer, the L. great master, the master of the horse, and master Secretary Peter should repair unto him: the tenor of which letter hereafter ensueth.
A letter sent to the Bishop of Winchester, signed by the king, and subscribed by the Counsaile.
IT is not (we think) unknown unto you, with what clemency and favor, we by the advise of our Counsayle caused you to be heard and used upon these sundry complaints and informations that were made to us & our said Counsaile of your disordered doings and words, both at the time of our late visitation, and otherwise. Which notwithstanding, considering that the favor both then and many other times ministered unto you, wrought rather an insolent willfulness in yourself, thē any obediente conformity, such as would have beseemed a man of your vocation, we could not but use some demonstration of justice towards you, as well for such notorious and apparaunt contemptes and other inobediences, as after and contrary to our commandment were openly known in you, as also for some example and terror of such others as by your example seemed to take courage to mutter and grudge against our most godly proceedings: whereof great discord & inconvenience at that time might have ensued. For the avoiding whereof, & for your just deseruinges, you were by our said Counsayle committed to ward. Where albeit we have suffered you to remain a long space, sending unto you in the mean time at sundry times diverse of the Noble men and others of our privy Counsayle, and trauayling by them with clemencye and favor to have reduced you to the knowledge of your duty: yet in all this time have you neither knowledged your faults, nor made any such submission as might have beseemed you, nor yet shown any apparāce either of reap̄tāce, or of any good conformitye to our godly proceedings. Wherewith albeit we both have good cause to be offended, & might also justly by the order of our laws, cause your former doings to be reformed and punished to the example of others, yet for that we would both the world & yourself also should know that we delight more in clemency, then in the straight administratiō of justice, we have vouchsafed not only to a dress unto you these our letters, but also to send eftsones unto you 4. of our privy counsel with certain articles: which being by us with the advise of our said Counsaile considered, we think requisite for sundry considerations to be subscribed by you, and therefore would and command you to subscribe the said Articles upon pain of incurring such punishment and penalties, as by our laws may be put upon you for not doing the same. Geuen at our palace of Westminster the 8. day of Iulye, the 4. year of our reign.
With this letter addressed from the king and his Counsaile, these Articles also were delivered to the B. of Winchester here following.
The copy of the Articles.
WHereas I Stephen bishop of Winchester have ben suspected as one too much favoring the bishop of Rome's authority, decrees and ordinances, and as one that did not approve or allow the kings majesties proceedings in alteration of certain rites in religion, was convented before the kings highness counsel and admonished thereof: and having certain things appointed for me to do and preach for my declaration, have not done that as I ought to do, although I promised to do the same whereby I have not only incurred the kings majesties indignation, but also diverse of his highness subjects have by mine example taken encouragement (as his graces counsel is certainly informed) to repine at his majesties moste godly proceedings: I am right sorry therefore, and acknowledge myself condingly to have ben punished, and do most heartily thank his majesty, that of his great clemency it hath pleased his highness to deal with me, not according to rigor, but mercy. And to the intent it may appear to the world how little I do repine at his highness doings, which be in religion moste godly, and to the common wealth most profitable, I do affirm and say freely of mine own will without any compulsion as ensueth.
1 First, that by the law of God and the authority of scriptures the kings majesty and his successors are the supreme heads of the churches of England, and also of Ireland.
2 Item, that the apoynting of holy days or fasting days, as Lent, imber days, or any such like, or to dispence therewith, is in the kings majesties authority and power and his highness as supreme head of the said Churches of England and Ireland, and governor thereof, may appoint the manner and time of the holy days and fasting days, or dispence therewith, as to his wisdom shall seem most convenient for the honor of God and the wealth of this realm.
3 Item, that the kings majesty hath moste Christianly and godly set forth, by, and with the consent of the whole parliament, a devout and Christian book of service of the church to be frequented by the church, which book is to be accepted and allowed of all bishops, pastors, curates, and all ministers Ecclesiastical of the realm of England, and so of him to be declared and commended in all places where he shall fortune to preach or speak to the people of it, that it is a godly and Christian book and order, and to be allowed, accepted, and observed of all the kings majesties true subjects.
4 I do acknowledge the kings majesty that now is (whose life God long preserve) to be my souera • gne Lord and supreme head under Christ to me as a Bishop of this realm, and natural subject to his majesty: and now in this his young and tender age to be my full and entire king, and that I and all other his highness subjects are bound to obey all his majesties proclamations, statutes, laws, and commandments, made, promulgate and set forth in this his highness young age as well as though his highness were at this present 30 or 40. ye • es old.
5 Item, I confess and acknowledge that the statute commonly called the statute of six articles, for just causes and grounds, is by authority of parliament repealed and disanulled.
6 Item, that his majesty and his successors have authority in the said churches of England and also of Ireland to alter, reform, correct, and amend all errors & abuses, and all rites and ceremonies ecclesiastical, as shall seem frō time to time to his highness and his successors most convenient for the edification of his people, so that the same alteration be not contrary or repugnante to the scripture and law of God.
To these articles afore specified, although Winchester with his own hand did subscribe, granting and consenting to the supremacy of the King, as well then being as of his successors to come: yet because he stuck so much in the first point touching his submission, and would in no case subscribe to the same, but only made his answer in the margent (as is above noted) it was therefore thought good to the king, that the Master of the horse, and master Secretary Peter should repair unto him again with the same request of submission, exhortinge him to look better upon it: and in case the words seemed too sore, then to refer it unto him self in what sort and with what words he should devise to submit him, that upon y e acknowledge of his fault, the kings highness might extēd his mercy and liberality towards him as it was determined. Which was the 11. day of June, the year abovesaid.
When the master of the horse and secretarie Peter had been with him in the tower according to their Commission, returning from him again they declared unto the king and his Counsaile how precisely the said Bishop stood in justification of him self, that he had never offended the kings Majesty: wherefore he utterly refused to make any submission at all. For the more surety of which denial, it was agreed that a new book of Articles should be devised, wherewith the said master of the horse and master Secretary Peter should repair unto him again, and for the more autentike proceeding w t him, they to have with thē a Divine and a temporal Lawyer, which were the Bishop of London, and master Goodricke.
The copy of the last ArticIes sent to the Bishop of Winchester.
WHere as I Stephen Bishop of Winchester have been suspected as one that did not approve or allow the kings Majesty's proceedings in alteration of certain rites in Religion, and was convented before the kings highness Counsaile, and admonished thereof, and having certain things appointed for me to do and preach for my declaration, have not done therein as I ought to do, whereby I have deserved his majesties displeasure: I am righte so • e therefore. And to the intent it may appear to the world how little I do repine at his highness doings, which be in religion most godly, and to the common wealth most profitable, I do affirm as followeth.
1 First, that the late king of moste famous memory king Henry the eight, our late sovereign Lord, justly, and of good reason and ground hath taken away and caused to be suppressed and defaced, all monasteries and religious houses, and all conventicles and conuents of Monks, Friers, Nuns, Canons, Bonhoms, & other persons called religious, and that the same being so dissolved, the persons therein bound and professed to obedience to a person, place, habit, and other superstitious rites and ceremonies, upon that dissolution and order appointed by y e kings majesties authority as supreme head of the church, are clearly released and aquitted of those vows and professions, & at their full liberty as though those vnwittye and superstitious vows had never been made.
2 Item, that any person may lawfully marry without any dispensation from the B. of Rome or any other man, with any person whom it is not prohibited to contracte matrimony by the law Levitical.
3 Item, that the vowing and going of pilgrimage to Images, or to the bones and relics of any Saints hath ben superstitiously used and cause of much wickedness and idolatry, and therefore justly abolished by the said late king of famous memory, and the Images and relics so abused, have ben of great and godly considerations defaced and destroyed.
4 Item, that the counterfeiting of S. Nicholas, S. Clement, S. Katherine, and S. Edmond by children heretofore brought into the church, was a mere mockerye & foolishness, and therefore justly abolished and taken away.
5 Item, it is convenient and godly, that y e scripture of the old Testament and new, that is, the whole Bible, be had in English and published to be read of every man, & that who soever doth repel & dehort me from the reading thereof, doth evil and damnably.
6 Item, that the said late king of just ground and reason did receive into his hands the authority and disposition of chauntries and such livings as were givē for the maintenance of private masses, and did well change diverse of them to other uses.
7 Also the kings majesty that now is by the advise & consent of the Parliament, did upon just ground and reason, suppress, abolish, and take away the said chauntryes and such other livings as were used and occupied for maintenance of private Masses, and Masses satisfactorye for the souls of thē which are dead, or finding of obites, lights, or other like things: the Mass that was wont to be said of priests, was full of abuses, and had very few things of Christ's institution besides the Epistle, Gospel, Lord's prayer, and the words of the Lord's supper: the rest for the more part were invented and devised by bishops of Rome, and by other men of the same sort, and therefore justly taken away by the statutes and laws of this realm: and the communion which is placed in the stead thereof, is very godly and agreeable to the Scriptures.
8 Item, that it is most convenient and fit, and according to the first institution, that all Christian men should receive the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ in both the kinds, that is, in bread and wine.
9 And the mass wherein the Priest doth only receive and the other do but look on, is but the invention of man, and the ordinance of the bishop of Rome's church, nor agreeable to Scripture.
10 Item, that upon good and godly considerations, it is ordered in the said boke and order, that the Sacrament should not be lifted up and shown to the people to be adored, but to be w t godly devotion received as it was first instituted.
11 Item, that it is well, politikely and godly done, that the kings majesty by Act of Parliament, hath commanded all images which have stand in Churches or Chapels, to be clearly abolished & d • faced, least hereafter at any time they should give occasion of Idolatry or be abused, as many of them heretofore have been with pilgrimages and such Idolatrous worshipping.
12 And also that for like godly and good considerations, by the same authority of Parliament, all Mass books, Cowchers, Grailes, and other books of the service in latin heretofore used, should be abolished and defaced, as well for certain superstitions in them contained, as also to avoid dissention: and y t the said service in the church should be thorough the whole realm in one vniform conformity, and no occasion through those old books to the contrary.
13 That bishops, priests, and deacons have no commandment of the law of God, either to vow chastity, or to abstain continually from marriage.
14 Item, that all canons, constitutions, laws positive, and ordinances of man, which do prohibit or forbid marriage to any bishop, priest, or deacon, be justly and upon godly grounds and considerations, taken away and abolished by authority of Parliament.
15 The Homilies lately commanded and set forth by the kings majesty to be red in the congregation of England, are godly and wholesome, and do teache such doctrine as ought to be embraced of all men.
16 The boke set forth by the kings majesty by authority of Parliament, containing the form & manner of making and consecrating of archbishops, bishops, priests and deacons, is godly & in no point contrary to the wholesome doctrine of the gospel, & therefore ought to be received and approved of all the faithful members of the church of England, and namely the ministers of God's word, & by them commended to the people.
17 That the orders of Subdeacon, Benet and Colet, and such others as were commonly called Minores ordines, be not necessary by the word of God to be reckoned in the church, and be justly left out in the said book of orders.
18 That the holy Scriptures contain sufficiently all doctrine required of necessity for eternal saluatiō through faith in Jesus Christ, and that nothing is to be taught as required of necessity to eternal salvation, but that which may be concluded and proved by the holy Scriptures.
19 That upon good and godly considerations, it was and is commanded by the kings majesties Injunctions, that the Paraphrases of Erasmus in English should be set up in some convenient place in every parish Church of this realm, where as the parishioners may most commodiously resort to read the same.
20 And because these Articles aforesaid, do contain only such matters as be already published and openly set forth by the kings majesties authority, by the advise of his highness Counsaile, for many great and godly considerations, and amongst others for the common tranquility and unity of the realm: his majesties pleasure by the advise aforesaid, is, that you the B. of Winchester shall not only affirm these Articles with subscription of your hand: but also declare and profess yourself well contented, willing, and ready to publish and preach the same at such times and places, and before such audience as to his Majesty from time to time shall seem convenient and requisite, upon the pain of incurring such penalties and punishments, as for not doing the same, may by his Majesty's laws be inflicted upon you.
These Articles were sent the 15. of July.
The bishop of Winchester receiving and perusing these Articles, made this answer again: That first touching the Article of submission, he would in no wise consent, affirming as he had done before, that he had never offended the kings Maiestye in any such sort as should give him cause thus to submit himself: praying earnestly to be brought unto his trial: wherein he refused the kings mercy, and desired nothing but justice. And for the rest of the articles he answered that after he were past his trial in this first point, and were at liberty, then it should appear what he would do in them: not being (as he said) reasonable that he should subscribe them in prison.
Of this answer when the king and his counsel had intelligence by the foresaid Master of the horse, Secretary Peter, the bishop of London, and M. Goodricke who had been with him, it was agreed that he should be sent for before the whole counsel, and peremptorily examined once again, whether he would stand at this point or no: which if he did, then to denoūce unto him the sequestration of his benefice, and consequently the intimation, in case he were not reformed within 3. months, as in the day of his appearance shall appear. The tenor and words of which sequestration, with the Intimation followeth.
The words of the Sequestration with the Intimation to the Bishop of Winchester.
FOr as much as the kings majesty our most gracious sovereign Lord understandeth, and it is also manifestly known and notorious unto us, that the clemency & long sufferance of his majesty worketh not in you y e good effect and humbleness and conformity, that is requisite in a good subject: and for that your first disobediences, cōtēpts, and other misbehauiours, for the which you were by his Majesty's authority justly committed to ward, have • ithes your said committing, daily more & more increased in you in such sort as a great slander and offense is thereof risen, in many parts of the realm, whereby also much slander, dissention trouble, & unquietness is very like more to ensue if your foresaid offenses being as they be openly known, should pass unpunished: we let you wit that having special and express Commission and commandment from his Majesty, as well for your contumacies and contempts so long continued and yet daily more increasing, as also for the exchange of the slander & offense of the people, which by your said ill demeanors is risen, and for that also the Church of Winchester may be in the mean time provided of a good minister that may and will see all things done & quietly executed according to laws and common orders of this Realm, & for sundry other great and urgent causes we do by these presents sequester all the fruits, revenues lands and possessions of your Bishopric of Winchester & discern, deem & judge the same to be committed to the several receipt collection and custody of such person or persons as his Majesty shall appoint for that purpose. And because your former disobediences and contemptes so long continued, so many times doubled, renewed and aggravated, do manifestly declare you to be a person without all hope of recovery & plainly incorrigible: we eftsoons admonish and require you to obey his majesties said commandment and that you do declare yourself by subscription of youre hand, both willing & well contented to accept, allow preach and teache to others the said articles, and all such other matters as be or shall be set forth by his majesties authority of supreme head of this church of England, on this side, & within the term of 3. months, whereof we appoint one month for the first monition, one month for the second monition and warning, and one month for the third and peremptory monition.
Within which time as you may yet declare your conformity, and shall have paper, pen and ink when you will cal for them for that purpose, so if you willfully forbear and refuse to declare yourself obedient and conformable as is aforesaid, we intimate unto you that his majesty, who like a good governor desireth to keep both his common wealth quiet, and to purge the same of evil men (especially ministers) intendeth to proceed against you as an incorrigible person and unmeet minister of this church, to deprivation of your said bishopprike.
Neuertheles, upon diverse good considerations, and specially in hope he might within his time be yet reconciled, it was agreed that the said bishops house & servants should be maintained in their present estate, until y e time that this Iniunction should expire, & the matter for the mean time to be kept secrete.
After this sequestration, the said B. was commensed unto Lambeth before the Archbishop of Cant. & other the kings commissioners by virtue of the kings special letter sent unto the said Commissioners, to wit, to the Archbyshop of Canterbury, Nicholas bishop of London, Thomas bishop of Eli, Henry bishop of Lincoln, Secretary Peter, Syr James Hales knight, Doctor Leyson, Doctor Olyuer lawyers, and John Gosnold Esquire. &c. before them, and by them to be examined, by whom were objected against him 19. special articles in order and form here following.
Articles and positions ministered jointly and severally objected to the B. of Winchester.
IN primis, that the kings Majesty justly and rightfully is, and by the laws of God ought to be the supreme head in earth of the Church of England and Ireland, and so is by the Clergy of this realm in their convocation, and by the Act of Parliament justly and according to y e laws of God recognised.
2 Item, that his majesty as supreme head of y e said churches, hath full power and authority to make and set such Laws, Injunctions, and ordinances, for and concerning Religion an • orders in the said churches for the increase of virtue and repressing of all errors, heresies, and other enormities and abuses.
3 Item, that all and every his graces subjects are bound by the laws of God to obey all his highness said laws, Injunctions, and proceedings concerning religion & orders in the said Churches.
4 Item, that you Stephen B. of Winchester have sworn obedience to his Majesty, as supreme head of this Church of England and also of Ireland.
5 Item, that all and every his graces subjects that disobey any of his said Majesty's laws, Injunctions, ordinances and proceedings already set forth & published, or hereafter to be set forth & published, ought worthily to be punished according to his graces Ecclesiastical laws, used within this his realm.
6 Item, that you y e said Bishop, as well in the kings majesties late visitation w t in your Diocese, as at sundry other times, have ben complained upon, & sundry informations made against you for your doings, sayings & preachings against sundry Injunctions, orders and other proceedings of his majesty set forth for reformation of errors, superstitions and other abuses in religion.
7 Item, that after and upon the occasion of those & other many complaints and informations, you have ben sundry times admonished, commanded and enjoined to conform yourself, as to your duty appertaineth.
8 Item, that after the premisses, and for that those former admonitions & commandments notwithstanding, you did yet still show yourself not conformable, & for that also by your example the people were much animated, & thereby occasion of much unquietness ministered, you were called before the kings majesties counsel in the month of June, the 2. year of his majesties reign, & by them on his highness behalf commanded to preach a Sermon before his majesty, and therein to declare the iustnes and godliness of his Majesty's father and his proceedings upon certain matters partly mentioned in certain articles to you delivered in writing, and partly otherwise declared unto you. The effect whereof, was touching the usurped authority of the B. of Rome, and that his pretensed authority was justly & godly taken away in this realm, & other the kings majesties dominions: Touching the first suppression and taking away of Monasteries, Religious houses, Pilgrimages, Relics, Shrines and Images, the superstitious going about of S. Nicholas bishop, S. Edmund, S. Katherin, S. Clement and such like, for taking away of Chātreis, Obites and Colleges, touching hallowing of Candels, water, ashes, palm, holy bread, beads, creeping to the cross and such like: touching the setting forth of the kings majesties authority in his young years to be as great, as if his highness were of many more years, touching auricular confession, touching the procession & common prayer in English, and that things done in general Councils against the word of God, may be justly revoked in particular Councils.
9 Item, that you receiving the same, and promising to declare them in a sermon by you made before his Majesty for that purpose, on the feast of S. Peter in the said second yere of his highness reign, did then and there contemptuously and disobediently omit to declare and set forth many of the said matters to the great contempt of his Majesty, and dangerous example of others.
10 Item, that you being also commanded, and on his majesties behalf, for the avoiding of tumult, & for other great considerations inhibited to treat of any matter in controversy concerning the Mass or the communion (then commonly called the Sacrament of the alter) did contrary to the said commandment & inhibition, declare diverse your judgments & opinions in the same, in manifest contempt of his Majesty's said inhibition, to the great offense of the hearers, and disturbance of the common quiet, and unity of the realm.
11 Item, that after the premisses, videlicet, in the months of May or June, or one of them, in the third year of his highness reign, his Maiestye sent eftsoons unto you, to know your conformity towards his said reformation, and specially touching the book of Common prayer then lately set forth by his majesty, whereunto you at the same time refused to show yourself conformable.
12 Item, that after that, videlicet the 9. day of July, in the fourth year of his Majesty's reign, his highness sent unto you his graces letters, with a certain submission and articles, whereunto his grace willed and commanded you to subscribe, to the which submission you contemptuously refused to subscribe.
13 Item, that you having eftsoons certain of the kings most honorable Council sent unto you the 12. of Iulye, in the said fourth year, with the same submission, and being in his maiestyes behalf required and commanded to consider again better the said submission and to subscribe the same, stood in justification of yourself, and would in no wise subscribe thereunto.
14 Item, that after all this, the 14. day of Iulye, in the said fourth year, the said kings Majesty sent yet again unto you certain of his majesties most honorable council with another submissiō and diverse other articles, willing and commanding you to subscribe your name thereunto, which to do you utterly refused.
15 Item, that after all this, videlicet the 19. of Iulye in the said fourth year, you being personally called before the whole counsel, and having the said submission and articles openly and distinctly read unto you, and required to subscribe the same, refused for unjust and fantastical considerations by you alleged, to subscribe the same.
16 Item, that for your sundry and manifold contemptes and disobediences in this behalf used, the fruits of your benefice were then by special commission of his Majesty justly and lawfully sequestered.
17 Item, that after this, you had intimation and peremptory monition, with communication that you should within 3. months next following the said intimation, reconcile and submit yourself upon pain of deprivation.
18 Item, that the said 3. months are now fully expired and run.
19 Item that you have not hitherto, according to the said intimation and monition submitted: reconciled, nor reformed yourself, but contemptuously yet still remain in your disobedience. Whereupon they required the B. of Winchester, then and there personally present to be sworn faithfully and truly to make answer.
After these articles were exhibited unto him, and he having leave to say for himself, wherein he used all the cautels, shifts and remedies of the law to his most advantage, by way of protesting, recusing and excepting against the commission, and requiring also the copies as well of the Articles, as of his protestation of the Actuaries (which wer W. Say and Tho. Argall) time and respite was assigned unto him to answer to the said Articles in writing. But he so caviled and dalied from day today, to answer directly, although he was sufficiently labored and persuaded to the same by sundry callings and Acts, and also abundantly convicted by depositions and witnesses, especially by matter induced by the L. Paget, and Andrew Beynton, & M. Chalenor, pag. 816. (all which I refer to my first book) that at the last he appealed from them, reputing them not to be competent and indifferent judges to hear and determine his cause, unto the kings royal person: notwithstanding by protestation always reserving to himself the benefit of his appellation: And so proceeded he to the answering of the foresaid articles, but in such crafty and obstinate manner, as before he had ben accustomed, and as at large to them that be desirous to understand the process thereof, in the first book of the Acts and monuments of the Church aforesaid may appear.
But briefly to conclude, such exceptions he used against the witnesses produced against him, and he himself produced such a number of witnesses in his defense, and used so many delays and cavillations, that in the end the commissioners seeing his stubbornness, proceeded to the sentence definitive against him, as here under followeth.
Sentence definitive against Stephen Gardener B. of Winchester.
IN the name of God, Amen. By authority of a commission by the high and mighty prince our moste gracious sovereign Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defendour of the faith, and of the Church of England and also of Ireland in earth the supreme head, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth: Edward the sixth. &c. We Thomas by the sufferance of God Archbishop of Canterburye, primate of all England, and Metropolitan, with the right reverend fathers in God, Nicholas Bishop of London, Thomas Bishop of Eli, and Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Syr William Peter Knight, one of our said sovereign Lord's two principal secretaries, Sir James Hales knight, one of our said sovereign Lord's Justices of his common plees, Griffith Leison and John Oliuer, Doctors of the Civil law, Richard Goodrike & John Gosnold Esquiers, delegates, and Judges assigned & appointed, rightfully & lawfully proceeding according to the form & tenor of y e said commission, for the hearing, examinatiō, debating, & final determination of y e causes and matters in the said commisson mentioned and contained, and upon the contents of the same, and certain articles objected of office against you Steeuen Bishop of Winchester, as more plainly and fully is mentioned and declared in the said commission and articles, all which we repute & take here for to be expressed: & after sundry judicial assemblies, examinations, & debatings of the said cause & matters, with all incidents, emergents, & circumstances to the same or any of them belonging, and the same also being by us often heard, seen, and well understanded, and with good and mature examination and deliberation debated, considered and fully weighed and pondered, observing all such order and other things as by the laws, equity, and the said commission ought or needed herein to be observed, in the presence of you Steeuen Bishop of Winchester, do proceed to the giving of our final judgment and sentence diffinitiue in this manner following:
For as much as by the acts enacted, exhibites, and allegations purposed, deduced, & alleged, & by sufficient proofs with your own confession in the causes aforesaid had and made, we do evidently find and perceive that you Stephen Bishop of Winchester have not only transgressed the commandments mentioned in the same, but also have of long time, notwithstanding many admonitions and commandments given unto you to the contrary, remained, a person much grudging, speaking, and repugning against the godly reformations of abuses in religion set forth by the kings highness authority within this his realm: and forasmuch as we do also find you a notable, open, and contemptuous disobeyer, of sundry godly and just commandments given unto you by our said sovereign Lord and by his authority, in diverse great and weighty causes, touching and concerning his princely office, the state and common quietness of this his Realm: and for as much as you have and yet do contemptuously refuse to recognise your notorious negligences, & misbehauiours, contempts, and disobediēces, remaining still after a great number of several admonitions always more and more indurate, incorrigible, and without all hope of amendment, contrary both to your oth sworn, obedience, promise, and also your boūden duty of allegiance: and for the great slander and offense of the people, arise in many partes of the Realm, through your willful doings, sayings, and preachings, contrary to the common order of the Realm, and for sundry other great causes by the acts, exhibites, your own confession, and proofs of this process more fully appearing, considering withal that nothing effectually hath ben on your behalf alleged, purposed, and proved, ne by any other means appeareth, which doth or may empayre or take away the proofs made against you, upon the said matters and other the premisses:
Therefore we Thomas Archbyshop of Canterbury, Primate of all England and Metropolitan, Judge delegate aforesaid, calling God before our eyes, with express consent and assent of Nicholas B. of London, Tho. bishop of Eli, Henry B. of Lincoln, sir Will. Peter Knight, Sir James Hales Knight, Griffith Leison, and John. Oliuer, doctors of the civil law, Rich. Goodricke, and John Gosnold, Esquires, Judges, and Colleagues with us in the matters aforesaid, and with the counsel of diverse learned men in the laws, with whom we have conferred in and upon the premisses, do judge and determine you Steeuen Bishop of Winchester, to be deprived and removed from the Bishopric of Winchester, and from all the rightes, authority, emoluments, commodities, and other apurtenaunces to the said Byshoprike in any wise belonging, whatsoever they be, and by these presents we do deprive and remove you from your said Bishopric, and all rites & other commodities aforesaid: and further pronounce & declare the said Byshopricke of Winchester to all effects and purposes, to be void by this our sentence definitive, which we give, pronounce, and declare in these writings.
This sentence diffinitiue being given, the said Bishop of Winchester under his former protestations, dissented frō the giving and reading thereof, and frō the same as unjust of no efficacy or effect in law: and in that that the same containeth excessive punishment, and for other causes expressed in his appellation aforesaid, did then and there apud Acta, immediately after the pronouncing of the sētense, by word of mouth, appeal to the kings Royal majesty, first, secondly and thirdly, instantly, more instantly, most instantly, & asked apostles, or letters dimissorials to be given and granted unto him: And also under protestation not to recede from the said appellation, asked a copy of the said sētense, the Judges declaring that they would first know the kings pleasure and his counsel therein: upon the reading and giving of which sentence, the promoters willed Will. Say and Thomas A • gall to make a public Instrument and the witnesses then and there present to bear testimony thereunto. &c.
And thus have ye the whole discourse and process of Stephen Gardener late bishop of Winchester, unto whom the Papistical clergy doth so much lean, as to a mighty Atlas : an upholder of their ruinous Religion. And though I have not here withal so fully expressed all his letters, answers, preachings, examinations, defensions, exhibites & attestations, with the depositions of all such witnesses as he could and did produce for the most advantage of his own cause, with such notes also and collections gathered upon the same, as here I might, and as before I have don I must entreat y e reader to consider first y e greatness of this volume which would not well bear the tedious tractatiō thereof: and secondly to content himself in resorting to our first history, where not only he may peruse the whole discourse of this bishops doings set forth at large: but also may briefly read in a few summarye notes collected, the whole course of his doctrine and Judgment, touching what points of religion he did consent and agree, or not agree unto. pag. 862.
And thus an end of Winchester for a while, til we come to talk of his death hereafter. Whome as we number amongst good Lawyers, so is he to be reckoned amongst ignorant and gross Divines, proud Prelates and bloody persecutors: as both by his cruel life and Pharisaical doctrine may appear, especially in the article of the Sacrament, and of our justification and Images, and also in crying out of the Paraphrase, not considering in whose person the things be spoken, but what the Paraphrast uttereth in the person of Christ, or of the Evangelist, and not in his own, that he wrasteth unto the author, and maketh thereof heresy, and abomination.
The like impudency and quarrelling also he used against Bucer, Luther, Peter Martyr, Cranmer, & almost against all other true Interpreters of the Gospel. So blind was his judgment, or else so willful was his mind in the truth of Christ's doctrine, that it is hard to say whether in him unskillfulness or willfulness had greater predomination. But against this doct. Gardener we will now set and match on the contrary side, D. Redman, for so much as he departing this transitory life the same present year 1551. cometh now by course of history here to be mentioned. Who for his singular life and profounde knowledge, being inferior in no respect to the said Gardener, shall stand as great a friend in promoting the gospels cause, as the other seemeth an enemy by all manner of ways to empayre and deface the same. For the more assured declaratiō whereof, we will hereto adjoin (the Lord willing) the learned communication between the said Doct. Redman lying in his deathbed, and M. Wilkes, master Alexander Nowell, Doct. Yong, and other witnesses moe. Whereof the said M. Wilkes thus recordeth, speaking in his own person and his own words as followeth.
A note of the communication that I Richard Wilkes had with master Doctor Redman being sick at Westminster, but of good memory 2. Nouemb. 1551. in the presence of M. Yong & another, whō I did not know, and 2. of M. Doct. Redmans servants, the one called Elias, and the other unknown.
I The foresaid Richard Wilkes coming to Doct. Redman lying sick at Westminster, and first saluting him after my ordinary duty, wished him health both in soul & body, not doubting moreover, but he did practice the godly counsel in himself, which he was wont to give to other being in his case: and thanks be to God (said I) who had given him stuff of knowledge to comfort himself w t all. To whom he answering again, said in this wise: God of all comfort give me grace to have comfort in him, and to have my mind wholly fixed in him. M. Yong & I said, Amen. Thē I cōmoned w t him of his sickness, & the weakness of his body, and said y t though he were brought never so low, yet he, if it were his pleasure that raised up Lazarus, could restore him to health again. No, no saith he, that is past, and I desire it not but the will of God be fulfilled.
After this or a little other like communication, I asked if I might be so bold not troubling him, to know his mind for my learning in some matters and points of religion. He said, yea, and that he was as glad to common with me, in such matters, as with any man. And then I said to his servants: I trust I shall not trouble him. No said Ellis his servant, my L. of London, M. Nowel and other have communed with him, and he was glad of it. Then said M. Redman, no you shall not trouble me. I pray God ever give me grace to speak the truth, and his truth, and that which shall redound to his glory, and send us unity in his Church, and we said, Amen.
I said he should do much good in declaring his faith, and I would be glad to know his mind as touching the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ.
He said, as man is made of two partes, of the body and the soul, so Christ would feed the whole man: but what (saith he) be the words of the text? Let us take the words of the Scripture: and he rehearsed the text himself thus: Accepit Jesus panem: Christ took bread. Wherein his will was to institute a Sacrament, Accipite, commedite: Take, eat. Here he told the use of it. What did he give them? Hoc est corpus meum, he calleth it his body.
Then I asked him of the presence of Christ.
He said, Christ was present with his sacrament, and in those that received it as they ought. And there was Mira vnitio, a wonderful union (for that word was named betwixt Christ and us) as S. Paul saith: Vos estis os ex ossibus eius, & caro ex carne eius. Ye be bone of his bones, and flesh of his flesh. The which union was ineffable.
Then I asked him what he thought of the opinion, that Christ was there corporally, naturally, and really.
He answered: if you mean by corporally, naturally, and really, that he is there present Vere, I grant.
Then I asked how he thought of that which was wont commonly to be spoken, that Christ was there flesh, blood & bone, as I have heard the Stewards in their Leets give charge when the 6. articles stood in effect, and charge the Inquest to inquire, that if there were any that would deny that Christ was present in the Sacrament of the alter in flesh, blood, and bone, they should apprehend them.
He said, that was too gross, and could not well be excused from the opinion of the Capernaites.
Thē I asked him: in as much as Christ was there Vere, howe do we receive him? in our minds and spiritual partes, or with our mouths and into our bodies, or both?
He said, we receive him in our minds & souls by faith.
Then in as much as he was much in this point, y t there was Mira vnitio, a marueylous union betwixt us & Christ, in that we were Caro ex carne eius, & os ex ossibus eius: Bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh: I desired to know his opinion whether we received the very body of Christ with our mouths, and into our bodies or no.
Here he paused & held his peace a little space, and shortly after he spake, saying: I will not say so: I cannot tell: it is a hard question, but surely saith he, we receive Christ in our soul by faith. When you speak of it other ways, it soundeth grossly and savoreth of the Capernaites.
Then I asked him what he thought of y t which y e Priest was wont to lift up & show the people betwixt his hands?
He said it is the Sacrament. Then said I, they were wont to worship that which was lifted up. Yea saith he, but we must worship Christ in heaven: Christ is neither lifted up nor down. I am glad, said I, M. Doctor, to hear you say so much. I would not speak of the holy Sacrament otherwise then reverently, but I fear least that Sacrament, and the little white piece of bread so lifted up, hath robbed Christ of a great part of his honor.
Then said he, looking, up and praying, God grant us grace that we may have y e true understanding of his word, whereby we may come to the true use of his Sacraments, and said he would never allow the carrying about of the Sacrament, and other fond abuses about the same.
Then after a little while pausing, said I: Master Doctor, if I should not trouble you, I would pray you to know your mind in transubstantiation. Jesus M. Wilkes (quoth he) will you ask me that? Syr said I, not if I should trouble you. No, no, I will tell you saith he: Because I found the opinion of Transubstantiation received in the Church, when I heard it spoken against, I searched the ancient Doctors diligently, & went about to stablishe it by them, because it was received. And whē I had read many of them, I found little for it, & could not be satisfied. Thē I went to the School Doctors, and namely to Gabriel, and weighed his reasons. The which when I had done, and perceived they were no pithier, Languescebat opinio mea de transubstantiatione, my opinion of Transubstantiation waxed feeble, and then (saith he) I returned again to Tertullian and Irenaeus, and when I had observed their sayings, mine opinion that there should be transubstantiation, prorsus erat abolita: was quite dashed.
Then said I, you know that the School Doctors did hold that panis non remanebat post consecrationem, that bread remained not after consecration as they called it.
The school Doctors (saith he) did not know what consecratio doth mean: and here he paused a while. I pray you said I, what say you that consecratio doth mean? Sayth he, it is Tota actio, in ministering the Sacrament, as Christ did institute it. All the whole thing done in the ministry, as Christ ordained it, that is, consecratio, and what (saith he) need we to doubt that bread remaineth? Scripture calleth it bread, and certain good authors that be of the latter time, be of that opinion.
After that I had communed with M. Redman, and taken my leave of him, M. Yong came forth into the next chamber with me, to whom I said that I was glad to see M. Doct. Redman so well minded. Then said M. Yong to me, I am sure he will not deny it. I ensure you saith he, M. Doct. hath so moved me, that where as I was of that opinion before in certain things, that I would have burned and lost my life for them, now saith M. Yong, I doubt of them. But I see (saith he) a man shall know more & more by process of time, and reading and hearing of other, and M. Doct Redmans saying shall cause me to look more diligently for them.
Also Ellis M. Doctor Redmans servant shown me that he did know that his master had declared to Kyng Henry 8. his Majesty, that faith only justifieth: but that doctrine as he thought, was not to be taught the people, least they should be negligent to do good works.
The said master Yong hath reported (the which also I heard) that M. Doctor Redman should say, that consensus Ecclesiae, the consent of the Church was but a weak staff to lean to, but did exhort him to read the Scriptures, for there was that which should comfort him when he should be in such case as he was then.
*Another communication between Doctor Redman lying in his death bead, and Mayster Nowell then Schoolmaster in Westminster, and certain other, with notes of his censure & judgment touching certain points of Christ's Religion.
1 IN primis, the said D. Redman sent for M. Nowell of his own mind, and said he was willing to commune with him of such matters as he had moved y e said D. Redman of a day or two before: and he being desired of the said M. Nowell to declare his mind concerning certain points of our Religion, first said: ask me what ye will, and I will answer you (before God) truly as I think, without any affection to the world, or any worldly person.
Witnesses Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, John Wright.
2 Item, the said D. Redman said, that the sea of Rome in these latter days is Sentina malorū, that is, a sink of all evil.
Witnesses John Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, John Wright, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.
3 Item, that Purgatory, as the schoolmen taught it and used it, was ungodly, and that there was no such kind of Purgatory as they fantasied.
Witnesses John Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, John Wright.
4 Item, that the offering up of the Sacrament in Masses and Trentals for the sins of the dead, is ungodly.
Witnesses John Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edward Cratford, Ellis Lomas.
5 Item, that the wicked are not partakers of the body of Christ, but receive the outward Sacrament only.
Witnesses John Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, John Wright.
6 Item, that the Sacrament ought not to be carried about in procession: for it is taught what is the use of it in these words: Accipite, manducate, & bibite, & hoc facite in mei memoriam: Take, eat, and drink, and do this in remembrance of me.
Witnesses John. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, John Wright, Edward Cratford, Ellis Lomas.
7 Item, that nothing which is seen in the Sacrament, or perceived with any outward sense, is to be worshipped.
Witnesses John Yong, Alexander Nowell, Ellis Lomas, Richard Burton.
8 Item, that we receive not Christ's body Corporaliter, id est, crass: corporally, that is to say, grossly, like other meats, and like as Capernaites did understand it.
Witnesses John Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edw. Cratford, Ellis Lomas, John Wright.
9 Item, that we receive Christ's body sic spiritualiter vt tamen vere: so spiritually, that nevertheless truly.
Witnesses John Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edward Cratford, Ellis Lomas, John Wright.
10 Item, as touching transubstantiation, that there is not in any of the old doctors any good ground or sure proof thereof, or any mention of it, as far as ever he could perceive, neither that he seeth what can be answered to the objections made against it.
Witnesses John Yong, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas.
11 Item, being asked of Master Wilkes what that was which was lifted up between the priests hands, he answered: he thought that Christ could neither be lifted up nor down.
Witnesses John Yong, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas.
12 Item, that Priests may by the law of God marry wives.
Witnesses Alexander Nowell, Ellis Lomas.
13 That this proposition: Sola fides iustificat, so that fides signify Veram, viuam, & acquiescentem in Christo fidem, id est am • lexum Christi: that is to say, that only faith doth justify, so that faith do signify a true, a lively▪ and a faith resting in Christ and embracing Christ: is a true, godly, sweet, and comfortable doctrine, so that it be so taught that the people take none occasion of carnal liberty thereof.
Witnesses John. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, John. Wright, Edward Cratford, Richard Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.
14 Item, that our works cannot deserve the kingdom of God, and life everlasting.
Witnesses John. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edward Cratford, Richard Elithorne, John Wright.
15 Item, that the said D. Redman, at such times as we the foresaid persons, which have subsc • ibed, heard his communication concerning the for • said pointes of Religion, was of quiet mind and of perfect remembrance, as far as we were able to judge.
Witnesses John. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edward Cratford▪ Richard Elithorne, John Wright.
Also M. Yong of himself doth declare further touching the former Articles in this wise.
To the v. Article.
IN primis, that D. Redman said more, where as S. Augustine said: Quod Judas idem accepit quod Petrus, that Judas received the same that Peter did, he said that he understood that of the Sacrament, and that after the same phrase a man might say: Quod Simon Magus idem Baptisma recepit quod Apostoli, that Simon Magus received the same Baptism that the Apostles did, when he did receive only the outward Sacrament to his condemnation: for he said that he thought Christ would not vouchsafe to give his holy flesh to an ungodly man. And this he said was always his mind, though he knew that other men did otherwise think.
To the vi. Article.
Item, he said, he never liked the carriage about of the Sacrament, and preached against it about 16. years since in Cambridge.
To the x Article.
Item, when he was demanded of transubstantiation, he said, that he had trauayled about it, and thinking that the doubts which he perceived did rise thereon should be made plain by the Schoolmen, did read their books, and after that he had read them, the opinion of Transubstantiation was every day Magis & magis languida, that is, weaker and weaker, and that there was no such Transubstantiation as they made, adding thereto, that the whole School did not know what was meant by consecration, which he said was the whole action of the holy Communion.
To the xiii. Article.
Item, he said that he did repent him that he had so much strived against justification by only faith.
To the xiv. Article.
Item, that works had their crown and reward, but that they did not deserve eternal life, and the kingdom of God, no not the works of grace: Nam donum dei vita aeterna. For everlasting life is the gift of God.
Although the • e testimonies above alleged may suffice for a declaration touching the honest life, sound doctrine, and sincere judgment of Doctor Redman: yet (velut ex abundanti) I thought not to cut off in this place, the testimonial letter or Epistle of D. Yong writ̄ to M. Cheke, specially concerning the premisses. Which Epistle of Doct. Yong, as I received it written by his own hand in the latin tongue, the copy which he himself hath not, nor can deny to be his own, & is extant to be read in the former book of Acts and Monumentes, so I have here exhibited the same faithfully translated into the English tongue the tenor whereof here followeth.
The letter of M. Yong written to M. Cheke concerning Doct. Redman, translated out of Latin into English.
ALthough right worshipful, I am stricken into no little damp and dolour of mind for the unripe (but that it otherwise pleased almighty God) & lamentable death of that most blessed & learned man doct. Redman, in so much that all astonied with weeping and lamenting, I cannot tell what to do or think (yet nevertheless: (perceiving it to be your worships will and pleasure, that so I should do) I gladly cal my wits together, and purpose by gods grace, here in these my letters, sincerely and truly to open and declare what I heard that worthy learned man speak and confess at the hour of his death as touching the controversies of religion, wherewith the spouse of Christ is in these our days most miserably troubled and tormented.
This Doct. Redman, being continually by the space of xx. years or somewhat more exercised in the reading of the holy scripture, wi • h such industry, • abor, modesty, magnanimiti • , and prayers to almigh • y God tried and weighed y e controversies of religiō, that in all his doings as he would not seem to approve that was either false or superstitious so he would never improve that he thought to stand with the true worship of God. And albeit in certain points and articles of his faith, he seemed to diverse which were altogether ignorant of that his singular gravity, either for so • tnes, • ear, or lack of stomach to change his mind and belief, yet they, to whom his former life and conversation by familiar acquaintance with him was throughlye known, with them also which were present at his departure, may easily perceive and understand, how in grave & weighty matters, not rashly and unadvisedly, but with constant judgment and unfeigned conscience he descended into that manner of belief which at that time of his going out of this world, he openly professed.
I give your wisdom to understand, that when death drew near, he casting away all hope of recovery, minded & talked of no other thing (as we which were present heard) but of heavē and heavenly matters, of the latter day of our Savior Jesus Christ, with whom most fervently he desired to be: whose incredible love towards us miserable sinners, most worthily and not without tears he often times used to extol and speak of: and us which wer there present, he earnestly moved and exhorted to prepare our selves to Christ, to love one another, and to beware of this most wretched & corrupt world. And besides that he promised (calling God to witness thereunto, to whom he trusted shortly to come) if any would demand any question that he would answer him what he thought in his judgment to be the truth. At what time there were present M. Alexander Nowell, a man earnestly bent to the true worshipping of God, and one that had always singularly well loved y e said M. Redman: to whom he spake on this wise:
Your excellent learning and purity of life I have ever both highly favored, and had in admiration: and for no other cause (God be my judge) I do ask these things of you which I shall propound, but that I might learn & know of you what is your opinion and belief touching those troblous controversies which are in these our days: and I shall receive and approve your words as oracles sent from heaven.
To whom when doct. Redman had given leave to demand what he would, and had promised that he would faithfully and sincerely answer (all affection set aside) what he thought to be the truth, M. Nowel said: I would (quoth he) right gladly, but that I fear by my talk and communication I shall be unto you, so feeble and now almost spent, a trouble and grief. Then said Doct. Redmā replying: what shall I spare my carcas (quoth he) which hath so short a time here to remain? Go to, go to (said he) propound what you will. Thē M. Nowell put forth certain questions in order, which I will here declare: whereunto the said doct. Redman severally answered, as hereafter followeth.
The first question that he asked of him was, what he thought of the bishop of Rome. Unto whō Doct. Redmā answered that the Sea of Rome in these our latter days had much swerved from the true religiō and worshipping of God & is with horrible vices stained & polluted: which I therefore (quoth he) pronounce to be the sink of all evil and shortly will come to utter ruin by scourge of God, except it do fall the sooner to repentance: wherewith he briefly complained of the filthy abuse of our English Church.
Being then asked what his opinion was concerning purgatory, and what the Schoolmen judged thereof, he answered, that the subtle reasons of the Schoolmen concerning purgatory, seemed to him to be no less vain, and frivolous, then disagreeing from the truth: adding thereunto: that when we be wrapped up to the clouds to meet Christ coming to judgment with a great number of Angels in all glory and majesty then everyone shall be purged with fire as it is written: The fire shall go before him, and shall flame round about his enemies, and the fire shall burn in his sight, and round about him shall be a great tempest: saying that diverse of the old writers approved this his sentence concerning purgatory.
When he was asked whether wicked and ungodly people in the holy communion did eat the body of Christ, and drink his blood: he answered that such kind of men did not eat Christ's most blessed flesh, but only took the Sacrament to their own damnation: saying that Christ would not give his most pure and holy flesh to be eaten of such naughty and impure persons, but would withdraw himself from them. And that (quoth he) that is objected by S. Augustine, that Judas received the selfsame thing which Peter received: that I think to be understanded of the external Sacrament. And the like kind of phrase of speaking (said he) we may use concerning the baptism of Magus: that Simon Magus received that which the Apostles did receive. In deed as concerning the Sacrament of the external baptism, Simon Magus received that which the Apostles did, but that internal grace, wherewith the Apostles were endued, and that holy spirit wherewith by baptism they were enspired, he lacked. And so (quoth he) the wicked and forsaken people, which rashly presume to come to the holy table of the Lord, do receive the Sacrament and the selfsame which good and godly men receive: but the body of Christ, they do not receive, for Christ doth not vouchsafe to deliver it them. And thus he said was his opinion and belief, although he knew others to be of a contrary judgment.
Being then after this demanded whether he thought Christ's presence to be in the Sacrament or no, he answered that Christ did give & offer to faithful and Christian men, his very real body and blood verily & really under sacraments of bread & wine, in so much that they which devoutly come to be partakers of that holy food, are by the benefit thereof united and made one with Christ in his flesh and body. And therefore he said that Christ did distribute his body spiritually that he gave it truly, not so yet nevertheless that by these and the like words we should conceive any gross or carnal intelligence, such as the Capernaites once dreamed of, but that (quoth he) we might labor & endeavor to express by some kind of words the ineffable majesty of this mystery. For the manner whereby Christ is there present, and ministereth to the faithful his flesh, is altogether inexplicable: but we must believe (quoth he) and think, that by God's mighty power & the holy operation of his spirit, this so notable a mistery was made: & that heaven & earth was joined together in that moment, as the blessed man s. Gregory saith: y e lowest parts are joined w t the highest: By which is understand that holy food, whereby they which be regenerate by the holy Ghost in baptism, are nourished to immortality. And further he said that Christ's body was received in the said Sacrament by faith: which being received both body and soul, were quickened to everlasting life.
Being then required to say his mind about transubstantiation, he gave answer that he had much traveled in that point, and that he first much favored and inclined to that part which maintained transubstantiation: in searching the verity whereof most studiously, he had been no little while occupied, and found to arise thereabout infinite, and almost inexplicable absurdities. In confutyng whereof, when he had but smally contented himself, he said he took in hand the Scholemens works, and perused Gabriel and other writers of that sort, for that by their help and aide he hoped that all inconveniences which did spring and arise by maintenance of Transubstantiation, might be clean convinced and wiped away. Of which his hope he was utterly frustrate (said he) for that he did find in those works many fond and fantastical things, which were both too foolish to be recorded in writing, and also to be alleged about such a mistery: and truly (said he) ever after the reading of them, my former zeal and opinion, touching the maintenance of transubstantiation, did every day more and more decrease, and therefore in conclusion persuaded himself to think that there was no such transubstantiation as the Schoolmen imagined and feigned to be, saying that in deed the ancient writers were plain • lie against the maintenance thereof: amongst whom, he recited by name Justin, Irene, and Tertullian, notorious adversaries to the same. Furthermore, he added hereunto, that the whole School understood not what this word Consecratio was: which he defined to be the full and entire action of the whole Communion.
Being demanded also whether we ought to worship Christ present in his holy Supper, he told us that we are bound so to do: and that it was most agreeing to piety and godly Religion. Likewise being asked whether he would have the visible Sacrament to be worshipped, which we see with our eyes, and is lifted up between the Priests hands: he answered, that nothing which was visible, and to be seen with the eye, is to be adored or worshipped, nor that Christ would be eleuated into any higher, or pulled down into any lower place, and that he can neither be lifted up higher, nor pulled down lower.
Again, being asked what his judgment was about the custom and manner in carrying about the Sacrament in solemn pomps, processions and otherwise: he said, that he always misliked and reproved that order: in so much that about xvj. years agon openly in the pulpit at Cambridge he spake against that abuse and disallowed that ceremony, showing that Christ had expressed by plain and euidente words a very fruitful and right use of this Sacrament, when he said Take ye: (by which phrase quoth he, he doth express that he will give a gift:) Eate ye: (by which words he doth declare the proper use and order of that his precious gift:) This is my body: (whereby he doth evidently and plainly show what by that gift they should receive, and how royal and precious a gift he would give them: and therefore he judged such pompous and superstitious ostentations utterly to be condemned and taken as plain mockeries and Counterfaite visars.
His judgment also being asked about the Commemoration of the dead, and the remembrance of them in orisons whether he thought it profitable or no: he answered, that it seemed to him to be no less profitable then religious and godly: and that might be well proved out of the books of Maccabees. The which books although Saint Jerome adiudging as not authentic, thought good to be read in the Temples only for the edifying of the Church, and not for the assertion of opinions: yet with me the opinions of the other writers, to whom those books are allowed as Canons, prevaileth: which he in that point thinketh good to be read.
Being furthermore required to show his mind about trentall Masses, and Masses of Scala coeli, he shown them that they were altogether unprofitable, superstitious, and irreligious, flowing out of the filthy and impure fountain of superstition, not yielding the fruit which they promised to bring forth. The Sacrifice of the Supper of the Lord, (the Eucharist I mean) that sacrifice he said could not be offered for the sins of the quick and the dead.
Finally, of his own voluntary will, and no man (as far as I can call to remembrance) demanding of him, he shown his opinion concerning Justification by Christ, I lament (said he) and repent, beseching God forgiveness for the same, that to seriously and earnestly I have wythstand this proposition: that only faith doth iustifye, but I always feared that it should be taken to the liberty of the flesh, and so should defile the innocence of life which is in Christ. But that proposition: that only faith doth iustifye, is true (quoth he) sweet and full of spiritual comfort, if it be truly taken, and rightly understanded. And when he was demanded what he thought to be the true and very sense thereof: I understand (quoth he) that to be the lively faith, which resteth in our only Savior Jesus Christ and embraceth him: so that in our only Savior Jesus Christ, all the hope and trust of our salvation be surely fixed. And as concerning good works (said he) they have their crown and merit: and are not destitute of their rewards. Yet nevertheless they do not merit the kingdom of heaven. For no works (said he) could not purchase and obtain that blessed, happy and everlasting immortality: no nor yet those things which we do under grace by the motion of the holy Ghost. For that blessed and immortal glory is given and bestowed upon us mortal men, of the heavenly father for his Son our Savior Christ's sake, as S. Paul testifieth, The gift of God is eternal life.
And these be the resolutions which I heard him give to the questions by M. Nowell proposed. From which his sentence and judgment so heard by me and of him uttered (as I remember) I never declined or varied. I beseech our Lord Jesus Christ to cease these troublous storms wherewith the Church is tossed, and vouchsafe for his holy names sake tenderly to behold & look upon his poor wretched flock so miserably scattered and dispersed, beseeching him also of his goodness to preserve your worship. At London the third of November.
*Here followeth the history no less lamentable then notable of William Gardener an Englishman, suffering most constantly in Portyngale for the testimony of God's truth.
COmming now to the year next following 1552. we will some what step aside, and borrow a little leave, coasting the Seas into Portingale amongst the Popish merchants there, whither a certain countrymā of ours doth call me, named William Gardener, a man verily in my judgment, not only to be compared with the most principal & chief Martyrs of these our days, but also such one, as the ancient Churches in the time of the first persecutions, cannot show a more famous: whether we do behold the force of his faith, his firm and steadfast constantnes, the invincible strength of his spirit, or the cruel and horrible torments: the report only and hearing whereof, were enough to put any man in horror or fear. Yet notwithstanding so far it was of that the same did discourage him, that it may be doubted whether the pain of his body, or the courage of his mind were the greater: when as in deed both appeared to be very great.
Wherefore, if any praise or dignity amongst men, (as reason is) be due unto the Martyrs of Christ for their valiant acts, this one man amongst many, seemeth worthy to be numbered and also to be celebrate in the Church with Ignatius, Laurentius, Ciriatius, Grescentius, and Gordianus. And if the Church of Christ do receive so great and manifold benefits by these martyrs, with whose blood it is watered, by whose ashes it is enlarged, by whose constancy it is confirmed, by whose testimony it is witnessed, and finally through whose agonies and victories the truth of the Gospel doth gloriously triumph: let not us then think it any great matter, to requite them with our duty again, by committing them unto memory, as a perpetual token of our good will towards them. Albeit, they themselves receive no glory at our hands, and much less challenge the same: but refer it wholly unto the Lord Christ, frō whom it came whatsoever great or notable thing there was in them. Notwithstanding, for so much as Christ himself is glorified in his Saints, we cā not show our selves thankful unto him, except we also show our selves dutiful unto those, by whom his glory doth increase.
Hereupon I think it came to pass, that the ancient Christians in the time of the first persecutions, thought good to celebrate yearly commemorations of the Martirdome of those holy men, not so much to honor thē, as to glorify God in his soldiers, unto whom all glory & praise doth worthily belong: and moreover, that we being instructed by their example, might be the more prompt and ready in the policies of those wars, to stand more stoutly in batta • le against our adversaries, and learn the more easily to contemn and despise this world. For in considering the ende and death of these men, who will greatly long or lust after this life, which is so many ways miserable, through so many afflictions dolorous, through so many casualties rumous, wherein consisteth so litte constancy & less safety, being never free from some hard calamity one or other? What good mā would have this world in reputatiō, wherein he seeth so many good men so cruelly oppressed, & wherein no man can live in quietness, except he be wicked? Wherefore I do not a little marvel, that in this great slaughter of good mē with so many spectacles and examples of cruel torment, Christians do yet live as it were drowned in y e foolish desires of this world, seeing daily before their eyes so many holy and innocent men yield up their spirits under the hands of such tormentors, to lie in filthy prisons, in bonds, darkness, and tears, & in the end to be consumed with fire. We see so many Prophets of God, even Christ himself the son of God, to be so cruelly and many ways afflicted in this world, tormoiled, scourged and crucified: & yet we laugh, drink, and give our selves unto all losenes of life, and all lasciviousness. For honor & great possessions we contend: we build: we study & labor by all means to make our selves rich. Unto whom it doth not suffice y t we with safety and freedom from their afflictions, racks, wheels, scourges, irons read hot, gredirōs, fleshhookes, mallets, and other kinds of torments, may serve our Christ in peace and quiet: but being herewith not content, will give over our selves to all kind of wickedness, to be led away at the will and pleasure of Satan?
But what do we think in so doing? Either we must reckon those mē to be most miserable in this life, or else our selves to be most unhappy. But if their blessedness be most certain and sure, then let us direct the course of our life to the same felicity. These men have forsaken this life, which they might have enjoyed. But if w • cannot willingly put of this life, yet let us not be slow to amend and correct the same: and though we cannot die with them in like martyrdom, yet let us mortify the worldly and profane affections of y e flesh, which strive against y e spirit & at the least let us not run thus headlong into the licētious desires of the world, as we do. As the life of Christian men is now, I pray thee, what do these bonds, prisons, these wounds and scars, these great fires, and other horrible torments of martyrs, then upbraid unto us our slouthful sluggishness, & worthily make us ashamed thereof? Which Martyrs if in their lives they lived so innocently, & in their death continued so constant, what then is to be deemed of us which suffer nothing for Christ, and will not take upon us the small conflict against vices & our own affections? How would we suffer the cruel looks of tirannes? y e fearful kinds of torments, or the violent assaults of the tormenters in any quarrel of godliness, if in peace and quietness we are & y t with every small breath or wind of temptation we are blown away frō God, so faint hearted w t out any resistance are carried headlong into all kind of wickedness & mischief? One singeth songs of love, another watcheth all the night at dice, some spend their life & time day by day in hawking & hūting, some tipple so at tauerns that they come home reeling. Others whatsoever desire of revenge doth put into their heads, that by and by they seek to put in practice. Some gape after riches: some swell with ambition: some think they are borne for no other purpose but for pleasure and pastime. All the world is full of injury and perjury, nay rather it is so rare a thing patiently to suffer injuries done unto • s, that except we have y e sleight to do injury to other, we think our selves scarce men. There is no love almost nor Charity among men: neither is there any man that regardeth the good name or fame of his neighbor.
But amongst all the rest, insatiable covetousness and avarice so reigneth that no man almost is contented w t any tolerable estate of life, either that will prescribe himself any measure in having y t he possesseth: or in proling for y e which he lacketh: never quiet, but always toiling, never satisfied but always insatiable. Whereby it so cometh, that the minds of Christian men, being occupied in such worldly carks & cares, can scarcely find any vacant leisure to think upon heavenly things: and yet notwithstanding w t these minds, we will needs seem Christians. But now setting apart these complaints spent in vain, we will prosecute our purposed story touching good W. Gardener.
And first as concerning his kindred, he was of an honest stock, borne at Bristow, a town of Marchandise on the seacost of England, honestly brought up and by nature given unto gravity, of a mean stature of body, of a comelye & pleasant countenance, but in no part so excellent as in y e inward qualities of the mind, which he always from his childhood preserved without spot of reprehension. Also his handsome and indifferent learning did not a little commond & beautify his other ornaments. When he grew unto those years at which young men are accustomed to settle their minds to some kind of life, it happened y t he gave himself to the trade of Marchandise, under y t conduct & guidyng of a certain merchant of Bristow, called M. Paget, by whō he was at the last (being of the age of xxvi. years, or thereabout,) sent into Spain, and by chance the ship ariuing at Lishborne (which is the chief City of Portugale) he tarried there about his Marchandise, where at the last he having gotten understanding of the language and being accustomed to their manners, became a profitable servant both unto his master & others, in such things as pertained unto the trade of that vocation. Whereunto he did so apply himself that nevertheless he in that popish country reserving still the religion of his own country of England, ever kept himself sound and undefiled from the Portugals superstition. There were also besides him diverse other good men in y e same City. Neither did he lack good books or the conference of good and honest men, unto whom he would oftentimes bewail his imbecility and weakness that he was neither sufficiently touched w t the hatred of his sins, neither yet inflamed with the love of godliness.
Whilest he was there abiding, it happened that there should be a solemn marriage, celebrate y e first day of September in the year abovesaid, between two Princes: to say, the son of the king of Portugale, & the Spanish K. his daughter. The marriage day being come, there was great resort of the Nobility and Estates. There lacked no Bishops with Miters, nor Cardinals with their hats, to set out this royal wedding. To be short they went forward to the wedding with great Pomp, where a great concourse of people resorted, some of good will, some for service sake, and some (as the manner is) to gaze and look. Great preparation of all parties was there throughout the whole City, as in such cases is accustomed, and all places were filled with mirth and gladness. In this great assembly of the whole kingdom, William Gardener, who, albeit he did not greatly esteem such kind of spectacles, yet being allured through the fame and report thereof, was there also, coming thither early in the morning, to the intent he might have the more opportunity and better place to behold and see.
The hour being come, they flocked into the church with great solemnity and pomp: the King first, and then every estate in order. The greater persons, the more ceremonies were about them. After all things were set in order, they went forward to the celebrating of their Mass: for that alone serveth for all purposes. The Cardinal did execute, with much singing and orgaine playing. The people stood with great devotion and silence, praying, looking, kneeling, and knocking, their minds being fully bent and set, as it is the manner, upon the external sacrament. How grievously these things did prick and move this young man's mind, it cannot be expressed, partly to behold the miserable absurdity of those things, and partly to see the folly of the common people: and not only of the common people, but specially to see the King himself and his Council, with so many sage and wise men (as they seemed) to be seduced with like Idolatry as the common people were: In so much that it lacked very little, but that he would even that present day have done some notable thing in the Kings sight and presence, but that the great press and throng that was about him, letted that he could not come unto the altar. What need many words? when the ceremonies were ended, he cometh home very sad and heavy in his mind: in so much that all his fellows marveled greatly at him: Who albeit upon diverse conjectures they conceived the cause of his sadness, notwithstanding they did not fully understand that those matters so much troubled his godly mind: neither yet did he declare it unto any man, but seeking solitariness & secret places falling down prostrate before God, with manifold tears bewailed the neglecting of his duty, deliberating with himself how he might revoke that people from their impiety and superstition.
In this deliberation and advise his mind being fully settled, and thinking that the matter ought not to be any longer deferred, he renounced the world, making up all his accounts so exactly (as well of that which was due unto him, as that which he ought unto others) that no man could justly ask so much as one farthing. Which thing done, he continued night and day in prayer calling upon God, and continual meditation of the Scriptures, that scarcely he would take any meat by day, or sleep by night, or that most, above an hour or two of rest in the night, as Pendigrace his fellow companion both at bed and board, being yet alive, can testify.
The Sunday came again to be celebrate either with like pomp & solemnity, or not much less, whereas the said William was present early in the morning, very cleanely appareled even of purpose, that he might stand near the altar without repulse. Within a while after cometh the King with all his Nobles. Then Gardener setteth himself as near the alter as he might, having a Testament in his hand, the which he diligently read upon, and prayed, until the time was come that he had appointed to work his seat. The Mass began, which was then solemnised by a Cardinal. Yet he sat still. He which said Mass, proceeded, he consecrated, sacrificed, lifted up on high, shown his God unto the people, all the people gave great reverence, and as yet he stirred nothing. At the last they came unto that place of the Mass, whereas they use to take the ceremonial Hoste, and toss it too and fro round about the Chalice, making certain circles and semicircles. Then the said William Gardener not being able to suffer any longer, ran speedily unto the Cardinal: and (which is incredible to be spoken) even in the presence of the King and all his Nobles and Citizens, with the one hand he snatched away the cake from the Priest, and trode it under his feet, and with the other hand overthrew the chalice. Thys matter at the first made them all abashed, but by and by there rose a great tumult, and the people began to cry out. The Nobles and the common people ran together, amongst whom, one drawing out his dagger, gave him a great wound in the shoulder, and as he was about to strike him again to have slain him, the King twice commanded to have him saved. So by that means they abstained from murder.
After the tumult was ceased, he was brought unto the King: by whom he was demanded what countreyman he was, and how he durst be so bold to work such a contumely against his Majesty, and the Sacraments of the Church? He answered: Most noble King, I am not ashamed of my Country, which am an Englishman both by birth and religion, and am come hither only for traffike of Marchaundise. And when I saw in this famous assembly so great Idolatry committed, my conscience neither ought neither could any longer su •• er, but that I must needs do that which you have scene me presently do. Which thing (most noble Prince) was not done nor thought of me for any contumely or reproach of your presence, but only for this purpose (as before God I do clearly confess) to seek the only salvation of this people.
When they heard that he was an Englishman, and called to remembrance how the Religion was restored by K. Edward, they were by and by brought in suspicion, that he had been suborned by Englishmen thus to do, to mock and deride their religion. Wherefore they were the more earnest upon him to know who was the author and procurer that he should commit that act. Unto whom he answered, desiring them that they would conceive no such suspicion of him, for so much as he was not moved thereunto by any man, but only by his own conscience. For otherwise there was no man under the heaven, for whose sake he would have put himself into so manifest danger: but that he ought this service first unto God, and secondarily unto their salvation: wherefore if he had done any thing which were displeasaunt unto them, they ought to impute it unto no man, but unto themselves, which so vnreuerētly used the holy Supper of the Lord unto so great Idolatry, not without great ignominy unto the Church, violation of the Sacraments, and the peril of their own souls, without they repented.
Whilest that he spake these with many other things more unto this effect very gravely and stoutly, the blood ran abundantly out of the wound, so that he was ready to faint. Whereupon Surgeons were sent for, whereby he might be cured if it were possible, and be reserved for further examination, and more grievous torment. For they were fully persuaded that this deed had diverse abbettors and setters on: which was the cause that all the other englishmen also in the same city came into suspicion, and were commanded to safe custody. Amongst whom, Pendigrace, because he was his bedfellow, was grievously tormented and examined more then the residue, and scarcely was delivered after two years imprisonment. The other were much sooner set at liberty at the intercession of a certain Duke. Notwithstanding their suspicion could not yet be satisfied, but they came unto his chamber to seek if there were any letters, to understand and find out the author of this enterprise. And when as they could find nothing there, they came again unto him being grievously wounded, with torments to extort of him the author of this fact, and to accuse him as gilty of most grievous heresy. Of both which pointes, with such dexterity as he could, he cleared himself. Wherein, albeit he spake in the Spanish tongue well, yet he used the Latin tongue much more exactly.
But they not being therewith satisfied, added another strange kind of torment, which (as I suppose) passeth the Bull of Phalaris. Because there should no kind of extreme cruelty be left vnassayed, they caused a linen cloth to be sowed round like a ball, the which they with violence put down his throat unto the bottom of his stomach, tied with a small string which they held in their hands, and when it was down, they pulled it up again with violence, so plucking it too and fro through the meat pipe, in such sort, as with much less grief they might have rid him out of his life at once.
Thus at the last, when all torments and tormenters were weeried, and that it did nothing at all prevail to go this way to work, they asked him whether he did not repent his wicked and seditious deed. As touching the deed, answered, that it was so far off that he did repent, that if it were to do again, he thought he should do the same. But as touching the manner of the deed, he was not a little sory that it was done in the Kings presence to the disquietness of his mind. Howbeit, that was not to be imputed unto him, which neither enterprised or thought upon any such matter, but rather to be ascribed unto the King, in that he having power, would not prohibit so great Idolatry used among his people. This he spake with great fervency.
After they had used all kind of torments, and saw th • t there could nothing more be gathered of him, and also that through his wounds and pains he could not long live▪ they brought him three days after to execution. And first of all, bringing him into the Uestry, cut off his right hand, which he taking up with his left hand, kissed. Then he was brought into the market place, whereas his other hand also was cut off: which he kneeling down upon the ground, also kissed. These things thus done after the manner and fashion of Spain, his arms being bound behind him, & his feet under the horse belly, he was carried to the place of execution.
There was in that place a certain engine, frō the which a great rope coming down by a pulley, was fastened about the middle of this Christian Martyr, which first pulled him up. Then was there a great pile of wood set on fire underneath him, into the which he was by little & little let down, not with the whole body, but so, that his fete only felt the fire. Then he was hoised up, and so let down again into the fire, and thus oftentimes pulled up and down. In which great torment for all that, he continued w t a constant spirit: and the more terribly he burned, y e more vehemently he prayed.
At the last, when his feet were consumed, the tormentors asked him whether he did not yet repent him of his deed, and exhorted him to call upon our Lady and the Saints. Wherunto he answered, that as he had done nothing whereof he did repent him, so he had the less need of the help of our Lady or any other Sainte: and what external torments so ever they used, the truth (he said) remaineth always one and like unto it self: the which as he had before confessed in his life, so would he not now deny it in his death▪ desiring them to leave of such vanities and folly. For when as Christ did cease anymore to be our advocate, then he would pray to our lady to be his advocate, and said: O eternal God, father of all mercies, I beseech thee look down upon thy servant. &c. And when as they sought by all means possible to stop his praying, and praising God in this sort, he cried out with a loud voice, rehearsing the 43. Psalm: Iudica me Deus, & discern causam meam, de gente non sancta. Judge me O God, and defend my cause against the unmerciful people.
He was not come unto the latter ending of the Psalm, when as they pulling him up and down in the fire for the more torment, the rope being burnt a sonder, he fell down in the midst thereof: whereas giving his body for a sacrifice, he changed his temporal pains for perpetual rest and quietness.
Thus it seemed good in the sight of God by this Messenger to provoke the Portugales to y e sincere knowledge of him: and therefore they ought the more to have acknowledged the great love & kindness of God offered unto them, and also the more to be mindful of their own duty and thankfulness towards him. And if it be so great an offense to violate the ordinances of man's law, and to contemn the Ambassadors of Kyngs and Princes, let the Portugalles and all other look well unto it, what it is so cruelly to handle the heavenly messenger of the high God. Neither was this their cruelty altogether unrevenged by the mighty hand of God, when as not only the very same night, amongst diverse of the kings ships which were in y e next haven ready to sails, one was burned, being set on fire by a sparcle of Gardiners fire driven thither w t the wind, but also y e kings son which then was married, died within half a yere, and the next yere after the King himself also died, and so both within one year after the tormenting of this blessed Martyr.
Thus the body of the said Gardener being consumed, yet the rage & fury of the common people so ceased not, but they were as cruel against him being dead, as they were when he was alive, and with their tongues tormented this Martyr, when they could do no more with their hands: yea for very madness they would scarce tarry until he were burned, but every man as they could catch any piece of him half burned, threw it into the sea.
Thys Sacrifice thus ended, the Clergy, to pacify God's wrath which they feared, for the violating of their alter, appointed a solemn fast of certain days, for penance to purge that fact, which fact rather should have taught them to purge them selves, and to put away their filthy Idolatry, and much rather they should have fasted & repented for that their extreme cruelty they had shown unto the lively member of Christ.
Albeit this death of William Gardener seemeth to have profited very many of them little or nothing: yet for all that there are some (as I have heard diverse report) out of whose minds the remembrance of this constant Martyr can never be pulled, and is so fresh yet amongst them, as if it were now lately done: and finally, albeit it be a good while since he was put to death, yet the memory of his death, as fruitful seed, hath taken such root in some, that even unto this present day, he is a lively and diligent preaching unto them, against superstition and Idolatry used in their Churches. Ex testimonio N. Fildi, Pendigrace, & aliorum, qui rei gestae interfuerunt.
The tragical history of the worthy L. Edward Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, with the whole cause of his troubles and handling.
AFter so many troublous matters in this history aforepassed, coming now to the lamentable and tragical narration of the L. Edward duke of Somerset, the kings uncle, and Protector of his person & of his realm, I could not well enter into the story of him, without some premonition first to all noble personages, of what honor or calling soever within this realm, by way of history briefly to admonish them, no man to plant any trust or assurance upon the brickle pillars of worldly prosperity, howe high soever it seemeth, considering that there is no state so high, but it hath his ruin, wisdom so circumspecte, but it may be circumvented, no virtue so perfect, but it may be enuyed, neither any man's trade so simple, but it may be beguiled. And therefore seeing the condition of mortal things is so, that no man can always stand in this so ruinous a world: y e surest way is every man to choose his standing so, that his fall may be y e easier. But because my purpose is (as I have said in the stories before) to abridge and make short, I will here stay, referring to the secrete consideration of that which remaineth further by me in this matter to be uttered: and so falling into the story of the Lord Protectoure Duke of Somerset, we will (the Lord willing) declare in order the original and whole occasion of his trouble and decay, even from the beginning.
King Edward, after that both his father and mother were dead, had three uncles least him by his mothers side, Edward, Thomas, and Henry Semer, of the which two first, one was made Protectour of the Realm, and the other high admirall of the same. These two brethren, so long as they were knit & joined together in amity and concord, preserved both themselves, the king their nephew, and the whole common wealth from the violence and fear of all danger. But the subtle old serpent always envying man's felicity, through slanderous tongues sought to sow matter, first of discord between them, then of suspicion, and last of all extreme hatred: in so much that the Protectour suffered his brother being accused (whether truly or falsely the Lord knoweth) to be condemned, and to loose his head. Whereby it came to pass (whether by y e correction of God's judgment upon him, or whether that he after the death of his brother, and the king being yet but young and tender of age, was the less able to shift for himself) that not long after he was overmatched and overthrown of his enemies, and so cast into the Tower, and at last lost his head also, to the great lamentation of many good men, as in the sequel of this history followeth to be declared.
For the better introduction of which history, first to begin with the foresaid brother of the Lord Protectoure, namely Sir Thomas Semer high Admiral of England, and the kings Uncle, here is to understand that he had married Queen Katherine late wife to king Henry the eight, of whom ye heard before, pag. 1342. Now it happened (upon what occasion I know not) that there fell a displeasure betwixt the said Queen and the Duchesse of Somerset, and thereupon also in the behalf of their wives, displeasure and grudge began between the brethrē. Which albeit through persuasion of friends it was for a time appeased between them: yet in short space after (perchance not without y e privy setting forward o • some which were backefrendes to the Gospel) it brake out again, both to the trouble of the Realm, and especially to the confusion of them both, as after it is proved. First to the Lord Admiralles charge it was laid, that he purposed to destroy the young king, and translate the Crown unto himself, and for the same being attainted and condemned, did suffer at Tower hill the 20. of Marche. An. 1549. As many there were which reported that the Dutches of Somersette had wrought his death: so many moe there were, who misdoubting the long standing of the Lord Protectour in his state and dignity, thought and affirmed no les, but that the fall of the one brother, would be the ruin of the other: the experiment whereof as it hath often ben proved, so in these also eftsoons it ensued.
It was not long after the beheading of the Lord Admiral, but insurrections began to kindle the same year in diverse quarters of the realm, as is above storied. By the occasion whereof the lord Russel, lord privy Seal was sent to the West parts, and the lord Dudley Earl of Warwike was sent w t an army into Norfolk: where both he himself & a great number of Gentlemen that were with him, meeting with the rebels were in great danger: notwithstanding in the ende the overthrow was given to the rebels, which was about the beginning of September. 1549. After this victory achieved, in the next month following, which was October, howe the matter fell out between the Lord Protectour and certain other Lord's, I know not, but at the return of the Earl of Warwike aforesaid, great working and consultation there was among the Lord's, assembling them selves in the house of M. York, and at Bainardes Castle, and in the Lord Mayors house at London, against the Lord Protectoure remaining the • with the King at Hampton Court. Of the which business and trouble, thus the Lord Protectoure writeth in his letters to the Lord Russell in the West country, as followeth.
A letter of the L. Protectour, to the L. Russel, Lord privy Seal, concerning troubles working against him.
AFter our right hearty commendations to your good Lordship, here hath of late risen such a conspiracy against the kings Majesty and us, as never hath been seen, the which they cannot maintain, but with such vain letters and false tales surmised, as was never meant nor intended on us. They pretend and say, that we have sold Bulloigne to the French, and that we do withhold wages from the soldiers, and other such tales and letters they do spread abroad (of the which, if any one thing were true, we would not wish to live) the matter now being brought to a marvelous extremity, such as we would never have thought it could have come unto, especially of those men towards the kings majesty and us, of whom we have deserved no such thing, but r • there much favor and love. But the case being as it is, this to require and pray you to hastē you hither, to the defense of the kings majesty, in such force and power as you may, to show the parte of a true Gentleman, and of a very friend: the which thing we trust God shall reward and the kings Majesty in time to come, and we shall never be unmindful of it too. We are sure you shall have other letters from them, but as ye tender your duty to the kings Majesty, we require you to make no stay, but immediately repair with such force as ye have, to his highness Castle of Windsore, and cause the rest of such force as ye may make to follow you. And so we bid you right heartily farewell.
From Hampton Court, the sixth of October.
Your Lordships assured loving friend, Edward Somerset.
An answer to the L. Protectors letter.
TO this letter of the Lord Protectoure sent the sixte of Octob. the L. Russel returning answer again upon the eight of the said month, first lamenteth the heavy dissention fallen between the Nobility and him, which he taketh for such a plague, as a greater could not be sent of almighty God upon this Realm, being the next way (saith he) to make of us conquerors, slaves, & like to induce upon the whole realm an universal calamitye & thralldom, unless the merciful goodness of the Lord do help, & some wise order be taken in staying these great extremities. And as touching the Dukes request in his letters, for as much as he heard before of this broile of the Lord's, & feared least so • e conspiracy had ben meant against the kings person, he hasted forward with such company as he could make, for the surety of y e king, as to him appertained. Now perceiving by the Lord's letters sent unto him the same sixte day of Oct • . these tumults to rise upon private causes between him and them, he therefore thought it expedient that a convenient power should be levied, to be in a readiness to withstand the worst (what perils soever might ensue) for the preservation both of the king, & state of the realm from the 〈◊〉 of foreign enemies, and also for the staying of bloodshed, if any such thing should be intended betwixt the partes in the heat of this faction. And this he thinking best for discharge of his allegiance, humbly beseecheth his grace to have y e same also in special regard and consideration, first that the kings Majesty be put in no fear, & that if there be any such thing wherein he hath given just cause to them thus to proceed, he will so conform him self, as no such private quarrels do redound to the public disturbance of the Realm: certifying moreover the Duke, that if it were true which he understandeth by the letters of the Lord's, y t he should send about proclamations and letters for raising up of the commons, he liked not the same. Notwithstanding he trusted well, that his wisdom would take such a way, as no effusion of blood should follow.
And thus much being contained in his former letters of the eight of October, in his next letters again, written the 11. day of Octob. the said Lord Russel rejoicing to hear of the most reasonable offers of the Lord Protectour made to the Lord's, writeth unto him, & promiseth to do what in the uttermost power of him (and likewise of sir W. Harbert joined together with him) do 〈◊〉 , to work some honorable reconciliation between him & them: so as his said offers being accepted & satisfied, some good conclusion might ensue, according to their good hope & expectation: Signifying moreover, that as touching the leuying of men, they had resolved to have the same in readiness for the benefit of the realm, to occur all inconveniences whatsoever, either by foreign invasion or otherwise might happen, & so having their power at hand, to draw near, whereby they might have the better opportunity to be solicitours, and a means for this reformation on both parties. &c. And thus much for answer of the Lord Russel to the Lord Protectours letters.
But now to the matter again of the Lord's, who together with the Earl of Warwike (upon what occasion God knoweth) being assembled at London, as ye heard, against the Lord Protector: when the king with his counsel at Hampton court heard thereof, first Secretarye P • ter with the kings message was sent unto them, whom the Lord's notw t standing detained still with them, making as yet no answer to the message. Whe • upon the L. Protectour writeth to them in this manner as followeth.
A letter of the Lord Protectour, to the Counsaile at London.
MY Lord's, we commend us most heartily unto you, & whereas the kings Majesty was infourmed that you were assembled in such sort as you do and now remain, and was advised by us and such other of his Counsaile as were then here about his person, to send M. Secretary Peter unto you, with such message as whereby might have ensued the surety of his Majesty's person, with preservation of his realm and subjects, & the quiet both of us and yourselves, as master Secretarye can well declare to you: his majesty and we of his Counsaile here do not a little marvel that you stay still with you the said M. Secretary, & have not as it were vouchsafed to send answer to his Majesty, neither by him nor yet any other. And for our selves we do much more marvel and are right sory, as both we and you have good cause to be, to see the manner of your doings bent • with violence, to bring the kings Majesty and us to these extremities. Which as we do intend, if you will take no other way but violence, to defend (as nature and our allegeaunce doeth bind us) to extremitye of death, and to put all to God's hand, who giveth victory as it pleaseth him: so that if any reasonable conditions and offers would take place (as hitherto none hath been signified unto us frō you, nor we do not understand what you do require or seek, or what you do mean) & that you do seek no hurt to the kings Majesty's person: as touching all other private matters, to avoid the effusion of Christian blood, and to preserve the kings Majesty's person, his realm and subjects, you shall find us agreeable to any reasonable conditions that you will require. For we do esteem the kings wealth and tranquility of the realm, more then all other worldly things, yea more then our own life. Thus praying you to send us your determinate answer herein by M. Secretary Peter, or if you will not let him go, by this bearer: we beseech God to give both you and us grace to determine this matter, as may be to God's honor, the preservation of the king, and the quiet of us all, which may be, if the fault be not in you. And so we bid you most heartily fare well. From the kings majesties
Castle of Windsore, the 7. of Octob. 1549.
Your Lordships loving friend, E. Somerset.
After these letters received, and the reasonable condition of the Lord Protectour, and yet not much regarded of the Lord's, they persisting still in their pretended purpose, took this advise: first to keep themselves in the City of London, as strong as they might: and therefore calling upon the Major and the Aldermen, they willed them in any case to provide a good and substantial watch by night, and a good ward by day, for the safeguard of their City, and the ports and gates thereof: which was consented unto, and the Cōpanies of London in their turns warned to watch and ward accordingly.
Then the said Lord's and Counsailours demanded of the Lord Major and his brethren 500. men to aid them to fetch the Lord Protectour out of Windsore from the king: but thereunto the Major answered, that he could grant none aide without the assent of the common Counsaile of the city: whereupon the next day a common council was warned. But in this mean time the said Lord's of the Counsaile assembled thenselves at the Lord Mayors house of London, who then was Syr Henry Amcottes Fishmonger, and W. Locke Mercer, and sir John Aileph Sheriffs of the said city, and there the said Counsaile did agree and publish a Proclamation forthwith against the Lord Protector, the effect of which Proclamation was as followeth.
1 First, that the Protector by his malicious and evil government, was the occasion of all the sedition that of late happened within the realm.
2 The loss of the kings pieces in France.
3 That he was ambitious and sought his own glory, as appeared by building of most sumptuous & costly houses, in the time of the kings wars.
4 That he esteemed nothing the grave Counsel of the Counsailours.
5 That he sowed division between the Nobles, the gentlemen, and the commons.
6 That the Nobles assembled themselves together at Londō for none other purpose, but to have caused the protector to have lived within limites, and to have put such order for the surety of the kings majesty as appertained: whatsoever the Protectours doings were, which they said were unnatural, ingrate, and traitorous.
7 That the Protectour sclaundered the Counsaile to the king, and did that in him lay, to cause variance between the king and the nobles.
8 That he was a great traitor, and therefore the Lord's desired the city & commons to aid them, to take him from the king.
And in witness and testimony of the contents of the said Proclamation, the Lord's subscribed their names, which were these.
- The Lord Rich, Lord Chancellor.
- The Lord S. John, Lord great master, & president of the Counsaile.
- The Lord Marques of Northampton.
- The Earl of Warwike, Lord great Chamberlain.
- The Earl of Arundel, L. Chamberlain.
- The Earl of Shrewsburie.
- The Earl of Southhampton, Wriothesley.
- Sir Thomas Cheyney knight, treasurer of the kings house, and Lord Warden of the Cinque ports.
- Syr John Gage knight, Constable of the Tower.
- Syr Will. Peter knight, Secretary.
- Syr Edward North knight.
- Syr Edward Montague, chief Justice of the common place.
- Syr Rafe Sadler.
- Syr John Baker.
- Syr Edw. Wootton.
- Doctor Wootton.
- Dean of Cant.
- Syr Rich. Southwell.
After the foresaid Proclamation was Proclaimed, the Lord's or the most parte of them continuing and lying in London, came y e next day to the Guild hal, during the time that the Lord Major and their brethren sat in their Court or inner chamber, and entered and communed a long while with the Major, and at the last the Major and his brethren came forth unto the common Counsaile, where was read the kings letter sent to the Major and citizens, commanding them to aid him with a thousand well appointed men out of their city, and to send the same with all speed to his Castle at Windsore.
Thys Letter by name was directed to Syr Henry Amcottes knight Lord Major, to Syr Roulande Hyll knight, Major elect, and to the Aldermen and common Counsaile of the City of London. The day and Date of the Letter, was the sixte of October, in the third year of his reign, being assigned with the hand of the King, and of the Lord Protectour, the contents of which letter, for the satisfaction of the reader, are here to be seen in manner and form as followeth.
EDWARD. By the King.
TRustie and well-beloved, we greete you well. We charge and command you most earnestly to give order with all speed for the defense and preservation of that our city of London for us, and to leuy out of hand, and to put in order as many as conveniently you may, well weaponed and arrayed, keeping good watch at the gates, and to send us hither for the defense of our person, one thousand of that our City, of trusty and faithful men to attend upon us and our most entirely beloved uncle, Edward Duke of Somerset, Governor of our person, and Protector of our Realms, dominions, and subjects, well harnessed, and with good and convenient weapon: so that they do make their repair hither unto us this night, if it be possible, or at the least tomorrow before noon, and in the mean time to do what as appertaineth unto your duty for ours and our said uncles defense against all such as attempt any conspiracy or enterprise of violence against us our said Uncle, & as you know best for our preservation and defense at this present. Geuen under our Signet at our Honor of Hampton Court, the sixte of October the third year of our reign.
You shall farther give credit to our trusty and well-beloved Owen Cleydon, the bearer hereof, in all such things as he shall further declare unto you on the behalf of us and our said uncle the Lord Protectour.
Edward Somerset.
This Letter of the king and of the Lord Protectoure was not so secretly devised, nor so speedily sent, but the Lord's keeping at London, had knowledge immediately thereof (by the means, as some suppose, of the Lord Paget, who was then with the King and the Protectour, but the truth the Lord knoweth) being there ready furnished with their own • andes of serving men, and other soldiers and men of arms.
Who forthwith upon the same addressed their letters in s • mblable wise to the said Lord Major and Aldermen, in the kings name, not only for supportation of armed men to serve their purposes, and for a sufficient watch to fortify their City, but also that they should not obey any such letters, Proclamations, or Injunctions sent to them from the Duke. Which letter of the Lord's at the same instant came likewise to the Lord Major and his brethren, the 6. day of the said month of Octob. The tenor and copy of which letter here ensueth.
To our very good Lord, the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Citizens of London.
AFter our right hearty commendations unto your good Lordship: knowing your hearty favor and earnest zeales to the preservation of the person of the kings Majesty & of this realm, and other his majesties realms and dominions, we have thought good to advertise you, that notwithstanding all the good advice aod Counsel that we could give to the Duke of Somerset, to stay him self within reasonable limites, and to use his government now in the tender age of his Majesty, in such sort as might tend to his highness surety, to the conservation of his estate, and to his honor: the said Duke nevertheless still continuing in his pride, covetousness, and ambition: ceaseth not daily by all the ways and means he can devise, to enriche him self without measure, and to impoverish his Majesty.
He buildeth in four or five places moste sumptuously, and leaveth the poor soldiers vnpaide of their wages, vnuictualled, and in all things so unfurnished, as the losses lately sustained, to the greatest dishonor that ever came to the king & this realm, do declare. He soweth daily division between the Nobles and Gentlemen, and the Commons. He rewardeth and entertaineth a number of those that were Captains of the Commons in these late insurrections: and finally in such wise subuerteth all laws, justice, and good order (as it is evident) that putting his trust in the Commons, and perceiving that the Nobles and Gentlemen should be an impediment to him in his devilish purposes, he laboreth first to have them destroyed, and thinketh after easily enough to achieve his desire, which it appeareth plainly, is to occupy the kings Majesty's place: For his doings, who soever list to behold them, do manifestly declare, that he mindeth never to render account to his Majesty of his proceedings.
These things, with many moe too long to recite, considered, we pondered with our selves, that either we must travail for some reformation, or we must in effect as it were consent with him to the destruction of our sovereign Lord and Country. Whereuppon laying apart all respects, and resting only upon our duties, we joined in Counsel, and thought quietly to have treated the matter with him. Who perceiving that we joined for the king, and would have such order as might be for the surety of his Majesty's person, and the common wealth, strait put him self in force, and resteth at plain point (as it appeareth) either to go through with his detestable purpose, in sort as he hath done, or to try it by the sword.
Now, for as much as we see presently, that unless there be a reformation, the person of the kings Majesty is in moste certain danger, and this Realm our natural Country like to be destroyed with all our posterities, like as we have again fully resolved with God's help, either to deliver the kings Majesty and the realm from this extreme ruin and destruction, or to spend our lives for the declaration of our faithful hearts and duties: so knowing your hearty good willes and truth to his Majesty, and therefore nothing doubting of your readiness to join with us in our godly purpose, we thought good to let you know the very truth of our enterprise, and in the kings Majesty's behalf to require you, not only to put good and substantial order for watch and ward, but also to have an earnest continual regard to the preservation within your City, of all harneis, weapons, and munitions, so as none be suffered to be conveyed to the said Duke, nor any others attending about him: and besides that, you from henceforth obey no letters, proclamations, nor other commandments to be sent from the said Duke. And thus we bid your Lordship most heartily fare well.
From London, the sixth of October.
Your Lordships assured loving friends.
- Will. Saint John.
- W. Northampt.
- John Warwike.
- Arundell.
- Th. Southampton.
- William Peter.
- Edward North.
- John Gage.
- Rich. Southwell.
After the receiuinge of these two Letters above mentioned, the one from the King, the other from the Lord's, which came both at one instaunte, with contrary commandment to the Lord Major and Citizens of London, the case seemed hard to them, and very doubtful (as it was in deed) what way to take, and what were best for the Citizens to do. On the one side the name and authority of the king was much, on the other side the power and garrisons of the Lord's, lying then in London, was not little, which seemed then to be such, as would have no repulse.
The case thus standing perplexedly, first by the mouth of the Recorder it was requested, that the Citizens would grant their aide rather unto the Lord's, for that the Protectour had abused both the kings majesty, and the whole Realm, & that without he were taken from the king, and made to understand his folly, this Realm was in great hazard, and therefore required that the citizens would willingly assent to aid the Lord's with 500. men.
Hereunto of a great parte of the Common Counsaile, was no other answer made but silence. But the Recorder (who at that time was M. Brooke) still cried upon them for answer. At the last stepped up a wise and a good Citizen named George Stadlowe, and said:
In this case, it is good for us to think of things past, to avoid the danger of things to come. I remember (saith he) in a story written in Fabians Chronicle, of the war between the King and his Barons, which was in the time of king Henry the third, & the same time the Barons (as our Lord's do now) demanded aide of the Major and city of London, and that in a rightful cause for the common weal, which was for y e execution of diverse good laws against y e king, which would not suffer those laws to be put in execution: and the city did aide them, & it came to an open battle, and the Lord's prevailed against y e king, and took the king and son prisoners, and upon certain conditions the Lord's restored the king and his son again to their liberties, & among all other conditions this was one, that the king should not only grant his pardon to the lords, but also to the citizens of London: the which was granted, yea and the same was ratified by act of parliament. But what followed of it? Was it forgottē? No surely, nor forgiven neither, during the kings life. The liberties of the city were taken away, strangers appointed to be our heads and governors, the Citizens given away body and goods, and from one persecution to another wer most miserably afflicted. Such is it to enter into the wrath of a Prince, as Solomon saith: The wrath and indignation of a Prince is death. Wherefore, for as much as this aide is required of the kings Majesty, whose voice we ought to hearken unto, for he is our high Shepehearde, rather then unto the Lord's, and yet I would not wish the Lord's to be clearly shaken off: my counsel is, that they with us, and we with them may join in suit, and make our moste humble petition to the kings majesty, that it would please his highness to hear such complaint against the government of the Lord Protectoure, as may be justly alleged and proved, and I doubt not, but this matter will be so pacified, that neither shall the king, nor yet the Lord's have cause to seek for further aide, neither we to offend any of them both.
After this tale the Commons stayed, and the Lord Major and his brethren for that time brake up, till they had further communed with the Lord's. To make short, I let pass what order by the City was taken. But the conclusion was, that the Lord's (upon what occasion I know not) sat the next day in Counsaile in the Star chamber, & from thence sent sir Philip Hobby with their letter of credence to the kings majesty, beseeching his majesty to give credit to that which the said sir Philip should declare unto his majesty in their names: and y e king gave him liberty to speak, and most gently heard all that he had to say. Who so handled the matter, declaring his message in the name of the Lord's, that in the end the Lord Protector was commanded from the kings presence, & shortly was committed to ward in a tower within the castle of Windsore, called Bewchamp Tower, and soon after were stayed sir Tho. Smith, master Whalley, master Fisher, & many other gentlemen that attended upon the Lord Protectour. The same day the Lord's of the Counsaile resorted to the Kinge, and the next day they brought from thence the Lord Protector, and the other that were there stayed, and conveyed them through the City of London unto the Tower, and there left them.
Shortlye after the Lord's resorted unto the Tower, and there charged the Lord Protectour with sundry articles, as follow.
Articles objected against the Lord Protectour.
1 IN primis, you took upon you the office of Protectour and Governor, upon condition expressly and specially, that you would do nothing in the kings affairs, publicly or privately, but by the assent of the late kings executors.
2 Also you, contrary to the said condition, of your own authority, did stay and let justice, and subverted the laws, as well by your letters, as by your commandments.
3 Also, you caused diverse persons being arrested and imprisoned for treason, murder, manslaughter, and felony, to be discharged and set at large, against the kings laws, and statutes of this realm.
4 Also, you have made and ordained Lieutenants for the kings armies & other weighty affairs, under your own writing and seal.
5 Also, you have communed with the Ambassadors of other Realms, discoursing alone with them the weighty causes of this Realm.
6 Also you have sometime rebuked, checked, and taunted, as well privately as openly, diverse of the kings moste honorable Counsailours, for showing & declaring their aduises and opinions against your purposes in the kings waightye affairs, saying sometimes to them, that you need not to open matters unto them, and would therefore be otherwise advised: and that you would, if they were not agreeable to your opinyon, put them out, and take other at your pleasure.
7 Also, you had and held against the law in your own house, a Courte of Requestes, and thereby did enforce diverse the kings subjects to answer for their free holds and goods, and determined the same to the subversion of the same laws.
8 Also, you being no Officer, without the advise of the Counsaile, or the more part of them, did dispose of the Offices of the kings gift, for money, and granted leases and Wardes of the kings, and gave presentations to the kings benefices & bishoprikes, having no authority so to do. And farther, you did meddle with the selling of y e kings lands.
9 Also, you commanded Multiplication and Alcumistry to be practiced, to abuse the kings coin.
10 Also, you caused a proclamation to be made concerning enclosures, whereby the common people have made diverse insurrections, & levied open war, and distre • ed & spoiled diverse of the kings subjects, which proclamation went forth against the will of the whole counsel.
11 Also, you have caused a commission, with certain articles thereunto annexed, to be made our concerning enclosures of commons, high ways, decaying of cottages, and diverse other things, giving the Commissioners authority to hear and determine the same causes, to the subversion of the laws and statutes of this realm: whereby much sedition, insurrection, and rebellion, have risen and grown among the kings subjects.
12 Also, you have suffered the rebels and traitors to assemble and to lie in campe and armor against the king, his Nobles and gentlemen, without any speedye subduing or repressing of them.
13 Also you did comfort and encourage diverse of the said rebels, by giving of them diverse sums o • your own money, and by promising to diverse of them, sees▪ rewards, and services.
14 Also, you in favor of the said rebels, did against the laws, cause a Proclamation to be made, y t none of the said rebels or traitors should be sued or vexed by any person for any their offenses in the said rebellion, to the clear subversion of the same laws.
15 Also, you have said in the time of the rebellion, that you liked well the doings and proceedings of the said rebels and traitors, and said, that the covetousness of the gentlemen gave occasion to the common people to rise: saying also, that better it were for the Commons to die, then pearish for lack of living.
16 Also, you said that the Lord's of the parlamente were loath to incline themselves to reformatiō of enclosures and other things: therefore the people had good cause to reform the things them selves.
17 Also, you after the report and declaration of the defaultes and lacks reported to you by such as did survey Bulleine and the Peeces there, would never amende the same defaultes.
18 Also, you would not suffer the kings pieces beyond the seas, called Newhauen, & Blacknest to be furnished with men and vitailes, although you were advertised of the defaults therein by the captains of the same pieces & others, & were thereto advertised by the kings Counsaile: whereby the French king being the kings open enemy, was encouraged and comforted to invade and win the said pieces, to the kings great loss, and dishonor of his realm.
19 Also, you declared and published untruly, as well to the kings majesty, and other the young Lord's attendant upon his graces person, that the Lord's of the Counsaile at London, minded to destroy the king, & you required the king never to forget it, but to revenge it: and likewise you required the young Lord's to put the king in remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition, and discord between the king and his Lord's.
20 Also, where the kings Majesty's privy Counsaile, of their love and zeal that they did bear unto the king & his Realm, did consulte at London to have communed with you, to the intent to move you charitablie to amend your doings and misgouernment, you hearing of their said assembly, did cause to be declared by letters in diverse places, the said Lord's to be high traitors to the king, to the great disturbance of the realm.
And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of the Lord Protectoure, Duke of Somersette, with the crimes and articles objected against him, with his prisonment also in the Tower, and the terrible proclamatiō given out against him. All which purposes of man, though they seemed fully intended to no less, but to the spilling of his life: yet the Lord above, the only disposer of all men's purposes, so ordered the matter by the means of the king laboring for his Uncle, that in short while after, he was let out of the Tower, and the Proclamation, which before had made him a traitor, within three days was called in again, a Domino factum est istud,) with commandment given, none of them to be sold. And so the Duke of Somerset graciously escaping this adversity, was again restored, though not to his former office, yet unto liberty: wherein he continued the space of two years and two days.
After the which time of respite being expired, the said Duke of Somerset was apprehended & committed again to the Tower, and with him also Sir Michael Stanhop, sir Raufe Uane, sir Miles Partrige, & other. &c. At length the time being come of his arrainment, the foresaid good Duke being conveyed from the Tower, was brought thorough London with the axe of the tower before him, & with great preparance of bills, halbardes, pikes, and polaxes, in most forcible wise: a watch also set and appointed before every man's door through the hie streat of London, and so was he brought into Westminster hal, where the Lord's of the counsel sitting as his judges in the middle of the hal, upon a new scaffolde, he was there before them arrayned and charged both with treason and felony.
In the which judgment, I pass over the unseemly speech, the vile taunts, and despiteful rebukes, without all modesty or honesty, used by certain of the Sergeants and Justices, and some other sitting there. Al which notwithstanding he patiently & quietly did suffer, neither storming inwardly in stomach, nor reviling them with words again: but like a lamb following the true lamb, & example of all meekness, was contented to take all things at their hands, and with no less patience to bear now their ungentle and cruel railings, then he did before their glauering words and flatterings in time of his high estate and prosperity. And as the patience of this good Duke was marvelous in forbearing his enemies, so also was his discretion and temperance no less seen in answering for himself to the articles to him objected: whereunto he wisely and substantially replied, putting himself in the ende to be tried by his Peers. Who then at length after consultation had, did frame and temper their verdicte thus, that as concerning y e case of treason, wherewith he was charged, they discharged him, but they accounted him guilty of fellonie. When the people (which were there present to a great noneber) heard the Lord's say, Not guilty, (meaning by the case of treason) supposing no less, but y t he had been clearly aquitted by these words, and especially seeing the Axe of the Tower to be carried away, for great joy and gladness made an outcry, well declaring their loving affection and hearty favor unto the Duke, whose life they greatly desired. But this opinion of the people was deceived, and the innocent Duke condemned to die for fellonie. Which act of fellonie had been made a little before against the rebels, and unlawful assembles, such as should seek or procure the death of any Counselor, so that every such attempt and procurement, according to the act, should be judged felony. By the virtue of which Act, the Duke being accused, with certain other his complices, to intend and purpose the death of the Duke of Northumberlande, and of certain beside, was therefore caste and condemned of felony, and so was returned toward the Tower again.
At whose passage through the City, great exclamations and outcries were made again of the people, some rejoicing y t he was aquitted, some bewailing that he was condemned.
Thus the good Duke passing through a great parte of the City, landinge at the Crane of the Uinetrie, was conveyed unto the Tower, where he endured till the 22. of January. Upon the which day at the coming down of the letter of execution from the Kinge and the Counsaile, the foresaid Duke and Uncle to the Kyng, being found no traitor, only being caste by the Acte of Fellonye, was delivered unto the Sheriffs, and so brought to the place of execution.
Touching which execution, a few words here would be bestowed in describing the wonderful order and manner thereof, according as it hath faithfully ben suggested to us upon the credit of a certain noble Personage, who not only was there present at the deed doing, but also in a manner next unto him upon the scaffolde, beholding the order of all things with his eyes, and with his pen also reporting the same in order and manner as here followeth.
In the year of our Lord 1552. the 22. day of January, in the sixte year of the reign of king Edward the sixte, he being yet under age and governance of Tutours: the noble Duke of Somersette, uncle to king Edward, was brought out of the tower of London, and according to the manner, delivered to the Sheriffs of the City: and compassed round about w t a great number of armed men, both of the garde and others, he was brought unto the scaffolde on Tower hill: where as he nothing changing neither voice nor countenance, but in a manner with the same gesture which he commonly used at home, kneeling down upon both his knees, and lifting up his hands, commended himself unto God.
After that he had ended a few short prayers, standing up again, and turning him self toward the East side of the Scaffold, nothing at all abashed (as it seemed unto me standing about the midst of the Scaffold, and diligently marking all things,) neither with the sight of the axe, neither yet of the hangman, or of present death: but with the like alacrity and cheerfulness of mind and countenance as before times he was accustomed to hear the causes and Supplication of other, and especially the poor (towards whom, as it were with a certain fatherly love to his children, he always shown himself moste attentive) he uttered these words to the people.
Dearly beloved friends, I am brought hither to suffer death, albeit that I never offended against the king, nether by word nor deed, and have been always as faithful & true unto this Realm, as any man hath been. But for so much as I am by a law condemned to die, I do acknowledge myself as well as others to be subject thereunto. Wherefore to testify my obedience which I owe unto the laws, I am come hither to suffer death: whereunto I willingly offer myself, with most hearty thanks unto God, that hath given me this time of repentance, who might thorough sudden death have taken away my life, that neither I should have acknowledged him nor myself.
Moreover (dearly beloved friends) there is yet somewhat that I must put you in mind of as touching Christian religion: which so long as I was in authority, I always diligently set forth and furthered to my power. Neither I repent me of my doings, but rejoice therein, since that now the state of Christian religion cometh most near unto the form and order of the Primitive Church. Which thing I esteem as a great benefit given of God, both unto you and me: most heartily exhorting you all, that this which is most purely set forth unto you, you will with like thankfulness accept and embrace, and set out the same in your living. Which thing if you do not, without doubt, greater mischief and calamity will follow.
When he had spoken these words, suddenly there was a terrible noise heard: whereupon there came a great fear on all men. This noise was as it had been the noise of some great storm or tempest, which unto some seemed to be heard from above: like as if a great deal of gunpouder being enclosed in an armory, and having caught fire, had violently broken out. But unto some again, it seemed as though it had ben a great multitude of horsemen running together, or coming upon them. Suche a noise was then in the ears of all men, albeit they saw nothing. Whereby it happened, that all the people being amazed without any evident cause, without any violence or stroke stricken, or any man seen, they ran away, some into y e ditches and puddles, and some into the houses thereabout: other some being afraid with the horror and noise, fell down groveling unto the ground w t their polaxes and halbards, & most part of them cried out: Jesus save us, Jesus save us. Those which tarried still in their places, for fear knew not where they were. And I myself which was there present among the rest, being also afraid in this hurly burly, stood still altogether amazed, looking when any man would knock me in the head. It happened here, as the Evangelists write, it did unto Christ, when as the officers of the high Priests and Pharisees coming with weapons to take him, being astonied, ran backwardes, and fell to the ground.
In the mean time, whilst these things were thus in doing, the people by chance spied one sir Anthony Broune riding unto the scaffold: which was the occasion of a new noise. For when they saw him coming, they conjectured that which was not true, but notwithstanding which they all wished for, that the king by that messenger had sent his uncle pardon: and therefore with great rejoicing & casting up their cappes, they cried out, Pardon, pardon is come: God save the king. Thus this good Duke, although he was destitute of all man's help, yet he saw before his departure, in how great love & favor he was with all men. And truly I do not think, that in so great slaughter of Dukes as hath been in England within these few years, there was so many weeping eyes at one time: and not w t out cause. For all men did see in the decay of this Duke, the public ruin of all england, except such as in deed did perceive nothing. But now to return from whence we have strayed, the Duke in the mean time standing still in y e same place, modestly and with a grave countenance, made a sign to the people w t his hand, that they would keep themselves quiet. Which thing being done, & silence obtained, he spake unto them in this manner.
Dearely beloved friends, there is no such matter here in hand, as you vainly hope or believe. It seemeth thus good unto almighty God, whose ordinance it is meet and necessary that we all be obedient unto. Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and to be contented with my death, which I am most willing to suffer: and let us now join in prayer unto the Lord, for the preservation of the Kings Majesty, unto whom hitherto I have always shown myself a most faithful and true subject. I have always been most diligent about his Majesty in his affairs both at home and abroad, and no less diligent in seeking the common commodity of the whole Realm. At which words all the people cried out, and said, it was most true.
Then the Duke proceeding, said: Unto whose Majesty I wish continual health, with all felicity & all prosperous success. Whereunto the people again cried out, Amen.
Moreover, I do wish unto all his Counsaylours the grace and favor of God, whereby they may rule in all things uprightly with justice. Unto whom I exhort you all in the Lord, to show yourselves obedient, as it is your bounden duty, under the pain of condemnation, and also most profitable for the preservation and safeguard of the Kings Majesty.
Moreover, for so much as heretofore I have had oftentimes affairs with diverse men, & hard it is to please every man, therefore if there be any that hath ben offended & injured by me, I most humbly require & ask him forgiveness: but especially almighty God, whom throughout all my life I have most grievously offended: and all other, whatsoever they be that have offended me, I do with my whole heart forgive them. Now I once again require you, dearly beloved in the Lord, that you will keep yourselves quiet and still, least through your tumult you might trouble me. For albeit the spirit be willing and ready, the flesh is frail and wavering: and through your quietness I shall be much more quieter. Moreover, I desire you all to bear me witness, that I die here in the faith of Jesus Christ: desiring you to help me with your prayers, that I may persevere constant in the same unto my lives end.
After this, he turning himself again about like a meek lamb, kneeled down upon his knees. Then doctor Coxe, which was there present to counsel and advertise him, delivered a certain scroll into his hand, wherein was contained a brief confession unto God. Which being read, he stood up again upon his feet, without any trouble of mind (as it appeared) and first bad the Sheriffs farewell, then the Lieutenant of the Tower and other, taking them all by the hands which were upon the scaffold with him. Then he gave the Hangman certain money. Which done, he put off his gown, and kneeling down again in the straw, untied his shyrt strings. After that, the hangman coming unto him, turned down his collar round about his neck, and all other things which did let or hinder him. Then lifting up his eyes to heaven, where his only hope remained, and covering his face with his own handkercher, he laid himself down along, showing no manner of token of trouble or fear, neither did his countenance change, but that before his eyes were covered, there began to appear a red color in the midst of his cheeks.
Thus this most meek and gentle Duke lying along, and looking for the stroke, because his doublet covered his neck, he was commanded to rise up and put it off: and then laying himself down again upon the block, and calling thrice upon the name of Jesus saying: Lord Jesus save me, as he was the third time repeating the same, even as the name of Jesus was in uttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head & life, & slept in the Lord Jesus, being taken away from all the dangers and evils of this life, and resting now in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and Gospel he always shown himself an excellent instrument and member, and therefore hath received the reward of his labors. Thus gentle Reader, thou hast the true history of this worthy and noble Duke, and if any man report it otherwise, let it be counted as a lie.
As touching the manners, disposition, life, and conversation of the said Duke and the Kings uncle, what shall we need to speak, when as he cannot be sufficiently commonded, according to the dignity of his virtues? There was always in him great humanity, and such meekness and gentleness, as is rare to be found in so high estate. He was prone and ready to give care unto the complaints and supplications of the poor, & no less attentive unto the affairs of the common wealth. Which if he had lived together with king Edward, was like to do much good in reforming many misorders within this realm. He was utterly ignorant of all craft and deceit, and as far void of all pride and ambition, as he was frō doing of injury, being indeed utterly void of both. He was of a gentle dispositiō, not coveting to be revenged: more apt & ready to be deceived, then to deceive. His ancient love & zeal of the Gospel & of religion he brought with him to the state of this his dignity. The proof whereof sufficiently was seen in his constant standing to gods truth, and zealous defense thereof, against the Bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London, and others moe, in the Consultation had at Windsore, the first year of the kings reign.
Briefly, considering the nature and virtues of this Duke, I may (as seemeth) not unaptly compare and resemble him unto Duke Humfrey, the good Duke of Gloucester. Who likewise being uncle unto king Henry 6. and Protector of the Realm (as this was also to king Edw. the 6.) yet he wanted not his enemies and privy enueyers especially Henry Beauford Cardinal, Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor of England: who at that time disdaining and envying the rule and authority of this Duke, procured much trouble against him, and great division in the whole realm, in so much that all the Shops within the City of London were shut in, for fear of the favorers of these two great personages: For ech part had assembled no small number of people.
For pacifying whereof the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Quimber, called the Prince of Portugale, rode eight times in one day between the two adversaries. Such were then the troubles of these tumultuous division within the realm, between these two: as is before expressed, pag. 679. not much unlike to y e troublesome discord betwixt parties in this Protectors days. And as in their afflictions and troubles, these two Dukes seemed not much unlike, so in matters of religion, and in discerning truth from falsehood, their zeal seemed not much discrepant. Although the light of the Gospel did not so fully then shine out, as in the time of this latter Duke (the Lord be praised therefore) yet the wisdom and towardness of y e other Duke also touching the same, was not utterly unworthy of his commendation. For the more manifest declaration whereof, amongst many other his godly doings, we may take for example the prudent and famous act of that noble Duke, in descerning and trying out the false lying miracle and popish hypocrisy of the blind beggar at S. Albons mentioned in his story before, pag. 679. For the which cause, and for his diligent study in reforming that and such other blind abuses of feigned Religion, he was the more hated of the spiritualty, and such as Winchester then was.
Finally, as this Lord Protector Duke of Somerset the kings uncle, by certain of the Counsayle was then accused, arraigned & condemned for the trespass (as it was given forth) of felony (although I never heard he murdered or robbed any) so the other uncle of king Henry the 6. was made away. Of whose decease thus writeth Mayster W. Tyndale in his practice of Prelaets: At y e last they found the means to contrive a drift to bring their matters to pass & made a Parliament far from the Citizens of Londō, where was slain the said good Duke, & the only wealth of the Realm, and y e mighty shield which so long had kept it from sorrow, which shortly after his death fell upon thē by heaps. But the Chronicles (saith he) cannot tell wherefor he died, nor by what means. Neuertheles, this they testify, that he was a virtuous man, godly and good to the common wealth.
But to leave Duke Humfrey, and to return to the manners and virtues of the Duke of Somerset, which before we were about to describe: as he was a gentle and courteous Duke at home, so was he no less fortunate a Captain in warfare abroad. Under whose government & guidyng not only diverse rebellious commotions were happily suppressed here at home, but also abroad in the expedition of Scotland such a victory was given him of God, that w t the loss scarce of six hundred of his own men, there were of the enemies as good, or little less then x. thousand slain and put to flight, and even the very same day and time in the which all the Idolatrous Images were here burnt at London. And yet all these wars notwithstanding, whereunto he was against his will compelled, he was a man of nature singularly given to peace, as may be seen by the sweet and peaceable exhortation by him set forth in print before, and sent to the realm of Scotland.
But as there is nothing in this world so perfect in all respects, which is not blotted or darckned with some spot of vice adjoined withal: so amongst the manifold commondations of this Duke, one thing there was too, which both desteyned his honor and estimation much, and also more empayred and hindered his own life & safety: which was, that he in condescending to the death of his brother, followed too rashly the persuasion of certain, whosoever they were: for that matter lacked not perchance some singular fetch and policy of some, more craftily then godly disposed persons, as many good men have supposed.
But whatsoever of that matter is to be deemed, credible, it is, that the said Duke in suffering or procuring this death of his brother, not only endamaged himself, & weakened his own power, but also provoked the chastisement of God's scourge and rod, which did so light upon him.
Furthermore, as touching the death and decay of the Lord Henry Earl of Surrey, who suffered also at the Tower next before the Lord Admiral, the Lord Protectours brother, because the casting of him was so near to the death of King Henry: as I know not upon whom, or what cause the same did proceed, so I pass it over and leave it to the Lord. Notwithstanding, as for the Duke of Somerset, whatsoever his other vices and virtues were, this is certain, that his ende (the Lord so working with him) was constant in Christ's truth, as his life was before a great maintenance of the same.
Moreover, on the xxvj. day of February, in the same year was sir Rafe Uane, sir Miles Partrige both hanged at the Tower hill: And sir Michael Stanhop, & sir Thomas Arundell beheaded upon the scaffold: all which four were condemned by the said Acte of unlawful assembly, and as accessories unto the Duke of Somerset.
Not long after the death of the Duke of Somerset, in the next year following deceassed the King himself about the month of June, whereof more shall be said (the Lord granting) in his due order and course hereafter. In the mean season, before we come to close up the latter end and story of this good King, the place here present seemeth not unfit to intermixt by the way a few other things before, happening within the time of his reign, namely concerning matters incident, of the Church & of Religiō. Which state of Religion begā well to grow, & to come happily forward during this Kings days, had not the unhappy troubles of the outward state amongst the Lord's not agreeing within themselves, disquieted the good towardness of things begun. But the malice of the devil how subtly worketh it, if men could see it? So long as the Lord's agreed in concord among themselves, Winchester and Boner, with all that faction, was cut short, and began to condescend to good conformity. But afterward perceiving the states and nobles of the Realm to be among themselves divided, and y e Lord Protectour the Kings uncle displaced, and his brother the Admiral before beheaded, and the young King now left in that case, they begā upon some hope to take more heart unto them, till at last it came to pass, as they themselves desired. And thus though nothing else will lead us, yet experience may teach us what discord worketh in public weals: and contrary, what a necessary thing concord is to the aduancemēt especially of God's matters appertaining to his Church. Examples whereof in this Kings days be not far to seek. For as touching the success of the Gospel of peace, while public peace and the Gospel did join together, marvelous it was how error & Popery were in themselves confounded, and ashamed almost to show their faces. In so much that then both Doctor Smith, Chadsey, Standishe, Yong, Oglethorpe, with many moe recanted their former ignorance, whose recantations I have to show. Boner then with his own hand subscribed to the Kings supremacy, and promoted his Injunctions.
The same also did Stephen Gardener, subscribing with his own hand to the first book of the Kings proceedings, and no doubt had done no less to the second book also set forth by the King, had not the unfortunate discord fallen amongst the nobles in time so unfortunate, as then it did. Brieflye during all that time of peace and concord, what Papist was found in all the Realm, which for the Popes devotion would or did once put his neck in the halter to die a Martyr for his sake?
I shown before how in these peaceable days of Kyng Edward, Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paulus Phagius, with other learned men moe, were entertained, placed and provided for in the two Universities of this Realm, Oxford and Cambridge, who there with their diligent industry did much good. The learned and fruitful disputations of whom, I have likewise present in my hands here to insert, but that the bigness of this Uolume driveth me to make short, especially seeing their disputations be so long and prolixe as they be, and also in Latin, and require of themselves a whole Uolume to comprehend thē.
First, Peter Martyr being called by the King to the public reading of the Divinity Lecture in Oxford, amongst his other learned exercises did set up in the public schools iii. conclusions of Divinity to be disputed & tried by Argument. At which disputations were present the Kings visitours, to wit, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Doctor Coxe Chancellor of that University, Doctor Haynes Dean of Exeter, M. Richard Morison Esquire; Christopher Neuynson Doctor of Civil law. The conclusions propounded were these.
1. In the Sacrament of thanks giving there is no transubstantiation of bread and wyne into the body and blood of Christ.
2. The body and blood of Christ is not carnally or corporally in bread and wine, nor as other use to say, under the kinds of bread and wine.
3. The body and blood of Christ be united to bread and wyne Sacramentally.
They which were the chief disputers against him on the contrary side, were Doct. Tresham, D. Chadsey, and Morgan. The reasons and principal Arguments of Peter Martyr heereunder follow.
The Arguments of Peter Martyr upon the first conclusion.
- The Scriptures most plainly do name and acknowledge bread and wyne. In the Evangelists we read that the Lord Jesus took bread, blessed it, brake it, and gave it to his Disciples. S. Paul likewise doth ofttimes make mention of bread.
- Ergo, we also with the scriptures ought not to exclude bread from the nature of the sacrament.
Cyprianus.
As in the person of Christ, his humanity was seen outwardlye, and his Divinity was secret within: so in the visible Sacrament the divinity inserteth it self in such sort as cannot be uttered, that our devotion about the Sacraments might be the more religious.
Ergo, as in the person of Christ: so in the Sacrament both the natures ought still to remain.
Gelasius.
The Sacraments which we receive of the body and blood of Christ, are a Divine matter: by reason whereof, we are made partakers by the same, of his Divine nature, and yet it ceaseth not still to be the substance of bread and wine. And certes the representation and similitude of the body and blood of Christ, be celebrated in the action of the mysteries, &c.
Augustinus.
As the person of Christ consisteth of God and man, when as he is true God, and true man. For everything containeth in it self the nature and verity of those things whereof it is made. Now the Sacrament of the Church is made of two things, that is, of the Sacrament that signifieth, and of the matter of the Sacrament that is signified, &c.
Theodoretus.
These visible mysteries which are seen, he hath honored with the name of his body and blood, not changing the nature, but adding grace unto nature, &c. And the same Theodoretus again saith:
Those mystical sacraments after sanctification, do not pass out of their own proper nature, but remain still in their former substance, figure, and shape, &c.
Ergo, like as the body of Christ remained in him, and was not changed into his divinity: so in the sacrament the bread is not changed into the body, but both the substances remain whole.
Origin.
If whatsoever entereth into the mouth, goeth down into the belly, and so passeth through a man: even that meat also which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, as touching that part which it hath material within it, passeth into the belly, and so voideth through a man. But thorough prayer, which is adjoined to it, according to the measure of faith, it is profitable and effectual, &c. And he addeth moreover: For it is not the outward matter of the bread, but the word that is spoken upon it, that profiteth him which eateth him worthily, &c.
Irenaeus.
Jesus taking bread of the same condition which is after us, (that is, taking bread of the same nature and kind as we use commonly to eat) did confess it to be his body. And taking likewise the cup which is of the same creature which is after us, (that is, which we commonly use to drink) confessed it to be his blood, &c.
Item, lib. 4. Like as bread which is of the earth, receiving the word and calling of God, is now not common bread, but the Eucharist, consisting of two things, the one earthly, the other heavenly: so our bodies receiving the sacred Eucharist, be now not corruptible, having hope of resurrection, &c.
-
Argument.
- Ba - The bread in the Sacrament is so changed into the body, as our bodies are changed when they are made incorruptible by hope.
- ro - But our bodies are not made incorruptible by changing their substance.
- co. Ergo, no more is the bread changed into the substance of the body.
Gregory.
Notwithstanding, whether we take leavened or unleavened bread, we are all one body of our Lord and Savior, &c.
-
Argument.
- Da - Where bread leavened or unleavened is taken, there is substance of bread, and not accidences only.
- ri - In the Sacrament bread is received either leavened or unleavened:
- j. Ergo, in the Sacrament is substance of bread and not accidences only.
-
Argument.
- Ba - The body of Christ is named of that which is proportioned round, and is insensible in operation.
- ro - Accidences only of bread have no figure of roundnes:
- co. Ergo, the body of Christ is not named of accidences, but of very bread substantial.
-
Argument.
- The words of the Evangelist speaking of that which Christ took, blessed, brake, and gave, do import it to be bread, and nothing else but bread.
- Ergo, the substance of bread is not to be excluded out of the Sacrament.
Cyrillus.
He gave to them pieces or fragments of bread.
Also the same Cyril saith: In bread we receive his precious body and his blood in wyne.
Ergo, by these Doctors it remaineth bread after consecration.
Ambrose.
Before the blessing of the heavenly words, it is called another kind of thing. After consecration the body of Christ is signified.
Arguments of Peter Martyr disputing with M. Chadsey upon the first question.
- Da - The Analogy and resemblance between the Sacrament and the thing signified, must ever be kept in all Sacraments.
- ti - In the Sacrament of the Lord's body, this Analogy or resemblance cannot be kept, if bread be transubstantiated:
- si. Ergo, the substance of bread must needs remain in the Sacrament of the Lord's body.
The Major of this Argument is certain by S. Agustine, Lib. De catechisandis rudibus, & Epist. ad Dardan. Where he saith: Sacraments must needs bear a similitude of those things whereof they are Sacraments, or else they can be no Sacraments.
The Minor is thus proved.
-
Argument.
- Ba - The resemblance between the Sacrament and the body of Christ is this: that as the properties of bread and wyne do nourish outwardly: so the properties of the body of Christ do nourish spiritually.
- ro - Without the substance of bread and wine, there is no resemblance of nourishing.
- co. Ergo, without the substance of bread and wyne, the Analogy cannot hold.
-
Argument.
- Ba - Agayne, another resemblance and similitude or Analogy of this Sacrament is this, that as one loaf of bread, and one cup of wine containeth many corns and many grapes: so the mystical congregation cōteineth many members, and yet maketh but one body:
- ro - Without the substance of bread & wine, no such resemblance or similitude of conjunction can be represented:
- co. Ergo, without the substance of bread and wyne, the Analogy of this spiritual conjunction cannot hold.
-
Another Argument.
- Ba - Every Sacrament consisteth in two things, that is, in the thing signifying, and the thing signified.
- ro - Without the substance of bread and wine, there is nothing that signifieth in the Sacrament:
- co. Ergo, the substance of bread and wyne in the Sacrament, can in no wise be transubstantiate from their natures. The Minor is thus to be proved.
- Fes - There is no signification in any Sacrament without the element.
- • i - The substance of bread and wine is the elemente of this Sacrament:
- • o. Ergo, without the substance of bread and wine, there is no similitude nor signification in this Sacrament.
And for so much as the adversaries ground their transubstantiation so much upon these words of Christ: This is my body: which they expound only after y e literal sense, without troupe or figure: now that this their exposition is false, and that the said words are to be taken figuratively and spiritually, by three causes it is to be proved. 1. First by the words of the Scripture. 2. By the nature of a Sacrament. 3. By the testimonies of the fathers.