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Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

John Foxe (1516-1587) · 4,228,662 words · 18794 min

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We see these private Masses to be defended with great labor and much a do: of some, for fear lest their gain should decay: of some, because they would serve the affection of the vulgare people (which thinketh to have great succor thereby, and therefore are loath to leave it) rather then for any just cause or reason to lead them. But howsoever they do, a most manifest & evident cause there is why these private Masses ought to be abolished. For first their application undoubtedly is wicked: neither doth the work of the priest merit any grace to any person, but everyone is justified by his own faith. Neither again would God have any man to trust upon any ceremony, but only to the benefit of Christ. And most certain it is, that the application of these Masses for the dead, is full of great error and impiety.

But here come in blind glosses (albeit to no purpose) to excuse this application. For universally amongst all the people, who is he that thinketh otherwise, but that this work is auaylable for the whole Church? Yea the Canon of the Mass it self declareth no less. And why then do some of these crafty sophisters dally out the matter with their glossing words, denying that they make any application of their Masses, when they know full well that the error of the people is confirmed by this their doing: although they themselves do think otherwise? Albeit how few be there in very deed which do otherwise think?

We ought not to dissemble in God's matters. Let us use them as the holy Scripture teacheth, and as the ancient custom of the primitive Church doth lead us. Why should any man be so presumptuous to swerve from ancient custom? Why now do they defend the errors of other which have perverted the institution of Christ?

Now, although some perhaps will pretend and say, that he maketh no application of his Masses, yet notwithstanding he so dealeth in handling the ceremony privately by himself, that he thinketh this his oblation to be high service done to God, and such as God requireth: which is also erroneous and to be reproved. For why, no service nor worship pertaining to God ought to be set up by man's devise, without the commandment of God.

Wherefore I beseech you for the glory of Christ, that you will not defend the article of this Acte concerning these private Masses, but that you will suffer the matter to be well examined by virtuous and learned men. All things that we here with us do, we do them by evident & substantial testimony of the primitive Church, which testimony I dare be bold to set against the judgments of all that have since followed, such as have corrupted the ancient doctrine and old rites with manifold errors.

As touching the other articles, they have no need of any long disputation. Uowes that be wicked, feigned, and impossible, are not to be kept. There is no doubt, but this is the common persuasion of all men touching vows, that all these will works devised by man, are the true service and worship of God: and so think they also which speak most indifferently of them. Other add thereunto more gross errors, saying, that these works bring with them perfection, and merit everlasting life. Now all these opinions the Scripture in many places doth reprove. Christ saith: They worship me in vain with the precepts of men. And Paul saith, that these observations be the doctrine of devils: for they ascribe to the power and strength of man, false honor, because they are taken for the service of God: they obscure faith and the true worshipping of God. Item, the said Paul to the Coloss. saith: Let no man deceive you by feigned humility, &c. Why make you Decrees? &c. Wherefore these corrupt traditions of men are in deed a wicked and detestable service of God.

Unto these also are annexed many other corrupt & wicked abuses. The whole order of Monkery, what superstition doth it contain: What profanations of Masses, invocation of Saints, colors & fashions of apparel, choice of meats, superstitious prayers without all measure? Of which causes everyone were sufficient, why these vows ought to be broken. Besides this, a great part of men are drawn to this kind of life chiefly for the bellies sake, and then afterward they pretend the holiness of their vow and profession.

Furthermore, this vow of single life is not to all men possible to be kept, as Christ himself saith: All men do not receive this. Such vows therefore which without sin cannot be performed are to be undone, but these things I have discussed sufficiently in other of my works.

But this causeth me much to marvel, that this vow of Priests in your English Decree, is more strait and hard, then is the vow of Monks, whereas the Canons themselves do bind a Priest no farther to single life: but only for the time that he remaineth in the ministry. And certeynely it made my heart to tremble when I read this Article which so forbiddeth matrimony, and dissolveth the same being contracted, and appointeth moreover the punishment of death for the same. Although there have been diverse godly Priests which in certain places have been put to death for their marriage, yet hath never man hitherto been so bold to stablish any such law. For every man in a manner, well perceived that all well disposed and reasonable persons would abhor that cruelty: and also they feared least the posterity would think evil thereof. Who would ever think, that in the Church of Christ, wherein all lenity toward the godly ought most principally to be shown, such cruelties and tyranny could take place, to set forth bloody laws to be executed upon the godly for lawful matrimony?

But they brake their vows, will the Bishops say. For (as I said) that vow ought not to stand seeing it is turned to a false worship of God, & is impossible to be kept. Agayne, although it stood in force, yet it should not extend to thē which forsake the ministry. Finally, if the Bishops here would have a care and regard to men's consciences, they should then ordain Priests without any such profession or vow making, as appeareth by the old Canons, how that many were admitted to the ministry without professing of any vow, and the same afterward, when they had married their wives, to have remained in the ministry, as is testified Cap. Diaconi. Distinct. 28.

Certainly what here I may cōplain, I cannot tell. First, in this Article I cannot impute it to ignorance that they do. For no man is ignorant of the commandment of God, which saith: Let every man have his wife for avoiding of fornication. Agayne, who is so blind but he seeth what a life these unmarried Priests do live? The complaints of good mē are well known. The filthiness of y e wicked is toto manifest. But peradventure your Bishops holding w t the sect of Epicures, do think that God is not offended with filthy lusts. Which if they so think, then do we sustain doubtless a hard cause where such must be judges.

I am not ignorant that this single life is very fit to set out the glory and bravery of Bishops and Colleges of Priests, & to maintain their wealth and portely state, and this I suppose to be the cause why some do abhor so much that Priests should be married. But O Lamentable state of the Church, if laws should be so forced to serve, not the verity and the will of God, but the private gain and commodity of men. They err which think it lawful for them to make laws repugnaunt to the commandment of God & to the law of nature, so that they be profitable to attain wealth and riches. And of truth frō my very heart I do mourn & lament, right noble Prince, both for your sake & also for the cause of Christ's Church. You pretend to impugn and gaynestād the tyranny of the Romish Bishop, and truly do call him Antichrist, as in deed he is: & in the mean time you defend and maintain those laws of that Romish Antichrist, which be the strength & sinowes of all his power▪ as private Masses, single life of Priests, & other superstitions. You threaten horrible punishments to good men and to the menbers of Christ, you violently oppress and bear down the verity of the Gospel beginning to shine in your Churches. This is not to abolish Antichrist, but to establish him.

I beseech you therefore for our Lord Jesus Christ, that you file not your conscience in defending those Articles which your Bishops have devised and set forth touching private Masses, Auricular confession, vows, single life of Priests, & prohibition of the one half of the Sacrament. It is no light offense to establish Idolatry, errors, cruelty the filthy lusts of Antichrist. If the Roman Bishop should now call a Council, what other Articles chiefly would he devise and publish unto the world, but the very same which your Bishops have here enacted.

Understand and consider I pray you, the subtle trains and deceits of the devil, which is wont first to set upon and assayle the chief governors. And as he is the enemy of Christ from the beginning of the world, so his chief purpose is by all crafty and subtle means, to work contumely against Christ in sparsing abroad wicked opinions and setting up Idolatry: and also in pollutyng mankind with bloody murders and fleshly lusts: in the working whereof he abuseth the policies and wits of hypocrites: also the power and strength of mighty Princes: as stories of all times bear witness what great kingdoms & Empires have set themselves with all might & main, against the poor Church of Christ.

And yet notwithstanding God hath reserved some good Princes at all times, out of the great multitude of such giants, and hath brought them to his Church, to embrace true doctrine, and to defend his true worship: as Abrahā taught Abimelech, Joseph the Egyptian kings: and after them came David, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah excellyng in true godliness. Daniel converted to the knowledge of God the kings of Chaldea & Persia. Also Britāny brought forth unto the world the godly Prince Constantine. In this number I wish you rather to be, then amongst the enemies of Christ, defiled with Idolatry & spotted with the blood of the godly: of whom God will take punishment, as he doth many times forewarn, and many examples do teach.

Yet again therefore I pray and beseech you for our Lord Jesus Christ, that you will correct and mitigate this Decree of y e Bishops: In which doing you shall aduaūce the glory of Christ, and provide as well for the wealth of your own soul, as the safeguard of your Churches.

Let the hearty desires of so many godly men through the whole world, move you, so earnestly wishing that some good Kings would extend their authority to the true reformation of the Church of God, to the abolishing of all Idolatrous worship, and the furthering of the course of the Gospel. Regarde also and consider I beseech you, those godly persons, which are with you in bands for the Gospels sake, being the true members of Christ.

And if that cruel Decree be not altered, the Bishops will never cease to rage against the Church of Christ without mercy or pity. For them the devil useth as instruments and ministers of his fury and malice against Christ. These he stirreth up to slay and kill the members of Christ. Whose wicked and cruel proceedings and subtle sophistications, that you will not prefer before our true and most righteous request, all the godly most humbly & heartily do pray & beseech you. Which if they shall obtain, no doubt but God shall recompense to you great rewards for your piety, and your excellent virtue shall be renowned both by pen and voice of all the godly, whiles the world standeth. For Christ shall judge all them that shall deserve either well or evil of his Church. And whiles letters shall remain, the memorial worthy of such noble deserts, shall never die or be forgotten with the posterity to come. And seeing we seek the glory of Christ, and that our Churches are the Churches of Christ, there shall never be wantyng such as both shall defend the righteous cause, and magnify with due commendation such as have well deserved, & likewise shall condemn the unjust cruelty of the enemies.

Christ goeth about hungry, thirsty, naked, prisoned, complaining of the raging fury of the Bishops, and of the wrongful oppression and cruelty of divers Kyngs and Princes, entreating that the members of his body be not rent in pieces, but that true Churches may be defended, & his Gospel advanced. This request of Christ to hear, to receive, and to embrace, is the office of a godly Kyng, and service most acceptable unto God.

Intreating a little before, page 1143. of certain old instruments for proof of Priests lawful Marriage in times past, I gave a little touch of a certain record taken out of an old Martyrologe of the Church of Cant. touching Liuingus a priest, and his wife, in the time of Lanfrancke. Wherein I touched also of certain lands and houses restored again by the said Lanfrancke to the Church of S. Andrew. Now for as much as the perfect note thereof is more fully come to my hands, and partly considering the restoring of the said lands, to be to Christ's Church in Canterbury, and not S. Andrew in Rochester: and also for that I have found some other presidentes approving the lawful Marriage of Priests, and legitimation of their children, I thought good for the more full satisfying of the reader, to enter the same, as followeth.

*A note out of an old Martyrologe of Canterbury.

OBijt Guillielmus Rex Anglorum, &c. Hic reddidit Ecclesiae Christi omnes fere terras, &c. That is: After the death of William King of England, the said Lanfrancke restored again to Christ's Church in Canterbury, all the lands which from ancient memory unto these latter days, have been taken away from the right of the said Church. The names of which lands be these: In Kent, Raculfe, Sandwich, Rateburch, Wodetun, the Abbay of Limming, with the lands and customs unto the same monasterye belonging, Saltwude, &c. (Stock and Denentun, because they belonged of old time to the Church of S. Andrew, them he restored to the same Church.) In Sutherey, Murtelac, the Abbay of S. Mary in London, with the lands and houses which Liuingus Priest, and his wife had in London. All these Lanfrancke restored again for the health of his own soul, freely, and without money, &c.

*A note for the legitimation of Priests children, ex termino Michael. Anno 21. Henr. 7. fol. 39. page. 2.

NOte, that in the xix. year of this King, in an Assise at Warwick, before Syr Guye Fairfax, and Syr John Vauisour, it was found by Verdite, that the father of the tenant had taken the order of Deacon, and after married a wife, and had issue, the tenant died, and the issue of the tenant did enter. Upon whom the pleyntife did enter as next heir collateral to the father of the tenant. Upon whom he did reenter, &c. and for difficulty, the Justices did adiourne the Assise. And it was debated in the Escheker chamber: If the tenant shall be a Bastard, &c. And here by advise it was adjudged that he shall not be bastard, &c. Frowicke chief Justice said to me in the xix. year of Henry the vii. in the common place, that he was of counsel in this matter, and that it was adjudged as before, which Vauisour did grant. And Frowicke said, that if a Priest marry a wife, and hath issue and dieth, his issue shall inherit, for that the espousals be not void but voydable. Vauisour: if a man take a Nun to wife, this espousall is void.

Note, that in the latter Impression of Henry the vii. years of the law, this word Priest in this case aforesaid in some books is left out: whether of purpose or by negligence, I leave it to the Reader to judge.

*Another note for legitimation of Priests children.

AD Curiam generalem D. Philippi & D. Mariae Dei gratia, &c. xvj. die Iulij, Anno Reg. dict. Regis & Reginae, primo & tertio irrotulatur sic. Praesentatum est per totum homagium quod Simon Heynes Clericus diu ante istam Curiam, vid. per duos annos iam elapsos, fuit sesitus secundum consuetudinem huius Manerij in dominio suo vt de feodo, de & in duabus acris terrae, percellis de xxxv. acris & dimidij terrae, nuper in tenura Ioannis Heynes. Ac. de & in vno tenemento vocat. Bernardes nuper in tenura Ioannis Cotton. Ac de & in lvij. Acris & iii. rodis terrae & pasturae, sieve plus sieve minus, prout iacent in campis de Myldenhall praedicta in diuersis pecijs, vt patet in Curia hic tenta die Iouis proximo post festum Sancti Lucae Euangelistae, An. regni Regis Henrici viii.xxxviij. Necnon de & in xii. acris terrae natiuae iacentibus in Townefield & Twamelfield in diuersis pecijs. Ac de & in quatuor Acris & dimidio terrae iacentibus in Myldenhall praedicta. Ac de & in quinque rodis terrae iacentibus in Halywelfield. Qua propter praemissa, idem Simon nuper habuit ex sursum redditione Willielmi Heynes prout▪ pater in Curia hic tenta die Martis proximo post Dominicam in Albis Anno regni Regis Edwardi vi. primo. Et sic sesitus idem Simon de omnibus supradictis praemissis inde obijt solus sesitus. Et quod Joseph Heynes est filius & haeres eius propinquior, & modo aetatis quinque annorum & amplius. Qui quidem Joseph praesens hic in Curia in propria persona sua, petit se admittie ad omnia supradicta praemissa tanquam ad ius & haere ditatem suam. Et D. Rex & D. Regina ex gratia sua specially, per Clementum Heigham militem Senescallum suum, concesserunt ei inde sesinam tenendam sibi▪ haeredibus, & assignatis eius, per virgam ad voluntatem dict. D. Regis & D. Reginae secundum consuetudinem huius, Manerij, per seruitia & redditus inde debita, &c. Saluo iure, &c Et dat Domino Regi & D. Reginae v. lib. de fine pro ingressu suo habendo, & fidelitas inde respectuatur quousque, &c. Et vlterius consideratum est per Curiam quod dict. Joseph est infra aetatem vt praefertur. Ideo determinatum est & concessum est per consensum Curiae quod Joanna Heynes nuper vxor praedicti Simonis, ac mater predicti Joseph habebit custodiam eiusdem Joseph, quousque idem Joseph peruenerit ad suam legitimam aetatem.

Concerning these vi. Articles passed in this Acte aforesaid in the 21. year of King Henry, sufficiently hitherto hath been declared, first what these Articles were: secondly by whom and from whom chiefly they proceeded: thirdly, how erroneous, pernicious, repugnant and contrarious to true doctrine, Christian religion, and the word of God, to nature also it self, all reason and honesty, and finally to the ancient laws, customs, and examples of our forcelders during the days of a thousand years after Christ they were. Fourthly, ye have heard also what unreasonable and extreme penalty was set upon the same, that a man may deem these laws to be written not with the ink of Stephen Gardener, but with the blood of a Dragon, or rather the clause of the Devil. The breach whereof was made no less then treason and felony, and no less punishment assigned thereto then death.

Besides all this, the words of the Acte were so curious and subtle, that no man could speak, write or cyphar against them, without present danger, yea scarcely a man might speak any word of Christ and his Religion, but he was in peril of these vi. Articles. Ouer & besides, the Papists began so finely to interpret the Act, that they spared not to indite men for abusing their countenance & behavior in the Church. So great was the power of darkness in those days. And thus much concerning this Acte.

Besides these vi. Articles in this foresaid Acte concluded, there was also another constitution annexed withal, not without the advise (as may seem) of the Lord Cromwell, which was this: that Priests and Ministers of the Church, seeing now they would needs thenselves be bound from all Matrimony, should therefore by law likewise be bound to such honesty and continency of life, that carnally they should use & accustom no manner of woman married or single, by way of aduoutrie or fornication: the breach whereof, for the first time, was to forfeit goods, & to suffer imprisonment at the Kings pleasure: and for the second time, being duly convicted, it was made felony as the other were.

In this constitution, if the Lord Cromwell and other good men of the Parliament might have had their will, there is no doubt, but the first crime of these concubinarye Priests, as well as the second, had had the same penalty, as the other vi. Articles had and should have been punished with death. But Stephen Gardener with his fellow Bishops, who then ruled all the roste, so basted this extraordinary Article with their accustomed shifts, that if they were taken and duly convict for their not caste nor caute, at first time it was but forfeit of goods. Also for the second conviction or atteinder, they so provided that the next year following, that punishment and pain of death by Acte of Parliamente, was clean wiped away and repealed. And why so? Because (saith the Statute) that punishment by pain of death is very sore, and much extreme, therefore it pleaseth the Kyng, with the assente of the Lord's, that that clause above written concerning felony, and pains of death, and other penalties and forfaitures, for and upon the first and seconde conviction or atteynder of any Prieste or woman, for any such offenses (of whoredom or aduoutrie) aforesaid, shall be from henceforth void and of none effect, &c. So that by this statute it was provided, for all such votaries as lived in whoredom and adultery, for the first offense to lose his goods and all his spiritual promotions except one. For the second, to forfeit all that he had to the King. For the third conviction to sustain continual imprisonment.

In these ungodly proceedings of the Popes Catholic Clergy, two things we have to note.

1. First, the horrible impiety of their doctrine, directly fighting against the express authority of God & his word, forasmuch as that which God permitteth, they restrain: that which he biddeth, they forbid. Habeat, saith he: non habeat say they, taking exceptions against the word of the Lord. That which he calleth honorable and undefiled, they call heresy: that which he cūmendeth and instituteth, they punish with pains of death. Not only the Priests that marry, but them also that say or cyphre that a Prieste may marry, at the first they kill as felons. Neither can any Miserere take place for chaste and lawful wedlock: where as contrariwise a spiritual man may thrice defile his neighbors wife, or thrice defloure his Brothers daughter, and no felony at all laid to his charge. What is this in plain words to say, but that it is less sin thrice to commit aduoutry, then once to marry.

2. The seconde is to be noted, how these painted hypocrites do bewray their false dissembled dealings unawares, with whom a man might thus reason. Tell us you Priests and votaries, which so precisely fly the state of Matrimony, intend you to live chaste, and are able so to do without wives, or do you keep yourselves chaste & honest without them, and without burning, or not? If ye be not able, why then mary you not? why take you not the remedy appointed of God? Why make you those vows, which you cannot perform? or why do you not break them being made, falling thereby in danger of breaking God's commandment, for keeping your own? If you be able, and so do intend to continue an honest and a continent, conversation without wives, then shall I ask of you, according as Doct. Turner gravely & truly layeth to your charge: why do you so carefully provide a remedy by your laws aforehand for a mischief to come, which you may avoid if ye list, unless either ye listed not to stand, though ye might, or else saw your own infirmity, that you could not though ye would? And therefore fearing your own weak fragility, you provide wisely for yourselves aforehand, that where other shall suffer pains of death at the first for well doing, you may fall thrice in abhominable adultery, and yet by the law have your lives pardoned.

And here cometh out your own hypocrisy by yourselves bewrayed. For where as you all confess, that you are able to live chaste if ye will without wives, this moderation of the law provided before against your aduouterous incontinency, plainly declareth that either ye purpose willingly to fall, or at least ye fear and stand in doubt not to be able to stand. And why then do you so confidently take such vows upon you, standing in such doubt and fear for the performance thereof?

And be it to you admitted that all do not fall, but that some keep their vow, though some viciously run to other men's wives and daughters: then here again I ask you, seeing these vicious whorehunters and aduouterous persons amongst you, do live viciously (as you cannot deny) and may do otherwise if they list (as you confess) what punishment then are they worthy to have, which may live cōtinent and will not, neither yet will take the remedy provided by God, but refuse it? Which being so, then what iniquity is this in you, or rather impiety inexcusable against God and man, to procure a moderation of laws for such, and to show such compassion and clemēcie to these so heinous adulterers, whorehunters, and beastly fornicators, that if they adulterate other men's wives never so oft, yet there is no death for them: and to show no compassion at all, nor to find out any moderation for such, but at the very first to kill thē as felons and heretics, which honestly do mary in the fear of God, or once say that a Priest may mary? How can ye hear be excused. O you children of iniquity? What reason is in your doing, or what truth in your doctrine, or what fear of God in your harts? You that neither are able to avoid burning & pollutiō without wedlock, nor yet will receive that remedy that the Lord hath given you, how will you stand in his face, whē he shall reuele your operations and cogitations to your perpetual confusion, unless by time ye convert and repent? And thus being ashamed of your execrable doings I cease to defile my pen any further in this so stinkyng matter of yours, leaving you to the Lord.

It was declared before, pag. 1136. that what time these vi. Articles were in hand in the Parliament house, Cranmer then being Archbyshop of Canterbury only withstood the same, disputing iii. days against them: whose reasons and Arguments I wish were extant and remaining. After these Articles were thus passed and concluded, the king, who always bare especial favor unto Cranmer, perceiving him to be not a little discomforted therewith sent all the Lord's of the Parliament, and with them the Lord Cromwell, to dyne with him at Lambeth (as is afore declared) and within few days also upon the same, required that he would give a note of all his doings and reasonynges in the said Parliament, which the said Cranmer eftsoons accomplished accordyngly, drawing out his reasons & allegations, the copy whereof being fair written out by his Secretary, was sent and delivered unto the king and there remained.

Now after these things thus discussed as touching the vi. wicked Articles, it followeth next, in returning to the order of our story again, to declare those things, which after the setting out of these Articles ensued, coming now to the time and story of the Lord Cromwell, a man whose worthy fame and deeds are worthy to live renowned in perpetual memory.




The Commission for taking the oath of the Major of London, and others, for the execution of the Acte aforesaid.

HEnry the eight by the grace of God, king of England and of France, defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth supreme head of the Church of England, unto the Reverend father in Christ Edmund Boner Bishop of London, and to his well-beloved the Bishops Chancellor, health. Know ye that we have given you jointly and severally power and authority to receive the oaths of William Roche Major of London, John Allen Knight, Raffe Warren Knight, Rich. Gresham Knight, Roger Chomley Knight, Sergeant at Law, John Greshā, Michael Dormer Archdeacon of London, the Bishops Cōmissary and Officiall, Robert Chidley, Gwy Crayford, Edward Hall, Robert Broke, and John Morgā, and every of them our Commissioners for heresies and other offenses done within our City of London, and Dioces of the same, according to the tenor of a certain schedule hereunto annexed. And therefore we commaūde that you receive the oaths aforesaid, and when you have received them, to certify us into our Chauncery under your Seals, returning this our writ. T. meipso▪ at Westminster the 29 of January in the 32. year of our reign.

What the oath was of these Commissioners, whereunto they were bound, read before, pag. 1101.




*A note how Boner sat in the Guildhall in Commission for the vi. Articles. And of the condemning of Mekins.

VPon this commission given unto Edmund Boner, he coming to the Guildhall with other Commissioners, to sit vpō the Statute of the vi. Articles, begā eftsoons to put in execution his authority after a rigorous sort, as ye shall hear. And first he charged certain Iuries, to take their oth upon y e Statute aforesaid: who being sworn had a day appointed to give their Uerdicte. At the which day they indicted sundry persons, which shortly after were apprehended & brought to Ward, who after a while remaining there, were by the king & his Counsaile discharged at the Star chamber, without any further punishment.

Not long after this, Syr Will. Roche being Major, Boner with other Commissioners, sat at the Guildhall aforesaid, before whom there were a certain number of Citizens warned to appear, and after the Commission read, the said parties were called to the book, and when v. or vi. were sworn, one of the said persons being called to the book, Boner seemed to mislike, and said: Stay a while, my Masters (quoth he) I would ye should consider this matter well that we have in hand, which concerneth the glory of God, the honor of the king, and the wealth of the Realm, and if there be any here among you, that doth not consider the same, it were better that he were hence then here. Thē commoned the Commissioners with Boner about that man, so that at length he was called to the book and sworn, not all together with his good will.

When the ii. Iuries were sworn, Boner taketh upon him to give the charge unto the Iuries, and began with a tale of Anacarsis, by which example, he admonished the Iuries to spare no persons, of what degree soever they were. And at the end of his charge he brought forth to the bar a boy, whose name was Mekins, declaring how grievously he had offended by speaking of certain words against the state, and of the death of Doct. Barns: & produced into the said Court ii. witnesses, which were there sworn in the face of y e Court. So a day was assigned, vpō which the Iuries aforesaid should give up their Uerdict: at which day both the Commissioners, & the said Iuries met at Guildhall aforesaid. Then the Clarke of the peace called on the Iuries by their names, & when their appearance was taken, Boner bad them put in their presentmentes. Thē said the foreman, whose name was W. Robins of that Jury. My Lord (with a low curtesy) we have found nothing. At which words he fared as one in an agony, & said: Nothyng? have ye found nothing? What nothing? By the faith I owe to God (quoth he) to the foremā, I would trust you upon your obligatiō: but by your oth I will trust you nothing. Thē said some of the Commissioners: My Lord, give them a longer day. No (quoth he) in London they ever find nothing. I pray you, what say you to Mekins? My Lord, quoth the foreman, we can say nothing to him, for we find the witnesses to disagree. One affirmeth that he should say the Sacrament was nothing but a ceremony, & the other nothing but a signification. Why, quoth Boner, did he not say, that Barns died holy? Thē pausing a while, he bad cal the other Jury. Put in your Uerdict, quoth he. My Lord said one, we have found nothing. Jesus quoth he, is not this a strange case.

Then spake one of the same Jury, whose name was Raph Foxley, & said: My Lord whē you gave us charge, we desired to have the Persons & Curates of every Parish to give us instructions, and it was denied us. Then stood up the Recorder and said, it was true in deed that he had spoken, and therewithal said, this last year were charged two Iuries, which did many things naughtely and foolishly, and did as much as in them lay, to make an uproar among y e Kings people, & therefore it was thought not meet, that they should give information to you. Nay, nay, quoth Boner, this was the cause: I the Person or Curate should give information according to his knowledge, then what will they say? I must tell my confession to a knave priest, and he shall go by and by and open it. What, said my Lord Major, there is no man (I trow) that will say so. Yes by my truth, quoth Boner, knave Priest, knave Priest. Then said the Lord Major, somewhat smiling, there be some of them slipper fellows, and as men find them, so will they oft times report. Boner not well contented with those words, said to the Jury: My masters, what say you to Mekins? They answered, the witnesses do not agree, therefore we do not allow them. Why, quod Boner, this court hath allowed them. Thē said one of the Jury to the Recorder: Is it sufficient for our discharge, if this court do allow them? Yea, said the Recorder, it is sufficient, & said: Go you aside together a while, & bring in your verdicte. After the Jury had talked together a little while, they returned to the bar again with their inditement, which at Boners hand was friendly received: so both they and the other Jury were discharged, & bidden take their ease. Thus ended the court for that day. Shortly after they sat for life and death. Mekins being brought to the bar, and the inditement read. Boner said to him: Mekins confess the truth, and submit thyself unto the Kings law that thy death may be an example to all other.

This Rich. Mekins being a child, which passed not the age of fifteen years (as Halle reporteth) as he had heard some other folks talk, so chanced he to speak against y e sacrament of the altar. Which coming to Boners ears, he never left him (as afore doth plainly appear) before he had brought him to the fire. During the time of his imprisonment, neither his poor father nor mother for fear durst aid him with any relief: whereby he there endured in great misery. At what time he was brought unto the stake, he was taught to speak much good of the Bishop of London, and of the great charity he shown to him, and to defy and detest all heretics and heresies, but specially Doctor Barns, unto whom he imputed the learning of that heresy, which was the cause of his death. The poor ladde would for sauegard of his life, have gladly said that the xii. Apostles had taught it him: such was his childish innocence and fear. But for this deed many spake and said, it was great shame for the Bishop, whose parte and duty it had been rather to have labored to save his life, then to procure that terrible execution, seeing that he was such an ignorant soul, that he knew not what the affirming of heresy was.




Richard Spenser, Ramsey, and one Hewet, suffered at Salisbury.

ABout the same time also a certain Priest was burned at Salisbury, who leaving his Papistry, had married a wife, and became a player in interludes, with one Ramsey and Hewet, which three were all condemned and burned: Against whom, and specially against Spenser, was laid matter concerning the Sacrament of the altar. He suffered at Salisbury.

Although this Inquisition above mentioned was meant properly and especially concerning the vi. Articles, yet so it fell out, that in short space doubts began to rise and to be moved by the Quest, whether they might inquire as well of all other opinions, articles, and cases of Lollardy, or for speaking against holy bread, holy water, or for fauoring the cause of Barns, of Frier Warde, Sir Thomas Rose, &c. Whereupon great perturbation followed in all Parishes almost through London in the year aforesaid, which was 1541. as here ensueth in a brief summary Table to be seen.




A brief Table of the troubles at London, in the vi. Articles time.

Persons presented. Their causes.
John Dixe. THis Dixe was noted never to be confessed in Lente, nor to receive at Easter, and to be a sacramentary.
Rich. Chepeman. Chepeman, for eating flesh in Lente, and for working on holy-days, and not coming to the Church.
Mistress Cicely Marshall. Cicely, for not bearing her Palme, and despising holy bread and holy water.
Michael Haukes. Haukes, for not coming to the Church, & receiving young men of the new learning.
M. John Brown. Brown, for bearing with Barns.
Annes, Bedikes wife. Bedikes wife, for despising our Lady, and not prayeng to Saints.
  • Andrew Kempe.
  • William Pahen.
  • Richard Manerd.
Kempe, Pahen, Manerd, for disturbing the service of the Church with brabling of the New Testament.
Wylliam Wyders. Wyders denied two years before, the Sacrament to be Christ's body, and said that it was but only a sign.
Willi. Stokesley. Stokesley, for rebuking his wife at the Church, for taking holy water.
Roger Dauy. Dauy, for speaking against worshipping of Saints.
M. Blage. M. Blage, for not coming to his parish Church, not confessing, nor receiving.
Will. Clinch. For saying, when he seeth a Priest preparing to the Mass, ye shall see a Priest now go to masking. Item, for calling the Bish. of Winchester, false flattering knave. Item, for buryeng his wife without Dirige, and causing the Scotte of S. Katherines to preach the next day after the burial.
Will. Playne. Playne, seeing a Priest go to Mass, said, now you shall see one in masking. Item, when he came to the Church with loud reading the english bible, he disturbed the divine service.
  • Herman Johnson.
  • Jerome Akon.
  • Giles Hosteman.
  • Rich. Bonfeld.
  • Tho. Couper.
  • Humfrey Skinner.
  • John. Sneudnam.
  • Rich. Philip's.
  • John Celos.
These ix. persons were presented, for that they were not confessed in Lente, nor had received at Easter.
  • John. Jones.
  • Will. Wright.
  • Peter Butcher.
  • Roger Butcher.
These four were presented for not keeping the divine service in the holy-days.
Brisleys wife. Brisleys wife, for busy reasoning on the new learning, and not keeping the Church.
Mistress Castle. M. Castle for being a medler and a reader of the Scripture in the Church.
M. Galias of Bernardes Inn. M. Galias, for withstanding the Curate sensing the alters on Corpus Christi even, and saying openly that he did naught.
M. Pates of David's Inn. M. Pates and M. Galias, for vexing the Curate in the body of the Church, in declaring the Kings Injunctions, & reading the Bishops book, so that he had much ado to make an end.
Will. Beckes and his wife. Beckes and his wife suspected to be Sacramentaries, and for not creeping to the cross on good Friday.
  • Thomas Langhā.
  • Will. Thomas.
  • Rich. Beckes.
  • Will. Beckes.
These four were presented for interruptyng the divine service.
Rafe Symonds. Symondes for not keeping our Ladies Mass, which he was bound to keep.
John. Smith prētise. Smith, for saying, that he had rather hear the crying of dogs, then Priests singing Mattins or Evensong.
  • Tho. Bele.
  • John. Sturgion.
  • John. Wilshire.
  • Tho. Simon.
  • Rafe Cleruis, and his wife.
  • James Banaster.
  • Nicolas Barker.
  • John Sterky.
  • Christofer Smith.
  • Thom. Net.
These xi. persons of Saint Magnus parish, were presented and accused, for maintaining of certain preachers, as then it was called, of the new learning, as Wisdom, Rose, frier Ward, sir Will. Smith, alias Wright.
Nich. Philip's. Philip's for mainteing heretics and scripture books, and for using neither fasting, nor prayer.
Rich. Bygges. Bigges, for despising holy bread, putting it in the throat of a bitch, and for not looking up to the elevation.
Mistress Elizabeth Statham. For maintaining in her house Latimer, Barns, Garret, Jerome, and diverse other.
John Duffet. Duffet for marrieng a woman, which was thought to be a Nun.
Will. Hilliard. Hilliard & Duffet for maintaining Barns, Jerome, and Garret, with other mo.
  • Grafton.
  • Whitchurch.
Grafton and Whitchurch suspected not to have been confessed.
  • John. Grene.
  • Mother Palmer.
  • Christop. Cootes.
  • Will. Selly.
  • Alexander Frere.
  • Will. Bredy.
  • John Bushe.
  • W. Somerton.
  • George Durant.
  • M. David's prētise.
All these being of the parish of S. Martins, at the well with ii. buckets, were presented for cōtemning the ceremonies of the Church. Also some for walking in the sacring time, with their caps on. Some for turning their heads away. Some for sitting at their doors when sermons were in the Church, &c.
Rob. Andrew. Andrew, for receiving heretics into his house, and keeping disputatiō of heresy there.
  • John. Williamson.
  • Tho. Buge.
  • Tho. Gilbert.
  • W. Hickson.
  • Rob. Daniel.
  • Rob. Smitton.
These other six were suspected to be Sacramentaries, and rank heretics, and procurers of heretics to preach, and to be followers of their doctrine.
John. Mayler. To be a Sacramentary, and a railer against the Mass.
Rich. Bilby Draper. Bilby presented for saying these words, that Christ is not present in y e blessed sacrament.
  • Henry Patinson.
  • Anthony Barber.
  • Rob. Norman.
These two were detected for maynteyning their boys to sing a song against y e sacrament of y e alter. Also Patinson came not to confession. Norman also refused to come to confession, saying, that none of his servants should be shriuē of a kna. priest.
John. Humfrey. For speaking against the sacraments and ceremonies of the Church.
  • Will. Smith, and his wife
  • John Cook and his wife.
These ii. couples were presented for not coming to service in their Parish Church, and for saying, it was lawful for Priests to have wives.
  • W. Gate or Cote.
  • Will. Aston.
  • John Humfrey.
  • John Cook.
To these four it was laid, for saying that the Mass was made of pieces and patches. Also for depraving of mattins, Mass, and Evensong.
  • John. Miles and his wife.
  • John. Millen.
  • John. Robinson.
  • Rich. Millar.
  • John. Green and his wife.
  • Arnold Chost.
All these were put up for railing against the Sacraments and Ceremonies.
  • John. Crosdall.
  • John. Clerke.
  • John. Owell.
These three laboring men, for not coming to divine service on holy-days: and for laboring in the same.
  • Tho. Granger.
  • John. Dictier.
Noted for common syngars against the sacraments and ceremonies.
  • John. Sutton and his wife.
  • John. Segar.
These three were noted to be despisers of auriculare confession.
  • John. Raulins.
  • John. Shiler.
  • W. Chalinger.
  • John. Edmunds.
  • John. Richmond & his wife.
For despising holy bread and holy water, and lettyng divine service.
Margaret Smith. For dressing fleshemeate in Lent.
  • Tho. Trentham.
  • Rob. Granger.
For reasoning against the sacrament of the aultere, and saying that the sacrament was a good thing, but it was not as men took it, very God.
  • W. Petyngale.
  • Will. May and his wife.
  • John Henrison, & his wife.
  • Rob. Welsh.
  • John. Benglosse.
  • John. Pitly.
  • Henry Foster.
  • Rob. Causy.
  • W. Pinchbecke & his wife.
All these thirteen were put up by the Inquisition, for giving small reverence at the sacring of the Mass.
Martin Bishops wife. She was presented by her Curate for being not shriven in Lente, nor receiving at Easter. Also she did set light by the curate, when he told her thereof.
Rob. Platte and his wife. These were great reasoners in Scripture, saying that they had it of the spirit: and that confession availeth nothing: and that he not able to read, would use no beads.
  • Tho. Aduet.
  • John. Palmer.
  • Rob. Cook.

The cause laid to these three persons, was for reasoning of the scripture, & of y e sacraments.

The Register saith, that they denied all the Sacraments, But this Popish hiperbole will find little credit, where experience acquainted with popish practices, sitteth to be y e judge.

John. Cockes. This man was noted for a great searcher out of new preachers, & mainteiner of Barns opinions.
  • John. Boultes.
  • * Tho. Kelde.
Forbidding his wife to use beads. *He refused to take penance & absolutiō, & did eat flesh upon a Friday before Lent.
Nich▪ Newell. Newel a frenchmā presented to be a man far gone in y e new sect: & that he was a great iester at y e saints & at our Lady.
  • John. Hawkins and his servant.
  • Tho. Chamberlain and his wife.
  • John Curteys.
  • M. Dissel, his wife and his servant.
These eight were great reasoners and despisers of ceremonies.
The Curate of S. Katherine Colmā.

He was noted for calling of suspecte persons to his Sermons by a bedle, without ringing of any bell: and when he preached, he left his matters doubtful.

Item, for preaching without the commandment of his Parson.

Item, for that he was a Scotishe Frier, driven out of his country for heresy.

Tulle Bustre, his wife, and his son in law. These were noted for coming seldom to the Church, and many times were seen to labor upon the holy-days.
Will. Ettis and his wife. Ettis and his wife were noted for maynteining certain preachers: and for causing one Tauerner being no Priest, to preach against the Kings Injunctions.
  • Merifield and his son in law.
  • Nicholas Russell.
  • The goodman of the Saracens head in Fridaystreete.
  • W. Callaway.
  • Io. Gardener, with three prentises.
Against this company, presentation was made for gathering together in the evening, and for bringing ill preachers, (that is to say, good preachers) amongst the people.
Tho. Plummer. This Tho. was presented for saying, y t the blessed Sacrament was to him y t doth take it, so: & to him y t doth not, was not so.
Shermons. Shermons, keeper of the Carpenters Hall in Christ's parish, was presented for procuring an interlude to be openly played, wherein Priests were railed on, and called knaves.
  • Louis Moral, a servant.
  • James Ogule, and his wife.
Noted not to have been confessed certain years before.
Tho. Babam. Accused not to have ben confessed nor houseled in his parish Church.
The person & Curate of S. Antlins. For not using y e ceremonies in making holywater, nor keeping their processions on saterdayes.
Lewys Bromfield. For not taking his housel, and for absenting himself from the Church on holy-days.
  • John Sempe.
  • John Goffe.
For despraising a certain Antyme of our Lady, beginning Te matrem, &c. saying that there is heresy in the same.
Gilbert Godfre. For absenting himself from the Church on holy-days.
Th. Cappes priest. For saying these words, that the Sacrament of the altar was but a memory & a remembrance of the Lord's death.
Io. Mailer, Grocer For calling the sacrament of the altar, the baken God: and for saying that the Mass was called beyond the Sea, Misse, for that all is amiss in it.
John. Hardyman, Priest. Hardymā, parson of S. Martins in Yremunger lane, presented for preaching openlie, that confession is confusiō & deformatiō: & that y e butcherly ceremonies of y e church were to be abhorred. Also for saying, what a mischief is this to esteem y e sacraments to be of such virtue, for in so doing, they take y e glory of God frō him: & for saying that faith in Christ is sufficient w t out any other sacraments to justify.
Christopher Dray Plummer. For saying of the sacrament of y e altar, that it was not offered up for remissiō of sins: and that the body of Christ was not there, but only by representatiō and signification of the thing.
Rob Ward, Shomaker. Presented by three witnesses for holding against the Sacrament of the altar, he died in prison in Bredstreete.
Nicolas Otes. For not coming to y e housel at easter, he was sent to Newgate.
  • Hermā Peterson.
  • James Gosson.
  • Rich. White, Haberdasher.

For not coming to shrift & housel at the time of Easter. These were committed to prison in Bredestrete.

For saying, that he did not think that Christ was in the sacrament of the altar within y e sepulcher, but in heavē above.

  • Giles Harison.
  • Rich. Bostocke, Priest.

Harison being in a place w t out Algate meryly jesting in a certain company of neighbors, where some of them said: let us go to Mass: I say, tarry, said he: and so taking a piece of bread in his hands, lift it up over his head: And likewise taking a cup of wine, & bowing down his head made therewith a cross over the cup, and so taking the said cup in both his hands, lift it over his head: saying these words: have ye not heard mass now? For y t which he was presented to Boner thē B. of London. Against whom came these witnesses.

  • Thomas Castell. Witnesses against Giles.
  • Andrew Morice. Witnesses against Giles.
  • W. Grene. Witnesses against Giles.
  • John Margetson. Witnesses against Giles.

For saying that auricular cōfessiō hath killed moe souls, thē all the bills, clubs, & halters have done, sithens K. Henry was king of England. &c. Also for saying, that the water in Thames hath as much virtue as the water which the priests do halow.

  • Margaret Ambsworth.
  • John Leicester.
For having no reverence to y e sacrament at sacring time. Item, for instruction of maids, & being a great Doctresse.
  • W. Reynold.
  • Christ. Tounesend.
  • Tho. David, Skinner▪
  • Tho. Mabs.
  • Tho. Starchey.
  • Christ. Holybread.
  • Martin Donam.
  • W. Derby.
All these noted & presented for maynteyning of Barns & such other preachers, & many of their wives for not taking holy bread, nor going in procession on Sondayes.
Laurence Maxwell, Bricklayer. For speaking and reasoning against auriculer confession.
John. Coygnes, or Lyuelond. For holding against the sacrament of the altar, and not receiving at Easter.
Gerard Frise. Presented by two witnesses, for affirming that a Sermon preached is better then the sacrament of the altar, and that he had rather go to hear a sermon, then to hear a Mass.
Dominic Williams Frenchman. For not receiving the Sacrament of the altar at Easter.
  • Tho. Lancaster priest
  • Gough.

Lay in the Coūter in y e Pultrye, for compiling & bringing over books prohibited.

Item, Gough the Stacioner troubled for resorting unto him.

Frier Warde. Layd in the Counter in bred street, for marrying one Elizabeth to his wife, after his vow made of chastity.
Frier Wilcocke. Wilcock a scottish frier prisoned in the Fleet, for preaching against confession, holywater, against praying to saints, & for souls departed, against Purgatorye, and holding that priests might have wives. &c.
John Taylor D. in Divinity. D. Taylor presented for preaching at S. Brides in Fleetestreet, that it is as profitable to a man to hear mass, & see the Sacrament, as to kiss Judas mouth, which kissed Christ our savior. &c.
W. Tolwine, Person of S. Anthony's.

Presented and examined before Edm. Boner, for permitting Alexand. Seton to preach in his church having no license of his ordinary, & also for alowing the Sermons of the said Alexander Seton, which he preached against D. Smith.

To the said Tolwine moreover it was objected, that he used y e space of ii. years, to make holy water, leaving out the general exorcism, beginning Exorciso te. &c. using these words for y e same: Benedicite: Dominus. Ab eo fit benedicta, a cuius latere fluxit sanguis & aqua: Adioining thereto, commixio salis & aquae fiat in nomine patris, & filij, & spiritus Sancti.

The like usage of making holy water was also used in Aldermary Church where Doct. Crome was, & in Honey lane.

Agaynst this objection thus Tolwine defended himself saying: that he took occasion so to do by the kings Injunctions, which say, that ceremonies should be used, all ignorance & superstition set apart.

In y e end this Tolwyne was forced to stand at paules cross to recant his doctrine & doings.

  • Rob. Wisdom.
  • Tho. Becon, Preacher.
The same time also Robert Wisdom, parish Priest of S. Katherines in Lothbery, and Tho. Becon, were brought to Paul's cross, to recant and to revoke their doctrine, and to burn their books.
Sir George Parker, Person of S. Pancrace. This priest and parsō of S. Pancrace, and Curate of little Alhallowes, was noted, suspected and convented before the Ordinary for certain books, especially, for having Vnio dissidentium. &c.
Sir John Birch Priest. I. Byrch priest of S. Botolphes lane was complained of by one M. Wilson, for being a busy reasoner in certain opinions, which agreed not with the popes church.
Alexander Seton a Scottishman and a worthy Preacher. Alexander Seton was denounced, detected, & presented by 3. priests, of whō one was fellow of Whittington college called Rich. Taylor. An other was John. Smith. The third was John. Huntingdon, who after was converted to y e same doctrine himself.

This Seton was Chaplayne to the duke of Suffolk and by him was made free Denison. In his sermon preached at S. Anthony's, his adversaries picked against him matter containing 15. objections, or rather cauillatiōs which for example I thought here to exhibit to the reader, to the intent that men may see, not only what true doctrine Seton then preached, consonant to the Scriptures: but also what wrāgling cauillers cā do, in depraving that is right, or in wrasting that is well ment, or in carping that they understand not, or in seeking out faults where none is, as by these their sinister cavillations may appear.




*Certain places or Articles, gathered out of Setons Sermons by his adversaries.

THe sayings and words of Alexander Seton spoken & preached by him in his sermon, made the xiii. day of November, at afternoon in the Parish Church of S. A. in London, Paul saith, of our selves we can do nothing I pray thee then where is thy will? Art thou any better thē Paul, James, Peter, and all the Apostles? Hast thou anymore grace then they? Tell me now if thy will be anything or nothing. If it be anything, tell me whether it be to do good, or ill? If thou say to do ill, I will grant thou hast a greater deal. If thou say to do good, I ask whether is more somewhat, or nothing? For Paul said he could do nothing and I am sure thou hast no more grace, then Paul and his companions.

Scripture speaketh of three things in man: the first is will: the other two are consent and deed. The first (that is will) God worketh without us, and besides us. The other two he worketh in us, and with us. And here he alleged S. Augustine, to prove that we can will nothing y t is good. Moreover he said, thou hast not one jot, no not one title to do any good.

There is nothing in heaven, nor earth, creature nor other, that can be any mean towards our justification nor can or may satisfy God the father for our sin, save only Christ, and the shedding of his blood.

He that preacheth that works do merit, or be any mean to our salvation, or any part of our iustificatiō preacheth a doctrine of the devil.

If anything else save only Christ, be any mean towards our iustificatiō, then did not Christ only justify us.

I say that thy good works, nor anything that thou canst do, can be one jot or title towards thy iustificatiō. For if they be, then is not Christ a full justifier, and that I will prove hy a familier example. Be it in case that I have .2. servants, the one is called John, and the other Robert, & I promise to send you such a day xx.l. by John my servant and at my day I send you by John my servant xix.l.xix. s. xi. d. ob. q. and there lacketh but one farthing, which Robert doth bring thee, and so thou hast thy xx.l. every penye and farthing. Yet will I ask if I be true of my promise, or no, and thou mayst say nay. And why? because I promised to send thee that whole, xx. pound by John and did not, for there lacked a farthing, which Robert brought. Wherefore I say, if thy works do merit or bring one little jot or title toward thy justification, then is Christ false of his promise, which said that he would do altogether.

One Scripture I will bring you (which they cannot writhe) to prove that Christ was only promised to be our only Justifier, our only mean, and that is in the xxij. of Genesis, where it is written: In thy seed shall all people be blessed, meaning thereby only Christ: and he said not in thy seeds, nor in the works of thy seeds. Wherefore all they that preach, that works be any part or mean toward our justification, do make God false of his promise.

They that preach that works do merit, do make works the tree, which are but the fruits of justice, wrought by him that is already a just man, which cannot choose but bring forth good fruit.

I would ask a question, whether he that worketh be a good mā, or bad, for he must be one of them. If he be a good man, he cannot choose but bring forth good fruits: if he be an ill mā, he can bring forth no fruit, but ill fruit, for a good tree cannot bring forth ill fruit.

He that saith that works do merit anything towards our salvation, doth make works check mate with Christ & plucketh from Christ that is his, & giveth it to works. Some will ask, wherefor then should I do good works? I answer, good works are to be done for no cause else, but only for the glory of God, and not that they do merit anything at all. And he that saith that works are to be done for any other cause, thē for the glory of God only and will have thē to merit, or be any mean towards our justification, I say he lieth, and believe him not.

He that cā show me in any scripture, that works do merit, or by any mean to our justification: for the first scripture I will (without any further judgment) lose both mine ears, for the second, my tongue, and for the third my neck. For I dare say he cannot prove in all the whole scripture one title: wherefor believe them not.

Men say that we deny good works, and fasting, and prayer. They lie on us, we deny nothing but popish works, and popish fasting, and popish prayer, & he that preacheth that works do merit, or fasting doth merit, or prayer doth merit, doth preach a popish doctrine.

If you ask when we will leave preaching of works, even when they do leave to preach that works do merit, & suffer Christ to be a whole satisfier, & only mean to our justification, & till thē, we will not cease in God's cause to set forth only Christ to be a full & perfect, & only satisfaction.

If you ask, if good works shall be rewarded, I say yea, and with no less then eternal glory, but for no merit that they deserve, for they deserve nothing: but only because god hath promised, not for the merit of the work, but for his promise sake, and he will not break his promise.

Other articles gathered out of Setons Sermons.

TOuching reconciliation spoken of by D. Smith, preaching in the forenoon at Paul's cross, Alexander Seton preaching at afternoon, at S. Anthony's, & recityng his sayings & scriptures, reproved him for alleging this saying, Recōciliamini deo, & englishing the same thus, reconcile yourselves to God: because it is there spoken passively, & not actively, so that there should be nothing in man pertaining to reconciliation, but all in God.

Also reproving the said D. Smith, for that the said D. said, that man by his good works might merit. Which saying of D. Smith, the said Alexander Setō reproved in the pulpit at S. Anthony's, the 13. day of November, the yere of our Lord 1541. as noughtely spoken.

Moreover the said Alexander Seton said in the same place, that it was shame that any such preacher should be suffered so openly to preach such erroneous doctrine, as to say that works should merit, adducing: non sunt condignae passions, &c. Et postquam feceritis omnia. &c.

Finally Seton said, peradventure ye will say the church hath determined this matter touching works. And I say (quoth he) that it is Ecclesia malignantium, so determining anything against scripture.

To these pretēsed objections of his adversaries, he made his answer again by writing, first denying many things there presented, taking upon his conscience, that he never spake diverse of those words: and again many things, that he never meant to such end nor purpose, as in y e said register may appear. But all this notwithstanding, for all that he could say for himself, the ordinary proceeded in his cōsistory judgment, ministering to him certain Interogatories (after the popish course) to y e number of x. articles The greatest matter laid against him was for preaching free iustificatiō by faith in Christ Jesus, against false cōfidēce in good works, & man's free will. Also it was laid unto him, for affirming y e private masses & diriges, & other prayers profited not y e souls departed: so that in the end, he with Tolwing aforesaid was caused to recant at paules cross. an. 1541.

  • Add to these aforesaid, D. Taylor Parson of S. Peters in Cornehill.
  • South, Parish priest of Allhallowes in Lombardstreet.
  • Some, Priest.
  • Giles, the kings Beerebrewer at the red Lion, in S Katherines.
  • Tho. Lancaster, Priest. All which were imprisoned likewise for the 6. Articles.

To be short, such a number out of all parishes in Lōdō & out of Calais: and diverse other quarters, were thē apprehended through the said Inquisitiō, that all prisons in London were to little to hold thē, in so much that they were fain to lay thē in the Halles. At the last by the means of good L. Audley, such pardō was obtained of the king, that y e said L. Audley, thē L. Chancellor, being content that one should be bound for another, they were all discharged, being bound only to appere in the star chamber the next day after Al souls, there to answer if they were called: but neither was there any person called, neither did there any appear.




Other articles gathered out of Setons Sermons.

TOuching reconciliation spoken of by D. Smith, preaching in the forenoon at Paul's cross, Alexander Seton preaching at afternoon, at S. Anthony's, & recityng his sayings & scriptures, reproved him for alleging this saying, Recōciliamini deo, & englishing the same thus, reconcile yourselves to God: because it is there spoken passively, & not actively, so that there should be nothing in man pertaining to reconciliation, but all in God.

Also reproving the said D. Smith, for that the said D. said, that man by his good works might merit. Which saying of D. Smith, the said Alexander Setō reproved in the pulpit at S. Anthony's, the 13. day of November, the yere of our Lord 1541. as noughtely spoken.

Moreover the said Alexander Seton said in the same place, that it was shame that any such preacher should be suffered so openly to preach such erroneous doctrine, as to say that works should merit, adducing: non sunt condignae passions, &c. Et postquam feceritis omnia. &c.

Finally Seton said, peradventure ye will say the church hath determined this matter touching works. And I say (quoth he) that it is Ecclesia malignantium, so determining anything against scripture.

To these pretēsed objections of his adversaries, he made his answer again by writing, first denying many things there presented, taking upon his conscience, that he never spake diverse of those words: and again many things, that he never meant to such end nor purpose, as in y e said register may appear. But all this notwithstanding, for all that he could say for himself, the ordinary proceeded in his cōsistory judgment, ministering to him certain Interogatories (after the popish course) to y e number of x. articles The greatest matter laid against him was for preaching free iustificatiō by faith in Christ Jesus, against false cōfidēce in good works, & man's free will. Also it was laid unto him, for affirming y e private masses & diriges, & other prayers profited not y e souls departed: so that in the end, he with Tolwing aforesaid was caused to recant at paules cross. an. 1541.

  • Add to these aforesaid, D. Taylor Parson of S. Peters in Cornehill.
  • South, Parish priest of Allhallowes in Lombardstreet.
  • Some, Priest.
  • Giles, the kings Beerebrewer at the red Lion, in S Katherines.
  • Tho. Lancaster, Priest. All which were imprisoned likewise for the 6. Articles.

To be short, such a number out of all parishes in Lōdō & out of Calais: and diverse other quarters, were thē apprehended through the said Inquisitiō, that all prisons in London were to little to hold thē, in so much that they were fain to lay thē in the Halles. At the last by the means of good L. Audley, such pardō was obtained of the king, that y e said L. Audley, thē L. Chancellor, being content that one should be bound for another, they were all discharged, being bound only to appere in the star chamber the next day after Al souls, there to answer if they were called: but neither was there any person called, neither did there any appear.




The story of John Porter, cruelly Martyred for reading the Bible in Paul's.

IN the number of these afore named, cometh the remembrance of John Porter, who in the same year 1541. for reading the Bible in Paul's Church, was cruelly handled and that unto death, as you shall hear. It was declared in this history above, pag. 1162. how Edm. Boner Bishop of London (in the days of the L. Cromwell) being then Ambassador at Paris, was a great Doer in setting forward the Printing of the Bible in the great volume: promising moreover, that he would for his part have 6. of those Bibles set up in the Church of S. Paul in London. Which also at his coming home, he no less performed, according to the kings proclamation set forth for y e same, whereof read before, pag. 1069.

The bibles thus standing in Paul's by the commandment of the king, and the appointment of Boner the bishop, many well disposed people used much to resort to the hearing thereof, especially whē they could get any that had an audible voice to read unto thē, misdoubting therein no danger toward them: and no more there was, so long as the days of Cromwell lasted. After he was gone, it happened amongst diverse and sundry godly disposed persons, which frequented there the reading of the foresaid Bible. that one John Porter used sometimes to be occupied in that godly exercise, to the edifying as well of himself, as of other. This Porter was a fresh young man, and of a big stature. Who by diligent reading of the Scripture, and by hearing of such Sermons as then were preached by them that were the setters forth of God's truth, became very expert. The Bible then being set up by Boners commandment upon diverse pillars in Paul's Church fixed unto the same with cheines for all men to read in thē y t would, great multitudes would resort thither to hear this Porter, because he could read well and had an audible voice. Boner & his chappeleines being grieved withal (& the world beginning then to frown upon the Gospellers) sent for the said Porter, and rebuked him very sharply, for his reading. But Porter answered him that he trusted he had done nothing contrary to the law, neither contrary to his aduertisementes which he had fixed in print over every Bible.

Boner thē aid unto his charge, that he had made expositions upon the text, and gathered great multitudes about him to make tumults. He answered: he trusted that should not be proved by him. But in fine Boner sent him to Newgate, where he was miserably fettred in irons both legs and arms, with a collor of iron about his neck fastened to the wall in the dungeon, being there so cruelly handled, that he was compelled to send for a kinsmā of his whose name is also Porter, and yet alive and can testify that is true, & dwelleth yet without Newgate. Who seeing his kinsman in this miserable case entreated Iewet, then keeper of Newgate, that he might be released out of those cruel irons, and so through friendship and money, had him up among other prisoners, which lay there for felony and murder: where Porter being amongst them, hearing and seeing their wickedness and blasphemy exhorted thē to amend̄t of life, and gave unto them such instructions as he had learned of the Scriptures: for which his so doing he was complained on and so carried down, and laid in the lower dungeon of all, oppressed with boltes and irons, where within 6. or 8. days after, he was found dead.

It is signified unto us by credible information, that the same night before he was found dead, they that dwelt nere to the same place of the prison where Porter lay, did hear him pitiously to groan and make a lamentable noise, where some suppose y t he was put in certain strayt irons which be there in the house, called The devil on the neck, being after an horrible sort devised, straining & wrinching the neck of a man with his legs together, in such sort as y e more he styrreth in it, the strayter it presseth him, so that within 3. or 4. hours, it breaketh & crussheth a man's back and body in pieces. In which Deuilish torment, whether John Porter was slain or no, it is not certain. But how so ever it was, this is known, that he was found dead (as is aforesaid) in the dungeon, with such groaning and piteous noise heard the night before in the said dungeō, as is declared.




A note of one Thomas Sommers imprisoned for the Gospel.

AMongst these Londoners thus troubled by the clergy we will add also (although a little out of place) another note of a Marchaunt called Tho. Sommers, who died in the Tower of London for confessing of the Gospel. Which Tho. being a very honest Merchant and wealthy, was sent for by the Lord Cardinal and committed to the Tower, for that he had Luther's books (as they termed them) and after a great suit made for him to the said Cardinal, his judgment was that he should ride from the tower into Cheapeside carrying a new book in his hand and be hanged with books round about him, with three or iv, other Marchaunts after the same order: which was done. And when M. Sommers should be set on a colliars nagg as the rest of his fellow prisoners were, a friend of his called M. Copland brought him a very good gelding, fair dressed with bridle and sadle, and when the Bishops Officers came to dress him with books, as they had trimmed the other, and would have made holes in his garment to have thrust the stringes of the books therein, nay said Sōmers, I have always loved to go hansomely in my apparel, and taking the books and opening them, he bound them together by the stringes and cast them about his neck (the leaves being all opē) like a collar, and being on horse back, rode foremost thorough the streets, till they came about the standard in Cheapeside, where a great fire was made to burn their books in, and a Pillary set up there for 4. persons in token that they had deserved it.

In the mean time, by the way as they should come it was appointed, that one should go before them with a bason. At the noise whereof, M. Sommers horse being a lofty gelding and fierce, was in such a rage, that he which ronge the bason being afeard of himself, was fain to go alone a great space before that any horseman did follow after. At length when they came to the fire, every of them having a book in his hand, they were commanded to caste their books into the fire. But when M. Sommers saw that his New Testament should be burned, he threw it over the fire: which was seen by some of God's enemies, and brought to him again, commanding him to cast it into the fire: which he would not do, but cast it thorough the fire. Which thing was done iii. times. But at last a stander by took it up, and saved it from burning. But not long after, the said M. Sommers was cast again into the Tower by the Cardinal, through the cruelty of the Bishops and their adherents, who soon after died in the said prison for the testimony of his faith.

What trouble & vexatiō happened amongst the godly brethren in London, for the 6. Articles, hitherto we have discoursed. Albeit neither have I comprehended all, which were molested through all the Parishes of London: neither again did this rigorous Inquisition so cease within the precinctes of this Citty only, but also extended further to Salisbury, Norfolk, Lincoln, and through all other Shyres and quarters of the realm: so that whereas any popish Prelate most bare stroke, there most persecution increased. The Bishop of Lincoln the same time was John Longland, and Doct. Dracotte his Chancellor. Of whose rigorous doyinges ye have heard enough and to much before. His ready diligence in all popish quarrels as it never lacked before: so now in the execution of these 6 Articles, it was not far behind in whose diocese diverse good men and women, namely about Buckingham and Amersham, and quarters there aboutes, were grievously disquieted, appearing yet in the same Register: as one

Elinore Godfrey.
For laughing & speaking certain words against one Tho. Collerd, who like a pope-holy hypocrite in the Church of Merlow, used at Mass time to crouch behind the children, and whē the priest crossed his head with the saucer (as she termed it) he would cross his head likewise. And for these words she was convented before the bishop, and miserably vexed.
W. Hart.
For saying these words: Thinkest thou that God almighty will abide over a knave priests head.
Christoph: Etle.
Because he did no reverence unto the sacrament coming to the church, and for looking upon his book at time of elevation, and that he would not come to see the elevation. &c. Item, as he was working upon a piece of Fustian on an holy day, and being asked why he kept not the holy day, he answered, that was no work, and that it was better to do that, then to sit at the Alehouse drinking drunk.
W. Fastendiche.
For speaking certain words against y e sacrament of the altar, and believed not, that it was the very body of Christ.
W. Galand.
W. Garland, talking of extreme unction, said that those things were Godly signs, but there were but two sacraments. &c.
W. Webbe.
Because he set the Image of a headless Bear in the Tabernacle of S. Roke.




Thomas Bernard, and James Morton Martyrs.

ABout the same time John Longland Bishop of Lincoln, burned two upon one day, the one named Tho. Bernard, and the other James Morton: The one for teaching the Lord's prayer in English, and the other for keeping the Epistle of S. James translated into English.

In Oxford also the same time or much thereabout, recāted one M. Barber master of Art of that University, a man excellently learned. Who being called up to Lambeth before the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, was in his examination so stout in the cause of the sacrament, & so learnedly defended himself therein, that (as it is credible affirmed of them, which yet be alive, and were present thereat) neither Cranmer himself, nor all they could well answer to his allegations brought out of Agustine. Wherein he was so prompe and rype of himself, that the Archbishop with the residue of his company, were brought in great admiration of him. Notwithstanding by compulsion of y e time and danger of the vi. articles, at last he relented, and returning again to Oxford, was there caused to recant. After which the good man long prospered not, but ware away. Ex testimonio Rad. Moris.




A merry, and pleasant narration, touching a false fearful imagination of fire, raised among the Doctors and Masters of Oxford in S. Mary's church at the recantation of M. Mallary M. of Art of Cambridge.

THis recantatiō of M. Barbar aforesaid in the University of Oxford, bringeth me in remembrance of another recantation likewise happening not long before, in y e said Uniuersity, which I thought here not to overpass, and namely for that the same carrieth withal, a merry rydiculous spectacle, not unworthy to be remembered, & here to be inserted, somewhat to recreate & refresh by the way the weary mind of the reader, after so many bloody and lamentable stories, executions, recantations, and tragedyes above passed. The story is this.

There was one M. Malary, master of Art of Cambridge, scholar of Christ's College, who for the like opinions to those above rehearsed, holden contrary to the catholic determination of holy mother church of Rome, y t is, for the right truth of Christ's Gospel, was convented before the Bishops, and in the end, sent to Oxford, there openly to recant, and to bear his fagot, to the terror of the Studentes of that Uniuersi y. The time and place was appointed, that he should be brought solemly into S. Mary's church upon a Sunday: where a great number of the head Doctors and Divines, and other of the Uniuersity, were together assembled: beside a great multitude of Citizens and town dwellers which came to behold the sight. Furthermore, because that solemnity should not pass w t out some effectual Sermon, for the holding up of the mother Church of Rome, D. Smith reader then of the Divinity lecture, was appointed, to make the Sermon at this recantation. Briefly at the preaching of this Sermō there was assembled a mighty audience of all sorts and degrees as well of Studentes as other. Few almost were absent, which loved to hear or see any news. In so much y t there was no place almost in the whole Church which was not fully replenished with concourse and throng of people.

All things thus being prepared and set in a readiness, cometh forth poor Mallary with his fagotte upon his shoulder. Not long after also proceedeth the doctor into the pulpite to make his Sermon: the purpose and argument whereof was wholly upon the Sacrament. The which Doctor for the more confirmation and credit to his words, had provided the holy catholic cake, and the Sacrament of the altar, there to hang by a string before him in y e pulpit. Thus the Doctor with his God almighty entering his godly Sermon, had scarce proceeded into the midst thereof (the people giving great silence with all reverence unto his doctrine) but soddenly was heard into the Church the voice of one crying in the street, fire, fire. The party which first cried thus in the street, was called Heuster. The occasion was this, for that he coming from Allhallowes Parish, saw a Chimney on fire, and so passing in the street by S. Mary's Church, cried fire, fire, as the fashion is, meaning no hurt.

This sound of fire being heard into the Church, first of them which stood outtermost next to the Church door so increased and went from one to another, that at length it came unto the ears of the Doctors, & at last to the preacher himself. Who as soon as they heard the matter, being amazed with soddeine fear, and maruelling what the matter should mean, began to look up into the top of the Church, and to behold the walls. The residue seeing them look up, looked up also. Then began they in the midst of the audience to cry out with a loud voice, fire, fire. Where saith one? where saith on other? In the Church, saith one. The mention of the Church was scarcely pronounced, when as in one moment there was a common cry amongst thē, the Church is on fire, the Church is set on fire by heretics. &c. And albeit no man did see any fire at all, yet forsomuch as all mē cried out so, every man thought it true that they heard. Then was there such fear, cōcourse and tumult of people, through the whole church, that it cā not be declared in words, as it was in deed.

And as in a great fire (where fire is indeed) we see many times how one little spark giveth matter of a mighty flame, setting whole stackes and piles on burning, so here upon a small occasion of one man's word, kindled first a general cry, then a strong opinion running in every man's head within the Church, thinking the Church to be on fire, where no fire was at all. Thus it pleased almighty God to delude these deluders, that is, that these great Doctors and wise men of the Schools, which think themselves so wise in God's matters as though they could not err, should see by their own senses and judgments, how blind and infatuated they were in these so small matters & sensible trifles.

Thus this strong imaginatiō of fire being fixed in their heads, as nothing could remove them to think contrary but that the Church was on fire: so everything that they saw or heard, increased this suspicion in them, to make it seme most true, which was in deed most false. The first & chiefest occasion that augmented this suspicion, was the heretic there bearing his fagot, which gave them to imagine, that all other heretics, had conspired with him, to set the Church on fire.

After this, through the rage of the people & running too and fro, the dust was so raised, that it shown as it had been the smoke of fire. Which thing together with the outcry of the people, made all men so afraid, that leaving the Sermon, they began altogether to run away. But such was the preasse of the multitude running in heaps together, that the more they labored, the less they could give out. For whilst they ran all headlong unto the doors every man striving to get out first, the thrust one another in such sort, and stuck so fast, that they which were without, neither could get into the Church, again, neither they that were within could get out by any means. So the one door being stopped, the ran to another little wicket on the North side, towards the College called Brason nose, thinking so to pass out. But there again was the like or greater throng. So the people clustring & thronging together, it put many in danger and brought many unto their end, by brusing of their bones or sides. There was yet another door towards the West, which albeit it was shut and seldom opened: yet now ran they to it with such sway, that the great bar of iron (which is incredible to be spoken) being pulled out and broken by force of men's hands, the door notwithstanding could not be opened, for the preasse or multitude of people.

At the last, when they were there also past all hope to get out then they were all exceedingly amazed and ran up and down, crying out upon the heretics which had conspired their death. The more they ran about & cried out the more smoke & dust rose in the Church, even as though all things now had been on a flaming fire. I think there was never such a tumultuous hurly burly rising so of nothing heard of before, nor so great a fear where was no cause to fear, nor peril at all: so y t if Democritus the merry philosopher sitting in y e top of the church, & seeing all things in such safety as they were, had looked down upon the multitude, and beholden so great a number some howling and weeping, running up and down, and playing the mad men, now hither, now thither, as being tossed too and fro with waves or tempests, trembling and quaking raging and faring, without any manifest cause, specially i he had seen those great Rabbin's the Doctors laden with so many badges or cognisaunces of wisdom, so foolishly and ridiculously seeking holes and corners to hide themselves in, gasping, breathing, and sweating, and for very horror, being almost beside themselves, I think he would have satisfied himself with this one laughter, for all his life time, or elles rather would have laughed his heart out of his belly, whilst one said that he plainly heard he noice of the fire, another affirmed that he saw it with his eyes, and another sware that he felt the molten lead dropping down upon his head and shoulders. Such is the force of imagination, when it is once graffed in men's hearts through fear. In all the whole company there was none that behaved himself more modestly then the Heretic that was there to do penance, who casting his Fagot of frō his shoulders upon a Monks head that stood by kept himself quiet, minding to take such part as the other did.

All the other being careful for themselves, never made an end of running up and down & crying out. None cried not more earnestly then the Doctor that preached (who was as I said, D. Smith) who in a manner first of all cried out in the pulpit, saying: These are the trains and subtleties of the heretics against me. Lord have mercy vpō me: Lord have mercy upon me. But might not God, as it had been (to speak with Job) out of a whyrle wind have answered again unto this Preacher thus: Thou doest now implore my mercy but thou thyself showest no mercy unto thy fellows and brethren. How doth thy flesh treēbell now at the mention of fire, but you think it a sport to burn other simple innocents, neither do you anything at all regard it? If burning seme so grievous a matter unto you, and to suffer the torment of fire: then you should also have the like consideration in other men's perils and dangers, when as you do burn your fellows and brethren.

Or if you think it but a light or trifling matter in thē go to now, do you also with like courage, contemn, & with like patience suffer now the same torments yourselves. And if so be it I should now suffer you with the whole Church to be burned to ashes, what other thing should I do unto you, then you do daily unto your fellows and brethren? Wherefore since you so little esteem the death of others, be now content that other men should also little regard the death of you. With this (I say) or with some other like answer, if that either God, or human charity, either the common sense of nature would expostulate with them, yea if there had been a fire indeed (as they were more feared then hurt) who would have doubted but that it had happened unto them according to their deserts? But now worthy it is the noting, how the vain fear and folly of those catholicks either was deluded, either how their cruelty was reproved, whereby they being better taught by their own example, might hereafter learn what is to put other poor men to the fire which they themselves here so much abhorred.

But to return again to the descriptiō of this pageant wherein (as I said before) there was no danger at all, yet were they all in such fear, as if present death had ben over their heads.

In all this great maze and garboyle there was nothing mor feared then the melting of the lead, which many affirmed that they felt dropping vpō their bodies: Now in this sodein terror and fear, which took from them all reason & counsel out of their minds: to behold what practices & sundry shifts every man made for himself, it would make not only Democritus, and Heraclitus also to laugh but rather an horse weluere to break his halter. But none used themselves more ridiculously, then such as seemed greatest wise men, saving that in one or ii. peradventure some what more quietness of mind appeared. Amongest whom was one Claymund President of Corpus Christi College (whom for reverence and learnings sake I do here name) and a few other aged persons with him, which for their age and weakness, durst not thrust themselves into the throng amongst the rest, but kneled down quietly before the high altar, committing themselves & their lives unto the sacrament. The other which were younger and stronger, ran up and down through the preasse maruelling at the vnciuility of mē, and waxt angry with the unmannerly multitude that would give no room unto the Doctors, Bachelers, Masters, and other graduates & regent masters. But as the terror and fear was common unto all men, so was there no difference made, of persons or degrees every man scamling for himself. The violet cap or purple gown, did there nothing avail the Doctor, neither the masters hood nor the monks cowl was there respected.

Yea if the king or queen had been there at that present and in that perplexity, they had been no better then a common man. After they had long striven and assayed all manner of ways and saw no remedy, neither by force neither authority to prevail: the fell to entreating and offering of rewards, one offering xx. pound, another his scarlet gown so that any man would pull him out though it were by the ears.

Some stood close unto the pillars, thinking themselves safe under the vautes of stone for the dropping of the lead. Othersome being without money & unprovided of all shift, knew not which way to turn them. One being a president of a certain College (whose name I need not here to utter) pulling a bourd out from the pues, covered his head & shoulders therewith against y e scalding lead, which they feared much more then the fall of the Church. Now what a laughter would this have ministered unto Democritus amongst other things, to behold there a certain grand paūch, who seeing the doors stopped and every way closed up, thought by another compendious means to get out through a glass window if it might be by any shift. But here the icō grates letted him: notwithstanding his greedy mind would needs attempt if he could happily bring his purpose to pass. Whē he had brokē the glass, & was come to the space between y e grates where he should creep out, first he thrust in his head w t the one shoulder, & it went thorough well enough. Thē he labored to get the other shoulder after, but there was great labor about y t , & long he stuck by y e shoulders with much ado. For what doth not importune labor overcome? Thus farreforth he was now got̄. But by what part of his body he did stick fast, I am not certain, neither may I fain, forsomuch as there be yet witnesses which did see these things, which would correct me if I should so do. Notwithstanding this is most certain that he did stick fast between the grates, and could neither get out nor in.

Thus this good man being in deed a Monk, and having but short hose, by the which way he supposed soonest to escape, by the same he fell into further inconvenience making of one danger two. For if the fire or lead had fallen on the outside, those parts which did hang out of the window had been in danger: & contrariwise if the slain had raged within the Church, all his other parts had lain opē to the fire. And as this man did stick fast in the window, so did the rest stick as fast in the doors, that sooner they might have been burned, then they could once stir or move one foot. Through the which prese at the last there was a way found, that some going over their heads gat out.

Here also happened another pageaunt in a certain Monk (if I be not misaduised) of Gloucester College, whereat Calphurnius might well laugh with an open mouth. So it happened that there was a young lad in this tumult, who seeing the doors fast stopped with the prese or multitude, & that he had no way to get out, climbed up vpō the door, and there staying upon the top of the door, was forced to tarry still▪ For to come down into the Church again, he durst not for fear of the fire, and to leap down toward the street he could not without danger of falling. When he had tarried there a while, he advised himself what to do: neither did occasion want to serve his purpose. For by chance, amongst them that gat out over men's heads, he saw a Monk coming towards him, which had a great wide Coule hanging at his back. This the Boye thought to be a good occasion for him to escape by. When the Monk came near unto him, the Boy which was in the top of the door, came down, and pretily conveyed himself into the Monks Coule, thinking (as it came to pass in deed) that if the Monk did escape, he should also get out with him. To be brief, at the last the Monk gat out over men's heads, with the boy in his Coule, and for a great while felt no wayght or burden.

At the last, when he was somewhat more come to himself, and did shake his shoulders, eling his Coule heuyer thē it was accustomed to be, & also hearing y e voice of one speaking behind his Coule, he was more afraid then he was before, when he was in the throng, thinking in very deed, that the evil spirit which had set the Church on fire, had flyen into his Coule. By and by he began to play the Exorcist: In the name of God (said he) and all saints, I command thee to declare what thou art that art behind at my back. To whom the boy answered: I am Bertrames boy, said he (for that was his name.) But I, said the monk, adjure thee in the name of the inseperable trinity, that thou wicked spirit do tell me who thou art, from whence thou comest, and that thou get thee hence. I am Bertrames boy, said he, good master let me go: and with that his Coule began with the wait to crack upon his shoulders. The monk when he perceived the matter, took the boy out and discharged his Coule. The boy took his legs and ran away as fast as he could.

Among other, one wiser then the rest, ran with the Church door key, beating upon the stone walls, thinking therewith to break an hole thorough to escape out.

In the mean time those that were in the streate looking diligently about them, and perceyuing all things to be without fear, marvelled at this soddayne outrage, & made signs and tokens to them that were in the church, to keep themselves quiet, crying to them that there was no danger.

But for so much as no word could be heard by reason of the noise that was within the Church, those signs made them much more afraid then they were before, interpreting the matter, as though all had been on fire without the Church, and for the dropping of the lead and falling of other things, they should rather tarry still within y e church, and not to venter out. This trouble continued in this manner by the space of certain hours.

The next day, and also all the week following there was an incredible number of bills set up upon the Church doors, to inquire for things that were lost, in such variety and number, as Domocritus might here again have had just cause to laugh. If any man have found a pair of shoes yesterday in S. Mary Church, or knoweth any man that hath found them. &c. An other bill was set up for a gown that was lost. An other entreateth to have his cap restored. One lost his purse and gyrdle with certain money: another his sword. One inquireth for a ring, and one for one thing, another for another. To be short, there was few in this ga boil, but that either through negligence lost, or through oblivion left something behind him.

Thus have you hitherto heard a tragical story of a terrible fire which did no hurt. The description whereof although it be not so perfectly expressed according to the worthiness of the matter, yet because it was not to be passed with silence, we have superficially set forth some shadow thereof, whereby the wise & discreet may sufficiently consider the rest, if anything else be lacking in setting forth the full narration thereof. As touching the heretic, because he had not done his sufficient penance there by occasion of this hurly burly, therefore the next day following he was reclaimed into the Church of S. Frideswide, where he supplied the rest that lacked of his plenary penance.




The 4. and 5. Marriage of K. Henry the 8.

THe same year and month next following, after the apprehension of the Lord Cromwell, which was an. 1541. the king immediately was divorced from the Lady Anne of Cleue. The cause of which separation being whollye committed to the Clergy of the Conuocation, it was by them defined, concluded, and granted, that the king being freed frō that pretensed matrimony (as they called it) might mary where he would, & so might she likewise: whō also consenting to the same divorcement her self, by her own letters, was after that taken no more for Queen, but only called Lady Anne of Cleue. Whych things thus discussed by the Parliament and Conuocation house▪ the king the same month was married to his fifth Wyfe▪ which was the Lady Katherine Haward, Niece to the Duke of Norfolk, and daughter to the Lord Edmund Haward the Dukes brother. But this marriage likewise continued not long.

In the same month of August, and the same year, I find moreover in some records, beside the xxiiij. Chapter-house monks above recited, whom Cope doth sanctify for holy martyrs, for suffering in the Popes devotion, against the kings supr macy, other six which were also brought to Tiborne and there executed in the like case of rebellion. Of whom, the first was the Prior of Dancaster, the second a monk of the Charterhouse of Lōdō, called Giles Horne, some call him William Horne: the third one Tho. Epsam a Monk of Westminster, who had his Monks garment plucked from his back, being the last monk in K. Henries days that did wear that monkish weed: the fourth one Philpot: the fifth one Carewe: the sixth was a Friar. See what a difficulty it is to pluck up blind superstition once rooted in man's heart by a little custom.

Now as touching the late marriage between the king and the Lady Haward ye heard how this matrimony endured not long: for in the yere next following 1542. the said Lady Katherine was accused to the king of incontinent living, not only before her marriage with Francis Direham, but also of spousebreach since her marriage, with Tho. Culpepper. For the which both the men aforesaid, by act of Parliament were atteinted and executed for high treason, and also the said Lady Katherine late queen, with the Lady Jane Rochford widow, late Wyfe to George Boleyne Lord Rochford, brother to Queen Anne Boleyne, were beheaded for their deserts within the Tower. Ex Hallo & alijs.

After the death and punishment of this Lady his fifth wife, the king calling to remembrance the words of the Lord Cromwell, and missing now more and more his old Counselor, and partly also smelling somewhat the ways of Winchester, began a little to set his foot again in the cause of Religion. And although he ever bare a special favor to Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury (as you shall hear more hereafter, God willing, in the life of Cranmer) yet now the more he missed the Lord Cromwell the more he inclined to the Archbishop, & also to the right cause of Religion. And therefore in the same year and in the month of October, after the execution of this Queen, the king understanding some abuses yet to remain unreformed, namely about pilgrimages and Idolatry, and other things moe besides to be corrected within his dominions, directed his letters unto the foresaid Archbishop of Canterbury, for the speedy redress and reformation of the same. The tenor of which letters hereafter fully ensueth, in these words.

The kings letters to the Archbishop, for the abolishing of Idolatry.

RIght reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well letting you to wit, that whereas heretofore upon the zeal and remembrance which we had to our bounden duty towards almighty God, perceiving sundry superstitions and abuses to be used and embraced by our people, whereby they grievously offended him and his word: we did not only cause the Images and bones of such as they resorted and offered unto, with the ornaments of the same, and all such writings and monuments of feigned miracles, wherewith they were illuded, to be taken away, in all places of our Realm, but also by our Injunctions commanded, that no offering or setting up of lights or candles should be suffered in any Church, but only to the blessed Sacraments of the altar: it is lately come to our knowledge, that this our good intent and purpose, notwithstanding the shrines, coueringes of shrines, and monuments of those things do yet remain in sundry places of this Realm, much to the slander of our doings, and to the great displeasure of almighty God, the same being means to allure our subjects to their former hipocrisye and superstition: and also that our Injunctions be not kept as appertaineth. For the due and speedye reformation whereof, we have thought meet, by these our letters, expressly to will and command you, that incontinent upon the receipt hereof▪ you shall not only cause due search to be made in the Cathedral Church for those things, and if any shrine covering of shrine, table, monument of miracles, or other pilgrimages, do th •• e continue, to cause it to be so taken away, as there remain no memory of it, but also that you shall take order with all the Curates, and other having charge within your Dioces, to do the semblable, and to see that our Injunctions be duly kept, as appertaineth without failing, as we trust you▪ and as you will answer for the contrary.

Geu n under our Signet at our town of Hull▪ the fourth day of October in the 33: year of our reign.

Furthermore, the next year after this ensuing, which was 1543. in the month of February, followed another Proclamation given out by the kings authority, wherein the Popes Law forbidding white meats to be eaten in Lent, was repealed, and the eating of such meats set at liberty, for the behoove of the kings subjects. The copy of which Proclamation I thought here good also to be remembered.




A Proclamation concerning eating of white meats made the 9. of February, the 34. year of the reign of the kings most Royal majesty.

FOr as much as by diverse and sundry occasions, as well Heringes, Linges, Saltfish, Samond, Stockefish, as other kinds of fish been this year scant, and also enhaunced in prices above the old rate and common estimation of their valor, so that if the kings loving subjects should be enforced only to buy and provide Hering and other salt store of fish, for the necessary and sufficient sustentation and maynteynaunce of their householdes and families all this holy time of Lent, according as they have been wont in times past to do, and should not be by some other convenient means relieved therein, the same might and should undoubtedly redound to their importable charge and detrimēt: and for so much as his highness considereth howe this kind and manner of fasting, (that is to say) to abstain from milk, butter eggs, cheese, and other white meats, is but a mere positive Law of the Church, and used by a custom within this Realm, and of none other force or necessity, but the same may be upon considerations and grounds altered and dispensed with from time to time, by the public authority of kings and princes, when so ever they shall perceive the same to tend to the hurt and damage of their people: The kings highness therefore most graciously considering and tendering the wealth and commoditye of his people, hath thought good for the considerations oboue rehearsed, to release and dispense with the said law and custom of abstaining from white meats this holy time of Lent, and of his especial grace and mere motion giveth and granteth unto all and singular his subjects within this his Realm of England, Wales, Calais, Cuisnes, & Hammes, and in all other his graces dominions, free liberty faculty and license to eat all manner of white meats, as milk, Egges, butter, Cheese and such like, during the time of this Lent, without any scruple or grudge of conscience, any Law, Constitution, use, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.

Wherein nevertheless his highness exhorteth, and in the name of God requireth all such his faithful subjects, as may, will, or shall enjoy this his said grant or faculty, that they be in no wise scrupulous or doubtful thereof, or abuse or turn the same into a fleshly or carnal liberty, bu rather endeavor themselves to their possible powers, with this liberty of eating of white meats, to observe also that fast which God most specially requireth of them, that is to say, to renounce the world and the devil, with all their pomps and works, and also to subdue and repress their carnal affections & the corrupt works of the flesh, according to their vow and profession made at the Font stone, for in these points specially consisteth the very true and perfect abstinence or fasting of a Christian man: thus to endure and continue from year to year, till the kings highness pleasure shall by his maiestyes proclamation be published to the contrary.




The trouble and persecution of four windsore men, Robert Testwood, Henry, Filmer, Anthony Person, apd John Marbecke, persecuted for righteousness sake, and for the Gospel.

COmming now to the Storye and time of the four Windsore men troubled and persecuted for the true testimony of God's word, whereof three were martyred and sacrificed in fire, the fourth (which was Marbecke) had his pardon: first I have to sh w the original of their troubles in several partes: secondly the manner and order of their death, as they suffered together, which was, an. 1544. thirdly to answer partly in purgation of myself, against certain clatterers, which have hitherto taken their pleasure in railing against my former edition of Acts and monuments, for mistaking y e name of Marbecke, whō in one place I reported to have ben burned, albeit in the ende of the story, correcting myself again, I declare him not to have been burned. Wherefore to stop the brawlyng mouths of such quarellers, I thought here to set forth the full narration, both of the said Marbecke, and of his fellows, in truth as I trust none of them shall have just cause to quarrel thereat.

The original of Testwoods trouble.
Persecutors. Persecuted. The Causes.
  • M. Eli. Symons, a Lawyer.
  • D. London St. Gardener B. of Winchester.
  • Wrisley. Southarne Treasurer of Exceter.
  • D. Bruerwood, Chancellor of Exeter.
  • M. Knight, Winchesters Gentleman.
  • D. Oking.
  • D. Capon B. of Sarū.
  • Sir Will. Essex knight.
  • Sir Tho. Bridges knight.
  • Sir Humfrey Foster knight.
  • M. Franklen Dean of Windsor.
  • M. Fachel of Reding.
  • Bucler the kings Attorney.
  • Filmers brother.
  • Hyde, a Iurate dwelling beside Abington.
  • Rob. Ockam, a Lawyer.

  • Rob. Testwood.
  • Henry Filmer.
  • Anthony Person.
  • John Marbecke.
  • Rob. Benet.
  • Sir Phillip Hobby, his wife.
  • Sir Tho. Cardine his wife.
  • M. Edmund Harman.
  • M. Thom. Weldone.
  • Snobal his wife of the kings chamber.
  • D. Heynes Dean of Exeter.

At Windsore.

Ann. 1544.

IN the yere of our Lord, 1544. there was one Robert Testwood dwelling in the city of London, who for his knowledge in Music had so great a name, that the Musitions in Windsore college, thought him a worthy man to have a room among them. Whereupon they informed D. Sampson (being then their Dean) of him. But for so much as some of the Canons at that time had heard of Testwood, howe that he smelled of the new learning (as they called it) it would not be consented unto at the first. Notwithstanding, with often suit of the foresaid Musitions made to one Doctor Tare (who being half a Musition himself, bare a great stroke in such matters) a room being void, Testwoode was sent for to be heard. And being there four or five days among the quier men, he was so well lyked both for his voice and cunning, that he was admitted, and after settled in Windsore, with his household, and had in good estimation with the Dean and canons a great while. But when they had perceived him by his often talk at their tables (for he could not well dissemble his religion) that he leaned to Luther's sect, they began to mislike him. And so passing forth among them it was his chance one day to be at dinner with one of the Canons, named D. Rawson. At the which dinner amongst all other, was one of Kyng Edward's 4. Chauntrie priests, named M. Eli, an old Bachelor of Divinity. Which Eli in his talk at the board, began to rail against lay men, which took upon them to mell with the Scriptures, and to be better learned (knowing no more but the English tongue) then they which had been students in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge all the days of their lives. Then Testwood perceiving he meant that by him, could forbear his railing no longer, but said: M. Eli, by your patience I think it be no hurt for lay men, as I am, to read and to know the scriptures.

Which of you (quoth Eli) that be unlearned, knoweth them, or understandeth them? S. Paul saith: If thine enemy hunger, feed him: if he thirst, give him drink, and in so doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head. Now sir (quoth Eli) what meaneth Sainte Paul by these coals of fire? Marry sir (quoth Testwoode) he meaneth nothing else by them (as I have learned) but burning charity, that with doing good to our enemies, we should thereby win them. A sirah, quoth he, you are an old scholar in deed.

After this, they fell into further communication of the Pope, whose supremacy was much spokē of at that time, but not known to be so far in question in the parliament house as it was. And in their talk Eli demanded of Testwood, whether the Pope ought to be head of the church or no. Agaynst the which, Testwoode durst not say his full mind, but reasoned within his bounds a great while. But when they were both well stricken in an heat, Testwoode forgetting himself, chanced to say, that every king in his own realm & dominion, ought to be the hed of the church under Christ▪ At the which words Eli was so chafed, that he rose up from the table in a great fume, calling him heretic, and all that naught was, and so went brawling & chiding away, to the great disquieting of all the company that weee there. Then was Testwood very sory to see the old man take it so grievously. Wherupon after dinner he went and sought M. Eli, and found him walking in the body of the church, thinking to have talked with him charitably, & so to have been at one again: but ever as Testwood preased towards him, the other shunned him, and would not come ni him, but spit at him, saying to other that walked by: beware of this fellow, for he is the greatest heretic and schismatic, that ever came in Windsore.

Now began the matter to brew. For after that Eli had made his complaint to the Deans deputy, and other of the canons, they were all against Testwood, purposing surely at the Deans coming home (if all things had chanced even) to have put him to his trump. But see the fortune. It was not twelve days after, re that the kings supremacy passed in the Parliament house Whereupon the Dean (D. Sampson) came home suddenly in the night late, and forthwithall sent his Uerger about to all the Canons and ministers of the college, from the highest to the lowest, commanding them to be in the Chapter house by eight of the clock in the morning. Then Eli consulted with the Canons over night (as late as it was) and thought on the next day to have put Testwood to a great plunge. But he that layeth a snare for another man (saith Solomon) shall be taken in it himself. And so was Eli. For when the Dean and every man were come and placed in the Chapter house, and that the Dean had commended the ministers of the Church for their diligence in tendyng the Choir, exhorting them also to continue in the same: he began (contrary to every man's expectation) to inuey against the Bishop of Rome's supremacy and usurped authority, confoundyng the same by manifest Scriptures and probable reasons, so earnestly, that it was a wonder to hear: and at length declared openly, that by the whole consent of the Parliament house, the Popes supremacy was utterly abolished out of this Realm of England forever, and so commanded every man there, upon his allegiance, to call him Pope no more, but bishop of Rome, & whatsoever he were that would not so do, or did from that day forth maintain or favor his cause by any manner of means, he should not only loose the benefit of that house, but be reputed as an utter enemy to God and to the king. The Canons hearing this, were all stricken in a dumpe. Yet notwithstanding Eli's heart was so great, y t he would fain have uttered his cankerd stomach against Testwood: but the Dean (breaking his tale) called him old fool, and took him up so sharply, that he was fain to hold his peace. Then the Dean commanded all the popes pardons which hanged about the Church to be brought into the Chapterhouse, and cast into the chimney, and burnt before all their faces, and so departed.

Another cause of Testwoods trouble.

AS it chanced Testwood one day to walk in the church at after noon, & beheld the pilgrims (specially of Devonshire & Cornwall) how they came in by plumpes with candles & images of wax in their hands, to offer to good king Henry of Windsore (as they called him) it pitied his heart to see so great idolatry committed, & how vainly the people had spent their goods in coming so far to kiss a spur, & to have an old hat set upon their heds. In so much, that he could not refrain, but (seeing a certain company which had done their offering stand gasing about y e church) went unto them, & with all gentleness began to exhort them to leave such falls worshipping of dumb creatures, and to learn to worship the true living God aright, putting thē in remembrance what those things were which they worshipped, & how God many times had plagued his people for running a whoring to such stocks & stones, & so would plage them and their posterity if they would not leave it.

After this sort he admonished them so long, till at the last, his words (as God would) took such place in some of them, that they said, they would never go a pilgrimage more. Then he went further, & found another sort licking & kissing a white Lady made of Alabaster, which Image was mortrest in a wall behind the hie altar, and bordred about with a pretty border, which was made like branches with hanging apples & flowers. And when he saw them so superstitiously use the Image (as to wipe their hands upon it, & then to stroke them over their hands & faces, as though there had ben great virtue in touching y e picture) he up with his hand in the which he had a key, and smote a piece of the border about the image, down, and with the glance of the stroke chanced to break of the images nose. Lo, good people, quoth he, ye see what it is, nothing but earth & dust, and cannot help it self, & how will you then have it to help you? For God's sake brethren, be no more deceived: and so he gate him home to his house, for the rumor was so great, that many came to see the Image, how it was defaced. And among all other came one Williā Symons (a Lawyer) who seeing the image so berayed, and to lack her nose, took the matter grievously, & looking down upon the pavement, he spied the images nose where it lay, which he took up and put in his purse, saying, it should be a dear nose to Testwood one day.

Now were many offended with Testwood, the canons for speaking against their profit, the wax sellers for hyndring their market, & Symons for the Images nose. And more then that, there were of the canons men that threatened to kill him. Whereupon Testwood kept his house, and durst not come forth, minding to have sent the whole matter in writing by his wife, to M. Cromwell the kings secretary who was his special friend. The Canons hearing that Testwood would send to Cromwell, they send y e Uerger unto him, to will him to come to the church: who sent them word again, that he was in fear of his life, & therefore would not come. Then sent they two of y e eldest Peticanons to entreat him, & to assure him that no man should do him harm. He made them a plain answer, that he had no such trust to their promises, but would complain to his friends. Then wist they not what shift to make (for of all men they feared Cromwell) but sent in post hast for old M. Ward, a justice of peace dwelling 3. or 4. miles of, who being come & hearing the matter, was very loath to meddle in it. But notwithstanding, through their entreaty he went to Testwood & had much ado to persuade him, but at the last, he did so faithfully promise him by the oth he had made to God & the king, to defend him from all dangers and harms, that Testwood was content to go with him.

And when M. Ward and Testwood were come into the Church, and were going toward the Chapter house, where the Canons abode their coming, one of the Canons men drew his dagger at Testwood, and would have been upon him, but M. Ward with his men resisted, and gat Testwood into the Chapter house, causing the serving men to be called in, and sharply rebuked of their masters, who straitly commanded them upon pain of loosing their service, & further displeasure, not to touch him nor to give him an evil word. Now Testwood being alone, in the Chapter house with the Canons and M. Ward was gently entreated, & the matter so pacified, that Testwood might quietly come and go to the Church, and do his duty as he had done before.

An other cause of Testwoods trouble.

VPon a Relique Sunday (as they named it) when every Minister after their old custom should have borne a relique in his hand about a procession, one was brought to Testwood. Which relique (as they said) was a Ratchet of bishop Beckets. And as the Sexten would have put the Ratchet in Testwoods hands, he pushed it from him, saying, if he did give it to him, he would wipe his tail withal, & so the Ratchet was given to another. Then came the Uerger down from the hie altar with S. Georges dagger in his hand, demāding who lacked a relique. Mary (quoth Testwood give it to M. Hake (who stood next him) for he is a pretty man of his hands, & so the dagger was givē unto him. Now Testwood perceiving the dagger in master Hakes hand, and being merrily disposed (as he was a merry conceited man) stepped forth out of his place to D. Clifton standing directly before him in the midst of the quire, with a glorious golden Cope upon his back, having the Pixe in his hand, and said: Sir, M. Hake hath Saint Georges dagger. Now if he had his horse, and S. Martins cloke, and master John Shornes bootes, with king Henries spurs, and his hat, he might ride when he would, and so stepped into his place again. Whereat the other changed color, and wist not what to say.

Another cause of Testwoods trouble.

IN the days of M. Franklen, who succeeded D. Sampson in the Deanry of Windsore, there was on a time set up at the Choir door, a certain foolish printed paper in Meter, all to the praise and commendation of our Lady, ascribing unto her our justification, our salvation, our redemption, the forgiveness of sins, &c. to the great derogation of Christ. Which paper, one of the Canons called M. Magnus (as it was reported) caused to be set up in despite of Testwood and his sect. When Testwood saw this paper, he plucked it down secretly. The next day after was another set up in the same place. Then Testwood coming into the Church, and seeing another paper set up, and also the Dean coming a little way of, made haste to be in at the Choir door, while the Dean stayed to take holy water, and reaching up his hand as he went, plucked away y t paper with him. The Dean being come to his stall, called Testwood unto him, and said, that he marvelled greatly how he durst be so bold to take down the paper in his presence? Testwood answered again, that he marvelled much more, that his maistership would suffer such a blasphemous paper to be set up, beseeching him not to be offended with that he had done, for he would stand unto it. So M. Dean being a timorous man, made no more ado with him. After this were no mo papers set up, but poor Testwood was eaten and drunken among them at every meal, and an heretic he was, and would roast a fagot for this gear one day.

Now master Magnus being sore offended with Testwood for pluckyng down his papers, to be revenged on him, devised with the Dean and the rest of the Canons, to send their letters to D. Chamber, one of their brethren, and the Kings Physician, who lay (for the most part) at the Court, to see what he would do against Testwood. Which letters being made, were sent with speed. But whatsoever the cause was, whether he durst not meddle for fear of Cromwell, or what else I cannot tell, their suite came to none effect. Then wyst they not what to do, but determined to let the matter sleep, till S. Georges feast, which was not far of.

Now in the mean time there chanced a pretty story, between one Robert Phillips Gentleman of the Kings Chapel, and Testwood. Which story, though it was but a merry pranke of a singing man, yet it grieved his adversary wonderfully. The matter was this. Robert Phillips was so notable a singing man (wherein he gloried) that wheresoever he came, the best and longest song, with most counteruerses in it, should be set up at his coming. And so his chance being now to be at Windsore, against his coming to the Anthem, a long song was set up, called Lauda viui. In which song there was one counteruerse toward the end, that began on this wise, O redemptrix & saluatrix. Which verse of all other, Robert Phillips would sing, because he knew that Testwood could not abide that dittie. Now Testwood knowing his mind well enough, joined with him at the other part: and when he heard Robert Phillips begin to fetch his flourish with O redemptrix & saluatrix: repeating the same one in another's neck. Testwood was as quick on the other side to answer him again with Non redemptrix, nec saluatrix, and so striuyng there with O and Non, who should have the maistrie, they made an ende of the verse. Whereat was good laughyng in sleeves of some, but Robert Phillips with other of Testwoods enemies were sore offended.

Within 14. days after this, the Lord's of the Garter (as their custom is yearly to do) came to Wyndsore to keep S. Georges feast: at which feast the Duke of Norfolk was President: unto whom the Dean and canons made a grievous complaint on Testwood. Who being called before the Duke, he shook him up and all to reviled him, as though he would have sent him to hanging by & by. Yet nevertheless Testwood so behaved himself to the Duke, that in the ende he let him go without any further molestyng of him, to the great discomfort of the Dean and Canons.

Here have ye heard the causes which moved Testwoods enemies to seek his destruction, and could not attain their purpose, till that wicked Aman D. London came, as shall be shown in the process following.

The original of Henry Filmers trouble.

ABout the year of our Lord, 1541. after all the orders of superstitious and begging Friers were suppressed and put down, there chanced one Sir Thomas Melster, which had been a Frier before, and changed his Friers coat (but not his Friers heart) to be Vicar of Wyndsore. This priest on a time made a Sermon to his Parishioners, in the which he declared so many fond and Frierish tales, as that our Lady should hold out her breasts to S. Bernard, and spout her milk into his eyes, with such like festival tales, that many honest men were offended therewith, and specially this Henry Filmer then one of the Church wardens: who was so zealous to gods word, that he could not abide to hear the glory of Christ so defaced with superstitious fables. Whereupon he took an honest man or two with him, and went to the priest, with whom he talked so honestly and so charitably, that in the ende the Priest gave him hearty thanks, and was content at his gentle admonition, to reform himself without anymore ado, and so departed friendly the one from the other.

Now was there one in the town, called W. Symons a Lawyer (as is aforesaid) who hearing that Filmer had been with the Priest, and reproved him for his Sermon, took pepper in the nose, and gat him to the Uicar, and did so animate him in his doings, that he slipped quite away from the promise he had made to Filmer, and followed the mind of Symons: who meeting with Filmer afterward all to reviled him, saying he would bring him before the bishop, to teach him to be so malapert. Then Filmer hearing the matter renewed, which he had thought had been suppressed, stood against Symons, and said, that the Uicar had preached false and unsound doctrine, and so would he say to the Bishop whensoever he came before him. Then Symons slipped not the matter, but went to the Mayor, and procured of him and his brethren a letter, signed with their own hands in the priests favor, as much as could be devised, and so prepared himself with other his friends to go to the bishop (whose name was D. Capon) and to take the priest with them: which was a painful journey for the seely poor man, by reason he had a sore leg.

Now Filmer hearing how Simon's went about to put him to a foil, consulted with his friends what was best to do: who concluded to draw out certain notes of the vicars Sermon, and to prepare themselves to be at Salisbury as soon as Symons or before him, if it might be possible. Thus both the parties being in a readiness, it chanced thē to set forth of Windsore all in one day. But by reason the Priest (being an impotent man) could not endure to ride very fast, Filmer and his company gate to the town an hour and more before Symons, and went to the Bishop and delivered up their Bill unto him. Which Byll when the bishop had seen and perused well, he gave them great thanks for their pains, saying it did behooue him to look upon it, for the Priest had preached heresy, and should be punished.

Then Filmer declared unto the Bishop, the form of his talk he had with the Priest, and the ende thereof: and how the matter being renewed again by Symons, forced him and his company to trouble his Lordship therewith. Well, said the bishop, ye have done like honest men. Come to me soon again, and ye shall know more, and so they departed from the Bishop to their Inn. And while they were there reposing themselves, Symons with his company came to the town, and (not knowing the other to be come) gate them up to the bishop in all post haste, taking the priest with them.

The bishop hearing of mo Windsore men, demanded what they were, & being informed how it was the vicar of the town with other moe, he caused y e vicar to be brought in. To whom he said: Are you the vicar of Windsore? Yea forsooth my Lord, quoth he. How chanceth it quoth y e B. that you are complained on? for here hath been with me certain honest men of your town, which have delivered up a bill of erroneous doctrine against you. If it be so, I must needs punish you, & opening the bill he red it unto him. How say you quoth the B. is this true or no? The vicar could not deny it, but humbly submitted himself to the bishops correction. Then was his company called in, and when the B. saw Symons, he knew him well, and said: Wherefore come you M. Symons? Pleaseth it your Lordship (quoth he) we are come to speak in our vicars cause, which is a man of good conversation & honesty, and doth his duty so well in every point, that no man can find fault with him, except a lewd fellow we have in our town called Filmer, which is so corrupt with heresy, that he is able to poison a whole country: and truly my Lord (quoth Symons) there is no man y t can preach or teach any thing that is good and godly, but he is ready to control it, and to say it is stark naught. Wherefore we shall beseech your lordship he may be punished, to the ensample of other, that our vicar may do his duty quietly, as he hath done before this busy fellow troubled him. And that your Lordship shall the better credit my saiengs, I have brought with me these honest men of the town, and beside all that, a testimonial from the Mayor and his brethren to confirm the same, & so he held out the writing in his hand.

Then said the B. So God help me M. Symons ye are greatly to blame, and most worthy to be punished of all men, that will so impudently go about to maintain your priest in his error, which hath preached heresy, & hath confessed it: wherefor I may not nor will not see it unpunished. And as for that honest mā Filmer on whō ye have complained, I tell you plainly he hath in this point shown himself a great deal more honester man thē you. But in hope you will no more bear out your vicar in his evil doings, I will remit all things at this time: saving that he shall the next Sunday recant his sermon openly before all his parishioners in Windsore Church: & so the B. called in Filmer and his company which waited without, & delivered the priests recantation unto them, with a great charge to see it truly observed in all points. Then Symons took his leave of the B. and departed with a flea in his ear, disappointed of his purpose, & sore ashamed of the foil. For this cause Symons could never brook Filmer, but when he met him at any time after, would hold up his finger (as his manner was where he ought displeasure) and say: I will be even with you one day, trust me.

The original of Anthony Persons trouble.

THere was a certain priest named Anth. Person, which frequented much to Windsore, about the year of our Lord, 1540. and using the talent that God had given him in preaching, was greatly esteemed among the people, who flocked so much to his sermons which he made both in the town and country, that the great priests of the castle, with other papists in the town (specially Symons) were sore offended: In so much that Symons at the last begā to gather of his sermons, & to mark his auditors: whereof ensued the death of diverse, and trouble of many honest men. For about a year & more after, a minister of Satan called D. London, Warden of the new College in Oxford, was admitted one of the Prebendaries of Windsore, who at his first coming to Windsore, began to utter his stomach, & to show his affection. For at his first Residēce diner which he made to the clerks (which company for the most parte at that time favored the Gospel) all his whole talk to two Gentlemen strangers at his board (till the table was a taking up) was nothing else but of heretics, and what a desolation they would bring the realm unto, if they might be so suffered. And by S. Mary masters (quoth he to the clerks at the last) I cannot tell, but there goeth a shrewde report abroad of this house. Some made answer, it was undeserved. I pray God it be, quoth he. I am but a stranger & have small experience among you: but I have heard it said before I came hither, that there be some in this house, that will neither have prayer nor fasting.

Then spake Testwood: By my troth sir (quoth he) I think that was spoken but of malice, for prayer (as your mastership knoweth better then I) is one of the first lessons that Christ taught us. Yea mary sir, quoth he, but the heretics will have no invocation to saints, which all the old fathers do allow. What the old fathers do allow, quoth Testwood, I cannot tell, but Christ doth appoint us to go to his father, and to ask our petitions of him in Christ's name. Then you will have no mean between you & god, quoth D. London. Yes sir, quoth Testwood, our mean is Christ, as S. Paul saith: There is one Mediator between god and man, even Jesus Christ. Geue us water quoth D. Londō. Which being set on the boorde, he said grace and washed, & so falling into other communication with the strangers, the clerks took their leave and departed.

When D. London had ben in Windsore a while among his catholic brethren, & learned what Testwood was, & also of Symons, who shown him our Ladies nose (as he called it) what a sort of heretics were in the town and about the same, and how they increased daily by reason of a naughty priest, called Anth. Person, he was so maliciously bent against thē, that he gave himself wholly to the devil to do mischief. And to bring his wicked purpose about, he conspired w t the foresaid Symōs (a meet clerk to serve such a curate) and other of like sore, how they might cōpass the matter, first to have all the Archheretikes (as they termed thē) in Windsore & thereabout, indicted of heresy, and so to proceed further. They had a good ground to work upon, (as they thought) which was the six articles, whereupon they began to build and practice thus. First they drew out certain notes of Antho. Persons sermons, which he had preached against the sacrament of the altar, & their popish Mass. That done, they put in sir Phillip Hobby with the good Lady his wife, sir Thomas Cardine, M. Edmund Harman, M. Tho. Weldon, with Snowbal and his wife, as chief aiders, helpers, & mainteiners of Anth. Person. Also they noted D. Haines Dean of Exceter and a Prebendary of Windsore, to be a common receiver of all suspected persons. They wrote also the names of all such as commonly haunted Anthony Persons sermons, & of all such as had the Testament, and favored the Gospel, or did but smell thereof.

Then had they privy spies to walk up and down the Church, to hearken and hear what men said, and to mark who did not reverence the sacrament at the leuation time, and to bring his name to D. London. And of these spies some were Chantrie priests: among the which there was one notable spy, whose name was called sir Will. Bows such a fleering priest as would be in every corner of the Church pattering to himself, with his Portuous in his hand, to hear and to note the gesture of men towards the sacrament. Thus whē they had gathered as much as they could, and made a perfect book thereof, D. London with two of his catholic brethren moe, gave them up to the B. of Winchester Stephen Gardener, with a great complaint against the heretics that were in Windsor, declaring unto him how the town was sore disquieted through their doctrine and evil example. Wherefore they besought his lordships help, in purging the town and castle of such wicked persons. The B. hearing their complaint, and seeing their book, praised their doings, and bade them make friends and go forward, and they should not lack his help. Then they applied the matter with tooth and nail, sparing for no money nor pains taking: as Marbecke saith that he himself heard one of them say, who was a great doer therein, and afterward sory for that he had done, that the suit thereof cost him that year for his part only an hundred marks, beside the death of iii. good geldings.

Now B. Gardener, which had conceived a further fetch in his brain then D. London had, made Wrisley & other of the Counsaile on his side, and spieng a time convenient, went to the king, complainyng what a sort of heretics his grace had in his Realm, and how they were not only crept into every corner of his court, but even into his privy chamber, beseching therefore his majesty, that his laws might be prosecuted: the king giving credit to the counsails words, was content his laws should be executed on such as were offenders. Then had the B. that he desired, & forthwith procured a commission for a privy search to be had in Windsore for books and letters that Anth. Person should send abroad, which commission the king granted to take place in the town of Windsore, but not in the castle.

At this time the canons of Excester (specially Sutharn, Treasurer of the church, and D. Brurewood the Chancellor) had accused D. Haynes their Dean, to the counsel, for preaching against holy bread and holy water, and that he should say in one of his Sermons (having occasion to speak of Matrimony) that marriage and hanging were destiny: upon the which they gathered treason against him, because of the kings marriage. The B. of Winchester (at the same time) had also informed the counsel of M. Hobby, how he was a bearer of Anthony Person, and a great mainteyner of heretics. Wherupon both he and D. Heynes were apprehended and sent to the fleet. But it was not very long after, ere that by mediation of friends, they were both delivered.

Now, as touching the Commission for searchyng of books, M. Warde and Fachel of Reading, were appointed commissioners, who came to Windsore the Thursday before Palme Sunday, in the year of our Lord, 1543. and began their search about xi. of the clock at night. In the which search were apprehended Robert Bennet, Henry Filmer, John Marbecke, and Robert Testwood, for certain books and writings found in their houses against the vi. articles, and kept in ward til monday after, and thē fet up to the Counsaile all save Testwood, with whom the Bailifs of the town were charged, because he lay sore diseased on the Goute. The other three being examined before the Counsaile, were committed to prison, Filmer and Bennet to the bishop of London's Jail, and Marbecke to the Marshalsey: whose examination is here set out, to declare the great goodness of the Counsaile, and the cruelty of the bishop.

The first examination of John Marbecke, before the Counsaile, on the Monday after Palme Sunday. 1544.

THis Marbecke had begun a great work in English, called The Concordaunce of the Bible. Which book being not half finished, was among his other books taken in the search, and had up to the Counsail. And when he came before them to be examined, the whole work lay before the bishop of Winchester Stephen Gardener, at the upper end of the board. Who beholding the poor man a while▪ said: Marbecke, doest thou know wherefore thou art sent for? No, my Lord quoth he. No, quoth the Bishop, That is a marvelous thing. Forsooth my Lord quoth he, unless it be for a certain search made of late in Windsore. I cannot tell wherefor it should be. Then thou knowest the matter well enough quoth the Bishop, and taking up a quire of the Concordance in his hand, said: Understandest thou the Latin tongue? No, my Lord, quoth he, but simply. No, quoth the Bishop? And with that spake M. Wrisley (then secretary to the king) he saith but simply, I cannot tell quoth the B. but the book is translated word for word out of the Latin Concordaunce, and so began to declare to the rest of the Counsaile, the nature of a Concordance, and how it was first compiled in Latin by the great diligence of the learned men for the ease of preachers, concluding with this reason, that if such a book should go forth in English, it would destroy the Latin tongue. And so casting down the quire again, he reached another book, which was the book of Isaiah the prophet, and turning to the last chap. gave the book to Marbecke, and asked him who had written the note in the margent. The other looking upon it, said: forsooth my Lord, I wrote it. Read it quoth the B. Then he read it thus, Heaven is my seat, and the earth is my footstool. Nay, quoth the B. read it as thou hadst written it. Then shall I read it wrong quoth he, for I had written it false. How hadst thou written it, quoth y e bishop? I had written it quoth he, thus: Heaven is my seat and the earth is not my footstool. Yea mary quoth the Bishop, that was thy meaning. No, my Lord quoth he, it was but an oversight in writing, for as your Lordship seeth, this word (Not) is blotted out. At this time came other matters into the Counsaile, so that Marbecke was had out to the next chamber. And when he had stood there a while, one of the Counsaile (named sir Anthony Wingfield Captain of the Garde) came forth, and calling for Marbecke, committed him to one Belson of the gard, saying unto him on this wise: Take this man and have him to the Marshalsey, and tell the keeper that it is the Counsels pleasure that he shall entreat him gently. And if he have any money in his purse (as I think he hath not much) take you it from him, left the prisoners do take it, and minister it unto him as he shall have need. And so the messenger departed with Marbecke to the Marshalsey, and did his commission most faithfully and truly, both to the keeper and to the prisoner, as he was commanded.

The second examination of Marbecke, before the Bishops Gentleman in the Marshalsey.

ON the next day (which was Tuesday) by 8. of the clock in the morning, there came one of the B. of Winchesters Gentlemen into the Marshalsey, whose mā brought after him two great books under his arm, & finding Marbecke walking up and down in the Chapel, demanded of the keeper why he was not in irons. I had no such commandment quoth he: for the messenger, which brought him yesternight from the Counsaile, said: It was their pleasure he should he gently used. My Lord quoth the gentleman will not be content with you, and so taking the books of his man, called for a chamber, up to the which he carried the prisoner, and casting the books from him upon a bed, sat him down and said: Marbecke, my Lord doth favor thee well for certain good qualities thou hast, and hath sent me hither to admonish thee to beware and take heed least thou cast away thyself willfully. If thou wilt be plain, thou shalt do thyself much good: if not, thou shalt do thyself much harm. I assure thee, my Lord lamenteth thy case, for as much as he hath always heard good report of thee: wherefor now see to thyself, and play the wise man. Thou art acquainted with a great sort of heretics (as Hobby and Heynes, with other mo) & knowest much of their secrets: if thou wilt now open them at my Lord's request, he will procure thy deliverance out of hand, and prefer thee to better living.

Alas sir, quoth he, what secretes do I know? I am but a poor man, and was never worthy to be so conversant either with M. Hobby, or M. Heynes, to know any part of their minds. Well, quoth the Gentleman, make it not so strange, for my lord doth know well enough in what estimation they had both thee and Anth. Person, for your religion. Of Anth. Person, quoth he, I can say nothing, for I never saw him with them in all my life. And as for myself, I cannot deny, but that they have always (I thank them) taken me for an honest poor man, and shown me much kindness: but as for their secrets, they were to wise to commit them to any such as I am.

Peradventure quoth the Gentleman, thou fearest to utter anything of them, because they were thy friends, lest they hearing thereof, might hereafter withdraw their friendship from thee, which thou nedest not to fear, I warrant thee, for they are sure enough, and never like to pleasure thee more, ner no man else.

With that the water stood in Marbeckes eyes. Why weepest thou quoth the Gentleman? Oh sir, quoth he, I pray you pardon me, these men have done me good, wherefor I beseech the living God to comfort them as I would be comforted myself.

Well quoth the Gentleman, I perceive thou wilt play the fool: and then he opened one of the books, and asked him if he understood any Latin. But a little sir, quoth he. How is it then, quoth the gentleman, that thou hast translated thy book out of the latin Concordance, & yet understandest not the tongue? I will tell you quoth he. In my youth I learned the principles of my Grammar, whereby I have some understanding therein, though it be very small. Then the gentleman began to try him in the latin Concordance & English Bible which he had brought: and when he had so done, & was satisfied, he called up his man to fet away the books, & so departed, leaving Marbecke alone in the chamber, the door fast shut unto him.

About two hours after, the Gentleman came again, with a sheet of paper folded in his hand, & sat him down upon the beds side (as before) & said: by my troth Marbecke, my lord seeth so much willfulness in thee, that he saith it is pity to do thee good. When wast thou last w t Haynes? Forsooth, quoth he, about a three weeks ago, I was at dinner with him. And what talk, quoth the Gentleman, had he at his board? I cā not tell now, quoth he. No, quoth y e gentleman, thou art not so dull witted, to forget a thing in so short space. Yes sir, quoth he, such familiar talk as mē do use at their boordes, is most commonly by the next day forgotten, and so it was with me. Didst thou never, quoth the Gentleman talk with him, nor with none of thy fellows, of the Mass, or of the blessed Sacrament? No, forsooth, quoth he. Now forsooth, quoth the Gentleman, thou liest, for thou hast been seen to talk with Testwood, and other of thy fellows, an hour together in the church, whē honest men have walked up and down beside you, & as ever they have drawn near you, ye have stayed your talk till they have been past you, because they should not hear whereof you talked. I deny not, quoth he, but I have talked with Testwood and other of my fellows, I cannot tell how oft, which maketh not that we talked either of the Mass, or of the sacrament: for men may common & talk of many matters, that they would not y t every man should hear, and yet far from any such thing: therefore it is good to judge the best. Well quoth the Gentleman, thou must be plainer with my Lord then this, or else it will be wrong with thee, and that sooner then thou weenest. How plain will his Lordship have me to be Sir, quoth he? There is nothing that I can do and say with a safe conscience, but I am ready to do it at his Lordships pleasure. What tellest thou me quoth the gentleman of thy conscience? Thou mayest with a sat conscience utter those that be heretics, and so doing thou canst do God and the king no greater service. If I knew sir, quoth he, who were an heretic in deed, it were a thing: but if I should accuse him to be an heretic that is none, what a worm would that be in my conscience so long as I lived: yea it were a great deal better for me to be out of this life, then to live in such torment. In faith quoth the Gentleman, thou knowest as well who be heretics of thy fellows at home, and who be none, as I do know this paper to be in my hand: but it maketh no matter, for they shall all be sent for and examined: and thinkest thou that they will not utter and tell of thee all that they can? yes I warrant thee. And what a foolish dolt art thou, that wilt not utter aforehand what they be, seeing it standeth upon thy deliverance to tell the truth? Whatsoever quoth he, they shall say of me, let thē do it in the name of God, for I will say no more of thē, nor of no man else, then I know. Mary quoth the Gentleman if thou wilt do so, my L. requireth no more. And for as much as now peradventure, thy wits are troubled, so that thou canst not call things even by & by to remembrance, I have brought thee ink & paper, that thou mayest excogitate with thyself, & write such things as shall come to thy mind. O lord, quoth Marbecke, what will my L. do? Will his lordship compel me to accuse men, and wot not whereof? No, quoth the Gentleman, my L. compelleth thee not, but gently entreated thee to say the truth. Therefore make no more ado, but write, for my Lord will have it so, and so laid down the ynke and paper and went his way.

Now was Marbecke so full of heaviness and woe, that he wyst not what to do, nor how to set the pen to the book to satisfy the Bishops mind, unless he did accuse men to the woundyng of his own soul. And thus being compassed about with nothing but sorrow and care, he cried out to God in his heart, falling down with weeping tears and said:

O most merciful father of heaven, thou that knowest the secret doings of all men, have mercy upon thy poor prisoner which is destitute of all help and comfort. Assist me (O Lord) with thy special grace, that to save this frail and vile body, which shall turn to corruption at his time, I have no power to say or to write anything, that may be to the casting away of my christen brother: but rather (O Lord) let this vile flesh suffer at thy will and pleasure. Grant this, O most merciful father, for thy dear son Jesus Christ's sake.

Then he rose up and began to search his conscience what he might write, and at last framed out these words: Whereas your Lordship will have me write such things as I know of my fellows at home: pleaseth it your lordship to understand, that I cannot call to remembrance any manner of thing whereby I might justly accuse any one of them, unless it be that the reading of the new testament (which is common to all men) be an offense: more thē this I know not.

Now the Gentleman about his hour appointed, came again, and found Marbecke walking up and down the chamber. How now, quoth he, hast thou written nothing? yes Sir, quoth he, as much as I know. Well said, quoth the Gentleman, and took up the paper. Which when he had read, he cast it from him in a great fume, swearing by our lords body, that he would not for xx. pound, carry it to his L. and master. Therefore quoth he, go to it again, and advise thyself better, or else thou wilt set my Lord against thee, and then art thou utterly undone. By my troth Sir, quoth Marbecke, if his Lordshyppe shall keep me here these seven years, I can say no more then I have said. Then wilt thou repent it, quoth the Gentleman, and so putting up his penner and inkehorne, departed with the paper in his hand.

The third examination of Marbecke, before the Bishop of Winchester himself in his own house.

THe next day, which was Wednesday, by viii. of the clock in the morning, the bishop sent for Marbecke to his house at S. Mary Oueries, and as he was entering into the bishops hall, he saw the bishop himself coming out at a door in y e upper end thereof, with a rolle in his hand, and going toward the great wyndow, he called the poor man unto him and said: Marbecke, wilt thou cast away thyself? No my Lord quoth he, I trust. Yes, quoth the B. thou goest about it, for thou wilt utter nothing. What a devil made thee to meddle with the scriptures? Thy vocation was another way, wherein thou hast a goodly gift, if thou didst esteem it? Yes my Lord, quoth he, I do esteem it and have done my part therein, according to that little knowledge that God hath given me. And why the devil quoth the Bishop, dydst thou not hold thee there? and with that he flang away from the wyndow out of the Hall, the poor man following him from place to place, til he had brought him into a long gallery, and being there, y e bishop began on this wise: A sirha, quoth he, the nest of you is brokē I trow. And unfolding his roll (which was about an elne long) he said: Behold, here be your captains both Hobby and Haynes, with all the whole pacte of thy sect about Windsore, & yet wilt thou utter none of them. Alas my lord quoth he, how should I accuse them, by whō I know nothing? Well, quoth the bish. if thou wilt needs cast away thyself, who can let thee? What helpers haddest thou in setting forth thy book: Forsooth my lord, quoth he none. Now quoth the bishop? how can that be? It is not possible that thou shouldest do it without help. Truly my L. quoth he, I cannot tell in what part your lordship doth take it, but how soever it be, I will not deny but I did it without the help of any man save God alone. Nay quoth the B. I do not discōmend thy dilligēce, but what shuldest thou meddle with that thing which pertained not to thee?

And in speaking these words, one of his Chaplaynes, (called M. Medow) came up and stayed himself at a window, to whō the bishop said, here is a marvelous thing. This fellow hath taken upon him to set out the Concordance in english, which book whē it was set out in latyn was not done without the help and diligence of a dosen learned men at the least, and yet will he bear me in hand that he hath done it alone. But say what thou wilt, quoth the B. except God himself would come down from heaven and tell me so, I will not believe it: and so going forth to a window, where two great Bibles lay upon a cusshion, the one in Latin, and the other in English, he called Marbecke unto him, and pointing his finger to a place in the Latin Bible, said: Canst thou English this sentence? Nay my L. quoth he, I trow I be not so cunning to give it a perfect English, but I can set out the English thereof in the English Bible. Let see, quoth the B. Then Marbecke turning the English Bible, found out the place by and by, and read it to the Bishop. So he tried him a three or four times, till one of his men came up and told him the Priest was ready to go to Mass.

And as the B. was going, said the Gentleman which had examined Marbecke in the Marshalsey the day before: Shall this fellow write nothing while your Lordship is at mass, for he passeth not on it. It maketh no matter quoth the Bishop, for he will tell nothing, and so went down to hear Mass, leaving Marbecke alone in y e gallery. The B. was no sooner down, but the Gentleman came up again with ink and paper. Come sirha quoth he, my Lord will have you occupied till Mass be done, perswadyng him with fair words, that he should be soon dispatched out of trouble, if he would use truth and plainness. Alas sir, quoth he, what will my Lord have me to do? for more then I wrote to his Lordship yesterday, I cannot? Well, well, go to quoth the Gentleman, & make speed, and so went his way. There was no remedy but Marbecke must now write some thing: wherefore he calling to God again in his mind, wrote a few words as nye as he could frame them, to those he had written the day before. When the B. was come from Mass, and had looked on the writing, he pushed it from him, saying: what shall this do? It hath neither head nor foot. There is a marvelous sect of them (quoth the B. to his men) for the devil cannot make one of them to bewray another. Then was there nothing among the Bishops Gentlemen, as they were making him ready to go to the court, but Crucisige upon the poor man. And when the bishops white ratchet was on him and all: well Marbecke, quoth he, I am now going to the Court, and was purposed, if I had found thee tractable, to have spoken to the kings majesty for thee and to have given thee thy meat, drink, & lodging here in mine house: but seeing thou art so willful and so stubborn, thou shalt go to the devil for me.

Then was he carried down by the B. men, with many railing words. And coming through the great chamber, there stood D. London, with two mo of his fellows, waiting the bishops coming: and passing by them into the Hall, he was there received of his keeper, and carried to prison again. It was not half an hour after, ere that the B. sent one of his Gentlemen to the under keeper called Stokes, commanding him to put irons upon Marbecke, and to keep him fast shut in a chamber alone, and when he should bring him down to dinner or supper, to see that he spake to no man, nor no man to him: & furthermore, y t he should suffer no manner of person (not his own wife) to come & see him or minister anything unto him. When the porter (who was the cruellest man that might be, to all such as were laid in for any matter of religion, and yet as God would, favorable to this poor man) had received this commandment from the B. he clapt irons upon him & shut him up, giving warning to all the house, y t no man should speak or talk to Marbecke, whensoever he was brought down, and so he continued the space of iii. wekes & more, till his wife was suffered to come unto him.

The suit of Marbeckes wife to the Bishop of Winchester.

MArbeckes wife, at the time of her husbands apprehension, had a young child of a quarter old, sucking upon her breast: & when her husband was taken from her, & had away to the Counsail, not knowing what should be come of him, she left the child and all, and gate her up to Londō, and hearing her husband to be in the Marshalsey, goeth thither. But when she came there, she could in no wise be suffered to see him, which greatly augmented her sorrow. Then by counsel of friends, she gate her to the B. of Winchester (for other help was there none to be had at y t time) making great suit to have his license to go & see her husband, and to help him with such things as he lacked. Nay quoth the B. thy husband is acquainted with all the heretics that be in the Realm, both on this side the Sea and beyond, and yet will he utter none of them. Alas my Lord quoth she, my husband was never beyond the seas, nor no great traveler in the Realm to be so acquainted, therefore good my Lord let me go see him. But all her earnest suit from day today would not help, but still he put her of, harping always upon this string: thy husband will utter nothing. At the last, she finding him in the court at s. James going toward his chamber, was so bold to take him by y e ratchet and say: O my Lord, these 18. days I have troubled your Lordship: now for the love of God, and as ever ye came of a woman, put me of no longer, but let me go to my husband. And as she was standing with the Bishop & his men, in a blind corner going to his chamber, one of the kings servants called Henry Carrike, and her next neighbor, chanced to be by: & hearing the talk between the B. and her, desired his Lordship to be good Lord unto the poor woman, which had her own mother lying bedred upon her hands, beside 5. or 6. children. I promise you quoth the B. her husband is a great heretic, & hath read more scripture then any man in the Realm hath done. I cannot tell my Lord, quoth Carrike, what he is inwardly, but outwardly he is as honest a quiet neighbor as ever I dwelt by. He will tell nothing quoth the B. He knoweth a great sort of false harlots, and will not utter thē. Yes my Lord quoth Carrike, he will tell, I dare say, for he is an honest man. Well, quoth the B. (speaking to the wife) thou seemest to be an honest woman, and if thou love thy husband well, go to him, and give him good counsel, to utter such naughty fellows as he knoweth, and I promise thee he shall have what I can do for him: for I do fancy him well for his Art, wherein he had pleased me as well as any man: and so stepping into his chamber, said she should have his letter to the keeper. But his mind being changed he sent out his ring by a Gentleman, which Gentleman delivered the ring to his man, charging him with the Bishops message. And so his man went with the woman to the water side, & took boat, who never rested railing on her husband all the way, till they came to y e prison: which was no small cross unto the poor woman.

And when they were come to the Marshalsey: the messenger shown the B. ring to the Porter, saying: Master Stokes, my Lord willeth you by this token, that ye suffer this woman to have recourse to her husband: but he straitly chargeth you, that ye search her both coming & going least she bring or carry any letters to or fro, & that she bring nobody unto him, nor no word from no mā. God's blood quoth the Porter (who was a foul swearer) what will my Lord have me to do? Can I let her to bring word from any man? Either let her go to her husband, or let her not go for I see nothing by him but an honest man. The poor woman fearing to be repulsed, spake the Porter fair, saying: Good master be content, for I have found my Lord very good Lord unto me. This young man is but the Gentleman's servant which brought the ring from my Lord, & I think doth his message a great deal more straiter then my Lord commanded the Gentleman, or that the Gentleman his master commanded him. But nevertheless good M. quoth she, I shall be content to strip myself before you both coming and going, so far as any honest woman may do with honesty. For I intend no such thing, but only to comfort and help my husband. Then the Messenger said no more, but went his way, leaving the womā there, who from that time forth, was suffered to come and go at her pleasure.

The fourth examination of Marbecke, before the Commissioners in the Bishop of London's house.

ABout a three weeks before Whitsonday, was Marbecke sent for to the B. of London's house, where sat in Commission Doctor Capon, Bishop of Salisbury, Doctor Skyp Bishop of Harford, Doct. Goodricke Bishop of Eli, Doct. Okyng, Doct. May, and the Bishop of London's Scribe, having before them all Marbeckes books. Then said the Bishop of Salisbury: Marbecke, we are here in commission sent frō the kings majesty, to examine thee of certain things whereof thou must be sworn to answer us faithfully & truly. I am content my lord quoth he, to tell you the truth so far as I can, and so took his oath. Then the Bishop of Salisbury laid forth before him, his 3. books of notes, demanding whose hand they were. He answered they were his own hand, & notes which he had gathered out of other men's works, 6. years ago. For what cause quoth the Bishop of Salisbury diddest thou gather them? For none other cause my Lord, quoth he, but to come by knowledge. For I being unlearned & desirous to understand some part of scripture, thought by reading of learned men's works to come the sooner thereby, & where as I found any place of Scripture opened and expounded by thē, that I noted as ye see, with a letter of his name in the margent, that had set out the work. So me think quoth the Bishop of Eli (who had one of the books of notes in his hand all y e time of their sitting) thou hast read of all sorts of books both good and bad, as seemeth by the notes. So I have my Lord, quoth he. And to what purpose, quoth the Bishop of Salis. by my truth, quoth he, for no other purpose but to see every man's mind. Then the B. of Salis. drew out a quire of the Concordance, and laid it before the B. of Harford, who looking upon it a while, lifted up his eyes to D. Oking (standing next him) and said: Thys man hath ben better occupied, then a great sort of our priests. To the which he made no answer.

Then said the Bishop of Salisbury, whose help hadst thou in setting forth this book? Truly my Lord, quoth he, no help at all. How couldest thou, quoth the bishop, invent such a book, or know what a Concordance meant, w t out an instructer. I will tell your Lordship, quoth he, what instructer I had to begin it. When Thomas Matthews bible came first out in print, I was much desirous to have one of them: and being a poor man not able to buy one of them, determined with myself to borrow one among my friends, & to write it forth. And when I had written out the 5. books of Moses in fair great paper, & was entered into the book of Joshua, my friend M. Turner chanced to steal upon me unawares, & seeing me writing out the Bible, asked me what I meant thereby. And when I had told him the cause: Tush, quoth he, thou goest about a vain and tedious labor. But this were a profitable work for thee, to set out a Concordance in English. A Concordance said I? what is that? Then he told me it was a book to find out any word in the whole Bible by the letter, & that there was such a one in Latin already. Then I told him I had no learning to go about such a thing. Enough, quoth he, for that mater, for it requireth not so much learning, as diligence. And seeing thou art so painful a man, and one that cannot be unoccupied, it wer a goodly exercise for thee. And this (my Lord) is all the instruction that ever I had before or after, of any man. What is that Turner, quoth the B. of Salis.? Mary, quoth D, May, an honest learned man, and a Bachelor of Divinity, and sometime a fellow in Magdalene college in Oxford. Howe couldest thou, quoth the B. of Salisb. with this instruction, bring it to this order and form, as it is? I borrowed a Latin Concordance, quoth he, and began to practice my wit, and at last with great labor and diligence, brought it into this order, as your lordship doth see. A good wit with diligence, quoth the bysh. of Harford, may bring hard things to pass. It is great pity quoth the Bish. of Eli, he had not the Latin tongue. So it is, quoth D. May. Yet cannot I believe, quoth the Bishop of Salisb. that he hath done anymore in this work, then written it out after some other that is learned.

My Lord's, quoth Marbecke, I shall beseech you all to pardon me what I shall say, and grant to my request if it shall seem good unto you. Say what thou wilt, quoth the Bishops. I do marvel greatly wherefor I should be so much examined for this book, & whether I have committed any offense in doing of it or no? If I have, then were I loathe any other to be molested or punished for my fault. Therefore to clear all men in this matter, this is my request, that ye will try me in the rest of the boke y t is undone. Ye see that I am yet but in the letter L. Beginning now at M. & take out what word ye will of that letter, & so in every letter following, and give me the words in a piece of paper and set me in a place alone where it shall please you, with ink and paper, the English Bible, and the Latin concordance: and if I bring you not these words written in the same order & form that the rest before is, then was it not I that did it, but some other.

By my truth Marbecke, quoth the Bishop of Eli, that is honestly spokē, and then shalt thou bring many out of suspicion. That he shall, quoth they all. Then they bad Doct. Oking draw out such words as he thought best in a piece of paper, and so rose up: and in the mean time, fell into other familiar talk with Marbecke (for the Bishop of Eli and Harford both, were acquainted w t him afore, and his friends, so far as they durst) who perceiving the Bishops so pleasauntly disposed, besought them to tell him in what danger he stood. Shall I tell thee Marbecke, quoth the Bishop of Sarum? Thou art in better case then any of thy fellows, of whom there be some would give 40.li. to be in no worse case then thou art, whose sayings the other affirmed. Then came D. Oking with the words he had written, & while the Bishops were perusing them over, Doctor Oking said to Marbecke (very friendly) on this wise: Good M. Marbecke make hast, for the sooner ye have done, the sooner ye shall be delivered. And as the Bishops were going away, the bishop of Harforde took Marbecke a little aside, and informed him of a word which D. Oking had written false, and also to comfort him, said: Fear not, there can no law condemn you, for anything that ye have done, for if ye had written a 1000. heresies, so longe as they be not your sayings nor your opinions, the law cannot hurt you. And so went they all with the Bishop of Sarum to dinner, who taking the pore man with them, who dined in the hall at the Stewardes borde: and beside that, had wine and meat sent down from the bishops table.

When dinner was done, the Bishoppe of Sarum came down into the Hall, commanding ink and paper to be given to Marbecke, and the 2. books to one of his men to go with him, at whose going he demanded of the Bishop, what time his Lordship would appoint him to do it in. Against tomorrow this time, quoth the Bishop, which was about 2. of the clock, and so departed.

Marbecke now being in his prison chamber, fell to his business, & so applied the thing, that by the next day when the Bishop sent for him again, he had written so much, in the same order & form he had done the rest before, as contained iii. sheets of paper and more. The which, when he had delivered to the Bishop of Sarum (Doc. Oking standing by) he marveled and said: Well Marbecke, thou hast now put me out of all doubt. I assure thee, quoth he (putting up the paper into his bosom) the king shall see this or I be 24. hours elder: but he dissembled every word, and thought nothing less then so. For afterward, the matter being come to light, and known to his grace what a boke the poor man had begun, which the Bishops would not suffer him to finish: the king said he was better occupied then they that took it from him. So Marbecke departed from the bishop of Sarum to prison again, and heard no more of his book.

The 5. examination of Marbecke, before D. Oking and M. Knight Secretary to the Bishop of Winchester, in S. Mary Ouers Church.

VPon Whitsonday following, at after noon, was Marbecke sent for once again to S. Mary Ouers, where he found D. Oking with another gentleman in a gown of Damaske, with a cheyne of gold about his neck (no mo in all the church but they two) sitting together in one of the stalls, their backs toward the church door, looking upon an Epistle of M. John Calvin's, which Marbecke had written out. And when they saw the prisoner come, they rose and had him up to a side alter, leaving his keeper in the body of the church alone. Now as soon as Marbecke saw the face of a gentleman (which before he knew not by reason of his apparel) he saw it was the same person that first examined him in the Marshalsey, and did also cause him to write in the Bishops gallery, but never knew his name, till now he heard Doct. Oking call him M. Knight. This M. Knight held forth the paper to Marbecke and said, look upon this, and tell me whose hand it is. When Marbecke had taken the paper, & seen what it was, he confessed it to be all his hand saving y e first leaf, and the notes in the margent Thē I perceive, quoth Knight, thou wilt not go from thine own hand. No Sir quoth he, I will deny nothing that I have done. Thou doest well in that, quoth Knight, for if thou shouldest, we have testimonies enough besides, to try out thy hand by: but I pray thee tell me, whose hand is the last leaf? That I cannot tell you, quoth Marbecke. Thē how camest thou by it, quoth Knight? Forsooth I will tell you quoth he. There was a priest dwelling with us upon a v. or .vi. years ago, called Marshall: who sent it unto me with the first leaf written, desiring me to write it out with speed, because the copy could not be spared past an hour or twain and so I wrote it out, and sent him both the copy and it again.

And howe came this hand in the margent, quoth he, which is a contrary hand to both the other? That I will tell you, quoth Marbecke▪ When I wrote it out at the first, I made so much hast of it, that I understood not the matter: wherefore I was desirous to see it again, and to read it with more deliberation, and being sent to me the second time, it was thus coted in the margent as ye see. And shortly after this, it was his chance to go beyond the seas (where he lived not long) by reason whereof the Epistle remaineth with me: but whether the first leaf, or y e notes in the margent were▪ his hand, or whose hand else, that I cannot tell. Tush, quoth D. Oking to M. Knight, he knoweth well enough, that the notes be Heynes own hand, If you know so much, quoth Marb. ye know more then I do, for I tell you truly I know it not. By my faith Marbecke, quoth Knyghte, if thou wilt not tell by fair means: those fingers of thine shall be made to tell. By my truth Syr, quoth Marbecke, if ye do tear the whole body in pieces (I trust in God) ye shall never make me accuse man wrongfully. If thou be so stubborn, quoth D. O king, thou wilt die for it. Dye M. Okyng, quoth he? Wherefore should I die. You told me the last day before the Bishops, that as soon as I had made an ende of the piece of Concordance they took me, I should be delivered, and shall I now die? This is a sudden mutation. You seemed then to be my friend: but I know the cause, ye have red the ballet I made of Moses chair, and that hath set you against me, but whensoever ye shall put me to death, I doubt not to die God's true man and the kings. How so, quoth Knight? howe canst thou die a true man unto the king, when thou hast offended his laws? Is not this Epistle, and moste of thy notes thou hast written, directly against the 6. articles? No syr quoth Marbecke: I have not offended the kings laws therein: for since the first time I began with the Concordance (which is almost 6. years ago) I have been occupied in nothing else: So that both this Epistle, and all the notes I have gathered, were written a great while before the 6. Articles came forth, and are clearly remitted by the kings general pardon. Trust not to that, quoth Knight, for it will not help thee. No I warrant him, quoth Doct. Okyng, and so going down to the body of the church, they committed him to his keeper, who had him away to prison again.

The suit of Filmers wife, to the Bishops which sat in commission, for her husband.

IN like manner, y e wife of Filmer knowing her husbands trouble to be only procured of malice by Simon's his old enemy, made great suit and labor unto the Bishops which were commissioners, desiring no more of them, but that it would please their goodness to examine her husband before them, and to hear him make his purgation. Thys was her only request to every of the Bishops from day today, wheresoever she could find them. In so much that two of the Bishops (Eli and Harforde) were very sorry (considering the importune and reasonable suit of the woman) that it lay not in them to help her. Thus travailing long up and down from one to another, to have her husband examined, it was her chance at the last to find the Bishops all three together in the Byshoppe of Eli his place, unto whom she said: O good my Lord's for the love of God, let now my poor husband be brought forth before you, while ye be here all togethers. For truly my Lord's, there can nothing be justly laid against him, but that of malicious envy and spite, Simon's hath wrought him this trouble. And you my Lord of Salisburye, quoth the poor woman, can testify (if it would please your lordship to say the truth) what malice Simons bare to my husband when they were both before you at Salisbury (little more then a year ago) for the Uicar of Wyndsors matter. For as your Lordship knoweth, when my husband had certified you of the Priests sermon, which you said was plain heresy: then came Symons (after the Prieste himself had confessed it) and would have defended the priests error before your Lordship, and have had my husband punished. At what time it pleased your Lordship to commend and praise my husband for his honesty, and to rebuke Symons for maintaining the Priest in his error, & thereupon commanded the priest to rekant his heresy at his coming home to Windsore. This (my Lord) you know to be true. And now my Lord's, quoth the woman, it is most certain, that for this cause only did Symons evermore afterward threaten my husband to be even with him. Therefore good my Lord's, call my husband before you, and hear him speak: and if ye find any other matter against him then this that I have told you, let me suffer death. Is this so my Lord, quoth the B. of Eli and Harforde? and the other could not deny it. Then they spake Latin to the B. of Salisbury, and he to them, & so departed. For the matter was so wrought between Doctor London and Symons, that Filmer could never be suffered to come before the Commissioners to be examined.

The manner of their condemnations, and howe they died.

WHen the time drew nigh that the kings majesty (who was newly married to that good and virtuous Lady Katherine Parre) should make his progress abroad, the foresaid Stephen Gardener B. of Winchester had so compassed his matters, that no man bare so great a swinge about the king, as he did. Wherewith the Gospellers were so quailed, that the best of them all looked every hour to be clapt in the neck. For the saying went abroad, that the B. had bent his bow to shoot at some of the head Deare: but in the mean time 3. or 4. of the poor rascals were caught, that is to say, Anthony Person, Henry Filmer, and John Marbecke, and sent to Wyndsore by the sheriffes men, the Saturday before S. James day, and laid fast in the towns Gaile: and Testwood (who had kept his bed) brought out of his house vpō crouches, and laid with them. But as for Bennet, (which should have been the fifth man) his chance was to be sick of the Pestilence, and having a great sore upon him, was left behind in the bish. of London's gaile, whereby he escaped the fire.

Now these men being brought to Wyndsore, there was a sessions special procured to be hold̄ the Thursday after, which was S. Annes day. Against the which Sessions (by the counsel of D. London and Symons) were all the farmers belonging to the College of Wyndesore, warned to appear: because they could not pike out Papists enough in the town, to go upon the jury. The judges that day were these.

  • Doctor Capon Bishop of Salisbury.
  • Syr William Essex Knight,
  • Syr Thomas Bridges Knight.
  • Syr Humfrey Foster Knight.
  • Master Franklen Dean of Wyndsore.
  • And Fachel of Reading.

When these had taken their places, and the prisoners brought forth before them, then Robert Ockam occupying for that day the Clarke of peace his oume, called Anthony Person, according to the manner of the Courte, and red his Inditement, which was this.

First, that he should preach two years before, in a place called Wyngfield, and there should say: that like as Christ was hanged between two thieves, even so whē the priest is at mass, and hath consecrated and lifted him up over his head, then he hangeth between 2. thieves, except he preach the word of God truly, as he hath taken upon him to do.

Also that he said to the people in the Pulpet: ye shall not eat the body of Christ, as it did hang upon the Cross, gnawing it with your teeth, that the blood run about your lips, but you shall eat him this day, as ye eat him tomorrow, the next day, and every day: for it refresheth not the body, but the soul.

Also, after he had preached and commended the Scripture, calling it the word of God, he said as followeth: This is the word, this is the bread, this is the body of Christ.

Also he said, that Christ sitting with his Disciples, took bread, and blessed, and brake it, and gave it to his disciples, saying: Take and eat it. This is my body. What is this to us, but to take the Scripture of God, and to break it to the people.

To this, Anthony answered & said: I will be tried by God and his holy word, and by the true Church of Christ, whether this be heresy or no, whereof ye have Indited me this day. So long as I preached the Bishop of Rome and his filthy traditions, I was never troubled: but since I have taken upon me to preach Christ and his Gospel, ye have always sought my life. But it maketh no matter, for when you have taken your pleasure of my body, I trust it shall not lie in your powers to hurt my soul. Thou callest us thieves, quoth the Bishop. I say, quoth Anthony, ye are not only thieves but murderers, except ye preach and teach the word of God purely and sincerely to the people, which ye do not nor never did, but have allured them to all Idolatry, superstition and hypocrisy, for your own lucre & glory sake, through the which ye are become rather bitesheepes then true bishops, biting and devouring the poor sheep of Christ like ravening wolves never satisfied with blood: which God will require at your hands one day, dout it not. Then spake Symons his accuser, standing within the bar, saying: It is pity this fellow had not been burnt long ago as he deserved. In faith (quoth Anthony) if you had as you have deserved, you were more worthy to stand in this place then I: but I trust in the last day when we shall both appear before the tribunal seat of Christ, that then it will be known which of us 2. hath best deserved this place. Shall I have so long a day, quoth Symons, holding up his finger? Nay, then I care not: and so the matter was jested out.

Robert Testwoode.

THen was Testwoode called, and his Inditement read, which was that he should say in the time that the priest was lifting up the Sacrament: what wilt thou lift him so hie? What yet hier? Take heed, let him not fall.

To this Testwoode answered, saying it was but a thing maliciously forged of his enemies to bring him to his death. Yes (quoth the B.) thou hast been seen, that whē the Priest should lift up the Sacrament over his head, then wouldest thou look down upon thy book, or some other way, because thou wouldest not abide to look upon y e blessed Sacrament. I beseech you my Lord▪ quoth Testwood, whereon did he look that marked me so well? Mary quoth Bucklayer the Kynges Attorney, he could not be better occupied, thē to mark such heretics that so despised the blessed Sacrament.

Henry Filmer.

THen was Filmer called and his Inditement read: that he should say that the Sacrament of the saultare is nothing else but a imilitude and a ceremony: and also if God be in the Sacrament of the altar, I have eaten twenty God's in my days.

Here ye must understand, that these words were gathered of certain communication which should be between Filmer and his brother. The tale went thus.

This Henry Filmer coming upon a Sunday from Clewer his Parish church, in the company of one or two of his neighbors, chanced in the way to meet his brother (which was a very poor laboring man) and asked him whether he went. To the Church said he. And what to do, quoth Filmer? To do quoth he, as other men do. Nay, quoth Filmer, you go to hear mass and to see your God. What if I do so, quoth he? If that be God (should Filmer say) I have eaten 20. God's in my days. Tourne again fool and go home with me, and I will read thee a Chapter out of the Bible, that shall be better then all that thou shalt hear or see there.

This tale was no sooner brought to Doct. London by William Symons (Filmers utter enemy) but he sent for the poor man home to his house, where he chearished him with meat and money, telling him he should never lack, so long as he lived: that y e seely poor man (thinking to have had a daily friend of D. London) was content to do and say whatsoever he and Symons would have him say or do against his own brother. And when D. London had thus won the pore man, he retained him as one of his household men, until the court day was come, and then sent him up to witness this foresaid tale against his brother. Which ale Filmer denied utterly, saying that D. London (for a little meat and drink sake) had set him on, and made him to say what his pleasure was: wherefor my Lord (quoth Filmer to the bishop) I beseech your Lordship weigh the matter indifferently, for as much as there is no man in all this town, y t can or will testify with him, that ever he heard any such talk between him and me: and if he can bring forth any that will witness the same with him, I refuse not to die. But say what he could, it would not prevail.

Then Filmer seeing no remedy, but that his brothers accusemēt should take place, he said: Ah brother, what cause hast thou to show me this unkindness? I have always ben a natural brother unto thee and thine, and helped you all, to my power, from time to time, as thou thyself knowest: and is this a brotherly part, thus to reward me now for my kindness? God forgive it thee my brother, & give thee grace to repent. Then Filmer looking over his shoulder, desired some good body to let him see the book of statutes. Hys wife being at the end of the hall, and hearing her husband call for the book of statutes, ran down to the keeper, and brought up the book, & gat it conveyed to her husband.

The Bishop seeing the book in his hand, starte him up from the bench in a great sum, demanding who had givē the prisoner that book, commanding it to be taken from him, and to make search who had brought it, swearing by the faith of his body, he should go to prison. Some said it was his wife, some said the keeper. Like enough (my lord) quoth Symons, for he is one of the same sort, & as worthy to be here as the best, if he were rightly served. But howsoever it was, the truth would not be known, and so the Bishop sat him down again.

Then said Filmer: O my Lord, I am this day judged by a law, & why should not I see the law that I am judged by? The law is, I should have two lawful witnesses and here is but one, which would not do as he doeth, but that he is forced thereunto by the suggestion of mine enemies. Nay, quoth Bucklayer the kings atturney, thine heresy is so heinous, and abhorteth thine own brother so much, that it forceth him to witness against thee, which is more then two other witnesses.

Thus (as ye see) was Filmer brought unjustly to his death, by the malice of Symons and D. London, who had enticed that wretched caitiff his brother, to be their minister to work his confusion. But God which is a just reuēger of all falsehode & wrongs, would not suffer that wretch long to live upon earth, but the next year following, he being taken up for a laborer to go to Bullaine, had not been there three days, ere that (in exonerating of nature) a Gunne took him and tore him all to pieces: And so was these words of Solomon fulfilled: A false witness shall not remain unpunished.

John Marbecke.

THen was Marbecke called, and his Inditement read, which was that he should say: That the holy Mass, when the Priest doeth consecrate the body of our Lord, is polluted, deformed, sinful, and open robbery of the glory of God, from the which a Christian heart ought both to abhor and flee. And the elevation of the Sacrament is the similitude of the setting up of Images of the calves in the Temple built by Jeroboam: and that it is more abomination then the sacrifices done by the Jews in Jereboam's temple to those calves. And that certain and sure it is that Christ himself is made in the mass, man's laughing stock.

To this he answered and said, that these words whereof they had indicted him, were not his, but the words of a learned man called John Calvin, and drawn out of a certain Epistle which the said Calvin had made, which Epistle he had but only written out, and that long before the 6. Articles came forth: so that now he was discharged of that offense by the kings general pardon, desiring that he might enjoy the benefit thereof.

Then was the Iurye called, which were all Farmers belonging to the College of Wyndsore, whereof few or none had ever seen those men before, upon whose life and death they went. Wherefore the prisoners (counting the farmers as partial) desired to have the Towns men, or such as did know them, and had seen their daily conversations, in the place of the Farmers, or else to be equally joined w t them: but that would not be, for the matter was otherwise foreseen and determined.

Now when the Jury had taken their oth and all, Bucklayer the kings atturney began to speak: and first he alleged many reasons against Anth. Person, to prove him an heretic. Whych when Anth. would have disproved, the Bishop said: let him alone, Syr, he speaketh for the K. & so went Bucklayer forth with his matter, making every man's cause as heinous to the hearers, as he could devise. And when he had done and said what he would, then Sir Humfrey Foster spake to the Quest in the favor of Marbecke on this wise: Masters quoth he, ye see there is no man here that accuseth or layeth any thing to the charge of this poor man Marbecke, saving he hath written certain things of other men's sayings with his own hand, whereof he is discharged by the kings general pardon: therefore ye ought to have a conscience therein. Then start up Fachel at the lower ende of the benche, and said: What can we tell whether they were written before the pardon, or after? They may as well be written since as afore, for anything that we know. These words of Fachel (as every man said) were the cause of Marbeckes casting that day.

Then went the Jury up to the chamber over the place where the judges sat, and in the mean time, went all the Knights and gentlemen abroad, saving the Bishop Syr William Essex, and Fachell, which three sat still upon the Benche till all was done. And when the Jury had been togethers above in the chamber, about the space of a quarter of an hour, up goeth Symons (of his own brain) unto them▪ and tarried there a pretty while, and came down again. After that, came one of the Jury down to the bishop, and talked with him and the other twain a good while, whereby many conjectured, that the Jury could not agree of Marbecke. But whether it were so or no, it was not long after his going up again, ere that they came down to give their verdit. And being required according to the form of the law to say their minds: one called Hyde dwelling beside Abyngton, in a lordshyp belonging to the College of Wyndsore, speaking in the mouthe of the rest, said they were all guilty.

Then the Judges beholding the prisoners a good while (some with watery eyes) made courtesy who should give judgment. Fachel requiring the bishop to do it, he said he might not: the other also being required, said they would not. Then said Fachel, it must be done: one must do it, and if no man will, then will I. And so Fachell being lowest of all the bench, gave judgment. Then Marbeck being y e last upon whom sentence was given, cried to the bish. saying: Ah my Lord, you told me otherwise when I was before you and the other two bishops. You said then, that I was in better case then any of my fellows, and is your saying come to this? Ah my L. you have deceived me. Then the B. casting up his hand, said he could not do withal.

Now the prisoners being condemned and had away, prepared themselves to die on the morrow, comforting one another in the death and passion of their master Christ, who had led the way before them, trusting that the same lord which had made them worthy to suffer so far for his sake, would not now withdraw his strength from them, but give them steadfast faith & power to overcome those fiery torments, and of his free mercy and goodness (without their deserts) for his promise sake, receive their souls. Thus lay they all the night long (til very dead sleep took them) calling to God for his aide and strength, and praying for their persecutors, which of blind zeal and ignorance had done they wist not what, that God of his merciful goodness would forgive them, and turn their hearts to the love and knowledge of his blessed and holy word: Yea such heavenly talk was among them that night, that the hearers watching the prison without, whereof the Sheriff himself was one, with diverse gentlemen moe, were constrained to shed out plenty of tears, as they themselves confessed.

On the next morrow, which was Friday, as the prysoners were all preparing themselves to go to suffer, word was brought them that they should not die that day. The cause was this. The Bishop of Sarum, and they among them had sent a letter by one of the Sheriffs Gentlemen, called M. Frost, to the bishop of Winchester (the Court being then at Oking) in the favor of Marbecke. At the sight of which letter, the bishop straight way went to the king, and obtained his pardon.

Which being granted, he caused a warrant to be made out of hand for the sheriffes discharge, delivering the same to the messenger, who with speed returned with great joy (for the love he bare to the party) bringing good news to the town, of Marbeckes pardon: whereat many rejoiced. Of this pardon were diverse conjectures made. Some said it was by the suit of the good Shriffe syr William Barington, and syr Humffray Foster (with other Gentlemen moe that favored Marbeck) to the B. of Sarum and the other Commissioners, that the letter was sent.

Some said again, that it came of the Bishop of Sarum and Fachels first motion, being pricked in conscience, for that they had so slēderly cast him away. Other thought again, that it was a policy purposed afore, by the Bishop of Winchester, of Sarum, and of D. London, because they would seem to be merciful. Which conjecture rose upon this occasion. There was one Sadocke dwelling in the town which was great with D. London and Symons: and he should say 4. days before the sessions began, that the prisoners should be all cast and condemned, but Marbecke should have his pardon.

Other there were that thought the foresaid Bishops with D. London, had done it for this purpose: that he now having his life, would rather utter such mē as they would have him to do, then to come in like danger again. Which conjecture rose upon this: Symons meeting with Marbeckes wife, said thus unto her: your husband may thank God & good friends: my Lord of Winchester is good Lord unto him, which hath got his pardon. But shall I tell you, quoth he? his pardon will be to none effect, except he tell the truth of things to my Lord & other of the counsel, when he shall be demanded, for unto that purpose only is he reserved. Alas sir, quoth she, what can he tell? Well womā quoth Symons, I tell thee plain, if he do not so, never look to have thy husband out of prison, and so departed from her.

The like meaning did M. Arche make to Marbecke him self, on the saterday in y e morning, that the men should be brent, when he came to confess them. I have nothing, quoth he, to say unto you Marbecke at this time, but hereafter you must be content to do as shall be enjoined you: meaning he should be forced to do some unlawful thing, or else to lie in perpetual prison. And this was moste likely to have been attempted, if they had proceeded in their purpose: whose intent was to have gone thorough the whole realm, in the like sort as they had begun at Wyndsore, as the Bishop of Sarum confessed openly and said, that he trusted ere Christmas day following, to visit and cleanse a good part thereof. But moste commonly, God sendeth a shrewed Cow short horns, or else many a thousand in England had smarted.

On saterday in the morning, that the prisoners should go to execution, came into the prison two of the Canons of the College, the one called Doctor Blithe, and the other master Arche, which two were sent to be their confessors, master Arche asked them, if they would be confessed, and they said yea. Then he demanded if they would receive the Sacrament. Yea said they with all our hearts. I am glad quoth Arche, to hear you say so, but the law is (quoth he) that it may not be ministered to none that are condemned of heresy. But it is enough for you that ye do desire it. And so had them up to the Hall to hear their confessions, because the prison was full of people. Doctor Blyth took Anthony Person to him to confess, and master Arche the other two. But how soever the matter went between the Doctor & Anthony, he tarried not long w t him but came down again, saying he would no more of his doctrine. Do you call him Doct. Blith, quoth Anthony? He may be called Doct. Blind for his learning, as far as I see. And soon after, the other two came down also. Thē Anthony seeing much people in the prison, began to say y e Lord's prayer, whereof he made a marvelous godly declaration, wherein he continued til the Officers came to set them away, and so made an end. And taking their leave of Marbecke (their prison fellow) they praised God for his deliverance, wishing to him the increase of godliness & virtue, and last of all besought him heartily to help them with his prayer unto God, to make them strong in their afflictions, and so kissing him one after another, departed.

Now as the prisoners passed thorough the people in y e streets, they desired all the faithful people to pray for them, & to stand fast in the truth of the gospel, & not to be moved at their afflictions, for it was the happiest thing that ever came to them. And ever as Doctor Blithe and Arche (who rod on each side the prisoners) would persuade them to turn to their mother holy Church: away would Anthony cry, away with your Romish doctrine and all your trompery, for we will no more of it. When Filmer was come to his brothers door, he stayed and called for his brother, but he could not be seen, for Doctor London had kept him out of sight that day, for the nonce.

And when he had called for him three or four times, and saw he came not, he said: and will he not come? Then God forgive him and make him a good man. And so going forth they came to the place of execution, where Anthony Person with a cheerful countenance, embraced y e post in his arms, and kissing it, said: Now welcome mine own sweet wife: for this day shalt thou and I be married together in the love and peace of God.

And being all three bound to the post, a certain young man of Filmers acquaintance, brought him a pot of drink, asking if he would drink. Yea quoth Filmer, I thank you. And now my brother quoth he, I shall desire you in the name of the living Lord, to stand fast in y e truth of the gospel of Jesus Christ, which you have received, and so taking the pot at his hand, asked his brother Anthony, if he would drink. Yea brother Filmer quoth he, I pledge you in the Lord.

And when he had drunk, he gave the pot to Anthonye & Anthony likewise gave it to Testwoode. Of which drinking their adversaries made a jesting stock, reportyng abroad that they were all drunk & wist not what they said, when as they were none otherwise drunk then as the Apostles were, when the people said they were full of new wyne, as their deeds declared. For when Anthonye and Testwoode had both drunken, & given the pot from them, Filmer rejoicing in the Lord, said: Be merry my brethren, & lift up your hearts unto God, for after this sharp breakfast, I trust we shall have a good dinner in the kingdom of Christ our Lord and redeemer. At the which words Testwood lifting up his hands and eyes to heaven, desired the Lord above to receive his spirit. And Anthony Persone, pulling the straw unto him, laid a good deal thereof upon the top of his head, saying: Thys is God's hatte: now am I dressed like a true soldier of Christ, by whose merits only, I trust this day to enter into his joy. And so yielded they up their souls to the father of heaven, in the faith of his dear son Jesus Christ, w t such humility and steadfastness, that many which saw their patient suffering, confessed that they could have found in their hearts (at that present to have died with them.

How all their conspiracies were known.

YE have heard before of one Robert Bennet, howe he was at the first apprehended with the other four persons aforesaid, and committed to the B. of London's prison, and about the time he should have gone to Wyndsore, fell sick of the pestilence, by mean whereof he remained still in prison.

This Bennet, & Symons (ye shall understand) were the greatest familiars and company kepers y t were in all Windsore, & never (lightly) swerved the one frō the other, saving in matters of religiō, wherein they could never agree. For Bennet the one Lawyer, was an earnest Gospeller, & Simon's the other Lawyer, a cankered papist: but in all other worldly matters, they cleaved together like burrs.

Thys Bennet had spoken certain words against their little round God, for the which he was as far in as the best, and had suffered death with the other, if he had gone to Windsore when they went. And now that the mater was all done and finished, it was determined by the bishop of Salisburye, that Robert Ockam on the Mondaye after the men were burnt should go to the Bishop of Winchester with the whole process done at the Sessions the Thursday before.

Then Symons, at Bennets wives request, procured of the bishop of Salisbury his favorable letter to the bishop of Winchester for Bennets deliverance. Which letter Bennets wife (for as much as her own man was not at home, which should have gone with the letter) desired Robert Ockam to deliver it to y e Bishop, & to bring her word again: who said he would. So forth went Ockam toward the bishop of Winchester with his budget full of writings, to declare and open all things unto him that were done at Wyndsore Sessions: but all their wicked intents (as God would have it) were soon cut off, and their doings disclosed. For one of the Queens men (named Fulke) which had lien at Windsore all the time of the business, and had got knowledge what a number were privily indicted, and of Ockams going to the bishop of Winchester, gate to the Court before Ockam, and told sir Thomas Cardine & other of the privy chamber, how all the matter stood. Wherupon Ockam was laid for and had by the back, as soon as he came to Oking, and kept from the bishop.

On the next morrow very early, Bennets wife sent her man to the Courte after Ockam, to see howe he spedde with her husbands letter. And when he came there, he found sir Thomas Cardine walking with Ockam up and down the green before the Courte gate: whereat he marueled, to see Ockam with him so early, mistrusting the matter: whereupon he kept himself out of sight, till they had broken off their communication.

And as soon as he saw M. Cardine gone (leaving Ockam behind) he went to Ockam and asked him, if he had delivered his masters letter to the Bishop. No, said Ockam, the king remooueth this day to Gilforde, and I must go thither, and will deliver it there. Mary, quoth he, and I will go with you, to see what answer you shall have, and to carry word to my mistress, and so they rode to Gilford together. Where Bennets man (being better acquainted in the town then Ockam was) gat a lodging for them both, in a kinsmans house of his.

That done, he asked Ockam, if he would go and deliver his mistress letter to the Bishop. Nay (said Ockam) you shall go and deliver it yourself, and took him the letter. And as they were going in the streate togethers, and coming by the Earl of Bedfordes lodging (then Lord privy seal) Ockam was pulled in by the sleeve, & no more seen of Bennets man, till he saw him in the Marshalsey. Then went Bennets man to the bishops lodging and delivered his letter. And when the Bishop had red the contents thereof, he called for the man that brought it. Come Syrha, quoth he, you can tell me more by mouth, then the letter specifieth, & had him into a little garden. Now, quoth the Bishop, what say you to me? Forsoth my Lord, quoth he, I have nothing to say unto your Lordship, for I did not bring the letter to the Town. No quoth the Bishop, where is he that brought it? Forsoth my Lord quoth he, I left him busy at his lodging. Then he will come, quoth the Bishop. Bid him be with me betimes in the morning. I will quoth he, do your lordships commandment, and so he departed home to his lodging. And when his kinsfolks saw him come in, alas cosin, quoth they, we are all undone. Why so, quoth he, what is the matter? Oh said they, here hath been since you went, M. Padget the kings secretary, with sir Tho. Cardine of the privy chamber, and searched all our house for one that should come to the town w t Ockam: therefore make shift for yourself as soon as you cā. Is that all the matter, quoth he? then content yourself, for I will never flee one foot, hap what hap will. And as they were thus reasoning together, in came y e foresaid searchers again, & when M. Cardine saw Bennets man, he knew him very well, & said: was it thou that came to the town w t Ockam? Yea sir, quoth he. Now who the devil (quoth M. Cardine) brought thee in company w t that false knave? Then he told them his business, and the cause of his coming, which being known, they were satisfied, and so departed. The next day had Bennets man a discharge, for his master (procured by certain of the privy chamber) and so went home.

Now was Ockam all this while at my Lord privy Seals, where he was kept secret, til certain of the Counsaile had perused all his writings, among the which they found certain of the privy Chamber indicted, w t other the kings Officers, with their wives, that is to say, Sir Tho. Cardine, sir Phillip Hobby, with both their Ladies. M. Edmund Harman, M. Thomas Weldone, with Snowball and his wife. All these they had indicted by the force of the 6. Articles, as aiders, helpers, and maintainers of Anthony Person. And beside them, they had indicted of heresy (some for one thing, and some for another) a great number moe of the Kings true and faithful subjects. Whereof the kings Majesty being certified, his grace of his special goodness (without the suit of any man) gave to the foresaid Gentlemen of his privy Chamber, and other his servants with their wives, his gracious pardō. And as God would have the matter further known unto his majesty, as he road one day a huntinge in Gilforde Park, and saw the Sheriff with syr Humfrey Foster sitting on their horse backs together, he called them unto him, & asked of them, how his laws was executed at Windsore: Then they beseching his grace of pardon, told him plainly that in all their lives they never sat on matter under his graces authority, that went so much against their consciences, as the death of these men did, and up and told his grace so pitiful a tale of the casting away of these poor men, that the King turning his horsehead to depart from them, said: Alas poor Innocents.

After this, the king withdrew his favor from the B. of Winchester, & being more and more informed of the conspiracy of doctor London and Symons, he commanded certain of his counsel, to search out the ground thereof.

Whereupon Doctor London and Symons were apprehended and brought before the Counsail, and examined upon their oath of allegeaunce. And for denying their mischievous and traitorous purpose, which was manifestly proved to their faces, they were both perjured, and in fine, adjudged as perjured persons, to wear papers in Wyndsore, and Ockam to stand upon thē pillerie in the town of Newbery where he was borne▪

The judgment of all these 3. was to ride about Windsore, Reading and Newbery, with papers on their heads, and their faces turned to the horse tales, & so to stand upon the Pillerye in every of these Towns, for false accusation of the forenamed Martyrs, and for perjury.

And thus much touching the persecution of these good Saints of Windsore, according to the copy of their own acts, received and written by John Marbecke, who is yet alive, both a present witness, and also was then a partye of the said doings, and can testify the truth thereof.

Aunswere to the cavilling adversaries touching John Marbecke.

WHerefore against these crooked cauillers, which make so much ado against my former boke, because in a certain place I chanced to say that Bennette and Filmer had their pardon (when in deed it was Bennet and Marbecke) be it therefore known, protested, denounced, and notified, to all & singular such carpers, wranglers, exclamers, deprauers, with the whole brood of all such whisperers, railers, quarelpickers, corner creepers, fault finders & spidercatchers, or by what name else so ever they are to be titled that here I openly say, affirm, profess, hold, maintain & write the same as I said & wrote before in the latter castigations of my book: that is, that John Marbecke was with the other condemned, but not burned, cast by the law but by pardon saved, appointed with the rest to die, & yet not dead, but liveth (God be praised) & yet to this present day singeth merely, and playeth on the Organes, not as a dead man, amongst Foxes martyrs (as it hath pleased some in y e court to encounter against me) but as one witnessed & testified truly in the book of Foxes Martyrs to be a live. And therefore such manner of persons, if y e disposition of their nature be such; that they must needs find faults, then let them find them where they are, and where those faults by their finding may be corrected. But whereas they be corrected already, & found to their hands, & also amended before, let then these legend liars look on their own legends, and there cry out of lies, where they may find enough, and cease their bitinge there, where they have no just cause to bark.

And admit that I had not foresene and corrected this escape before, touching the matter of John Marbecke, but that the place still had remained in the boke, as it was, that is, that the said John Marbecke, which as yet alive, had then died & suffered w t the other 3. the same time at Wyndesore: yet what gentle or courteous reader, could have therein any just matter to triumph & insult against me, seeing the judicial acts, the records, & registers, yea & the bishops certificate, & also the write of execution remaining yet in Recorde, sent to the king, did lead me so to say and think? For what man writing histories, who cannot be in all places to se all things, but following his records & registers, where in he seeth the said Marbecke to be judged and condemned with the rest, would otherwise write or think, but that also he was executed and burned in the same company?

But now I correct and reform the same again, and first of all other, I find the fault, and yet am I found fault withal. I correct myself, and yet am I corrected of other. I warn the Reader of the truth, and yet am I a liar. The book it self showeth the escape, and biddeth in stead of 4. to read 3. burned, and yet is the book made a legēd of lies.

Briefly, where I prevent all occasion of cavilling to the uttermost of my diligence, yet cannot I have that law, which all other books have, that is, to recognise & reform mine own errata.

Wherefore to conclude, these men, whosoever they are if they will be satisfied, I have said enough: if they will not, whatsoever I cā say, it will not serve, and so I leave them: I would I could better satisfy them. God himself amend them.




Another cause of Testwoods trouble.

AS it chanced Testwood one day to walk in the church at after noon, & beheld the pilgrims (specially of Devonshire & Cornwall) how they came in by plumpes with candles & images of wax in their hands, to offer to good king Henry of Windsore (as they called him) it pitied his heart to see so great idolatry committed, & how vainly the people had spent their goods in coming so far to kiss a spur, & to have an old hat set upon their heds. In so much, that he could not refrain, but (seeing a certain company which had done their offering stand gasing about y e church) went unto them, & with all gentleness began to exhort them to leave such falls worshipping of dumb creatures, and to learn to worship the true living God aright, putting thē in remembrance what those things were which they worshipped, & how God many times had plagued his people for running a whoring to such stocks & stones, & so would plage them and their posterity if they would not leave it.

After this sort he admonished them so long, till at the last, his words (as God would) took such place in some of them, that they said, they would never go a pilgrimage more. Then he went further, & found another sort licking & kissing a white Lady made of Alabaster, which Image was mortrest in a wall behind the hie altar, and bordred about with a pretty border, which was made like branches with hanging apples & flowers. And when he saw them so superstitiously use the Image (as to wipe their hands upon it, & then to stroke them over their hands & faces, as though there had ben great virtue in touching y e picture) he up with his hand in the which he had a key, and smote a piece of the border about the image, down, and with the glance of the stroke chanced to break of the images nose. Lo, good people, quoth he, ye see what it is, nothing but earth & dust, and cannot help it self, & how will you then have it to help you? For God's sake brethren, be no more deceived: and so he gate him home to his house, for the rumor was so great, that many came to see the Image, how it was defaced. And among all other came one Williā Symons (a Lawyer) who seeing the image so berayed, and to lack her nose, took the matter grievously, & looking down upon the pavement, he spied the images nose where it lay, which he took up and put in his purse, saying, it should be a dear nose to Testwood one day.

Now were many offended with Testwood, the canons for speaking against their profit, the wax sellers for hyndring their market, & Symons for the Images nose. And more then that, there were of the canons men that threatened to kill him. Whereupon Testwood kept his house, and durst not come forth, minding to have sent the whole matter in writing by his wife, to M. Cromwell the kings secretary who was his special friend. The Canons hearing that Testwood would send to Cromwell, they send y e Uerger unto him, to will him to come to the church: who sent them word again, that he was in fear of his life, & therefore would not come. Then sent they two of y e eldest Peticanons to entreat him, & to assure him that no man should do him harm. He made them a plain answer, that he had no such trust to their promises, but would complain to his friends. Then wist they not what shift to make (for of all men they feared Cromwell) but sent in post hast for old M. Ward, a justice of peace dwelling 3. or 4. miles of, who being come & hearing the matter, was very loath to meddle in it. But notwithstanding, through their entreaty he went to Testwood & had much ado to persuade him, but at the last, he did so faithfully promise him by the oth he had made to God & the king, to defend him from all dangers and harms, that Testwood was content to go with him.

And when M. Ward and Testwood were come into the Church, and were going toward the Chapter house, where the Canons abode their coming, one of the Canons men drew his dagger at Testwood, and would have been upon him, but M. Ward with his men resisted, and gat Testwood into the Chapter house, causing the serving men to be called in, and sharply rebuked of their masters, who straitly commanded them upon pain of loosing their service, & further displeasure, not to touch him nor to give him an evil word. Now Testwood being alone, in the Chapter house with the Canons and M. Ward was gently entreated, & the matter so pacified, that Testwood might quietly come and go to the Church, and do his duty as he had done before.




An other cause of Testwoods trouble.

VPon a Relique Sunday (as they named it) when every Minister after their old custom should have borne a relique in his hand about a procession, one was brought to Testwood. Which relique (as they said) was a Ratchet of bishop Beckets. And as the Sexten would have put the Ratchet in Testwoods hands, he pushed it from him, saying, if he did give it to him, he would wipe his tail withal, & so the Ratchet was given to another. Then came the Uerger down from the hie altar with S. Georges dagger in his hand, demāding who lacked a relique. Mary (quoth Testwood give it to M. Hake (who stood next him) for he is a pretty man of his hands, & so the dagger was givē unto him. Now Testwood perceiving the dagger in master Hakes hand, and being merrily disposed (as he was a merry conceited man) stepped forth out of his place to D. Clifton standing directly before him in the midst of the quire, with a glorious golden Cope upon his back, having the Pixe in his hand, and said: Sir, M. Hake hath Saint Georges dagger. Now if he had his horse, and S. Martins cloke, and master John Shornes bootes, with king Henries spurs, and his hat, he might ride when he would, and so stepped into his place again. Whereat the other changed color, and wist not what to say.




Another cause of Testwoods trouble.

IN the days of M. Franklen, who succeeded D. Sampson in the Deanry of Windsore, there was on a time set up at the Choir door, a certain foolish printed paper in Meter, all to the praise and commendation of our Lady, ascribing unto her our justification, our salvation, our redemption, the forgiveness of sins, &c. to the great derogation of Christ. Which paper, one of the Canons called M. Magnus (as it was reported) caused to be set up in despite of Testwood and his sect. When Testwood saw this paper, he plucked it down secretly. The next day after was another set up in the same place. Then Testwood coming into the Church, and seeing another paper set up, and also the Dean coming a little way of, made haste to be in at the Choir door, while the Dean stayed to take holy water, and reaching up his hand as he went, plucked away y t paper with him. The Dean being come to his stall, called Testwood unto him, and said, that he marvelled greatly how he durst be so bold to take down the paper in his presence? Testwood answered again, that he marvelled much more, that his maistership would suffer such a blasphemous paper to be set up, beseeching him not to be offended with that he had done, for he would stand unto it. So M. Dean being a timorous man, made no more ado with him. After this were no mo papers set up, but poor Testwood was eaten and drunken among them at every meal, and an heretic he was, and would roast a fagot for this gear one day.

Now master Magnus being sore offended with Testwood for pluckyng down his papers, to be revenged on him, devised with the Dean and the rest of the Canons, to send their letters to D. Chamber, one of their brethren, and the Kings Physician, who lay (for the most part) at the Court, to see what he would do against Testwood. Which letters being made, were sent with speed. But whatsoever the cause was, whether he durst not meddle for fear of Cromwell, or what else I cannot tell, their suite came to none effect. Then wyst they not what to do, but determined to let the matter sleep, till S. Georges feast, which was not far of.

Now in the mean time there chanced a pretty story, between one Robert Phillips Gentleman of the Kings Chapel, and Testwood. Which story, though it was but a merry pranke of a singing man, yet it grieved his adversary wonderfully. The matter was this. Robert Phillips was so notable a singing man (wherein he gloried) that wheresoever he came, the best and longest song, with most counteruerses in it, should be set up at his coming. And so his chance being now to be at Windsore, against his coming to the Anthem, a long song was set up, called Lauda viui. In which song there was one counteruerse toward the end, that began on this wise, O redemptrix & saluatrix. Which verse of all other, Robert Phillips would sing, because he knew that Testwood could not abide that dittie. Now Testwood knowing his mind well enough, joined with him at the other part: and when he heard Robert Phillips begin to fetch his flourish with O redemptrix & saluatrix: repeating the same one in another's neck. Testwood was as quick on the other side to answer him again with Non redemptrix, nec saluatrix, and so striuyng there with O and Non, who should have the maistrie, they made an ende of the verse. Whereat was good laughyng in sleeves of some, but Robert Phillips with other of Testwoods enemies were sore offended.

Within 14. days after this, the Lord's of the Garter (as their custom is yearly to do) came to Wyndsore to keep S. Georges feast: at which feast the Duke of Norfolk was President: unto whom the Dean and canons made a grievous complaint on Testwood. Who being called before the Duke, he shook him up and all to reviled him, as though he would have sent him to hanging by & by. Yet nevertheless Testwood so behaved himself to the Duke, that in the ende he let him go without any further molestyng of him, to the great discomfort of the Dean and Canons.

Here have ye heard the causes which moved Testwoods enemies to seek his destruction, and could not attain their purpose, till that wicked Aman D. London came, as shall be shown in the process following.




The original of Henry Filmers trouble.

ABout the year of our Lord, 1541. after all the orders of superstitious and begging Friers were suppressed and put down, there chanced one Sir Thomas Melster, which had been a Frier before, and changed his Friers coat (but not his Friers heart) to be Vicar of Wyndsore. This priest on a time made a Sermon to his Parishioners, in the which he declared so many fond and Frierish tales, as that our Lady should hold out her breasts to S. Bernard, and spout her milk into his eyes, with such like festival tales, that many honest men were offended therewith, and specially this Henry Filmer then one of the Church wardens: who was so zealous to gods word, that he could not abide to hear the glory of Christ so defaced with superstitious fables. Whereupon he took an honest man or two with him, and went to the priest, with whom he talked so honestly and so charitably, that in the ende the Priest gave him hearty thanks, and was content at his gentle admonition, to reform himself without anymore ado, and so departed friendly the one from the other.

Now was there one in the town, called W. Symons a Lawyer (as is aforesaid) who hearing that Filmer had been with the Priest, and reproved him for his Sermon, took pepper in the nose, and gat him to the Uicar, and did so animate him in his doings, that he slipped quite away from the promise he had made to Filmer, and followed the mind of Symons: who meeting with Filmer afterward all to reviled him, saying he would bring him before the bishop, to teach him to be so malapert. Then Filmer hearing the matter renewed, which he had thought had been suppressed, stood against Symons, and said, that the Uicar had preached false and unsound doctrine, and so would he say to the Bishop whensoever he came before him. Then Symons slipped not the matter, but went to the Mayor, and procured of him and his brethren a letter, signed with their own hands in the priests favor, as much as could be devised, and so prepared himself with other his friends to go to the bishop (whose name was D. Capon) and to take the priest with them: which was a painful journey for the seely poor man, by reason he had a sore leg.

Now Filmer hearing how Simon's went about to put him to a foil, consulted with his friends what was best to do: who concluded to draw out certain notes of the vicars Sermon, and to prepare themselves to be at Salisbury as soon as Symons or before him, if it might be possible. Thus both the parties being in a readiness, it chanced thē to set forth of Windsore all in one day. But by reason the Priest (being an impotent man) could not endure to ride very fast, Filmer and his company gate to the town an hour and more before Symons, and went to the Bishop and delivered up their Bill unto him. Which Byll when the bishop had seen and perused well, he gave them great thanks for their pains, saying it did behooue him to look upon it, for the Priest had preached heresy, and should be punished.

Then Filmer declared unto the Bishop, the form of his talk he had with the Priest, and the ende thereof: and how the matter being renewed again by Symons, forced him and his company to trouble his Lordship therewith. Well, said the bishop, ye have done like honest men. Come to me soon again, and ye shall know more, and so they departed from the Bishop to their Inn. And while they were there reposing themselves, Symons with his company came to the town, and (not knowing the other to be come) gate them up to the bishop in all post haste, taking the priest with them.

The bishop hearing of mo Windsore men, demanded what they were, & being informed how it was the vicar of the town with other moe, he caused y e vicar to be brought in. To whom he said: Are you the vicar of Windsore? Yea forsooth my Lord, quoth he. How chanceth it quoth y e B. that you are complained on? for here hath been with me certain honest men of your town, which have delivered up a bill of erroneous doctrine against you. If it be so, I must needs punish you, & opening the bill he red it unto him. How say you quoth the B. is this true or no? The vicar could not deny it, but humbly submitted himself to the bishops correction. Then was his company called in, and when the B. saw Symons, he knew him well, and said: Wherefore come you M. Symons? Pleaseth it your Lordship (quoth he) we are come to speak in our vicars cause, which is a man of good conversation & honesty, and doth his duty so well in every point, that no man can find fault with him, except a lewd fellow we have in our town called Filmer, which is so corrupt with heresy, that he is able to poison a whole country: and truly my Lord (quoth Symons) there is no man y t can preach or teach any thing that is good and godly, but he is ready to control it, and to say it is stark naught. Wherefore we shall beseech your lordship he may be punished, to the ensample of other, that our vicar may do his duty quietly, as he hath done before this busy fellow troubled him. And that your Lordship shall the better credit my saiengs, I have brought with me these honest men of the town, and beside all that, a testimonial from the Mayor and his brethren to confirm the same, & so he held out the writing in his hand.

Then said the B. So God help me M. Symons ye are greatly to blame, and most worthy to be punished of all men, that will so impudently go about to maintain your priest in his error, which hath preached heresy, & hath confessed it: wherefor I may not nor will not see it unpunished. And as for that honest mā Filmer on whō ye have complained, I tell you plainly he hath in this point shown himself a great deal more honester man thē you. But in hope you will no more bear out your vicar in his evil doings, I will remit all things at this time: saving that he shall the next Sunday recant his sermon openly before all his parishioners in Windsore Church: