Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
After dinner they returned, exhorting him as before, but in vain. They prayed him, that at the least he would submit his writing to the judgment of the next general Council. Luther agreed thereunto, but with this conditiō, that they themselves should present the Articles collected out of his books to be submitted to the Council in such sort, as notwithstanding the sentence awarded by the council, should be authorised by the Scripture, and confirmed with the testimonies of the same.
They then leaving Luther, departed, and reported to the Archbishop of Triers, that he had promised to submit his writings in certain articles to the next Council, & in the mean space he would keep silence, which Luther never thought: who neither with admonitions, ne yet manaces could be induced to deny or submit his books to the judgments of men (he had so fortified his cause with clear and manifest authorityes of the Scripture) unless they could prove by sacred scripture, and apparent reasons to the contrary.
It chanced then by the special grace of God, that the Archbishop of Triers sent for Luther, thinking presently to hear him. And when he perceived otherwise then Peutinger, and the Doctor of Bade had told him, he said, that he would for no good, but that he had heard himself speak: for else he was even now going to the Emperor, to declare what the Doctors had reported.
Then the Archbishop entreated Luther, and conferred with him very gently, first removing such as were present, as well of the one side as of the other. In this conference Luther concealed nothing from the Archbishop, affirming that it was dangerous to submit a matter of so great importance to them, who after they had called him under safeconduct, attempting him with new commandments, had condemned his opinion, and approved the Popes Bull.
Moreover, the Archbishop bidding a friend of his draw nigh required Luther to declare what remedy might be ministered to help this. Luther answered: there was no better remedy then such as Gamaliel alleged in the fyfte chapter of the Apostles, as witnesseth S. Luke, saying: If this Council or this work proceed of men, it shall come to naught, but if it be of God, ye cannot destroy it. And so he desired that the Emperor might be advertised to write the same to the Pope, that he knew certaynely if this his enterprise proceeded not of God, it would be abolished within three, yea within two years.
The Archbishop inquired of him what he would do, if certain articles were taken out of his books, to be submitted to the general council. Luther answered, so that they be not those, which the counsel of Constance condemned. The Archbyshoppe said, I fear they will be the very same: but what then? Luther replied, I will not, nor I cannot hold my peace of such, for I am sure by their decrees the word of God was condemned: therefore I will rather loose head and life, then abandon the manifest word of my Lord God.
Then the Archbishop seeing Luther would in no wise give over the word of God, to the judgment of men, gently bade Luther farewell, who at that instaunt prayed the Archbishop to entreat the Emperors majesty to grant him gracious leave to depart. He answered, he would take order for him, and speedily advertise him of the Emperors pleasure.
Within a small while after, John Eckius the Archbishops official, in the presence of the Emperors Secretary, who had been Maximilians Chancellor, said unto Luther in his lodging, by the commandment of the Emperor: that since he had been admonished diversely of the Imperial majesty, the Electors, Princes and estates of the Empire, and that notwithstanding he would not return to unity and concord, there remained that the Emperor as advocate of the Catholic faith should proceed further: and that it was the Emperors ordinance that he should within 21. days, return boldly under safe conduct, and be safely guarded to the place whence he came, so that in the mean while he stirred no commotion among the people in his journey, either in conference, or by preaching·
Luther hearing this, answered very modestly, & christianly: even as it hath pleased God, so is it come to pass, the name of the Lord be blessed. He said further, he thanked most humbly the Emperors majesty, and all the Princes and estates of the Empire, that they had given to him benign and gracious audience, and granted safe conduct to come and return. Finally he said, he desired none other of them, then a reformation, according to the sacred word of God, and consonancy of holy Scriptures, which effectually in his heart he desired: Otherwise he was pressed to suffer all chaūces for the Imperial majesty, as life and death, goods, fame, and reproach, reserving nothing to himself, but the only word of God, which he would constantly confess, to the latter end, humbly recommending him to the Emperors majesty, and to all the Princes and other estates of the sacred Empire.
The morrow after, which was the 26. day of April, after he had taken his leave of such as supported him, and other his beneuolent friends, that often times visited him, and had broken his fast, at ten of the clock he departed from Wormes, accompanied with such as repaired thither with him, having space of time limited unto him, (as is said) for 21. days, and no more. The Emperors Heralde Casper Sturine, followed and overtook him at Oppenhime, being commanded by the Emperor to conduct him safely home.
The usual prayer of Martin Luther.
COnfirme (O God) in us that thou hast wrought, and perfect the work that thou hast begun in us, to thy glory. So be it. Ex histor. Phil. Melancth. Ex Sledano. Ex Parali. Abb. Vrsperge. & ex Casp. Peucero.
MArtin Luther thus being dismissed of the Emperor, according to the promise of his safeconduct made (as you have heard) departed from Wormes toward his country the 26: of April, acompanied with the Emperors Heraulde, and the rest of his company, having only xxi. days to him granted for his return, and no more. In the which mean space of his return, he writeth to the Emperor, and to other nobles of the Empire repeating briefly to them the whole action and order of things there done, desiring of them, their lawful good will and favor, which as he hath always stand need of, so now he moste earnestly craveth, especially in this, that his cause which is not his but the cause of the whole church universal, may be heard with indifferency and equitye, and may be decised by the rule and authority of holy Scripture: signifying moreover, that when so ever they shall please to send for him, he shall be ready at their commandment, at any time or place, upon their promise of safety, to appear. &c.
During the time of these doings, the Doctors and Schoolmen of Paris, were not behind with their partes, but to show their cunning, condemned the books of Luther, extracting out of the same, especially out of his book De Captiuitate Babilonica, certain Articles as touching the Sacraments, laws and decrees of the Church equalitye of works, vows, contrition, absolution, satisfaction, Purgatory, free will, privileges of holy Church, coūcelles, punishment of heretics, Philosophye, Schole divinity, with other more. Unto whom Philip Melanchthon maketh answer, and also Luther himself, albeit pleasantly and iestingly.
It was not long after this, but Charles the new Emperor, to purchase favor with the Pope (because he was not yet confirmed in his Empire) provideth and directeth out a solemn writ of outlawry against Luther, & all them that take his part, commanding the said Luther, where so ever he might be gotten, to be apprehended, and his books burned. By which decree proclaimed against Luther, the Emperor procured no small thank with the Pope: in so much that the Pope ceasing to take part with the French king, joined himself whollye to the Emperor. In the mean time Duke Fridericke, to give some place for the time to the Emperors Proclamation, conveyed Luther a little out of sight secretly, by the help of certain noble men, whom he well know to be faithful and trusty unto him in that behalf. There Luther being close and out of company, wrote diverse Epistles, and certain books also unto his friends among which he dedicated one to his company of Augustine Friars, entitled, De abroganda Missa, Which Friers the same time being encouraged by him, began first to lay down their private Masses. Duke Fridericke fearing least that would breed some great stir or tumult, caused the censure and judgments of the whole Uniuersity of Wittenburg, to be asked in the matter, committing the doing thereof to four, Iustus, Jonah, Philip Melancthō. Nic. Ambsdorssius, John. Dulcius.
The minds of the whole Uniuersity being searched it was shown to the Duke, that he should do well and Godly, by the whole advise of the learned there, to command the use of Mass to be abrogate through his dominion: and though it could not be done without tumult, yet that was no let, why the course of true doctrine should be stayed, for the multitude, which commonly overcometh the better part. Neither ought such disturbance to be imputed to the doctrine taught, but to the adversaries, which willingly and wickedly kick against the truth: whereof Christ also giveth us forewarning before. For fear of such tumults therefore we ought not to surcease frō that which we know is to be done, but constantly must go forward in defense of God's truth, how so ever the world doth esteem us, or rage against it. Thus shown they their judgment to Duke Fridericke.
It happened moreover about the same year and time, that king Henry also pretending an occasion to impugn the book De Captiuitate Babylonica, wrote against Luther. In which book:
1. He reproveth Luther's opinion about the Popes pardons.
2. He defendeth the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.
3. He laboreth to refell all his doctrine of the Sacraments of the Church.
This book, albeit it carried the kings name in the title, yet it was another that ministered the motion, another that framed the style. But who so ever had the labor of this book, the king had the thank, and also the reward. For consequently upon the same, the bishop of Rome gave to the said king Henry for the style against Luther, y e style and title of Defender of the Christian faith, and to his successors forever.
Shortly after this, within the compass of the same yere, Pope Leo after he had warred against the French men, and had gotten from them, through the Emperors aid, the Cities of Parma, Placentia, and Millen. &c. he sitting at supper, & rejoicing at three great gifts that God had bestowed vpō him. 1. That he being banished out of his country, was restored to Florence again with glory. 2. That he had deserved to be called Apostolic. 3. That he had drivē the Frenchmen out of Italy: after he had spokē these words, he was stricken with a sudden fever, and died shortly after, being of the age of 47. years: albeit some suspect that he died of poison. Successor to whom was Pope Adrian the vi. scholemayster sometime to Charles the Emperor: who lived not much above one year and a half, in his Papacy. During whose small time, these three especial things were incident: A great pestilence in Rome, wherein above an hundredth thousand people were consumed. The loss of Rhodes by the Turk. And thyrdly the capital war, which the said Pope Adrian, with the emperor, and the Uenetians, and the king of England, did hold against Francis the French king.
This pope Adrian was a Germane borne, brought up at Leuven, and as in learning he exceded the common sort of Popes: so in moderatiō of life and manners he seemed not all together so intēperate as some other Popes have been, and yet like a right Pope, nothing degenerating from his Sea, he was a mortal enemy against Martin Luther and his partakers. In his time, shortly after the Council of Wormes was broken up, another meeting or assemble was appointed by the Emperor at Norenberge of y e princes, nobles and states of Germany. an. 1522.
Unto this assemble the said Adrian sent his letters in manner of a brief, with an instruction also unto his Legate Cheregatus, to inform him how to procceede, and what causes to allege against Luther, before the Princes there assembled. His letter with the instruction sent, because they are so hypocritically shadowed over with a fair show and color of painted zeal and Religion, and beareth resemblance of great truth and care of the Church, able to deceive the outward ears of them, which are not inwardly in true Religion instructed: I thought therefore to give to the Reader a sight thereof to the intent that by the experience of them, he may learn hereafter in cases like, to be prudent & circumspect in not believing over rashly the smoth talk, or pretensed persuasions of men, especially in Church matters, unless they carry with them the simplicity of plain truth, going not upon terms, but grounded upon y e word and revealed will of God, with particular demonstrations, proving that by the Scripture, which they pretend to persuade. First the letter of this Pope conceived & directed against Luther, proceedeth in this effect.
*Adrian Pope vi. to the renowned Princes of Germany, and to the Piers of the Roman Empire, greeting, and Apostolic benediction.
RIght honorable brethren, and dear children, greeting and Apostolic benediction. After that we were first promoted (through God's divine providence) to the office of the see Apostolic, he which hath so advanced us, is our witness, how we both day and night reuoluing in our minds, did cogitate nothing more, then how to satisfy the partes of a good Pastor, in attending the health and cure of the flock, both universally & singularlye committed unto us: so that there is no one particular sheep through the whole universal flock, so infected, so sick, or so far gone astray, whom our desire is not to recover, to seek out, and to reduce into the Lord's fold again. And chiefly, from the first beginning of our pastoral function, our care hath always been, as well by our messengers, as our daily letters, howe to reclayme the minds of Christian Princes from the intestine wars and dissensions among themselves, to peace and concord, or at least, if they would needs fight, that they would convert their strength and armor against the cōmō enemies of our faith. And to declare this not only in word, but rather in deed, God doth know with what charges and expenses we have burdened our selves, to extend our subsidy and relief, to the soldiers of Rhodes for defense of themselves and of the Christian faith, against the Turkish tyranny, by whom they were besieged.
And now to bend our care from these forreyne matters, and to consider our inward troubles at home, we hear, to the great grief of our heart, that M. Luther a new rayser up of old and damnable heresies: first after the fatherly aduertisemētes of the See Apostolic, then after the sentence also of condemnation awarded against him, and that by the assent and consent of the best learned, and of sundy Vniuersityes also: and lastly after the Imperial decree of our well beloved son Charles, elect Emperor of the Romans, and Catholic king of Spain, being diuulged through the whole nation of Germany, yet hath neither been by order restrained, nor of himself hath refrayned from his madness begun, but daily more and more forgetting and contemning all Christian Charity and Godliness, ceaseth not to disturb and replenish the world with new books, fraught full of errors, heresies, contumelyes, and sedition (whether upon his own head, or by the help of other) and to infect the country of Germany, and other Regions about, with this pestilence, and endevoreth still to corrupt simple souls, and manners of men, with the poison of his pestiferous tongue: and (which is worst of all) hath for his fautours and supporters, not of the vulgare sort only, but also diverse personages of the Nobility: in so much that they have begun also to invade the goods of priests (which perhaps is the chief ground of this stir begun) contrary to their obedience which they owe to ecclesiastical and temporal persons, and now also at last have grown unto civil war and dissention among themselves, which thing how vnfortunately it falleth out now, at this present season, especially amongst us Christians, you may soon repute with yourselves and consider. For although the Apostle hath told us before, that heresies must needs be, that they which be tried, may be made manifest. &c. yet was there never time, either so inconvenient to raise up heresies, or so necessary for the repressing thereof, when any such are raised, as now. For whereas the Devil, the perpetual enemy of mankind, roaring in the shape of a Lyon, by the power of the Turks, doth continually invade the flock of Christ, how can we then resist the violent inuations of him, oppressing us without, so long as we nourish at home the same Devil, under the color of a wily Dragon, sowing such heresies, discordes, and seditions among our selves: And albeit it were in our power easily to vanquish these foreign adversaries, yet were that but labor lost, serving to no profit, to subdue our enemies without, and at home with heresies and schisms to be divided.
We remember, before the time of our Papacy, when we were in Spain, many things we heard then of Luther, and of his perverse doctrine. Which rumors and tidings, although of thē selves they were grievous to be heard, yet more gireuous they were for this, because they proceeded out of that country, where we our self, after the flesh, took our first beginning: but yet this comfort we had, supposing that either for the iniquity, or else for the foolishness thereof being so manifest, this doctrine would not long hold: reputing thus with our self, that such pestiferous plants translated from other countries into Germany, would never grow up to any proof in that ground, which was ever wont to be a weeder out of all heresies and infidelity. But now, since this evil tree (whether by God's judgment correcting the sins of the people, or by the negligence of such as first should have resisted such beginninges) hath so enlarged and spread his branches so far: you therefore, both Princes, and people of Germany, must this consider and provide, lease you, which at the first springing up of this evil, might peradventure be excused as no doers thereof, now through this your overmuch sufferance, might be found inexcusable, and seem to consent to that which you do not resist.
Here we omit and pass over, what enormity, and more the enormity, that is, that such a great, and so devout a nation, should by one fryer (who relinquishing the Catholic faith and Christian religion, which he before professed playeth the Apostate, & hath lied to God) be now seduced from that way, which first Christ our redeemer & his blessed apostles have opened unto us, which so many Martyrs, so many holy Fathers, so many great learned men, & also your own foreelders and old auncitours have always hitherto walked in, as though only Luther had all wit and cunning, as though he only now first had received the holy ghost (as the heretic Montanus used to boast of himself) or as though the Church (frō which Christ our savior promised himself never to depart) hath erred hitherto always in dark shadows of ignorance and perdition, till now it should be illuminate with new r • splendent beams of Luther. Al which things, there is no doubt, but to such as have judgment, will seem ridiculous, but yet may be pernicious to simple and ignorant minds: and to the other which being weary of all good order, do gape still for new changes, may breed matter and occasion of such mischiefs, as partly yourselves have experienced already. And therefore do you not consider (O princes and people of Germany) that these be but prefaces & preambles to those evils and mischiefs, which Luther with the sect of his Lutherianes, do intend & purpose here after? Do you not see plainly & perceive with your eyes, that this defending of the verity of the Gospel first begun by the Lutherians to be pretended, is now manifest to be but an inuentiō to spoil your goods which they have long intended? Or do you think that these sons of iniquity do tend to any other thing, then under the name of liberty, to supplant obedience, and so to open a general license to every man, to do what him listeth? And suppose you, that they will anything regard your commaūdementes, or esteem your laws, which so contemptuously vilipend the holy Canons, and decrees of the fathers, yea and the most holy Councils also (to whose authority the Emperors laws have always given room and place) & not only vilipēd them, but also with a diabolical audacitye have not feared to rent them in pieces, and set them on a light fire? They which refuse to render due obedience to priests, to bishops, yea to the high bishop of all, & which daily before your own faces make their bootyes of Church goods, and of things consecrated to God: think ye that they will refrain their sacrilegious hands frō the spoil of lay men's goods? yea that they will not pluck from you whatsoever they can rap or reaue? Finally to conclude, how can you hope that they will more spare you, or hold their murthering hands from your throats, which have been so bold to vex, to kill, to slay the Lord's annointed, which are not to be toucbed? Nay think you not contrary, but this miserable calamity will at length redound upon you, your goods, your houses, wives, children, dominio • s, possessions, & these your temples, which you hallow & reverence, except you provide some speedy remedy against the same.
Wherefore we exhort your fraternities, nobilities, & devotions of all and singular in the Lord, and beseech you for Christian charity & religion (for which religion your forefathers oft times have given their blood, to uphold and increase the same) and notwithstanding require you also in virtue of that obedience, which all Christians owe to God & blessed S, Peter, and to his Vicar here in earth, that setting aside all other quarrels and dissensions among our selves, you confer your helping hands every man to quench this public fire, and endeavor and study the best way ye can, howe to reduce the said M. Luther and all other fautours of these tumults and errors, to better conformitye and trade both of life and faith. And if they which be infected, shall refuse to hear your admonitions, yet proved that the other part, which yet remaineth sound, by the same contagion be not corrupted. He to whom all secretes of men are open, doth know how we both for our nature, and also for our pastoral office, whereto we are called, are much more prone to remit, then to revenge. But when this pestiferous canker cannot with supple and gentle medecines be cured, more sharper salves must be proved, and fiery searinges: the putrefied members must be cut of from the body, least the sound partes also be infected. So God did cast down into hell the schismatical brethren Dathan and Abiron. And him that would not obey the authority of the priest, God commanded to be punished with death. So Peter prince of the Apostles, denounced sodeine death to Ananias, and Sapphira, which lied unto God. So the old and godly Emperors commanded Iouinianus and Priscillianus, as heretics, to be beheaded. So S▪ Jerome wisheth Vigilantius as an heretic, to be given to the destructiō of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord. So also did our predecessors in the Council of Constance condemn to death John Hus & his fellow Jerome, which now appeareth to revive again in Luther. The worthy acts and examples of which forefathers, if you in this doings (seeing otherwise ye cannot) shall imitate: we do not doubt, but God's merciful clemency shall eftsoons releue his Church, which being now sore vexed of infidels, hath her eyes chiefly and principally directed vpō you, as being the most puisaunt and most populous nation that we have in Christendom.
Wherefore upon the blessing of almighty God and of blessed S. Peter, which here we send unto you, take courage unto you, as well against the false Dragon, as the strong Lion, that both these: that is, as well the inward heresies, as the foreign enemies by you being overcome, you may purchase to your honors an immortal victory, both here and in the world to come. This we give you to understand, that whatsoever the Lord hath given us to aid you withal, either in money or authority, we will not fail to support you herein, yea and to bestow our life also in this holy quarrel, and for the health of our sheep to us committed. Other things as touching the matter of Luther, we have committed to this Cheregatus our Legate, whom we have directed purposelye for the same, unto your assemble, whom we wish you to Credite, as being our trusty Legate.
Datum Rom. apud S. Petrum sub anulo piscatoris die .25. Nouemb. ann. 1522.
pontificatus nostri anno primo.By this letter above prefixed, thou hast (gentle reader) to note and understand, what either wily persuasions, or strength of authority could devise against Luther, here not to have lacked. If plausible terms or glosyng sentences, or outward facyng and bracyng could have served, where no ground of scripture is brought, this might seem apparently a pithy Epistle. But if a man should require the particulars or y e specialties of this doctrine which he here reprehendeth, to be examined and tried by God's word, there is no substance in it, but only words of office, which may seem well to serve for waste paper. And yet I thought to exhibit the said letter unto thee, to the intent, that the more thou seest man's strength with all his policy bent against Luther, the more thou mayst consider the almighty power of God, in defending the cause of this poor man, against so mighty enemies.
Now hear further what instructions the said Pope Adrian sent to his Legate Cheregatus, how and by what reasons to move and inflame the princes of Germany to the destruction of Luther, and his cause, and yet was not able to bring it to pass.
Instructions given by Pope Adrian to Cheregatus his Legate, touching his proceedings in the diete of Norenberg, how and by what persuasions to incense the Princes against Luther.
IN primis, you shall declare to them the great grief of our heart for the prospering of Luther's sect, to see the innumerable souls redeemed with Christ's blood, and committed to our pastoral government, to be turned away from the true faith and religion, into perdition by this occasion: & that especially in the nation of Germany, being our native country, which hath been ever heretofore, til these few years past, most faithful and devour in religion: & therefore our desire to be the greater, that this pestilence should be stopped by time, least the same happen to that country of Germany, which happened of late to Bohemia. And as for our part, there shall be no lack to help forward what we may: As likewise we desire them, to • ndeuoure them selves to the uttermost of their power, whom these causes ought to move, which here we direct unto you, to be declared unto them.
First the honor of God, which before all other things ought to be preferred: whose honor by these heresies is greatly defaced and his worship not only diminished, but rather whollye corrupted. Also the charity toward our neighbor, by which charity every man is bound to reduce his neighbor out of error: otherwise God will require at their hands all such as by their negligence do perish.
The second cause to move them against Luther, is the infamy of their nation, which being counted before time always most Christian, now by these sectaries of Luther, is evil spoken of in all other quartes.
The third cause is the respect of their own honor, which notoriously will be disteined, if they which most excel in nobility and authority among the Germans, shall not bend all their power to expel these heresies: First for that they shall appear to degenerate from their progenitors, who being present at the condemnatiō of John Hus, & of other heretics, are said some of thē with their own hands to have led John Hus to the fire: Secondly, for that they or the greater part of thē approving with their authority the emperiall edict set forth of late in cōdemnatiō of M. Luther, now except they shall follow the execution of y e same, shall be noted inconstant, or may be thought to favor the same, seeing it is manifest that they may easily exterminate him, if they were disposed.
The fourth cause is the injury wrought by Luther to them their parents, and progenitors, for as much as their fathers, progenitors, and themselves also have always holden the same faith, which the catholic church of Rome hath appointed: contrary to which faith, Luther with his sectaryes now doeth hold, saying that many things are not to be believed, which their foresaid aunceters have holden to be of faith: it is manifest therefore that they be condemned of Luther for infidels and heretics, and so consequently by Luther's doctrine, all their foreelders & progenitors which have deceased in this our faith be in hell: for error in faith importeth damnation.
The fifth cause to move them is, that they should well advise & consider the end, whereunto all these Lutherians do tēd: which is, that under the shadow of Evangelical liberty, they may abolish all superiority and power▪ For although at the first beginning they pretended only to adnul and repress our power ecclesiastical, as being falsely & tyrannously usurped against the Gospel: yet for as much as liberty is all their foundation and pretence, by the which liberty the secular power and magistrates cannot bind men by any commandments (be they never so just, or so reasonable) to obey thē under pain of mortal sin: it is manifest that their scope is to enfeeble and infringe as much or more, the secular state also, although covertly they pretend to salve it: to the end, that when the secular Princes shall believe this their working not to be directed against them, but only against the usurped domination of the church and churchmē, then the laity (which commonly hath been always against men of the Church) holding with them, shall suffer the Churchmen to be devoured: Which done, no doubt, but they will afterward practice the like upon the secular Princes and potestates, which now they attempt against our ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
The sixte cause to move and persuade them against Luther is this, for them to consider the fruits which follow of that sect: as slanders, offenses, disturbance, robberyes, murders, seditions, dissensions, which this sect hath and daily doth stir up through whole Germany: Also blasphemies. slanderous words, scoffing iestes and bitter taunts which are ever in their mouths. Agaynst which, unless that they shall find a present remedy, it is to be feared, least the desolation of God's wrath will fall upon Germany, being so divided: or rather vpō the Princes of Germany, who having the sword given of God into their hands for the suppression of malefactors, suffer such enormities amongst their subjects. Cursed is he (saith the Prophet) which doth the work of the Lord negligently: and holdeth back his sword from the blood of wicked doers.
The seventh reason is, that the princes should consider how Luther useth the same way of seducing the people of Christ, as hath the venomous vyper Muhammad practiced in deceiving so many thousands of souls, in permitting to them the liberty of those things which flesh desireth, and afterward in exempting them from such things as be more sharp in the law, but that Luther a little more temperately handleth the matter, whereby he may deceive more effectually: For Muhammad giveth license to have many wives, and to divorce and mary other at their pleasure. This Luther, to draw unto him the favor of nunnes, monks, and priests, such as be lascivious in flesh, preacheth that vows of perpetual continencye be unlawful, much less to be obligatory: and therefore permitteth unto thē that they may mary, forgetting by the way what the Apostle writeth of young widows, saying: That when they wax wanton against Christ then will they marry, having condemnation, because they have made void their first faith.
These & other such like reasons, being opened & laid before thē, you shall thē in our name exhort y e foresaid princes, prelates, & people to awake, and employ their diligence how to gainestand: First the injury of these Lutherians toward God, & toward his holy religiō: Secondly their villainy toward the whole nation of the Germans & their princes, & especially the shameful contumely toward their fathers & elders, whō in effect they condemn to hell. In consideratiō whereof you shall cal vpō thē to remember thenselves, & to proceed effectually to the executiō of y e apostolical sentence, & of the Emperors edict, giving pardon to thē that will amend & acknowledge their fault: the other which obstinately persist in their error, punishing with the rod of district severity according to the decrees of the Canons and laws of the Church, that by their example, such as stand, may remain in faith, and they which are fallen may be reduced.
And if any shall object again, y e Luther was condemned by the apostolicke see before he was heard, & y t his cause ought first to have been heard & judged, before he was convinced: you shall answer, that those things which pertain to faith, are to be believed for their own authority, & not to be proved. Take away (saith Ambrose) arguments, where faith is sought, there the fishers, not the Philosophers must be trusted. Truth it is, & we grant no less, but the lawful defense & hearing ought not to be denied in such cases, where the question is of the fact, whether it were done or not, as whether he spake, preached, writ, or not? But where the matter is of God's law, or in cause of the sacraments, there must we always stand to the authority of holy fathers & of the Church. Now all things almost wherein Luther dissenteth from other, are reproved before by diverse Councils. Neither ought those things to be called into questiō, which have been defined before by general councils, & y e universal-Church, but ought to be received by faith: For else he doth injury to the Synod of the church, who so bringeth again into controversy things once rightly discussed & settled. Otherwise what certainty can there be amongst mē, or what end shall there be of contēding & disputing, if it shall be lawful for every lewd & presumptuous person, to decline from the things which have been received and ratified by the consent, not of one, nor of few, but of so many ages, so many wise heads, & of the Catholic church, which God never permitteth to err in matters unto faith appertaining? And how can it otherwise be chosen, but that all must be full of disturbance, offenses, and confusion, unless the things which have been once, yea many times by ripe judgment cōstituted, be observed of all mē as inviolable? Wherefore, seeing Luther and his fellows do condemn the Councils of holy fathers, do burn the holy canons, do confound all things at their pleasure, & do disquiet the whole world, what remaineth, but that they are to be rejected & exploded, as enemies and perturbers of public peace?
Further this you shall say unto them, y t we confess our selves, & deny not, but that God suffereth this persecutiō to be inflicted upon his church, for the sins of men, especially of priests and prelates of the clergy. For certain it is, that the hand of the Lord is not shortened, that he cannot save: but our sins have divided between God and us: and therefore he hideth his face from us, that he will not hear us. The scripture testifieth, that the sins of the people do issue out from the sins of the priests. And therefore saith Chrysostom,) Christ going about to cure the sick city of Hierusalē, first entered into the temple, to correct the sins of the priests, like a good phisitiō, which first beginneth to cure the disease from the very rote. We know that in this holy see there have been many abhominable things of long time wrought & practiced: as abuses in matters spiritual, and also excesses in life and manners, and all things turned clean contrary. And no marvel if the sickness first beginning at the head, that is, at the high Bishops, have descended afterward to inferior prelates. Al we (that is, prelates of the church) have declined everyone after his own way. Neither hath there ben one that hath don good, no not one. Wherefore need it is y t all we give glory to God, and that we humble our souls to him, considering everyone of us, from whence he hath fallen, and that everyone do judge himself, before he be judged of God in the rod of his fury. For the redress whereof you shall insinuate unto them, and promise in our behalf, that in us shall be lacking no diligence of a better reformation, first beginning w t our own court, that like as this contagion first from thence descended into all the inferior partes: so reformation & amendment of all that is amiss from the same place again, shall take his beginning. Wherunto they shall find us so much the more ready, for that we see y e whole world so desirous of the same. We our selves (as you know) never sought this dignity, but rather coveted, if we otherwise might, to lead a private life, and in a quiet state to serve God. And also would utterly have refused the same, had not the fear of God, and the manner of our election, and misdoubting of some schism to follow after, have urged us to take it. And thus took we the burden upon us, not for any ambition of dignity, or to enrich our friends, and kinsfolks, but only to be obedient to the will of God, and for reformation of the catholic church, and for relief of the pore, and especially for the advancement of learning & learned men, with such other things moe, as appertaineth to the charge of a good Bishop & lawful heir of S. Peter. And though all errors, corruptions, and abuses, be not straight ways amended by us, men ought not thereat to marvel. The sore is great and far grown, and is not single, but of manifold maladies together compacted, & therefore to the curing thereof we must proceed by little and little, first beginning to cure the greater and the most dangerous, least while we intend to amend all, we destroy all. All sudden mutations (saith Aristotle) in a common wealth, are perilous. And he that wringeth too hard, straineth out blood. Prov. 30
And whereas in your last letters you write, that the Princes complain, howe this See hath been and is prejudicial to their ordinances and agreements: hereunto you shall thus answer: That such excesses which have been done before our time, ought not to be imputed to us, who always have misliked these derogations, and therefore bid them so assure them selves, that though they had required no such matter, we of our own accord, would have refrained the same, partly for that it is good, right, & reason, that everyone have that which is due unto him: and partly also that the said noble natiō of Germany shall have by us no hindrance, but furtherance rather, so much as in us shall lie to do for them.
And as touching the processes, which they desire to have removed away a Rota, and to be referred down to the parties, you shall signify unto them that we will gratify them herein as much as honestly we may. But because our auditors are now presently absent from the city by reason of the Plague, we cannot be infourmed as yet, touching the quality of those processes. As soon as they shall return (which we hope will be shortly) we shall do in the Princes favor, what reasonably we may.
Further, whereas we understand, that there be many fresh flourishing wits in Germany, and many well learned men, which are not seen unto, but be rejected and unlooked to, while in the mean time, through the Apostolical provisions, dignities, and promotions are bestowed upon tapsters, and daunsers, and unfit persons: we will therefore that you inquire out what those learned men are, and what be their names, to the intent that when any such vacation of benefices in Germany do fall, we of our voluntary motiō, may provide for them accordingly. For why, we consider howe much it is against God's glory, and against the health and the edification of souls, that benefices and dignities of the church, have now so long time been bestowed upon unworthy and unable persons.
As touching the subsidy for the Hungarians, we send no other information to you, but that which we gave you at your departure, save only that we will you to extend your diligence therein, as we also will do the like, in soliciting the matter with the princes and cities of Italy, that everyone may help after his ability. Ex Orth. Gratio.
These popish suggestions and instructions of the Pope himself against Luther, I thought (Christian reader) to set before thine eyes, to the intent thou mayest see here (as in a pattern, and go no further) all the crimes, objections, exclamations, suspicions, accusations, slāders, offensions, contumelies, rebukes, untruths, cavillations, railings, whatsoever they have devised, or can devise, invent, articulate, denounce, infer, or surmise against Luth. and his teaching. They cry, heresy, heresy: but they prove no heresy. They cry, Councils, Councils: and yet none trāsgresseth Councils more then themselves. If Councils go always with Scripture, then Luther. goethe with them. If Councils do jar sometime from the Scripture, what heresy is in Luth. in standing with Scripture against those councils? And yet neither hath he hitherto spoken against any councils, save only the Council of Constance. They inflame kings and princes against Luth▪ and yet they have no just cause wherefore. They accuse him for teaching liberty. If they mean the liberty of flesh, they accuse him falsely: if they mean the liberty of spirit, they teach wickedly, which teach contrary: and yet when they have all said, none live so licentiously as themselves. They pretēde the zeal of the Church, but under that church lieth their own private welfare, and belly cheare. They charge Luth. with disobedience, and none are so disobedient to Magistrates and civil laws, as they. They lay to his charge, oppression and spoiling of lay men's goods: and who spoileth the lay mens livings, so much as the Pope? For probation whereof, let the Popes accounts be cast, what he raketh out of every Christian realm. Briefly, turn only the names of the persons, and in steed of Luther's name, place the name of the Pope, and the effect of this letter above prefixed, shall agree upon none more aptly, then upon the Pope him self, and his own sectaries. Now to proceed further in the process of this foresaid matter, let us see what the Princes again for their partes answer to these foresaid suggestions and instructions of Pope Adrian, sent unto them in their diete of Norenberg, in the cause of Luther: the answer of whom here followeth under written.
The answer of the noble and reverend princes and states of the sacred Roman Empire, exhibited to the Popes ambassador.
THe noble & renowned Prince Lord Ferdinandus, Lieutenant to the Emperors majesty, with other reverend pieres in Christ, and mighty princes Electors, and other states and orders of this present assemble of the Roman Empire in Norenberge convented, have gratefully received, and diligently perused the letters sent in form of a Brief, with the instructions also of that most holy father in Christ, and L.L. Adrian, the hie Bishop of the holy and universal Church of Rome, presented unto them in the cause of Luther's faction.
By the which foresaid letters and writings, first where as they understand his holiness to have been borne, and to have had his native origin and parentage out of this noble nation of Germany, they do not a little rejoice. Of whose egregious virtues and ornaments both of mind and body, they have heard great fame and commendation, even from his tender years: by reason whereof they are so much the more joyous of his advancement and preferment, by such consent of election, to the hie tippe of the Apostolical dignity, and yield to God most hearty thanks for the same: praying also from the bottom of their hearts, for his excellent clemency, and perpetual glory of his name, and for health of souls, and incolumitie of the universal Church, that GOD will give his holiness long continuance of felicity. Having no misdout, but that by such a full & consenting election of such a pastor of the universal catholic church, great profit and commodity will ensue. Which thing to hope and look for, his holiness openeth to them an evident declaration in his own letters, testifying and protesting what a care it is to him both day & night, how to discharge his pastoral function, in studying for the health of the flock to him committed: and especially in conuertinge the minds of Christian princes, from war to peace: declaring moreover what subsidy and relief his holiness hath sent to the soldiers of Rhodes. &c. All which things they perpēding with them selves, conceive exceeding hope and comfort in their minds, thus reputing and trusting that this concord of Christian princes, will be a g • eat help and stay to the better quieting of things now out of frame: without which neither the state of the common wealth, nor of Christian religion can be rightly redressed, and much less the tyranny of the barbarous Turk repressed.
Wherefore, the excellent prince, Lord Lieutenant to the Emperors majesty, with the other princes Electors, and orders of this present assemble, most heartily do pray that his holiness will persist in this his purpose & diligence, as he hath virtuously begun, leaving no stone vnremoued, how the disagreeing hearts of Christ̄ princes may be reduced to quiet and peace: or if that will not be, yet at least some truce and intermission of domestical dissensions may be obtained for the necessity of the time now present, whereby all Christians may join their power together, with the help of God, to go against the Turk, & to deliver the people of Christ from his barbarous tyranny and bondage: Whereunto both the noble prince Lord Lieutenant, and other princes of Germany, will put to their helping hands, to the best of their ability.
And whereas by the letters of his holiness, with his instruction also exhibited unto them by his Legate, they understand, that his holiness is afflicted with great sorrow, for the prospering of Luther's sect, whereby innumerable souls committed to his charge, are in danger of perdition, & therefore his holiness vehemently desireth some speedy remedy against the same to be provided, with an explication of certain necessary reasons & causes, whereby to move the Germane princes thereunto, and that they will tender the execution of the Apostolic sentence, and also of the Emperors edict, set forth touching the suppression of Luther: to these the L. Lieutenant and other princes and states do answer, that it is to them no less grief and sorrow, then to his holiness, and also do lament as much for these impieties and perils of souls, and inconveniences which grow in the religion of Christ, either by the sect of Luther, or any otherwise. Further, what help or counsel shall lie in them, for the extirping of errors, & decay of souls health, what their moderation can do, they are willing and ready to perform, considering how they stand bound & subject, as well to the Popes holiness, as also to the Emperors majesty.
But why the sentence of the Apostolic see, & the Emperors edict against Luther, hath not ben put in execution hitherto, there have been (said they) causes great and urgent, which have led thē thereto: as first in weighing and considering with them selves, that great evils & inconvenience would thereupon ensue. For the greatest part of the people of Germany have always had this persuasion, & now by reading of Luther's books, are more therein confirmed, that great greeuances and inconveniences have come to this nation of Germany, by the court of Rome: and therefore if they should have proceeded with any rigor in executing the Popes sentence, & the emperors edict, the multitude would conceive & suspect in their minds, this to be done for subuerting the verity of the gospel, & for supporting & confirming the former abuses & grievances, whereupon great wars & tumults (no doubt) would have ensued: which thing unto the princes & states there, hath ben well perceived by many arguments. For the avoiding whereof, they thought to use more gentle remedies, serving more oportunely for the time.
Again, whereas the reverend L. Legate (said they) in the name of the Popes holiness hath ben instructed, to declare unto thē, that God suffereth this persecution to rise in the Church for the sins of men, & that his holiness doth promise, therefore to begin the reformation with his own court, that as the corruption first sprāg from thence to the inferior parts, so the redress of all again should first begin with the same: Also, whereas his holiness, of a good & fatherly heart, doth testify in his letters, that he himself did always mislike that the Court of Rome should intermeddle so much, and derogate from the cōcordates of the princes, and that his holiness doeth fully purpose in that behalf, during his papacy, never to practice the like, but so to endeavor, that everyone, and especially the nation of the Germans may have their proper due and right, granting especially to the said nation, his peculiar favor: who setteth not by these premisses, but that this moste holy B. omitteth nothing, which a good father or a devout pastor may or ought to do to his sheep? Or who will not be moved hereby to a loving reverence, and to amendment of his defaultes, namely seeing his holiness so intendeth to accomplish the same in deed, which in word he promiseth, according as he hath begun.
And thus undoubtedly both the noble L. Lieutenant, & all other princes & states of the empire, well hope that he will, and pray most heartily that he may do, to the glory of our eternal God, to the health of souls, & to the tranquility of the public state. For unless such abuses and grievances, with certain other articles also, which the seculare princes (assigned purposely for the same) shall draw out in writing, shall be faithfully reformed, there is no true peace & concord between the ecclesiastical & secular estates, nor any true extirpation of this tumult, & errors in Germany that cā be hoped. For partly by long wars, partly by reason of other grievances & hindrances this nation of Germany hath been so wasted and consumed in money, that vnneth it is able to sustain it self in private affairs, and necessary upholding of justice within it self: much less then to minister aid and succor to the kingdom of Hungary, & to the Croatians, against the Turk. And whereas all the states of the sacred Roman Empire do not doubt, but the Popes holiness doth right well understand how the Germane princes did grant & condescend for the money of Annates to be leaued to the see of Rome for term of certain years, upon condition that the said money should be converted to maintain war against the turkish infidels, and for defense of the catholic faith: & whereas the term of these years is now expired long since, when as the said Annates should be gathered, and yet that money hath not ben so bestowed to that use, whereto it was first granted: therefore if any such necessity should now come, that any public helps or contributions against the Turk, should be demanded of the Germane people, they would answer again, why is not that money of Annates reserved many years before to that use, now to be bestowed and applied, and so would they refuse to receive any more such burdens for that cause to be laid upon them.
Wherefore the said Lord Lieutenant, and other Princes & degrees of the Empire make earnest petition, that the Popes holiness will with a fatherly consideration expend the premisses, and surcease hereafter to require such Annates, which are accustomed after the death of bishops and other prelates, or ecclesiastical persons, to be paid to the court of Rome, and suffer them to remain to the chamber of the Empire, whereby justice & peace may be more cōmodiously administered, the tranquility of the public state of Germany maintained, and also by the same, due helps may be ordained and disposed to other Christian potentates in Germany, against the Turk, which otherwise without the same, is not to be hoped for.
Item, whereas the Popes holiness desireth to be informed what way were best to take, in resisting these errors of the Lutherians: to this the Lord Lieutenant, with other Princes add nobles do answer, that whatsoever help or counsel they can devise, with willing harts they will be ready thereunto. Seeing therefore the state, as well ecclesiastical, as temporal, is far out of frame, and have so much corrupted their ways, and seeing not only of Luther's part, and of his sect, but also by diverse other occasions besides, so many errors, abuses, & corruptions, have crept in: much requisite and necessary it is, that some effectual remedy be provided, as well for redress of the church, as also for repressing of the Turks tyranny. Now what more present or effectual remedy can be had, the Lord Lieutenant, with other estates and princes do not see, then this, that the Popes holiness, by the consent of the Emperors majesty, do summon a free Christian Council in some convenient place of Germany, as at Strasbourg, or at Mainz, or at Colen, or at Metz, and that with as much speed as conveniently may be, so that the congregating of the said Council be not deferred above one yere: in the which Council it may be lawful for every person that there shall have interest, either temporal or ecclesiastical, freely to speak & consult, to the glory of God, and health of souls, and the public wealth of Christendom, without impeachment or restraynt, whatsoever oth, or other bond to the contrary notwithstanding: yea and it shall be every good man's part there to speak, not only freely, but to speak that which is true, to the purpose, and to edifying, & not to pleasing or flattering, but simply and uprightly to declare his iudgemsnt, without all fraud or guile.
And as touching by what ways these errors & tumults of the Germane people may best be staid and pacified in the mean time, until the council be set: the foresaid L. Lieutenant, with the other princes, thereupon have consulted & deliberated, that for as much as Luth. and certain of his fellows be within the territorye and dominion of the noble duke Friderike, the said L. Lieutenant and other states of the Empire shall so labor the matter with the aforenamed Prince duke of Saxony, that Luther and his followers shall not write, set forth, or print anything during the said mean space, neither do they doubt but that the said noble prince of Saxony, for his Christian piety, and obedience to the Roman Empire, as becometh a Prince of such excellent virtue, will effectually condescend to the same.
Item, the said L. Lieutenant and princes shall labor so with the preachers of Germany, that they shall not in their sermons teach or blow into the people's ears, such matters, whereby the multitude may be moved to rebelliō or vpror, or be induced into error: and that they shall preach & teach nothing, but the true, pure, sincere, & holy gospel, & aproued scripture, godly, mildly, & christianly, according to the doctrine and exposition of the Scripture, being approved and received of Christ's Church, abstaining from all such things, which are better unknown, then learned of the people, and which to be subtly searched, or deeply discussed, it is not expedient. Also that they shall move no contention of disputation among the vulgare sort, but what so ever hangeth in controversy, the same they shall reserve to the determination of the Council to come.
Item, the Archbishops, Bishops, and other prelates within their diocese shall assign godly and learned men, having good judgment in the scripture, which shall diligently and faithfully attend upon such preachers: and if they shall perceive the said preachers either to have erred, or to have uttered anything vnconueniently, they shall godly, mildly, and modestly advertise, and inform them thereof, in such sort as no man shall justly complain the truth of the Gospel to be impeached. But if the preachers continuing still in their stubbornness shall refuse to be admonished, and will not desist from their lewdness, then shall they be restrained and punished by the Ordinaries of the place, with punishment for the same convenient.
Furthermore, the said Princes and nobles shall provide and undertake, so much as shall be possible, that from henceforth during the foresaid time, no new book shall be imprinted, especially none of these famous libels, neither shall they privily or apertly be sold. Also order shall be taken amongst all potestates, that if any shall set out, sell, or imprint any new work, it shall first be seen and perused of certain godly learned, and discrete men appointed for the same: so that if it be not admitted and approved by them, it shall not be permitted to be published in print, or to come abroad. Thus by these means, they hope well, that the tumults, errors, and offensions among the people, shall cease, especially if the Popes holiness himself shall begin with an orderly & due reformation, in the foresaid grievances above mentioned, and will procure such a free and Christian Council as hath been said, and so shall the people be well contented and satisfied. Or if the tumult shall not so fully be calmed, as they desire, yet the greater parte thus will be quieted, for all such as be honest and good men, no doubt, will be in great expectation of that general Council, so shortly and now ready at hand to come.
Finally, as concerning priests which contract matrimony, & religious men leaving their cloisters, whereof intimation was also made by the Apostolical Legate, the foresaid princes do consider, that forsomuch as in the civil law there is no penalty for them ordained, they shall be referred to the Canonical constitutions, to be punished thereafter accordingly: that is, by the loss of their benefices, and privileges, or other condign censures: and that the said Ordinaries shall in no case be stopped or inhibited by the secular powers, from the correction of such: but that they shall add their help and favor to the maintenance of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and shall direct out their public edicts and precepts, that none shall impeach or prohibit the said ordinaries in their ecclesiastical castigation, upon such transgressors to be administered.
To conclude, the redoubted prince L. Lieutenaunt and other princes, estates, & orders of the public Empire, vehemently and most heartily do pray and beseech, that the Popes holiness, & the reverend Lord his legate will accept and take all the premisses to be no otherwise spoken and meant, then of a good, free, sincere, & a Christian mind. Neither is there anything, that all the aforesaid princes, estates, and nobles do more wish and desire, then the furtherance and prosperous estate of the holy Catholic church of Rome, and of his holiness. To whose wishes, desires, & obedience they offer and commend themselves most ready, and obsequious, as faithful children. Ex Orth. Grat.
Thus hast thou (loving reader) the full discourse both of the popes letter, and of his Legates instructions, with the answer also of the states of Germany to the said letter and instructions, to them exhibited in the diete of Norenberge. In the which diet, what was concluded, and what order and consultation was taken, first touching the greeuances of Germany, which they exhibited to the Pope, then concerning a general council to be called in Germany, also for printing and preaching, & for priests marriage, hath been likewise declared. &c.
The occasion of this matter moved against priests marriage, came first by the ministers of Strasbourg, which about this time began to take wives, and therefore were cited by the bishop of Strasbourg to appear before him at a certain day, as violaters of the laws of holy Church, the holy fathers, the Bishops of Rome, and of the Emperors majesty, to the prejudice both of their own order of priesthood, and majesty of almighty God: But they referred their cause to the hearing of the magistrates of the same city, who being suitors for them unto the Bishops, labored to have the matter either released, or at least to be delayed for a time.
Long it were to recite all the circumstances following upon this diete or assemble of Norenberge, howe their decree was received of some, of some neglected, of diverse diversely wrasted and expounded. Luther writing his letters upon the same decree, to the Princes, thus made his exposition of the meaning thereof, that where as the preachers were commanded to preach the pure Gospel, after the doctrine of the church received, he expounded the meaning thereof to be, not after the doctrine of Tho. Aquine, or Scotus or such other late school writers, but after the doctrine of Hilary, Cyprian, & Agustine, and other ancient doctors, and yet the doctrine of the said aunciters no farther to be received, but as they should agree with the Scripture.
Secondly, as concerning new books not to be sold nor prin • ed, he expounded the meaning thereof to extend no farther, but y e text of the Bible and books of the holy Scripture might be Printed notwithstanding, and published to all men.
And as for the prohibition of Priests marriage, he writeth to the Princes, and desireth them to bear with the weakness of men, declaring that branch of their decree to be very hard, which though it stand with the Popes law, yet it accordeth not with the Gospel, neither conduceth to good manners, nor to honesty of life. &c.
Furthermore, where as in the same session of Norenberge, mention was made before of certain grievances collected to the number of an hundredth, and exhibited to the Bishop of Rome, it were tedious likewise to inserte them all: yet to give some tas • of a few, I judge it not unprofitable: to the entēt, that the world may see and judge, not only what abuses and corruptions moste monstrous and incredible, lay hid under the glorious title of the holy church of Rome: but also may understand, with what hypocrisy & impudēcie the pope taketh upon him so grievously to complain upon M. Luther, and other: when in all the universal Church of Christ, there is none so much to be blamed all manner of ways, as he himself, according as by these heinous complaints of the Germain princes, here following against the popes intolerable oppressions & grievances may right well appear. Which grievances▪ being collected by the Princes of Germany at Norenberge, to the number of an hundredth, I wish might be fully and at large setfoorth to the studious Reader, whereby might appear the subtle sleights and intolerable frauds of that pretensed Church. But for so much as it were to long to comprehend the whole, I have thought good to exhibit some part thereof for example, as giving only a certain taste, whereby thou mayest more easily conceive, what to think and esteem of all the residue, which both to me would be tedious to write, and perhaps more grievous to thee, to hear.
*Certain grievances or oppressions of Germany, against the court of Rome, collected and exhibited by the Princes, at the council of Norenberge, to the number of an C. whereof certain specialties here follow.
AMongest other burdens & grievances, this is not least to be regarded: y t many things are prohibited by men's constitutions, & many things exacted, which are not prohibited or commanded by any precept of God: as the innumerable obstacles of matrimony invented and brought in, whereby mē were forbid to mary in cases of kindred, which stand upon diverse degrees: as upon affinity, public honesty, spiritual kindred, kindred by law, & kindred in blood. &c. and likewise in forbidding y e use of meats, which God hath created for man's necessity, and taught by the Apostle indifferently to be received with thanks giving. By these and many other such human constitutions, men are yoked in bondage, until by money they obtained some dispensation of those laws, at their hands which made them: so y t money shall make that lawful for rich men, which is clearly prohibited unto the poor. By these snares of men's laws & constitutions, not only great sums of money are gathered out of Germany, & carried over the Alps, but also great iniquity is sprong up amongst Christians: many offenses and privy hatreds do rise, by reason that poor men do see themselves entangled with these snares, for no other cause, but for that they do not possess the thorns of the Gospel, for so Christ doth often call riches.
Times forbidden.
THe like practice also is to be seen in the times restrained from Marriage, by the heads of the Church of Rome, from the Septuagesima Sunday, somewhat before Lent: when as notwithstanding both the Clergye and the seculars in the mean time will live licentiously, and that openly in the face of all the world. But this interdict proceedeth to this effect: if a man shall presume so to do upon his own liberty, without compounding. But otherwise if there be any hope of money, then that which was before unlawful, is now made lawful for every man to do freely. And this is also another drawing net, whereby great sums of money are dragged out of the Germans purses. Wherupon also hangeth another greeuance as great as this, that ensuing out a dispensation, the state of the poor and of the rich is not indifferently weighed: For where the rich escapeth many times for little or naught, & goeth clear away, the poor man shall be sure to pay for the shot.
A complaint for selling remission of sins for money.
BUt especially the burden and greuaunce of the Popes Indulgences and Pardons be most importable: when as the Bishops of Rome, under pretēse of building some church in Rome, or to war against the Turk, do make out their indulgences with their bulls: persuading and promising to the simple people, strange & wonderful be • i • es of remission a Poena & culpa, that is, from all their sins, and punishment due for the same, and that not in this life only, but also after this life, to them that be dead burning in the fire of purgatory. Through the hope and occasion whereof, true piety is almost extinct in all Germany, while every evil disposed person promiseth to himself for a little money, license and impunity to do what him lusteth: Wherupon followeth fornication, incest, adultery, perjury, homicide, robbing and spoiling, rapine, vsurye, with a whole flood of all mischiefs. &c.
A complaint against the Immunities of Clergy men.
ITem, whosoever he be that hath received any Ecclesiastical orders, great or small, thereby he doth contend to be freed from all punishment of the secular magistrate, how great offense soever he do: neither doth he unadvisedly presume thereupon, but is maintained in that liberty to sin, by the principal estates of the clergy. For it hath often ben seen, that whereas by the canonical laws, priests are forbidden to marry, afterward they diligently labor and go about day and night to attempt and try the chastity of matrones, virgins, and of the wives, daughters and sisters of the lay men: and through their continual instance and labor, partly with gifts and rewards, and flattering words, partly by their secrete confessions (as they cal thē) as it hath been found by experience, they bring to pass that many virgins and matrones, which otherwise would be honest, have been overcome and moved to sin and wickedness: and it happeneth oftentimes, that they do detain and keep away the wives, and daughters frō their husbands and fathers, threatening them with fire & sword that do require them again. Thus through their raging lust, they heap & gather together innumerable mischieues and offenses. It is to be marvelled at, howe licentiously without punishment they dailye offend in robberyes, murder, accusing of innocents, burning, rapine, theft, and counterfeiting of falls coin, beside a thousand other kinds of mischieues, contrary and against all laws both of God and man, not without great offense of others, trusting only upon the freedom and liberty of sin, which they usurp unto themselves by the privilege of their canons. For when as they once perceive that it is lawful for them to do what they lust without controlment, then they do not only contemn the civil Magistrates, but also their Bishops and superiors, whatsoever they either command or forbid them to do.
And moreover, to y e intent they may be the more maynteined in their mischief & wickedness, contrary to all reason and equity, it is partly forbid̄ the Archbishops and Bishops, to condemn these malefactors openly, except they be first disgraded, which must be done with sumptuousnes and pomp: whereby it happeneth very seldom, that those annointed naughty packes, do receive condign punishment. Besides that, the bishops are so bound by their chapters, that they dare not punish any person which hath taken orders by the Canonical laws, be the punishment never so light or small. By reason whereof the matter so falleth out, that through this unequal partiality between the laity and the Clergy, great hatred, discord, and dissention is sprong and risen. It is also not a little to be feared, that if the Clergy which are the cause of this greuance, and of other mischiefs, (which daily they do proceed to perpetrate) have not like laws, equal judges, and like punishment, their offensive life will move & stir up some great tumults and sedition amongst the common people, not only against the Clergy themselves, but also against the superiors and magistrates, for that they leave so notorious offenses unpunished.
Wherefore necessity & justice doth require, that the said prejudicial privileges of the Clergy should be abrogate and taken away, and in their place be provided, ordained and decreed, that the Clergy, of what order or degree soever they be, shall have like laws, like judgment, and punishment as the laity have: so that they shall pretend no prerogative or freedom in like offense, more then the lay mā, but that everyone of the Clergy offending under the judge, where the offense is committed, shall be punished for his fact, according to the measure and equality of his offense, in such like manner as other malefactors are, with the punishment appointed by the common laws of the Empire: which thing (without doubt) will please the true ministers of the church, such as are honest and learned, that they will not think their power and authority thereby in any case diminished. By this means it shall be brought to pass, that such as are of the Clergy only by name, and otherwise, naughty wicked men, through the obedience due unto their magistrates, shall be compelled to live more honestly: and all sedition and privy hatred between them and the laity shall be put away, and finally thereby the laity shall be the more moved and stirred to love and reverence such of the Clergy as be of a sound life.
Complaint of excommunication abused.
ITem, at Rome and in other places many Christians are excommunicate by the Archbishops, Bishops, or by their Ecclesiastical judges, for profane causes, through the desire and covetousness of money, & lucre. The consciences of men which are weak in faith, thereby are burdened and brought unto desperation: and finally, for money & luker, a matter of no importaūce is made to tend to the destruction both of body & soul, contrary both to the law of God and mā, for so much as no mā ought to be excommunicate but only for heresy, or for some heinous fact perpetrate, nor to be counted as separate frō the Christian Catholic Church, as the Scriptures do witness: Therefore the princes, nobles, states, & layty of the Sacred Empire, desire & require the Popes holiness, that as a faithful Christian & loving father, he will remove the said burden of excommunication used both in the sea of Rome, & also in the seas of all other Archbishops and Ecclesiastical Judges: and finally, decree that no man shall hereafter be excommunicate, but only for a manifest convict crime of heresy. For it is to wicked a thing, that faithful Christians for every light offense, touching any temporal goods or gain, or for any other worldly matter, but only for obstinacy of heresy or some great enormity, should be excluded from almighty God, and the Catholic congregation.
The Church burdened with number of holy days.
MOreouer, the common people are not a little oppressed with the great mumber of holy days, for that there are now so many holy days, that the husbādmē have scarcely time to gather y e fruits of y e earth which they have brought forth with so great labor & travail, being often in danger of hail, rain, and other storms: which fruits notwithstanding, if they were not letted with so many holy days, they would gather & bring home without any loss. Besides that, upon those holy days, innumerable offenses are committed & done, rather then God honored or worshipped. Which thing is so manifest, that it needeth no witness. For that cause the estates of the sacred Empire think it best & most profitable for the Christian common wealth, that this great mumber of holy days, should be diminished, which ought rather to be celebrate in spirit & verity, then with the external worship, and be better kept with abstinence from sin.
Suspending and halowing of Churchyardes gainful to the Pope, and chargeable to the people.
FUrthermore, if it hap̄ that 2. or more do fight without any weapon in a Churchyard, only with their fists, or by the hear, that there be never so little blood shed, by & by y e clergy have recourse to enterdiment, & do not suffer anymore Christian burials there to be done, before that all the citizens with great pomp & expenses do cause it to be consecrated & hallowed again with no less charge, then when at the first, of a profane place, it was hallowed for burial: all which things do redound to the charges & costs of the laity. And though the churches or chapels be never so little which are so hallowed: yet the suffragans do burden and oppress the simple poor households, be they never so bare or needy, with superfluous expenses, and require moreover gifts of the people, which is not for their ease to give.
Also the suffragans have invented that no other, but only themselves may baptize belles for the lay people. Whereby the simple people, vpō the affirmation of the suffragans do believe, that such belles so baptized, will drive away evil spirits and tempests: whereupon a great number of godfathers are appointed, especially such as are riche: which at the time of the baptising, holding the rope wherwithal the bel is tied, the suffragan speaking before them, as is accustomed in the baptising of young children, they altogether do answer, & give the name to the bell. The bell having a new garment put upon it, as is accustomed to be don unto the Christians, after this they go unto sumptuous bākets, whereunto also the gossips are bid̄, that thereby they might give the greater reward, and the suffragans with their chaplaines and other ministers, are sumptuously fed. Yet doth not this suffice, but that the suffragane also must have a reward which they do call a small gift or present: whereby it happeneth oftentimes, that even in small villages, a 100. florens are consumed and spent in such christnings: which is not only superstitious, but also contrary unto Christian religiō, a seducing of the simple people, and mere extortion. Notwithstanding the Bishops, for to enriche their Suffragans, do suffer these things and other far worse: wherefore such wicked and unlawful things ought to be abolished.
Complaint against Officials and other Ecclesiastical judges.
THe Officials also of Archbishops for the most part, are unlearned & unable men, besides that, men of evil conditions, taking thought for nothing but only for money. Also, howe corruptly they live and continue in notorious crimes & transgressions, it is daily seen. Whereby the laity, whom they ought to correct and punish for their offenses, & instruct in Christian godliness, are not in any point, by them amended, but rather by them encouraged and confirmed in their offenses. Besides this, the laity are miserably robbed & spoiled of their goods, by these light & vile officials. In whose conscience there is no spark of Christian pity and godliness, but only a wicked desire, & covetousness. Which thing the archbishops and bishops, if they were in deed such as they are called, that is to say, the pastors and shepherds of Christ, without doubt, they would no longer suffer, or commit Christ's flock, to such wicked and offensive pastors to be fed and nourished.
Howe the Ecclesiastical judges do annex certain special causes, being lay matters unto their own jurisdiction, and will by no means, release the same.
WHensoeuer any causes are pleaded in judgment before an Ecclesiastical judge, either for rauishyng of virgins, or for children unlawfully borne out of wedlock, or for servants wages, or any other matters touching widows, the Ecclesiastical judges being called upon by the superiors of the laity which do contend, they will neither defer that judgment, or by any means will be entreated to remit them to their ordinary jurisdiction.
The gain that riseth to the Clergy, by false sclaunders and rumors.
IT happeneth oftentimes, that men and women, through sinister and false reports & sclanders, are brought before the Official or Ecclesiastical judge, as men gilty, and shall not be declared innocent, before they have cleared thenselves by an oath. Whych purgation so made, they are restored again to their former estimation. And albeit that the damages & costs ought to be repaide again, unto such as be so falsely accused, yet notwithstanding the innocents thenselves, are forced to pay two gildernes and a quarter, for their letters of absolution. And this is the cause, why that the Officials & other Ecclesiastical judges, do so greedely follow the action of such unlawful, false, & slanderous accusations, challenging the hearing thereof only unto them selves: which thing (no doubt) redoundeth to the great and most singular hurt and detriment of all men: For oftentimes it happeneth that women falling together in contention thorough anger, hatred, or some other affection, do speak evil or slander one another, and outrage so much, that the one oftentimes accuseth the other, either of adoultry or witchery. Which thing being brought before the Officiall, she which through her anger had so slandered the other, is forced by an oath to excuse and purge her self, that whatsoever injurious or slanderous word she had spoken, came not of any deliberate purpose or intent, but through wrath and displeasure. In like manner the other which is accused either of adoultrie or sorcery, is commanded by an oath to declare her innocence, that she is not guilty of those facts, so that it is evident unto all men, that in such cases, whether they be guilty or not guilty, they must swear, if they will keep their good name and fame. Whereby not only the unlawful luker of gain and money is sought, but also willful perjury forced, and the seculare power and judges letted from the punishment thereof, so that contrary to all reason, offenses do remain unpunished.
Complaint against spiritual judges, taking Seculare causes from the Ciuile Magistrate.
ALl be it there be many causes so indifferent to both jurisdictions, that they may be pleaded and punished as well by the civil Magistrate, as ecclesiastical judge: notw t standing it happeneth oftentimes, that when as the civil Magistrates would exercise their office and jurisdiction in this behalf, they are forbidden and letted by the Ecclesiastical judges under pain of excommunication. Which thing if it should long continue, and be suffered, the Ecclesiastical judges would shortly take away all manner of causes from the civil Magistrate & his jurisdiction, which is intolerable and derogatory both unto the Emperors majesty, and other states of the Empire. And albeit that by the common laws, manifest perjuries, adulteries, withcrafts and such other like, may indifferently be punished by Ecclesiastical, or civil judges for the time being, so that prevention in this behalf taketh place: notw t standing the Ecclesiastical judges go about to usurp unto themselves and their jurisdiction, all such manner of causes: which burden and greuance the civil jurisdiction and power ought not to suffer.
A complaint against Ecclesiastical judges, intermeddling with cases of the secular Court: but will not suffer their cases once to be touched of the other.
MOreouer, the Ecclesiastical judges say, that in such case it is lawful for them to take profane matters in to their hands, if the civil magistrate be found negligent in executing of justice: but contrariwise they will not suffer y t the like order should be kept with them, neither will they permit that in Ecclesiastical matters, any man may complain unto the civil Magistrate, for lack of justice, and require the administration of justice at his hand. Albeit, they do define all laws generally common, & determine howe the Canon laws may help and assist the civil, and contrariwise the civil laws, the Canon.
Complaint against certain misorders of the Cathedral Churches, for using double punishment for one offense, against the law.
FOrsomuch as it is forbidden both by gods law & man's, y t no man should be beaten with 2. rods, that is to say, be punished with 2. kinds of torments: worthily therefore do all wise men detest & abhor the odious statutes of diverse cathedral churches, whereby murderers, both men & women, & other, as well light as grievous offenders, have ben hitherto vexed & tormented: for hitherto it hath been accustomed y t such as wer gilty of murder & such other crimes (which they cal cases reserved unto the bishops) after they had made their auricular confession, were compelled (to their great ignominy & shame) to do penance in the sight of all the people: which penance were not so much to be disallowed, hearing some semblance of the institution of the primative church, if so be it these busy officials, being content through t , would not extort more, and greater sums of money, then were right and lawful, and so punish those offenders with double punishment: wherew t all it is to be marveled, how many be offended and grieved. Howe wicked a thing this is, and howe far it differeth from Christ's instititution, we will refer it to every good conscience to judge.
Complaint of Officials for maintaining unlawful usuries.
FUrthermore, the Officials being allured thorough the greedy and insatiable desire of money, do not only not forbid unlawful usuries and gains of money, but also suffer and maintain the same. Moreover, they taking a yearly stipend and pension, do suffer the Clergy and other religious persons unlawfully to dwell with their concubines and harlots, and to beget children by them. Bothe which things, howe great pearil, offense and detriment they do bring both unto body and soul, every man may plainly see (so that it need not to be rehearsed) except he will make himself as blind as a mole.
Complaint of Officials permitting unlawful cohabitation with other, when the husband or wife are long absent.
FUurthermore, where it so happeneth (as it doeth oftentimes) that either the good man or the good wife, by means of war or some other vow, hath taken in hand some long journey, and so tarrieth longer then serveth the appetite of the other, the Officiall taking a reward of the other, giveth license to the party to dwell with any other person, not having first regard or making inquisitiō whether the husband or wife being absent, be in health or dead: and because these their doings should not be evil spoken of, they name it a toleration or sufferance, not without great offense unto all men, and to the great contempt of holy matrimony.
Complaint of Canons in Cathedral Churches, which have their B. sworn unto them, before he be chosen.
THis is also unlawful and plainly wicked, that though Canons of Cathedral Churches, in whose hand the principal part of Ecclesiastical judgments, Sinodes, and censures do consist, and the Canons of other collegiate churches, which have power and authority to choose their Superior and Bishop, will choose none to their Bishop, except he bind himself first with an oth, and plainly swear, yet and oftentimes is bound by bond and instruments sealed with their seals to them and their Ecclesiastical judges, y t in no matter, be it never so grievous, intolerable, or dishonest, he shall not be against them: and if it happen at any time that they do offend, they may do it also without punishment for him.
*Complaint against incorporations or improperations and other pilling of the people, by Churchmen.
MAny parish churches are subject unto monasteries, & to the persons of other churches, by means of incorporations (as they call them) or otherwise, which they are bound also, according to the canon laws, to foresee & look unto, by themselves, when as they do put them forth unto others to be governed, reserving for the moste parte unto themselves, the whole stipende of the benefices and tithes: and moreover, aggravate & charge the same with so great pensions, that the hireling priests and other ministers of the Church, cannot have thereupon a decent or competent living: whereby it cometh to pass, that these hirelynge priests (for that they must needs have whereupon to live) do with unlawful exactions, miserably spoil and devour the poor sheep committed unto them, & consume all their substance. For when as the Sacraments of the altar and of Baptism are to be administered, or when the first, the seventh, the thirty, and year day must be kept, when auricular confession cometh to be heard, the dead to be buried, or any other ceremony whatsoever, about the funeral is to be done: they will not do it freely, but extort and exact so much money, as the miserable communalty is scarce able to disbourse, and daily they do increase and augment these their exactions, driving the simple poverty to the payment thereof, by threatening them with excommunication, or by other ways, cōpelling them to be at charge: which otherwise through poverty, are not able to maintain obsequies, yere minds, and such other like ceremonies, as to the funerals of the dead be appertaining.
*Bying and selling of burials complained of.
IT is ordained by the Popes Canons, that burial in the Church should be denied only unto them, which being known to be manifest & notorious offenders, have departed this life w t out receiving of the sacrament. But the clergy not regarding those decrees, will not suffer such as by chance are drowned, killed, slain with falls, or fire, or otherwise by chance have ended their lives, (albeit it be not evident, that they were in deadly sin) to be buried in the churches, until such time, as the wives, children or friends of those men so dead, do with great sums of money purchase and buy the burial of them in the Churchyard.
*Chaste and continent priests compelled to pay tribute for concubines.
ALso in many places, the bishops & their Officials do not only suffer Priests to have concubines, so that they pay certain sums of money, but also compel continent and chaste Priests, which live without concubines, to pay tribute for concubines, affirming that the B. hath need of money, which being paid, it shall be lawful for them, either to live chaste or keep concubines. Howe wicked a thing this is, every man doeth well understand and know.
These with many other burdens and grievances mo to the number of an hundredth, the secular states of Germany delivered to the Popes legate, having (as they said) many mo, and more grievous grievances besides these, which had likewise much need of redress: but because they would not exceed the limites of reasonable brevity, they would content themselves (said they) with these aforesaid hundredth, reserving the rest to a more apt and more convenient oportunitye, steadfastly trusting & hoping, that when those hundredth grievances, already by them declared, should be abolished, the other would also decay, & fall with them. Of the which foresaid grievances and complaints here is moreover to be noted, that a great part was offered up before, to y e Emperor, at the council of worms: but because no redress thereof did follow, therefore the seculare states of Germany thought good to exhibiie the same now again, with diverse moe annexed thereunto, to Cheregatus the Popes Legate, in this present assēble of Norenberge, desiring him to present the same to Pope Adrian. This was about the yere of our Lord 1523. Which being done, the assemble of Norenberge brake up for a time, and was proroged to the next year following.
In this mean time Pope Adrian died. After him succeeded pope Clement 7. Who the next yere following, which was An. 1524. sent down his Legate Cardinal Campeius, unto the Council of the Germane Princes assembled again at Norenberge, about the month of March, with letters also to duke Friderick, full of many fair petitions, and sharp complaints. &c. But as touching the grievances above mentioned, no word nor message at all was sent, neither by Campeius, nor by any other. Thus, where any thing was to be complained of against Luther, either for suppression of the liberty of the Gospel, or for upholding of the Popes dignity, the Pope was ever ready with all diligence, to cal vpō the Princes: but where any redress was to be required, for the public wealth of Christian people, or touching the necessary reformation of the church, herein the Pope neither giveth ear, nor answer.
And thus having discoursed such matters occur̄t between the Pope & Princes of Germany, at the Synod of Norenberge, let us now proceed, returning again to the story of Luther: of whō ye heard before, howe he was kept secret & solitary for a time, by the advise and conveyance of certain nobles in Saxony, because of the Emperors Edict, above mentioned. In the mean time, while Luther had thus absented himself out of Wyttenberge, Andraeas Carolostadius proceeding more roughly and eagerly in causes of Religion, had stirred up the people, to throw down Images in the temples, beside other things moe. For the which cause, Luther returning again into the city, greatly misliked the order of their doings, and reproved the rashness of Carolostadius, declaring, that their proceedynges herein were not orderly: but that pictures & images ought first to be thrown out of the harts and consciences of men & that the people ought first to be taught: that we are saved before God, and please him only by faith, and that Images serve to no purpose: this done, and the people well instructed, there was no danger in Images, but they would fall of their own accord. Not that he repugned to the contrary (he said) as though he would maintain Images to stand or to be suffered: but that this ought to be done by the magistrate, and not by force, upon every private man's head, without order and authority. Ex John. Sled. lib. 3.
Furthermore, Luther writing of Carolostadius, affirmeth that he also joined with the sentence of them, which began then to spread about certain parts of Saxony, saying that they were taught of God, that all wickedness being utterly suppressed, and all the wicked doers slain, a new full perfection of all things must be set up, and the innocent only to enjoy all things. &c.
The cause why Luther so stood against that violente throwing down of Images, and against Carolostadius, seemeth partly to rise of this, by reason that Pope Adrian in his letters sent to the Princes and states of Germany, doth grievously complain, and charge the sect of Luther, for sedition and tumults, and rebellion against Magistrates, as subuerters and destroyers of all order and obedience, as appeareth by the words of the Popes letter before expressed, pag. 854. therefore M. Luther, to stop the mouth of such slanderers, and to prevent such sinister suspicions, was enforced to take this way, as he did: that is, to proceed, as much as he might, by order and authority.
Wherein are to be noted by y e way two special points, touching the doctrine and doings of M. Luther especially for all such who in these our days, now abusing the name & authority of Luther, think themselves to be good Lutherians, if they suffer Images still to remain in temples, and admit such things in the Church▪ which themselves do wish to be away. The first is the manner how and after what sort Luther did suffer such Images to stand. For although he assented not that the vulgare and private multitude tumultuously by violence should rap them down: yet that is no argument now for the Magistrate, to let them stand. And though he allowed not the Ministers to stir up the people, by forceable means to promote Religion: yet that argueth not, those magistrates to be good Lutherians, which may and should remove them, and will not.
The second point to be noted is, to consider the cause why that Luther did so stand with standing of Images, which cause was time, and not his own judgment. For albeit in judgment he wished them away, yet time so served not thereunto then, as it serveth now. For then the doctrine of Luther first beginning to spring, and being but in the blade, was not yet known whereto it tended, nor to what it would grow: but rather was suspected to tend to disobedience & sedition: and therefore the Pope hearing of the doings of Carolostadius in Wittenburg, and of other like, took his ground thereby to charge the sect of Luther with sedition, uproars, and dissolute liberty of life. And this was the cause, why Luther compelled then by necessity of time, to save his doctrine from slander of sedition and tumulte, being laid to him by the Pope (as ye have heard) was so much offended with Carolostadius and other, for their violence used against Images. For otherwise, had it not been for the Popes accusations, there is no doubt, but Luther would have been as well contented with abolishing of Images and other monuments of Popery, as he was at the same time, contented to write to the Friers Augustine's for abrogating of private Masses. And therefore as Luther in this doing is to be excused, the circumstances considered: so the like excuse perhaps will not serve the overmuch curious imitation of certain Lutherians in this present age now: which considering only the fact of Luther, do not mark the purpose of Luther, neither do expend the circumstances and time of his doings: being not much unlike to the ridiculous imitatours of King Alexander the great, which thought it not sufficient to follow him in his virtues, but they would also counterfeit him in his stouping and all other gestures besides: but to these living now in the Church, in another age then Luther did, it may seem (after my mind) sufficient to follow the same way after Luther, or to walk with Luther, to the kingdom of Christ, though they jump not also in every foot step of his, and keep even the same pase, and turnings in all points, as he did.
And contrariwise of the other sort, much less are they to be commended, which running as much on the contrary string, are so precise, that because of one small blemish, or for a little stouping of Luther in the Sacrament, therefore they give clean over the reading of Luther, and fall almost in utter contempt of his books. Whereby is declared not so much the nicenes and curiousnes of these our days, as y e hindrance that cometh thereby to the Church, is greatly to be lamented. For albeit the Church of Christ (praised be the Lord) is not unprovided of sufficient plenty of worthy and learned writers, able to instruct in matters of doctrine: yet in the chief points of our consolation, where the glory of Christ, and the power of his passion & strength of faith is to be opened to our conscience, & where the soul wrasteling for death and life, standeth in need of serious consolation, the same may be said of Martin Luther, amongst all this other variety of writers, that S. Cyprian was wont to say of Tertullian Da magistrum, give me my master. And albeit that Luther went a little awry, and dissented frō Zwingli in this one matter of the Sacrament: yet in all other states of doctrine they did accord, as appeared in the Synod hold̄ at Marpurge, by prince Philip Lautgraue of Hesse, which was in the year of our Lord. 1529. where both Luther, and Zwingli were present, and conferryng together, agreed in these Articles:
1. On the unity, and Trinity of God. 2. In the Incarnation of the word. 3. In the passiō and resurrection of Christ. 4. In the Article of Original sin. 5. In the Article of Faith in Christ Jesus. 6 That this faith cometh not of merits, but by the gift of Cod 7. That this faith is our righteousness. 8. Touchyng the extreme word. 9. Likewise they agreed in the Arricles of Baptism. 10. Of good works. 11. Of confession. 12 Of Magistrates. 13. Of men's traditions. 14. Of Baptism of infantes▪ 15. Lastly concerning the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, this they did believe and hold, first that both the kinds thereof are to be ministered to the people according to Christ's institution and that the Mass is no such work for the which a mā may obtain grace both for the quick, and the dead. Item, that the Sacrament (which they call of the altar) is a true Sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord. Item, that the spiritual manducation of his body and blood is necessary for every Christian man. And furthermore, that the use of the Sacrament tendeth to the same effect, as doth the word, givē and ordained of the almighty God, that thereby infirm consciences may be stirred to belief, by the holy Ghost. &c. Ex Paral. Abbot. Vrsp.
In all these sums of doctrine above recited. Luther and Zwingli did consent and agree. Neither were their opinions so different in the matter of the Lord's Supper, but that in the principal pointes they accorded. For if the question be asked of them both, what is the material substance of the Sacrament, which our outward senses do behold and feel: they will both confess bread, and not the accidents only of bread. Further if the question be asked whether Christ be there present: they will both confess his true presence to be there, only in the manner of presence they differ. Again, ask whether the material substance laid before our eyes in the Sacrament, is to be worshipped: they will both deny it, and judge it Idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation, and for the sacrifice of the Mass, they both do abhor, and do deny the same: As also the Communiō to be in both kinds administered, they do both assent and grant.
Only their difference is in this, concerning the sense and meaning of the words of Christ: Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body: &c. Which words Luther expoundeth to be taken nakedly and simply, as the letter standeth, without trope or figure, and therefore holdeth the body and blood of Christ truly to be in the bread, and wine, and so also to be received with the mouth. Uldricus Zwingli, with Johannes Oecolampadius and other moe, do interpret these words otherwise, as to be taken not literally, but to have a spiritual meaning, & to be expounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these words: This is my body, is thus to be expounded: this signifieth my body and blood. Ex John. Sled. Lib. 5. With Luther cōscented the Saxōs. With the other side of Zwingli, went the Heluetians. And as time did grow, so the division of these opinions increased in sides, & spread in farther Realms and countries: the one part being called of Luther Lutheriās: the other having y e name of Sacramentaries. Notwithstādyng in this one unity of opinion, both the Lutherians, & Sacramentaries do accord & agree, that the bread & wine there present is not trāsubstantiate into the body & blood of Christ (as is said) but is a true Sacrament of the body & blood.
But hereof sufficient, touching this division between the Lutherans and Zwinglians. In which diuisiō, if there have been any defect in Martin Luther: yet is that no cause why either the Papists may greatly triumph, or why the Protestants should despise Luther. For neither is the doctrine of Luther touching the Sacrament, so gross that it maketh much with the Papists: nor yet so discrepaunt frō us, that therefore he ought to be exploded. And though a full reconciliation of this difference cā not well be made (as some have gone about to do) yet let us give to Luther a moderate interpretation, & if we will not make things better, yet let us not make them worse thē they be, & let us bear, if not with the manner, yet at least with the time of his teaching: and finally let it not be noted in us, that we should seem to differ in Charity more (as Bucer said) then we do in doctrine. But of this hereafter more (Christ willing) when we come to the history of John Frith.
They which write the life of Saints, use to describe and to extol their holy life & godly virtues, and also to set forth such miracles as be wrought in them by God: Wherof there lacketh no plenty in Martin Luther, but rather time lacketh to us and opportunity to tarry upon them, having such hast to other things. Otherwise what a miracle might this seem to be, for one man, & a poor Frier, creepyng out of a blind cloister, to be set up against the Pope, the universal Bishop and God's mighty Vicar in earth: to withstand all his Cardinals: yea and to sustain the malice and hatred almost of the whole world, being set against him: and to work that against the said Pope, Cardinals and Church of Rome, which no King nor Emperor could ever do, yea durst never attempt, nor all the learned men before him, could ever compass. Which miraculous work of God, I recount nothing inferior to the miracle of David overthrowing great Goliath. Wherefore if miracles do make a Saint (after the Popes definition) what lacketh in Martin Luther but age and time only to make him a Saint? who standing openly against the Pope, Cardinals, and prelates of the Church, in number so many, in power so terrible, in practice so crafty, having Emperors, and all the Kings of the earth against him, who teaching and preaching Christ the space of nine and twenty years, could without touch of all his enemies so quietly in his own country, where he was borne, die and sleep in peace. In the which Martin Luther, first to stand against the Pope, was a great miracle: to prevail against the Pope, a greater: so to die untouched, may seme greatest of all, especially having so many enemies as he had. Again, neither is it anything less miraculous, to consider what manifold dangers he escaped besides, as when a certain Jew was appointed to come to destroy him by poison, yet was it so the will of God, that Luther had warning thereof before, and the face of the Jew sent to him by picture, whereby he knew him, and avoided the peril.
Another time as he was sitting in a certain place upon his stool, a great stone there was in the vault, over his head where he did sit, which being stayed miraculously, so long as he was sitting, as soon as he was up, immediately fell upon the place where he sat, able to have crushed him all in pieces if it had light upon him.
And what should I speak of his prayers, which were so ardent unto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stood under his window, where he stood prayeng, might see his tears falling and dropping down. Again, with such power he prayed, that he (as himself confesseth) had obtained of the Lord, that so long as he lived, the Pope should not prevail in his country: after his death (said he) let them pray who could.
And as touching the marvelous works of the Lord, wrought here by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what miracle can be more miraculous, then that which is declared of a young man about Wittenburg, who being kept bare and needy by his father, was tempted by way of sorcery, to bargain with the Devil, or a familiare (as they call him) to yield himself body and soul into the Devils power, upon condition to have his wish satisfied with money: So that upon the same, an obligation was made by the young man, written with his own blood, and given to the Devil. This case you see, how horrible it was, and how damnable: now hear what followed. Upon the sodeine wealth and alteration of this young man, the matter first being noted, began afterward more & more, to be suspected, and at length, after long and great admiration, was brought unto Martin Luther, to be examined. The young man, whether for shame or fear, long denied to confess, and would be known of nothing. Yet God so wrought, being stronger then the Devil, that he uttered unto Luther the whole substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation. Luther understanding the matter, and pitiing the lamentable state of the man, willed the whole congregation to pray: and he himself ceased not with his prayers to labor, so that the Devil was compelled at the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take it again unto him. Which narration, if it be so true as certeinely it is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well seem comparable with the greatest miracle in Christ's Church, that was since the Apostles time.
Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers: so in his Sermons God gave him such a grace, that when he preached, they which heard him, thought everyone his own temptations severally to be noted and touched. Whereof, when signification was given unto him by his friends, and he demanded how that could be: mine own manifold temptations (said he) and experiences are the cause thereof. For this thou must understand (good reader) that Luther, from his tender years, was much beaten and exercised with spiritual conflicts, as Melancthon in describing of his life, doth testify. Also Hieronymus Wellerus, scholar and disciple of the said Martin Luther, recordeth, that he oftentimes heard Luther his master thus report of himself: that he had been assaulted and vexed with all kinds of temptations, saving only one, which was, with covetousness. With this vice he was never (said he) in all his life troubled, nor once tempted. And hitherto concerning the life of Martin Luther: who lived to the year of his age 63. He continued writing and preaching, about 29. years. As touching the order of his death, the words of Melancthon be these.
In the year of our Lord 1546. and the 17. of February, Doctor Martin Luther sickened a little before supper, of his accustomed malady, to wit, of the oppression of humors in the orifice or opening of his stomach, whereof I remember I have seen him oft diseasid in this place. This sickness took him after supper, with the which he vehemently contending, required secesse into a bye chamber, and there he rested on his bed two hours, all which time his pains increased. And as Doctor Jonah was lieng in his chamber, Luther awaked, and prayed him to rise, and to call up Ambrose his children's schoolmaster, to make fire in another chamber. Into the which, when he was newly entered, Albert Earl of Mansfield, with his wife and diverse other (whose names in these letters for haste, were not expressed) at that instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling his fatal hour to approach, before nine of the clock in y e morning, the xviij. of February, he commended himself to God, with this devour prayer.
The Prayer of Luther at his death.
MY heavenly father, eternal and merciful God, thou hast manifested unto me thy dear son, our Lord Jesus Christ. I have taught him, I have known him, I love him as my life, my health, and my redemption▪ whom the wicked have persecuted, maligned, and with injury afflicted. Draw my soul to thee. After this, he said as ensueth, thryse.
I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth. GOD so loved the world, that he gave his only son, that all those that believe in him, should have life everlasting. John. iii▪
Having repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God, unto whom so faithfully he commended his spirit, to enjoy, no doubt, the blessed society of the Patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles in the kingdom of God the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost. Let us now love the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught. Let us learn to be modest and meek. Let us consider the wretched calamities, and marvelous changes that shall follow this mishap and doleful chance. I beseech thee, O son of God, crucified for us, and resuscitated Immanuel, govern, cōserve and defend thy Church. Haec Melancthon.
Fridericus Prince Electour died long before Luther, in the year of our Lord 1525. leaving no issue behind him, for that he lived a single life, and was never married: wherefor after him succeeded John Fridericke, D. of Saxony.
Mention was made a little before, page 859. of the Ministers of Strasbourg, which because of their Marriage, were in trouble and cited by the Bishop, to appear before him, and thereto be judged without the precinct of the City of Strasbourg: whereas there had been a contrary order taken before between the Bishop, and the City, that the Bishop should execute no judgment upon any, but under some of the Magistrates of the said City of Strasbourg. Whereupon the Senate and Citizens taking into their hands the cause of these married Ministers, in defense of their own right and liberties, wrote (as is said) to their Bishop of Strasbourg, and caused the judgment thereof a while to be stayed. By reason whereof the matter was brought at length, before Cardinal Campeius Legate, sent by Pope Clement to the assemble of Norenberge, an. 1524.
The chief doer in this matter was one Thomas Murnerus, a Franciscane Frier, who had commenced a grievous complaint against the Senate and City of Strasbourg, before the foresaid Cardinal Campeius. Wherefore the Senate, to purge themselves, sent their Ambassadors, thus clearing their cause, and answering to their accusation: That they neither had been, nor would be any let to the Bishop, but had signified to him before by their letters, that whatsoever he could lay against those married Priests, consonant to the law of God, they would be no stay, but rather a furtherance unto him, to proceed in his action. But the Senate herein was not a little grieved, that the Bishop, contrary to the order and compact, which was taken between him and them, did call the said Ministers out of the liberties of their City: For so it was between them agreed, that no Ecclesiastical person should be adjudged, but under some judge of their own City. But now contrary to the said agreement, the Bishop called those Ministers out of their liberties, and so the Ministers claiming the right and privilege of the City, were condemned, their cause being neither heard nor known. And now if the Senate should show themselves anything more sharp or rigorous unto those Ministers, in claiming the right of the City, the people; no doubt, would not take it well, but happily would rise up in some commotion against them, in the quarrel and defense of their fraunchises and liberties.
And where it is objected, that they receive Priests and men of the Clergy, into the freedom and protection of their City, to this they answered, that they did nothing herein, but which was correspondent to the ancient usage and manner of the City before: and moreover, that it was the Bishops own request & desire, made unto them so to do.
To this the Cardinal again advising well the letters of the Bishop, & the whole order of the matter, which was sent unto him, declared that he right well understood by the letters sent, that the Ministers in deed (as the Ambassadors said) were called out from the freedom, & liberties of the City, and yet no order of law was broken therein: for as much as the Bishop (said he) had there no less power and authority, then if he were his own Vicar delegate, and therefore he desired them, that they would assist the Bishop in punishing the foresaid Ministers, &c.
After much other talk and reasoning on both partes, wherein the Ambassadors argued in defense of their freedom, that the judgment should not be transferred out of the City: among other communication, they inferred moreover and declared, how in the City of Strasbourg were many, yea the most part of the Clergy, which lived viciously and wickedly with their strumpets & harlots, whom they kept in their houses, to the great offense of the people, shame to Christ's Church, and pernicious example of other: and yet the Bishop would never once stir to see any punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore if the Senate (said the Ambassadors) should permit the Bishop to extend his cruelty and extremity against these married Ministers, for not observing the Bishop of Roomes law, and leave the other notorious whoremaisters, which brake the law of God, to escape unpunished, doubtless it would redound to their great danger and peril, not only before God, but also among the commons of their City, ready to rise upon them.
To this Campeius answered, what composition or bargain was betwixt the Bishop and thē, he knew not: but surely the Acte of the one was manifest, and needed no great trial in law of proving and confessing, and therefore they were sequestered and abandoned from the communion of the Church, ipso facto. As for the other sort of them, which keep harlots and concubines although (said he) it be not well done: yet doth it not excuse the enormity of their Marriage. Neither was he ignorant, but that it was the manner of the Bishops of Germany, for money to wink at Priests lemans, and the same also was evil done in deed: and farther, that the time should come, when they shall be called to an accompt for the same: but yet nevertheless it is not sufferable that Priests therefore should have wives. And if comparison should be made (said he) much greater offense it were, a Priest to have a wife, then to have and keep at home many harlots. His reason was this: For they that keep harlots (said he) as it is naught that they do, so do they acknowledge their sin: the other persuade themselves to do well, and so continue still without repentance, or conscience of their fact. All men (said he) cannot be chaste, as John the Baptist was: yet can it not be proved by any example, to be lawful for Priests professing chastity, to leave their single life, and to marry: no not the Greeks themselves, which in rites be differing from us, do give this liberty to their own Priests to marry: wherefore he prayed them to give their aid to the Bishop in this behalf.
Whereunto the Ambassadors replied again, saying, that if he would first punish the whoremasters, then might the Senate assist him the better in correcting the other. But the Cardinal was still instaunt upon them, that first they should assist their Bishop, and then if the Bishop would not punish whoredom, he would come thither himself, and see them punished accordingly.
This Cardinal Campeius, how he was sent by Pope Clement the sixth, to the second assemble or diet of Norenberge, ann. 1524. and what was there done by the said Cardinal, is before signified, page 862. After this Council of Norenberge, immediately followed another sitting at Ratisbone, where were present Ferdinandus, Campeius, the Cardinal of Salisburge, the two Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Trent and Ratisbone: also the Legates of the Bishops, Bamberge, Spires, Strasbourg, Ausburgh, Constance, Basel, Frising, Passame, and Brixine. By whom in the said assemble was concluded: That for so much as the Emperor, at the request of Pope Leo, had condemned by his public Edict set forth at Wormes, the doctrine of Luther, for erroneous and wicked, and also it was agreed upon in both the assembles of Noremberge, that the said Edict should be obeyed of all men: they likewise at the request of Cardinal Campeius, do will, and command the foresaid Edict to be observed through all their fines and precinctes: That the Gospel, and all other holy Scriptures in Churches should be taught according to the interpretation of the ancient forefathers: That all they which revive any old heresies before condemned, or teach any new thing contumelious, either against Christ, his blessed mother, and holy Saints, or which may breed any occasion of sedition, the same to be punished according to the tenor of the Edict above said: That none be admitted to preach without the license of his ordinary: That they which be already admitted, shall be examined how, and what they preach: that the laws which Campeius is about to set forth for reformation of manners, shall be observed: That in the Sacraments, in the Mass, and all other things, there shall be no innovation, but all things to stand, as in foretyme they did: That all they which approach to the Lord's Supper without confession and absolution, or do eat flesh on days forbidden, or which do run out of their order: also Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons, that be married, shall be punished: That nothing shall be Printed without consent of the Magistrate: That no book of Luther, or any Lutherian shall be Printed or sold: That they of their iurisdictiō which study in the University of Wit̄berge, shall everyone repair home within three months after the publishyng hereof, or else turn to some other place free frō the infectiō of Luther, under pain of cōfiscating all their goods, and loosing their inheritance: That no benefice, nor other office of teaching, be givē to any student of that University. Item, that certain Inquisitors fit for the same, be appointed to inquire and examine the premisses: Item, least it may be said that this faction of Luther taketh his origin of the corrupt life of Priests, the said Campeius, with other his assisters in the said convocation of Ratisbone, chargeth and commandeth, that Priests live honestly, go in decent apparel, play not the merchants, haunt not the taverns, be not covetous, nor take money for their ministration: Such as keep concubines to be removed: The mumber also of holy days to be diminished. &c.
These things would Campeius have had enacted in a full Council & with the cōsentes of all the Empire: but when he could not bring that to pass, by reason that the minds of diverse were gone frō the Pope, he was fain therefore to get the same ratified in this particular conuenticle, with the assentes of these Bishops above rehearsed.
These things thus hitherto discoursed, which fully may be seen in the Cōmentaries of John. Sledan, it remaineth next after the story of Martin Luther, somewhat to adjoin likewise touching the history of Zwingli & of the Heluetiās. But before I come to the explicatiō of this story it shall not be incōueniēt, first to give some little touch of the towns called pages, of these Heluetians, & of their league and confederation first begun amongst them.
The history of the Heluetians or Suitzers, how first they recovered their liberty, and after were joined in league together.
THe Heluetiās, whom otherwise we call Suitzers, are divided principally into xiii. pages. The names of whō are, Tigurini, Bernates, Lucernates, Urani, Suicenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Glareanti, Basiliēses, Solodurij, Friburgij, Scafusiani, Apecellēses. Furthermore, to these be added vii. other Pages, albeit not with such a full bond, as the other, be together conjoined: which be these, Rheti, Lepontij, Seduni, Ueragri, Sangalli, Mullusiani, Rotulenses. Of these xiii. confederate Pages above recited, these three were the first, to wit, Urania, Suicenses, and Siluanij (or as some call them Unterualdij) which joined themselves together.
If credit should be given to old narrations, these iii. pages or valleys first suffered great servitude & thralldom under cruel rulers or governors: In so much that the governor of Siluania required of one of the inhabitaūtes, a yoke of his Oxen: which when the towns man denied to give him, the ruler sent his servant by force to take his Oxen frō him. This whē the servant was about to do, cometh the poor man's son, & cutteth of one of his fingers, & vpō the same avoided. The governor hearing this, taketh the poor man, and putteth out his eyes.
Another time in the said Syluania, as the good man of the house was absent abroad, the governor which had then the rule of the town, entering into the house, commandeth the wife to prepare for him a bath, and to let him have his pleasure of her. Wherunto she being unwilling, deferred the bathe as long as she might, till the return of her husband. To whom then she making her complaint, so moved his mind, that he with his axe or hatchet which he had in his hand, flew vpō the adulterous ruler & slue him.
Another example of like violence is reported of the ruler of Suicia, and Siluania, who surprised with like pride and disdain against the poor underlings, caused his cap to be hanged up upon a pole, charging and commanding by his servant, all that passed by, to do obeisance to the cap. Which, when one, named William Tell, refused to do, the tiraunt caused his son to be tied, with an apple set upon his head, and the father with a crossebow, or a like instrument, to shoot at the apple. After long refusing, whē the woeful father could not otherwise choose, by force constrained, but must leauill at the apple, as God would, he mist the child, and stroke the mark. This Tell, being thus compelled by the tirant to shoot at his son, had brought with him two shaftes, thinking that if he had stroke the child with the one, the other he would have let drive at the tyrant. Which being understand, he was apprehended, and led to the rulers house: but by the way escaping out of the boat, between Urania and Brun, and passing thorough the mountains with as much speed as he might, he lay in the way secretly as the ruler should pass, where he discharged his arow at the tyrant, and slue him.
And thus were these cruel governors utterly expelled out of these three valleys or pages aforesaid, and after that, such order was taken by the Emperor Henricus 7. and also by the Emperors Ludouicus duke of Bavaria, that henceforth no judge should be set over them, but only of their own company, and town dwellers. Ex Seb. Munst. Cosmog. lib. 3.
It followed after this, in the year of our Lord 1315. that great contention and war fell between Fridericke Duke of Austria, and Ludouicke Duke of Bavaria, striving and fighting the space of eight years together about the Empire. With Ludouicus held the three pages aforesaid: who had diverse conflicts with Lupoldus, brother to the forenamed Fridericke Duke of Austria, fighting in his brothers quarrel. As Lupoldus had reared a mighty army of twenty thousand footmen and horsemen, and was come to Egree, so to pass over the mountains to subdue the pages: he began to take advise of his counsel, by what way or passage best he might direct his journey toward the Suitzers. Whereupon, as they were busy in consulting, there stood a fool by (named Kune de Stocken ) which hearing their advise, thought also to shoot his bolt withal, and told them that their counsel did not like him. For all you (quoth he) consult how we should enter into yonder country: but none of you giveth any counsel how to come out again, after we be entered. And in conclusion, as the fool said, so they found it true. For when Lupoldus, with his host had entered into the straits and valleys between the rocks and mountains, the Suitzers with their neighbors of Urania, and Siluania, lieng in privy wait, had thē at such advantage, & with tumbling down stones from the rocks, and sodeine coming upon their backs in blind lanes, did so encumber them, that neither they had convenient standing to fight, nor room almost to fly away. By reason whereof, a great part of Lupoldus army there being enclosed about y e place called Morgartē, lost their lives, & many in the flight were slain. Lupoldus with thē that remained, retired and escaped to Thurgoia. This battle was fought, anno. 1315. November 16.
After this, the burgers of these three villages, being continually vexed by Fridericke Duke of Austria, for that they would not knowledge him for Emperor, assembled them selves in the town of Urania, an. 1316. and there entered a mutual league and bond of perpetual society and conjunction, joining and swearing themselves, as in one body of a common wealth, and public administration, together. After that came to them Lucernates, then Tugiani, after them the Tigurines, next to them followed Bernates, the last almost of all, were the Basilians, then followed after, the other seven pages above recited.
And thus have ye the names, the freedom, and confederatiō of these Suitz • rs, or Cantons or pages of Heluetia, with the occasions & circumstances thereof briefly expressed. Now to the purpose of our story intended, which is to declare the success of Christ's Gospel and true Religion received among these Heluetians: also touching the life & doctrine of Zwingli, & order of his death, as here ensueth.
The acts and life of Zwingli, and of receiving the Gospel in Zuitzerland.
IN the tractation of Luther's story, mention was made before of Uldricus Zwingli, who first abiding at Glarona, in a place called then our Lord's Ermitage, from thence removed to Zurich, about the year of our Lord 1519. and there began to teach, dwelling in the Minster among the Canons or Priests of that close, using with them, the same rites and ceremonies during the space of ii. or iii. years, where he continued reading and explaining the Scriptures unto the people with great travail, and no less dexterity. And because Pope Leo, the same year, had renewed his pardons again through all countries (as is above declared) Zwingli zealously withstood the same, detecting the abuses thereof by the Scriptures, and of other corruptions reigning then in the Church, and so continued by the space of two years and more, till at length Hugo Bishop of Constance (to whose jurisdiction Zurich then also did belong) hearing thereof, wrote his letters to the Senate of the said City of Zurich, complaing grievously of Zwingli, who also wrote another letter to the college of Canons, where Zwingli was the same time dwelling, complaining likewise of such new teachers, which troubled the Church, and exhorted them earnestly, to beware and to take diligent heed to themselves. And forsomuch as both the Pope and the Emperors Majesty had condemned all such new doctrine by their decrees and Edicts, he willed them therefore to admit no such new innovations of doctrine, without the common consent of them, to whom the same did appertain. Zwingli hearing thereof, referreth his cause to the judgment and hearing of the Senate, not refusing to render unto them accompt of his faith. And forsomuch as the Bishops letter was read openly in the college, Zwingli directeth another letter to the Bishop again, declaring that the said letter proceeded not frō the Bishop, nor that he was ignorant who were the authors thereof, desiring him not to follow their sinister counsels, for that truth (said he) is a thing invincible, and cannot be resisted. After the same tenor, certain other of the City likewise wrote unto the Bishop, desiring him that he would attempt nothing, that should be prejudicial to the liberty and free course of the Gospel: requiring moreover, that he would forbear no longer the filthy and infamous life of priests, but that he would permit them to have their lawful wives, &c. This was in the year of our Lord 1522.
Besides this, Zwingli wrote also another letter to the whose nation of the Heluetians, monishing them, in no case to hinder the passage of sincere doctrine, nor to infer any molestation to Priests that were married. For as for the vow and coaction of their single life, it came (said he) of the devil, and a devilish thing it is. And therefore, whereas the said Heluetians had such a rite and custom in their towns and pages, that when they received any new Priest into their Churches, they used to premonish him before to take his concubine, least he should attempt any misuse with their wives and daughters: he exhorted them that they would no less grant unto them to take their wives in honest matrimony, then to take concubines and harlots, against the precept of God.
Thus as Zwingli continued certain years, laboring in the word of the Lord, offense began to rise at this new doctrine, and diverse stepped up, namely the Dominic Friers on the contrary side, to preach & inuey against him. But he keeping himself ever within the Scriptures, protested that he would make good by the word of God, that which he had taught. Upon this the Magistrates and Senate of Zurich, sent forth their commandment to all priests and ministers within their dominion, to repair to the city of Zurich, against the xxix. day of January next ensuing (this was anno. 1523.) there everyone to speak freely, and to be heard quietly, touching these controversies of religion, what could be said, directing also their letters to the Bishop of Constance, that he would either make his repair thither himself, or else to send his deputy. When the day appointed came, and the Bishops vicegerent, which was Johannes Faber, was also present: the Consul first declaring the cause of this their frequency and assemble (which was for the dissention newly risen about matters of Religion) required, that if any there had to object, or infer against the doctrine of Zwingli, he should freely and quietly utter and declare his mind.
Zwingli had disposed his matter before, and cōtriued all his doctrine in a certain order of places, to y e number of lxvij. Articles: which articles he had published also abroad before, to the ende that they which were disposed, might resort thither better prepared to the disputation. Whē the Consul had finished that which he would say, and had exhorted other to begin: then Faber first entering the matter, begā to declare the cause of his sending thither, and afterward would persuade, that this was no place convenient, nor time fit for discussing of such matter by disputation, but rather that the cognition and tractation thereof belonged to a general Council, which he said, was already appointed, and now near at hand. Notwithstāding, Zwingli still continued urging and requiring him, that if he had there anything to say, or to dispute, he would openly and freely utter his mind. To this he answered again, that he would confute his doctrine by writing. This done, with a few other words on both sides had to and fro, whē no man would appear, there to offer any disputation, the assemble brake and was discharged. Whereupon the Senate of Zurich incōtinēt caused to be proclaimed through all their dominion and territory, that the traditions of men should be displaced and abandoned, and the Gospel of Christ purely taught out of the old and New Testament an. 1523. Ex John. Sled. lib. 3.
When the Gospel thus began to take place, and to flourish in Zurich and certain other places of Heluetia, the year next following, ann. 1524. another assemble of the Heluetians was convented at Lucerne, where this decree was made on the contrary part: That no man should deride or contemn the word of God, which had been taught now above a thousand & four hundred years heretofore: nor the Mass to be scorned, wherein the body of Christ is consecrated, to the honor of God, and to the comfort both of the quick, & the dead.
That they which are able to receive the Lord's body at Easter, shall confess their sins in Lent to the Priest, and do all other things, as the use and manner of the Church requireth.
That the rites and customs of holy Church be kept.
That everyone obey his own proper pastor and curate, and to receive the Sacraments of him, after the manner of holy Church, and to pay him his yearly duties.
That honor be given to Priests.
Item, to abstain from flesheating on fasting days, and in Lent to abstain from eggs and cheese.
That no opinion of Luther be taught privily or apertly, contrary to the received determination of holy Church, and that in taverns and at table, no mention be made of Luther, or any new doctrine.
That Images and pictures of Saints in every place be kept inuiolate.
That Priests and Ministers of the Church be not compelled to render accompt of their doctrine, but only to the Magistrate.
That due aid and supportation be provided for them, if any commotion do happen.
That no person deride the relics of the holy spirit, or of our Lady, or of Saint Anthony.
Finally, that all the laws and decrees set forth by the Bishop of Constance, be observed.
These constitutions whosoever shall transgress, let them be presented to the Magistrate, and overseers be set over them that shall so transgress.
After these things concluded thus at Lucerne, the Cantons of Heluetia together direct their public letter to the Tygurines or men of Zurich, wherein they do much lament and complain of this new broached doctrine which hath set all men together by the ears, through the occasion of certain rash and newfangled heads, which have greatly disturbed both the state of the Church, and of the common wealth, and have scattered the seeds of discord: whereas before time, all things were well in quiet. And although this sore (said they) ought to have been looked to by time, so that they should not have suffered the glory of Almighty God, and of the blessed Virgin and other Saints so be dishonored, but rather should have bestowed their goods and lives to maintain the same: yet notwithstanding they required them now to look upon the matter: which otherwise would bring to them destruction both of body and soul: as for example, they might see the doctrine of Luther, what fruit it brought. The rude and vulgare people now (said they) could not be holden in, but would burst forth to all license and rebellion, as hath appeared by sufficient proofs alate: and like is to be feared also among themselves, and all by the occasion of Zwingli, and of Leo Judah, which so take upon them to expound the word of God, after their own interpretation, opening thereby whole doors and windows to discord and dissention. Albeit of their doctrine they were not certain what they did teach: yet what inconvenience followed upon their doctrine, they had to much experiēced. For now all fasting was laid down, and all days were alike to eat both flesh & eggs, as well one as another: Priests & religious persons both mē & women brake their vows ran out of their order, and fell to marrying: God's service was decayed, singing in the church left, and prayer ceased: Priests grew in contempt: Religious men were thrust out of their cloisters: Confession, and penance was neglected: so that men would not stick to presume to receive at the holy alter, without any confession made to the Priest before. The holy mass was dirided and scorned: Our blessed Lady, and other saints blasphemed: Images pluckte down & broken in pieces, neither was there any honor given to the Sacraments. To make short, men now were grown unto such a license and liberty that vnneth the holy host could be safe within the Priests hands. &c.
The disorder of all which things, as it is of no small importance, so it was (said they) to them so grievous and lamentable, that they thought it their part to suffer the same no longer. Neither was this the first time (they said) of this their complaining, when in their former assemble they sent unto them before, the like admonition writing to them by certain of the Clergye, and craving their aide in the same. Which seeing it is so, they did now again earnestly cal vpō them touching the premisses, desiring them to surcease frō such doings, and to take a better way, continuing in the religion of their old aunceters, which were before them. And if there were any such thing, wherein they were grieved & offended against the Bishop of Rome, the Cardinals, Bishops, or other Prelates, either for their ambition, in heaping, exchanging, and selling the dignities of the Church, or for their oppressiō in pilling men's purses with their indulgences, or else for their usurped jurisdiction, and power which they extend too far, & corruptly apply it to matters externe & political, which only ought to serve in such cases as be spiritual: if these and such other abuses were the causes, wherewith they were so grievously offended, they promised that for the correction & reformation thereof, they would also themselves join their diligence and good will thereto, for so much as themselves also did not a little mislike therewith, & therefore would confer their counsels together with them, how & by which way, such grievances might best be removed.
To this effect were the letters of the Heluetiās written to the Senate & Citizens of Zurich. Whereunto the Tigurines made their answer again, the xxi. day of March, the same year, in manner as here followeth.
An answer again of the Tygurines to the Letter aforesaid.
FIrst, declaring how their Ministers had labored and travailed amongst them, teaching and preaching the word of God unto thē the space now of v. years. Whose doctrine at the first, seemed to them very strange and nouelle, because they never heard the same before. But after that they understood and perceived, the scope of that doctrine only to tend to this, to set forth Christ Jesus unto us to be the pillar and refuge of all our salvation, which gave his life and blood for our redemption and which only delivered us also sinful misers from eternal death, and is the only Advocate of mankind before God: they could no otherwise do, but with ardent affection receive so wholesome and joyful message.
The holy Apostles, and faithful Christians, after they had received the Gospel of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate and variunce, but lovingly agreed and consented together: and so they trusted (said they) that they should do, if they would likewise receive the word of God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions dissonant from the same.
Whatsoever Luther, or any other mā doth teach, whether it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the persons, why the doctrine which they teach should be either evil or well judged upon, but only for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the rule of God's word: for that were but to go by affection, and were prejudicial to the authority of the word of God: which ought to rule man, and not to be measured by man.
And if Christ only be worshipped, and mē taught, solely to repose their confidence in him, yet neither doth the blessed Virgin, nor any Saint elles receive any injury thereby, who being here in earth received their salvation only by the name of him.
And where as they charge their Ministers with wrastyng the Scripture after their own interpretation, God had stirred up such light now in the hearts of mē, that the most part of their City, have the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same: so that their Preachers cā not so wind the Scriptures awry, but they shall quickly be perceived. Wherefore there is no danger, why they should fear any sects, or factions in them: but rather such sects are to be objected to those, who for their gain and dignity, wrast the word of God after their own affections and appetites.
And where as they and other have accused them of error, yet was there never man, that could prove any error in them: Although diverse Bishops of Constance, of Basel, of Curiake, with diverse Universities besides: also they themselves, have been sundry times desired so to do, yet to this present day, neither they, nor ever any other so did, neither were they, nor any of all the foresaid Bishops, at their last assemble, being requested to come, so gentle to repair unto them, save only the Schashusians, and Sangallians. In the which foresaid assemble of theirs, all such as were then present, considering thoroughly the whole case of the matter, condescended together with them.
And if the Bishops happily will object again and say: that the word of God ought not so to be handled of the vulgare people: they answered the same not to stand with equity and reason. For albeit it did belong to the Bishops office, to provide that the sheep should not go astray, and most convenient it were, that by them they should be reduced into the way again: yet because they will not see to their charge, but leave it undone, referring all things to the fathers, and to Councils, therefore right and reason it is, that they themselves should hear and learn, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himself doth command in his Scripture. Neither have their Ministers given any occasion of this division, but rather it is to be imputed to such, which for their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the word of the Lord, do seduce the people into error, and grievously offending God, do provoke him to plague them with manifold calamities. Who, if they would renounce the greediness of their own gain, and would follow the pure doctrine of his word, seeking not the will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should soon fall to agreement.
As for the eating of flesh and eggs, although it be free to all men, and forbidden to none by Christ: yet they have set forth a law, to restrain rash intemperance, and uncharitable offension of other.
And as touching matrimony, God is himself the author thereof, who hath left it free for all men. Also Paul willeth a Minister of the Church to be the husband of one wife.
And seeing that Bishops for money permit their Priests to have concubines, which is contrary both to God's law, and to good example: why then might not they as well obey God in permitting lawful matrimony, which he hath ordained, as they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said also of women vowing chastity: of whom this they judge and suppose, that such kind of vows and coacted chastity, are not auaylable nor allowed before God: and seeing that chastity is not all men's gift, better it were to marry (after their judgments) then filthely to live in single life.
As for Monasteries, and other houses of Canons, they were first given for relief only of the poor and needy, where as now they which inhabit them, are wealthy and able to live of their own patrimony, in such sort, as many times someone of them hath so much, as well might suffice a great number: Wherefore it seemeth to them, not inconvenient that those goods should be converted again to the use of the poor: Yet nevertheless they have used herein such moderation, that they have permitted the inhabitants of those monasteries to enjoy the possessions of their goods, during the term of their natural life, least any should have cause of just complaint.
Ornamentes of Churches serve nothing to God's service: but this is well agreeing to the will and service of God, that the poor should be succoured. So Christ commanded the young man in the Gospel, that was rich, not to hang up his riches in the temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the needy.
The order of priesthood they do not contemn. Suche priests as will truly discharge their duty, & teach soundly, they do magnify. As for the other rabble, which serve to no public commodity, but rather damnify the common wealth, if the number of them were diminished by little and little, & their livings put to better use, they doubted not, but it wer a service well done to God. Now whether the singing and prayers of such Priests be auaylable before God, it may be doubted, for as much as many of thē understand not what they say or sing, but only for hire of wages do the same.
As for secrete confession, wherein men do detect their sins in the Priests ear, of what virtue this confession is to be esteemed, they leave it in suspense. But that confession, whereby repenting sinners do fly to Christ our only intercessor, they recount not only to be profitable, but also necessary to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which Priests do use, they reckon it but a practice to get money, and the same to be not only erroneous, but also full of impiety. True penance and satisfaction is for a man to amend his life.
The orders of Monkery come only by the invention of man, and not by the institution of God.
And as touching the Sacraments, such as be of the Lord's institution, thē they do not despise but receive with all reverence, neither do suffer the same to be despised of any person, nor to be abused otherwise then becometh: but to be used rightly according to the prescript rule of God's word. And so with the like reverence, they use the Sacrament of the Lord's supper, according as the word prescribeth, not as many do abuse it, to make of it an oblation and a sacrifice.
And if the messengers sent to them of the Clergy in their letters mentioned, can justly charge them with any hindrance, or any error, they will be ready either to purge themselves, or to satisfy the offense. And if they cannot, then reason would, that those messengers of the Clergy should hereafter look better to their own doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such untrue sclaunders and contumelies.
Finally, where as they understand by their letters how desirous they are to have the Popes oppressions, and exactions, and usurped power abolished, they are right glad thereof and joyful, supposing that the same can by no means be brought to pass, except the word of God only and simply be received. For otherwise, so long as men's laws and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor hope of reformation. For by the preaching of God's word their estimation and dignity must needs decay: and that they well perceive, and therefore by all means do provide, how to stop the course of the word: and because they see themselves too weak to bring their purpose about, they fly to the aid of Kings and Princes. For the necessary remedy whereof, if they shall think good to join their consent, there shall nothing be lacking in their behalf, what they are able either in counsel or goods, to do in the matter, declaring moreover that this should have been seen too long before. Which being so, they prayed and desired them to accept in good parte, and diligently to expend this that they did write. As for their own parte, they required nothing else more then peace both between them, and all men. Neither was it ever their intent to stir anything that should be prejudicial against their league and bande agreed upon between them. But in this cause, which concerneth their eternal salvation, they can do no otherwise, but as they have done, unless their error by learning might be proved and declared unto them.
Wherefore as they did before, so now they desire again, that if they think this their doctrine to be repugnant to the holy Scripture, they will gently show and teach them their error, and that before the end of the month of May next ensuing: for so long they will abide waiting for an answer, as well from them, as from the Bishop of Constance, and also from the University of Basel. And thus much containeth the answer of the Tigurines, unto the letter of their other colleagues of Heluetia.
In the mean time, as this passed on, and the month of May above mentioned was now come, the Bishop of Constance, with the advise of his Council about him, did answer the Tigurines as he was requested of them to do, in a certain book, first written, and afterward printed: wherein he declareth what Images and pictures those were, which the profane Jews and Gentiles in the old time did adore, and what Images be these which the Church hath from time to time received and admitted, and what difference there is between those Idols of the Jews & Gentiles, and these Images of the Christians. The conclusion hereof was this, that where as the Scripture speaketh against Images, and willeth them not to be suffered, that is to be understand of such Images and Idols, as the Jews and Idolatrous Gentiles did use: yet nevertheless such Images & pictures, which the Church hath received, are to be used and retained.
From this, he entereth next into the discourse of the Mass, where he proveth by diverse and sundry testimonies, both of the Popes Canons and Councils, the Mass to be a sacrifice and oblation.
This book being thus compiled and written, he sent it unto the senate of Zurich, about the beginning of June, willing and exhorting them by no manner of means, to suffer their images, or the mass to be abrogated, and shortly after, he published the said book in Print, & sent it to the Priests and Canons of the Minster of Zurich, requiring them to follow the custom of the Church received, and not to suffer themselves otherwise to be persuaded by any mā.
The Senate again answering to the Bishops book, about the middle of August did write unto him: first declaring that they had read over & over again his book, with all diligence: The which book for so much as the Bishop had diuulged abroad in printe, they were thereof right glad because the whole world thereby might judge between thē the better. After this they explained unto him the judgment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers: and finally by the authority & testimonies of the Scripture convinced his opinion, and proved the doctrine of his book to be false. But before they sent their answer to him, about the 13. day of June, they commanded all the images as well within the City, as through their dominion, to be taken down and burned quietly and without any tumult. A few months after, an order was taken in the said City of Zurich, between the Canons of the church, and city, for disposing the lands and possessions of the College.
It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by order of circumstance, that happened among the Heluetians vpō this new alteration of religion: but briefly to contract, and to run over the chief specialties of the matter, here is first to be noted, that of the Heluetians, which were confederate together in 13. Pages, chiefly six there were, which most disdained and maligned this religion of the Tigurines: to wit, Lucernates, Urani, Suitenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Friburgenses: These in no case could be reconciled. The rest shown thenselves more favorable. But the other, which were their enemies, conceived great grudge, & raised many sclaunderous reports and false rumors against them, and laid diverse things to their charge, as first for refusing to join their consent to the public league of the other Pages, with Frances the french king: then for dissenting from them in religion: and thirdly for refusing to stand to the Popish decree made the year before at Ratisborne, by Ferdinandus and other bishops above mentioned, pag. 838. They laid moreover to their accusation, for aiding the Uualsutenses their neyghbors, against Ferdinandus their Prince, which was false. Also for joining league secretly, with other Cities, without their knowledge, which was likewise false. Item, that they should intend some secrete conspiracy against them, and invade them with war, which was as untrue as the rest. Many other quarrels besides, they pretended against the Tigurines, which were all false and cavilling sclaunders: as that they should teach and preach that Mary the mother of Christ had mo sons, & that James the younger, the Apostle, did die for us, and not Christ himself. Against these and such other untruths, being mere matters of cavillation and slander, the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquit themselves by writing, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not only for these false and wrongful suspicions of their partes undeserved, but also for other manifold injuries received and borne at their hands: among which other wrongs and injuries, this was one, that the Burghmaster of Turegia had apprehended a certain preacher, named Johannes Oxlinus, and led him home as prisoner unto his house, being taken within the precinct and limites of the City of Zurich, contrary to law and order.
Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter declared their diligence and fidelity at all times, in keeping their league, and maintaining the liberty and dignity of their country, as touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their offense, they offered themselves willing to hear, and more glad to amende, if any could prove any error in them by the Scripture. Otherwise, if none so could or would prove, wherein they did err by the word of God: they could not (they said) alter anything in the state of that Religion wherein their consciences were already staide by the word of God, and settled whatsoever pearill or danger should happen to them for the same,
Although here was no cause, why these Pages or Cantons, which were so confederate together in the league of peace, should disagree among themselves: yet herein may we see the course and trade of the world, that when difference of religiō beginneth a little to break the knot of amity, by and by how friends be turned to foes, what suspicions do rise, what quarrels and grudge do follow, howe nothing there liketh men, but everything is taken to y e worst part, small • otes are made mountains, virtues made vices, and one vice made a thousand, and all for lack only of a little good will betwixt party & party. For as love & charity commonly among men either covereth or seeth not the faults of their friends: so hatred and disdain taking all things to blame, can find nothing in their foes that they can like. And thus did it happen between these good men of Zurich, and these other Suitzers above named.
These letters of the Tigurines to the other Cantons, were written upon the occasion of their apprehending the preacher John. Oxlinus above named the 4. day of January Anno 1525. and in the month of April next following, the maiestrates and Senate of the said City of Zurich commanded the Mass, with all his ceremonies and appurtenaunce thereto belonging, to be put down, as well within the City, as without throughout all their jurisdiction: and in stead thereof was placed the Lord's Supper, the reading of the Prophets, prayer, and preaching. Also a law was made against whoredom, and adultery, and judges ordained to hear the causes of matrimony. Anno. 1525. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 4.
All this while the Gospel was not as yet received in any other Page of Heluetia, but only in Zurich. Wherefore y e other 12. pages or towns appointed among themselves concerning a meting or a disputation to be had at Baden: Where were present among other divines, Johannes Faber Eckius, & Murnerus above mentioned. The bishops also of Lucerne, Basel, Curiake, & Lausanna sent thither their legates. The conclusions there propounded were these.
That the true body and blood of Christ, is in the Sacrament.
That the mass is a sacrifice for the quick and dead.
That the blessed virgins and other saints are to be invocated, as mediators and intercessors.
That Images ought not to be abolished.
That there is a purgatory.
Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius took upon him stoutly to defend. Against him reasoned Oecolampadius (who was then chief preacher at Basel) with certain other moe. Zwingli at that time was not there present, but by wrytinge confuted the doctrine of Eckius, declaring withal, the causes of his absence: which were, for that he durst not for fear of his life, committee himself to the hands of the Lucernates, Urani, Suitij, Unterualdij, and Tugiani, his enemies, and that he refused not to dispute, but the place only of the disputation, excusing moreover y t he was not permitted of the Senate to come, nevertheless: if they would assign the place of disputation, either at Zurich, or at Berna, or at Sangallum, thither he would not refuse to come. Briefly the conclusion of the disputation was this: that all should remain in that Religion, which hitherto they had kept, and should follow the authority of the Council, neither should admit any other new doctrine within their dominions. &c, Thys was in the month of June, the said year above mentioned.
As the time proceeded, and dissention about religion increased, it followed the next yere after, An. 1527. in the mōth of December, that the Senate & people of Berne, (whose power amongst all the Suitzers chiefly excelleth) considering how neither they could have the Acts of the disputation of Baden communicated unto them, and that the variance about religion still more & more increased: assigned another disputation within their own City, and sending forth writings thereof, called unto the same, all the bishops bordering nere about them, as the Bishops of Constance, Basel, Sedune, Lausanna warning them both to come themselves, and to bring their divines with them, or else to lose all such possessions, which they had lying within the bounds of their precinct. After this, they appointed out certain Ecclesiastical persons of their jurisdiction, to dispute, prescribing and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old and new Testament. To all that would come thither they granted safeconduict. Also they appointed that all things there should be done modestly, without injury and brauling words, and that everyone should have leave to speak his mind freely, and with such deliberation, that every man's saying might be received by the notarye & penned, with this proviso made before, that whatsoever there should be agreed upon, the same should be ratified, and observed through all their dominions: and to the intent mē might come thither better prepared before, they propounded in public writing 10. conclusions, in the said disputation to be defended of their ministers, by the scriptures, which ministers, wer Franciscus Colbus, and Bertholdus Hallerus. The theames or conclusions were these.
1. That the true Church, whereof Christ is the head, riseth out of gods word, and persisteth in the same, and heareth the voice of no other.
2. That the same Church maketh no laws without the word of God.
3. That traditions ordained in the name of the Church, do not bind, but so far forth as they be consonante to God's word.
4. That Christ only hath made satisfactiō for the sins of the world: and therefore if any man say that there is any other way of salvation, or mean to put away sin, the same denieth Christ.
5. That the body & blood of Christ cannot be received really and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.
6. That the use of the mass, wherein Christ is presented and offered up to his heavenly Father for the quick and the dead, is against the Scripture, and cōtumelious to the sacrifice which Christ made for us.
7. That Christ only is to be invocated, as the mediator and advocate of mankind, to God the father.
8. That there is no place to be found by the holy Scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life: and therefore all those prayers & ceremonies, Yerely Diriges & Obites, which are bestowed upon the dead: also Lamps, Tapers and such other things, profit nothing at all.
9. That to set up any picture or Image to be worshipped, is repugnant to the holy scripture, and therefore if any such be erected in Churches for that intent, the same ought to be taken down.
10. That Matrimonies prohibited to no state or order of men, but for eschewing of fornication, generally is commanded and permitted to all men by the word of God. And for as much as all fornicators are excluded by the testimony of Scripture, from the Communion of the Church, therefore this unchaste and filthy single life of Priests, is most of all inconvenient for the order of priesthood.
When the Senate and people of Bern, had sent abroad their letters with these theames and conclusions, to all the Heluetians, exhorting thē both to send their learned men, and to suffer all other to pass safely through their countries: the Lucernates, Uranites, Suitzians, Unternaldians, Tugians, Glareans, Soloturnians, and they of Friburg answered again by contrary letters, exhorting and requiring them in any case to desist from their purposed enterprise: putting them in remembrance of their league and composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden above mentioned, of the which disputation they were them selves (they said) the first beginners and authors: saying moreover, y t it was not lawful for any nation or province to alter the state of religion, but the same to belong to a general Council: wherefor they desired them, that they would not attempt any such wicked act, but continue in the Religion, which their parents and elders had observed: and in fine, thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they would neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet grant safeconducte to any others to pass through their country. To this and such like effect tended the letters of these Suitzers above named.
All which notwithstanding, the Lord's of Berne proceeding in their intended purpose, upon the day prescribed (which was the 7. of January) began their disputation. Of all the bishops before signified (which were assigned to come) there was not one present. Neuertheles the City of Basil, Zurike, and Schafuse, and Abbecelle, Sangallium, Mullusia, w t the neighbors of Rhetia, also they of Strasbourg, Ulmes, Ausburge, Lindaue, Constance, and Isne, sent thither their Ambassadors.
The Doctors, above mentioned, of the City of Berne, began the disputation. Where at the same time, were present Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucerus, Capito, Blaurerus, with other moe, all which defended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded. On the contrary side of them which were the opponentes, the Chieftayne was Conradus Tregerus a frier Augustine, who to prove his assertion, when he was driven to shift out of the scripture, to seek help of other Doctors, and the moderatours of the disputation would not permit the same (being contrary to the order before appointed) he departed out of the place, and would dispute no more.
The disputation endured 19. days, in the ende whereof it was agreed, by the assent of the most parte, that the conclusions there disputed, were consonant to y e truth of gods word, & should be ratified not only in the City of Berne, but also proclaimed by the Magistrates in sundry other Cities nere adjoining: furthermore that masses, aultares, and Images in all places should be abolished.
At the City of Constance certain things began to be altered a little before. Where also, among other things, laws were made against fornication and adultery, and all suspect or dishonest company, whereat the canons, (as they are called) of the Church, taking great grief and displeasure, departed the City. In the said City was then teacher Ambrosius Blaurerus, a learned man, and borne of a noble stock, who had been a Monk a little before, professed in the monastery of Alperspacke, in the Duchie of Wittenburg, belonging to the dominion of Ferdinandus. Which Blaurerus by reading of Luther's works, & having a good wit, had changed a little before, his Religion and also his coat, returning again home unto his friends, and when his Abbot would have had him again, & wrote earnestly to the Senate of Constance for him: he declared the whole case of the matter in writing, propounding w t all, certain conditions, whereupon he was content (as he said) to return. But the conditions were such that the Abbot was rather willing and contented, that he should remain still at Constance, and so he did.
After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath been said) the Images and aultares, with ceremonies, and Masses were abolished at Constance.
They of Geneva also for their parts, were not behind, following likewise the example of the City of Berne in extirping Images and ceremonies. By reason whereof the Bishop and Clergy there left and departed the City in no small anger.
The Bernates after they had redressed with them the state of Religion, they renounced the league made before with the French king, refusing and forsaking his warlye stipend, whereby they were bound at his call to feed his wars, following therein the example of the Tygurines, which before had done the like, and were contented only with their yearly pension that the King payeth to every page of the Heluetians, to keep peace.
The day and yere when this reformation with them began, from Popery to true Christianity, they caused in a pillar to be engraven with golden letters, for a perpetual memory to all posterity to come. This was An. 1528.
After that the rumour of this disputation, and alteration of Berne, was noised in other cities & places abroad, first the Ministers of Strasbourg encouraged by this occasion, began likewise to affirm and teach that the mass was wicked, and a great blasphemy against God's holy name, and therefore was to be abrogated, and instead thereof, the right use of the Lord's supper to be restored again. Which unless they could prove by y e manifest testimonies of the Scripture to be true, they would refuse no manner of punishment. On the contrary part, the Bishop of Rome's clergy, did hold and maintain that the Mass was good and holy, whereupon kindled a great contention on both sides: which when the Senate and Magistrates of the city would have brought to a disputation, and could not, because the Priests would not condescend to any reasoning, therefore seeing they so accused the other, & yet would come to no trial of their cause, the said Magistrates commanded them to silence. The bishop in the mean while ceased not with his letters & messengers, daily to call vpō the senate, desiring the senate to persevere in the ancient religion of their elders, & to give no care to those new teachers, declaring what danger & pearil it would bring upon them.
The Senate again desired him, as they had done oftentimes before, that such things, which appertained to the true honor and worship of God, might be set forward, and all other things which tended to the contrary, might be removed and taken away: for that properly belonged to his office to see to. But the Bishop still driving them off with delays, pretended to call an assemble for the same, appointing also day and place for the hearing & discussing of those controversies: where, in deed, nothing was performed at all: but with his letters he did often sollicitate them to surcease their enterprise, sometimes by way of entreating, sometimes with manacing words terrifying them: and at last, seeing he could nothing by that way prevail, he turned his suit to the assemble of the Empire, which was thē at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foot, and to help what they could, with their authority.
They ready to satisfy the Bishops request, sent a solemn Ambassie to the Senate and Citizens of Strasbourg, about Decemb. the yere about said, requiring them not to put down the Mass: for neither it was (said they) in y e power of the Emperor, nor of any other estate to alter the ancient Religion received from their forefathers, but either by a general, or by a provincial Council, which Council if they supposed to be far of, at lease that they would take a pause till the next sitting of y e Empire, which should be with speed, where their requests being propounded and heard, they should have such reasonable answer, as should not miscontent them: for it was (said they) against all law and reason, for a private Magistrate to infringe and dissolve those things, which by general consent of the whole world, have been agreed upon: and therefore good reason required, that they should obtain so much at their hands: For else if they should obstinately proceed in this their attempt, so with force and violence to work, as they began, it might fortune, the Emperor their supreme Magistrate under God, and also Ferdinandus, his deputy would not take it well, and so should be compelled to seek such remedy therein, as they would be sorry to use. Wherefore their request was, & advise also, that they should wey the matter diligently with themselves, & follow good counsel: who in so doing, should not only glad the Emperor, but also work that which should redound chiefly to their own commendation and safety.
Besides the messengers thus sent from the Council of Spires, the Bishop also of Hildesseme had been with them a little before, exhorting them in the Emperors name, after like manner. Neither did the bishop of Strasbourg also cease with his messengers and letters, daily to labor his friends there, and especially such of the Senators as he had to him bound by any feaulty, or otherwise by any gifts or friendship, that so much as in them did lie, they should uphold the Mass, and gainstand the contrary proceedings of the other.
The Senate of Strasbourg in the mean time, seeing the matter did so long hang in controversy, the space now of 2. years, and the preachers daily and instantly calling upon them for a reformation, and suit also being made to them or the Citizens, assembled their great & full council to the number of 300 (as in great matters of importance they are accustomed to do) and there with themselves debated the case, declaring on the one side, if they abolished y e mass what danger they should incur by the Emperor: On the other side, if they did not, how much they should offend god and therefore giving them respite to consulte, at the next meting required them to declare their advise and sentence, in the matter. When the day came, that every man should say his mind, so it fell out, that the voices and judgments of them, which went against the Mass prevailed. Whereupon immediately a decree was made the 20. of February. Anno. 1529. that the Mass should be suspended and laid down, til the time that the adversary part could prove by good Scripture, the Mass to be a service available & acceptable before God.
This decree being established by the consent of y e whole City, the Senate eftsoons commanded the same to be proclaimed and to take full place and effect as well within the City, as also without, so far as their limites and dominion did extend, and afterward by letters certified their Bishop touching the doing thereof. Who hearing these news, as heavy to his heart as lead, did signify to them again, how he received their letters, & how he understood by them, the effect and sum of their doings: all which he was enforced to digest with such patience as he could, though they went sore against his stomach, seeing for the present time, he could no otherwise chu • e: hereafter would serve, he said he would see thereunto, according as his charge and office should require.
Thus howe the Mass was overthrown in Zurike, in Berne, in Geneva, & in Strasbourg you have heard. Now what followed in Basil, remaineth likewise to understand. In this city of Basel, was Oecolampadius preacher (as is above signified) by whose diligent labor & travail, the Gospel began there to take such fruit, that great dissention there also arose among the citizens about religion, and especially about the Mass: Wherupon the Senate of Basel appointed, that after an open disputation, it should be determined by voices, what were to be done therein. This notwithstanding the Papists still continuing in their former purpose: began more stoutly to inuey against the other parte, and because they were so suffered by the Magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the commons, that they had some privy maintainers among the Senators. Whereupon certain of the Citizens were appointed, in the name of the whole commons to sue to the Senators, and to put them in remembrance of their promise: Whose suite and request was this, that those Senators, which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might be displaced, for that it did as well tend to the contempt of the former decree made, as also to the public disturbance of the City. But when this could not be obtained of the Senate, the commons, upon the 8. day of February, the year above said, assembled themselves in the gray Friers Churthe, and there considering with themselves upon the matter, repaired again with their suite unto the Senate, but not in such humble wise as before: and therewithal gathered themselves in the public places of the City, to fortify the same, all be it as yet without armor. The same evening the Senate sent them word, that at their request they granted, that those Senators, although remaining still in office, yet should not sit in counsel, what time any matter of Religion should come in talk.
By this answer the Commons gathering that the whole state was ruled by a few, took thereat grief and displeasure, protesting openly that they would take counsel by them selves hereafter what they had to do, not only in cases of Religion, but also in other matters of civil government, and forthwith took them to armor, keeping the towers and gates and other convenient places of the City with watch and ward, in as forcible wise, as if the enemy had been at hand.
The next day the Senate requiring respite to deliberate, was contented to commit the matter to them, whom the commons before had sent as suitors unto them. Which offer the Citizens did not refuse, but with this condition that those Senators, which were guilty, should in the mean season follow their pleey as private persons, upon their own private costs and charges: the other which defended the public cause for the behoove of the posterity, should be maintained by the public charges of the City. This the Senate was glad to grant unto, w t some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease their rage.
It happened the very same day, that certain of the citizens, such as were appointed to go about the City for the vewing of things, came into the high Church where one of them thrusting at a certain image with his staff, eftsoons it fell down and brake. By the occasion whereof, other Images also in like sort were served after the same devotion. But when the Priests came runnynge to them, which seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they because they would not pass their Commission, staid their hands and departed.
It followed upon this, that when word hereof was brought to the Citizens which stood in the market place, and the matter being made worse to them then it was, they incontinent discharged out CCC. armed men, to rescue their fellows in the church, supposing them to be in danger. Who coming to the Church, and not fineding their fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few Images broken down, they likewise least they should have lost all their labor, threw down all the other Idols and Images which they found there standing, and so passing thorough all other Churches in the city, did there also the like: and when certain of the Senate came forth to appease the tumult, the Citizens said, that which you have stand about these three years, consulting and advising whether it were best to be done, or not, that shall we dispatche in one hour, that from henceforth never more contention shall grow between us for Images: and so the Senate permitted them free leave, without anymore resistance: and 12. Senators were displaced from their order, all be it without note of reproach or dishonesty. Also a decree the same time was made, that as well within the City of Basel, as without, through all their jurisdiction, the Mass with all Idols should be abandoned: and further, that in all such matters and cases as concerned the glory of God, and the affairs of the public wealth, besides the number of the other Senators two hundredth and three score of the Burgers or Citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the City, to sit with them in counsel. These decrees being established, after they had kept watch and ward about the City 3. days and 3. nights, everyone returned again to his house, quiet and joyful, without any blood or stroke given, or anger wrcked, but only upon the Images.
On the third day, which was Ash wednesday (as the Popes ceremonial Church doth call it) all the wooden Images were distributed among the poor of the City, to serve them for fire wood. But when they could not well agre in dividing the pray, but • el to brawling among them selves, it was agreed that the said images should be brent all together: so that in nine great heaps all the stocks and Idolles there, the same day were brent to ashes before the great Church door. And thus by God's ordinance it came to pass, that the same day, wherein the Popes priests are wont to show forth all their mourning, & do mark men's foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they be but ashes, was to the whole city festival & joyful, for turning their Images to ashes, and to is observed and celebrate every yere still unto this present day, with all mirth, plays and pastimes, in remembrance of the same ashes, which day may there be called a right Ash wednesday of God's own making. The men of Zurike, of Berne, and of Solodure hearing what business was at Basel, sent their ambassadors to be a mean between them, but before the ambassadors came, all was ceased and at quiet.
All this mean space, the Emperor & the French king were together occupied in wars and strife. Whych as it turned to the great damage and detriment of the French king, who in the said wars was taken prisoner by the Emperor, so it happened commodious and oportune for the success of the Gospel: for else it is to be thought that these Heluetians and other Germans should not have had that leisure & rest to reform religion, and to link them selves in league together, as they did. But thus almighty God of his secret wisdom disposeth times & occasions, to serve his will & purpose in all things. All be it Ferdinandus the Emperors brother, & deputy in Germany, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in resisting the proceedings of the protestants, as appeared, both by the decree set forth at Ratis • one, and also at Spires. In the which Council of Spires, Ferdinandus at the same time, which was the year of our Lord 1529. had decreed against the protestants, in effect as followeth.
First, that the edict of the Emperor made at Wormes, should stand in force through all Germany, till the time of the general council, which should shortly follow. Also, that they which already had altered their religion, & now could not revoke the same again, for fear of sedition, should stay themselves and attempt no more innovations hereafter, till time of the general Council.
Item, that the doctrine of them which hold the Lord's Supper otherwise then the Church doth teach, should not be received, nor the mass should be altered: and there where as the doctrine of religion was altered, should be no impediment to the contrary, but that they which were disposed to come to Mass, might safely therein use their devotion: against Anabaptists likewise: and that all ministers of the Church should be enjoined to use no other interpretation of holy Scripture, but according to the exposition of the Church doctors: other matters that were disputable, not to be touched. Moreover, that all persons and states should keep peace, so that for Religion neither the one part should infer molestation to the other, nor receive any confederates under their protection and safeguard: All which decrees, they which should transgress, to be outlawed and exiled.
Unto this sitting at Spires first the Ambassadors of Strasbourg, were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdinandus, because they had rejected the mass: and therefore the said city of Strasbourg denied to pay any contribution against the Turk, except they with other Germans, might be likewise admitted into their counsels. The other princes which were received and not repelled, as the duke of Saxony, George of Brandeburgh, Ernestus, & Franciscus Earls of Luneburgh, Lantgraue, Anhaldius, did utterly gainstand the decree, & shown their cause in a large protestation written, why they so did: which done, all such cities which subscribed and consented to the said protestation of the princes, eftsones conjoined them selves in a common league with them, whereupon they had their name, called thereof Protestants. The names of the Cities were these. Argentina, or Strasbourg, Noriberge, Vlmes, Constance, Rutelinge, Winssemium, Meminge, Lindauia, Campodunum, Hailbrunum, Isna, Wisseburgum, Norlinge, Sangallum.
Furthermore, as touching the Heluetians (from whence we have somewhat digressed) howe the City of Berne and Zurich had consented and joined together in reformation of true religion, ye hard before. Wherefore the other Pages in Heluetia, which were of contrary profession, in like manner confederated them selves in league with Ferdinādus: the number and names of which Pages, especially were 5. to wit, Lucernates, Vraui, Suitenses, Vnterualdij, and Tugiani, which was in the year above said: to the intent, that they conioyning their power together, might overrun the religion of Christ, and the professors of the same. Who also for hatred & despite, hanged up the Arms of the foresaid cities of Zurich and of Berne, upon the gallows, beside many other injuries and greeuaunces, which they wrought against them. For the which cause the said Cities of Berne and Zurich raised their power, intending to set upon the foresaid Suitzers, as vpō their capital enemies. But as they were in the field ready to encoūter, one army against y e other, through the means of the city of Strasbourg, and other intercessors, they were parted for that time, and so returned.
As touching the Council of Auspurge, which followed the next year after the assemble of Spires, An. 1530. howe the Princes and Protestants of Germany, in the same Council exhibited their confession, and what labor was sought to confute it, and how constantly Duke Fridericke persisted in defense of his conscience against the threatening words, and replications of the Emperor: also in what danger the said princes had ben in, had not the Lantgraue privily by night slipped out of the city, parteineth not to this place presently to discourse.
To return therefore unto Zwingli and the Heluetians, of whom we have here presently to entreat, you heard before howe the tumulte and commotion between the two Cities of Zurich and Berne, and the other v. Cities of the Cantons, was pacified by the means of intercession, which peace so continued the space of two years. After that the old wound waxing raw again, began to burst out, & gather to an head: which was by reason of certain injuries, and opprobrious words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had received of the other: wherefor the Tigurines and the Bernates stopping all passages and streits, would permit no corn nor victual to pass unto them. This was in the year of our Lord. 1531,
And when great trouble was like to kindle thereby, the French king with certain other towneships of Suitzerland, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians, and other coming between them, labored to set them at agrement, drawing out certain conditions of peace between them. Whyche conditions were these, that all contumelies & injuries past should be forgotten. That hereafter neither parte should molest the other. That they which were banished for religion, should again be restored. That the v. Pages might remain without disturbance in their religion, so that none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the old and New Testament. That no kind of disquietness should be procured against them of Berne and Zurich: and that either part should confer mutual helps together, one to succor the other, as in times past. But the five Pagemen would not observe those covenants made, neither would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformity. Wherefore the Bernates and Tigurines, showing & declaring first their cause in public writing, to purge and excuse the necessity of their war, being pressed with so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take the sword in hand, did as before, beset the hye ways and passages, that no furniture of victual or other forage could come to the other Pages. By reason whereof when they of the five towns began to be pinched with want and penury. they armed themselves secretly, and set forewarde in warlike array toward the borders of Zurich, where as then was lying a garrison of the Zurich men, to the number of a thousand and more. Whereupon word was sent incontinent to the City of Zurich, to succoure their men with speed, but their enemies approached so fast, that they could hardly come to rescue them. For when they were come to the top of the hille, whereby they must needs pass, they saw their fellows being in great distress in the valley under them: whereupon they encouraging themselves, made down the hill with more hast then order, who might go fastest: but the nature of the hill was such, that there could but one go down at once. By reason whereof, for as much as they could not keep their ranks, to join all together, it followed that they being but few in number, were discomfited and overmatched of the multitude, which was the 11. day of October, the year abouesayde. Among the number of them that were slain, was also Uldricus Zwingli the blessed servant & S. of God. Also the Abbotte of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis, with 13. other learned and worthy men were slain, being as is thought, falsely betrayed, and brought into the hands of their enemies.
As touching the cause which moved Zwingli to go out with his citizens to the war, as is sufficiently declared and excused both by John Sleidan, and especially by Oecolampadius, in his Epistle ( ad Mart. Frechtum, and Somium. Epist. Lib. 4. where first is to be understand, that it is an old received manner among the Zurich men, that when they go forth in warfare, the chief minister of their church goeth with them. Zwingli also of him self being a man (saith Sledanus ) of a stout and bold courage, considering if he should remain at home when war should be attempted against his citizens, and if he which in his sermons did so encourage other, should now faint so cowardly, and tarry behind at home, when time of danger came, what shame and disdain might worthily rise to him thereby, thought not to refuse to take such parte as his brethren did.
Oecolampadius moreover addeth, that he went not out as a captain of the field, but as a good citizen with his citizens, and as a good shepherd ready to die with his flock. And which of them all (saith he) that most cry out against Zwingli, can show any such noble heart in him, to do the like? Again, neither did he go out of his own accord, but rather desired not to go, foreseeing belike, what danger thereof would ensue. But the Senate being importune upon him, would have no nay, urging and enforcing him most instantly to go: among whom were thought to have been some false betraiers, saying and objecting to him that he was a dastarde, if he refused to accompany his brethren, as well in time of danger, as in peace. Moreover the said Zwingli among other seculare arts, had also some skill in such matters of warfare. Haec Oecolampad. Whē he was slain, great cruelty was shown upon his dead corpse▪ such was their hatred toward him, that their malice could not be satisfied, unless also they should burn his body being dead. Ex comment. John. Sled Lib. 8.
The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in 4. pieces, and then consumed with fire, three days after his death, his friends came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they found his heart in the ashes, whole and vnburned: in much like manner as was also the heart of Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, which in the ashes also was found and taken up vnconsumed, as by credible information is testified.
Furthermore, such was then the rage of these 5. pages against the foresaid Abbot Capellensis, that they took him being slain, and putting out both his eyes, they clothed him in a monks cowl, and so set him in the pulpite to preach, railing and jesting upon him in most despiteful manner. Ez Epist. Oecolamp. ad Wolfgangum Capitonem. lib. 4. Uldericke Zwingli was when he died, of the age of 44. years, younger then M. Luther by 4. years.
The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to achieve war against the Unterualdians bordering near unto them, when they heard of this discōfiture of the Tigurines, to comfort them again, desired thē to be of good cheare and courage, promising that they would not fail but come and revenge their quarrel. Again, when the Tigurines had assembled their power together, which was the 8. day after the battle, and had received aide from the Schaffusians, Mullusians, Sangalles, and frō Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing hasty) out of the whole number they chose out certain ensigns, which setting forth in the night, lay in the hill beside Mecinge, intending when the moon was up, to take the town of Tugie lying near at hand, upon the sudden. Which whē their enemies had perceived, which were encamped not far from them, with all speed and moste secrete manner came vpō them being at rest, the 24. day of October, and putting them in more fear, made a wonderful clamorous outcry: so it fell out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slain. And all be it the 5. pagemen had the upper hand, yet would they of Zurich nothing relent in their religion. At the last through mediation, a peace was concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates, and Basilians, should forsake the league which they had lately made with the City of Strasbourg, and the Lantgraue: likewise should the 5. Page men give over their league and composition made with Ferdinandus: and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter ende of November.
Oecolampadius the preacher of the city of Strasbourg above recorded, hearing of y e death of Zwingli his dear friend, took thereat inward grief and sorrow, in so much that it is thought to have increased his disease, and so he also departed this life, the same year and month of November above mentioned, being of the age of 49. years, elder then M. Luther by one year. Although this Oecolampadius then died, yet his learned & famous Commentaries upon the Prophets, with other worthy works, which he left behind him, live still, and shall never die.
The next yere following, which was, anno. 1532. in the month of August, died also the worthy and memorable prince John Fridericke Duke of Saxony, who for testimony of Christ and of his Gospel, sustained such trials, so many bruntes, and so vehement conflicts with the Emperor, and that especially at the Council assembled at Auspurge, that unless the almighty hand of the Lord had sustained him, it had not been possible for him or any prince to have endured so constant and unremoveable, against so many persuasions, and assaults, as he did to the ende. After him succeeded John Fridericke his son. &c.
And thus have ye the history of Zwingli, and of the church of Suitzerlande, with their proceedings and troubles, from the first beginning of their reformation of religion, set forth and described. Whereunto we will add one certain Epistle of y e said Zwingli, taken out of his other Epistles, and so therewith close up his story. Which Epistle I thought here to record, especially for that in the same among other maters, profitably is expounded y e true meaning of the Apostle, writing to the Corrinthians, concerning how to judge the Lord's body, to the intent that the simple thereby may the better be informed. The words of his letter be these, as follow.
Huldricus Zwingli N. fratri in Domino.
Accipe igitur chariss. frater. &c.
In English thus.
Unto your questions propounded to me in your former letters (well be loved brother. ) I have sent you here mine answer. First I am also in the same mind with you, that the Lord's supper is a very thanks giving: for so the Apostle him self meaneth, saying: Ye shall show forth the Lord's death. Where the word of showing forth, signifieth as much as praising, or thanks geeuynge. Wherefore, seeing it is an Euchariste, or a thanks giving, in my judgment no other thing ought to be obtruded to men's consciences, but only with due reverence to give thanks. Nevertheless, yet this is not t • be neglected, that every man do prove and examine him self, for so we ought to search and ask our own consciences, what faith we have in Christ Jesus, which if it be sound and sincere, we may approach without stay, to this thanks giving. For he that hath no faith, & yet feigneth or pretendeth to have, eateth his own judgment: for he lieth to the holy Ghost. And whereas you suppose, that Paul in this place doth not reprove them which sit at the table eating of meats offered to Idols, I dissent from you therein. For Paul a little before writeth vehemently against those arrogante persons which bragging upon their knowledge, thought they might lawfully eat of such meats offered to Idols, sitting and eating at the Lord's table: You cannot (saith he) be partakers both of the Lord's table, and the table of devils. &c. Wherefore Saint Paul's meaning is, that everyone should try and examine himself what faith he hath. Whereuppon it followeth, that he which hath a right faith, must have no parte nor fellowship with those things, which be given to Idols, for he is now a member of another body, that is, of Christ: so that he cannot join him self now to be one body with Idolaters. And therefore those be they which do not judge or discern the Lord's body, that make no difference between the Church of Christ, and the Church of Idolaters. For they which sit at the Lord's table eating of Idolmeates, do make no difference at all between the Lord's supper, and the supper of the devil, which be they whom Paul saith, not to judge the body of the Lord, that is, which make no discrepance, nor give anymore regard to Christ's Church, then to the church of devils. Whereas if we would judge our selves, that is, if we would thoroughly search and examine our own consciences as we should, in coming to the table of the Lord, we finding any faith in us, would never go to the table, or make thereof the feast of devils. Wherefore your judgment herein is not amiss in expounding the word of judging in S. Paul, to signify as much, as, considering, perpending, and inquiring.
To your seconde question I answer, that Jesus took bread, and brake, &c. Also, he took the cup, &c. Ista verba sunt peculiariter agentis, non hospitaliter inuitantis: that is, these words declare the action of one which properly doeth a thing, and not the hospitality of one which inviteth another to eat. Touching your third question out of the 6. chap. of John: Doeth this offend you? herein I do full agree with you.
As for this word Ostren, which is your fourth question, I understand thereby, the time of the great feast or solemnity, which we keep in remembrance of the great deliverance of God's people, from the thralldom now of Satan, before from the thralldom of Pharaoh. Neither is it greatly material with what word we express the thing, so the thing it self be one, and the analogy and consonancie of the Scripture be kept: For the Scripture calleth Christ both the Lamb, and S. Paul calleth him our Easter or Passover. Now your word wanderfest well pleaseth me, for the Passover, or Paesah.
To your fifth interrogation, of Christ descending into Hell, I suppose this particle was inserted into the Creed, by the sentence of the Fathers, to declare how the fathers were redeemed by the death of Christ, which died in the faith. For Christ led away captivity wherewith they were holden, with him up into heaven: so that his going down into Hell, non sic intelligatur, quasi circumscriptiue, sed potentionaliter: that is, be not so understanded, as circumscriptively, which is, when a thing is present by circumscription of any one place: but by power, which is, by the operation of his spirit, which is not cōprehēded in any certainty of place, but without prescription of certain place, is diffused every so that the article of Christ's descending into hell, importeth as much, as that his death redeemed them, which were in hell. Wherunto S. Peter also seemeth to have respect, where he saith: The Gospel also was preached to them which were dead: that is, that they also did feel the good tidings of the Gospel, their redemption by the son of God: and that they which rose again with Christ in spirit, be now with him in heaven, who nevertheless in flesh shall be judged, what time the son of God and of man shall come to judge both the quick & dead. Return to the places of Peter, the one in his first Epistle, the other in the latter: and so be you contented with this present answer rashed up in haste. Fare ye heartily well. And comfort my William, the good aged father, by the grace of God which is in you. Commende me to John Eggenberge. From Zurich the 1. day of September. An. 1527.
FRom the first beginning of this whole book and history hitherto (good reader) thou hast heard of many and sundry troubles, & much business in the church of Christ, concerning the reformation of diverse abuses and great errors crept into the same, namely in the Church of Rome, as appeareth by the doings of them, in diverse and sundry places, whereof mention hath been made heretofore in this said history. For what godly man hath there been within the space of these 500. years, either virtuously disposed, or excellently learned, which hath not disproved the misordred doings and corrupt examples of the See and Bishop of Rome, from time to time, unto the coming of this Luther? Wherein this appeareth to me, & may also appear no less to all godly disposed mē, to be noted, not without great admiration, that seeing this foresaid Romish Bishop hath had great enemies and gainsaiers continually from time to time, both speaking & working, preaching and writing against him, yet notwithstanding never any could prevail before the coming of this man. The cause whereof, although it be secretly known unto God, and unknown unto men: yet so far as men by cōiectures may suppose, it may thus not unlikely be thought: That whereas other men before him, speaking against the pomp, pride, whoredom, and avarice of the Bishop of Rome, charged him only or most specially with examples and manners of life: Luther went further with him, charging him not with life, but with his learning: not with doings, but with his doctrine: not picking at the rine, but plucking up the root: not seeking the man, but shaking his seat, yea & charging him with plain heresy, as preiudicial and resisting plainly against the blood of Christ, contrary to the true sense and direct understanding of the sacred testament of God's holy word. For whereas the foundation of our faith grounded upon the holy scripture, teacheth & leadeth us to be justified only by the worthiness of Christ, & the only price of his blood: the Pope proceeding with a contrary doctrine, teacheth us otherwise to seek our salvation, not by Christ alone, but by the way of men's meriting and deserving by works: Wherupon rose diverse sorts of orders & religious sects amongst men, some professing one thing, and some another, & every man seeking his own unrighteousness, but few seeking the righteousness of him which is set up of God to be our righteousness, redemption, and justification.
Martin Luther therefore urging & reducing things to the foundation and touchstone of the Scripture, opened the eyes of many, which before were drowned in darkness. Whereupon it cannot be expressed what joy, comfort, and consolation came to the hearts of men, some lying in darkness and ignorance, some wallowing in sin, some being in despair, some macerating them selves by works, and some presuming upon their own righteousness, to behold that glorious benefit of the great liberty and free justification set up in Christ Jesus. And briefly to speak, the more glorious the benefit of this doctrine appeared to the world after long ignorance, the greater persecution followed upon the same. And where the elect of God took most occasion of comfort and of salvation, thereof the adversaries took moste matter of vexation & disturbance: As commonly we see the true word of God to bring with it ever dissention and perturbation, and therefore truly it was said of Christ, That he came not to send peace on earth, but the sword. And this was the cause, why that after the doctrine and preaching of Luther, so great troubles and persecutions followed in all quarters of the world: whereby rose great disquietness among the Prelates, and many laws and decrees were made, to overthrow the same by cruel handling of many good and Christian men. Thus while authority armed with laws and rigor, did strive against simple verity, lamentable it was to hear, howe many poor men were troubled and went to wrack, some tost from place to place, some exiled out of the land for fear, some caused to abjure, some driven to caves in woods, some racked with torment, and some pursued to death with fagot and fire. Of whom we have now (Christ willing) in this history following to entreat, first beginning with certain that suffered in Germany, & then to return to our own stories, and Martyrs here in England.
Henry Voes and John Esch, Friers Augustine's.
IN the year of our Lord. 1523. two young men were burnt at Bruxelles, the one named Henry Uoes, being of the age of 24. years, and the other John Esch, which before had been of the order of the Augustine Friers. They were disgraded the first day of July, and spoiled of their friers weed, at the suite of Egmondanus the Popes Inquisitor, and the divines of Louaine, for that they would not retracte and deny their doctrine of the Gospel, which the Papists call Lutheranism. Theyr examiners were Hochestratus and other, who demanded of them, what they did believe? They said, the books of the old Testament, and the new, wherein were contained the Articles of the Creed. Then were they asked whether they believed the decrees of the Councils and of the Fathers? They said, such as were agreeing to the Scripture, they believed. After this they proceeded further, asking whether they thought it any deadly sin, to transgress the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop of Rome? That (said they) is to be attributed only to the precepts of God, to bind the conscience of man, or to loose it. Wherein when they constantly persisted, and would not turn, they were condemned and judged to be burned. Then they began to give thanks to God their heavenly father, which had delivered them through his great goodness, from the false and abhominable priesthood, & had made of them priests of his holy order, receiving thē unto him as a sacrifice of sweet odor. Then there was a bill written, which was delivered unto them to read openlie before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine they held. The greatest error that they were accused of, was that men ought to trust only in God, for so much as men are liars and deceitful in all their words and deeds, and therefore there ought no trust or affiance to be put in them.
As they were led unto the place of execution, which was the first day of July, they went joyfully and merrily, making continual protestation that they died for the glory of God, and the doctrine of the gospel, as true Christians, believing & following the holy church of the son of God, saying also that it was y e day which they had long desired. After they were come to the place where they should be burned, and were despoiled of their garments, they tarried a great space in their shirtes, & joyfully embraced the stake that they should be bound to, patiently and joyfully enduring what so ever was done unto thē, praising God with Te Deum laudamus, and singing Psalms, and rehearsing
Henry being demanded amongst other things, whether Luther had seduced him or no: yea (said he) even as Christ seduced his Apostles. He said also, that it was contrary to God's law, that y e Clergy should be exempted frō the power & iurisdictiō of the magistrate ordained of God, for such as were ordained in office by the bishops, have no power but only to preach the word of God, and to feed their flock therewithal. After their death, their monastery was dissolved at Antwarpe. The President whereof, by the Papists called Jacobus Lutherianus, after diverse and many troubles & afflictions, was forced to recant at Brussels, but afterward his mind being renewed by y e holy ghost, embracing that again which before he had renounced, he fled unto Luther. Ex 6. tomo M. Lutheri. fol. 397.
Henry Sutphen Monk put to death in Diethmar.
THe next year after the burning of those two Christian martyrs at Brussels above mentioned, with like tyranny also was martyred & burned without all order of judgment or just condemnation, about the City of Diethmar, in y e borders of Germany, one Henry of Sutphen monk, an. 1524. of whom mention is partly touched in the Commentaries of John. Sledan. Lib. 4. but his history is more amply described of Luther, of Paulus Eberus in his Calēdar, of Ludou. Rabus Crispinus, and other. This Sutphen had been before with M. Luther, and afterward coming to Antwarpe, was frō thence excluded for the Gospel, and so came to Breme, not to y e intent there to preach, but for that he was minded to go to Wittenburg, being driven from Antwarpe, as is abouesaide. Who being at Breme, was there required by certain godly Citizens of Breme, to make one or two brief exhortations upon the Gospel. Wherunto, through the earnest love and zeal that was in him, he was easily allured & persuaded. He made his first Sermon unto the people, the Sunday before Saint Martins day. When the people heard him preach the word of God so sincerely, they desired him again the second time, and were so in love with his doctrine, that the whole parish required him to tarry amongst them to preach the Gospel: which thing, for fear of danger, for a time he refused. When the religious rout had understanding hereof, specially the Canons, Monks, and priests, they went about with all endeavor, to oppress him, & thrust both him out of the city, and also the Gospel of Christ (for that was their chief seeking: ) whereupon they went unto the Senate, desiring that such an heretic might be banished the town, which in his doctrine preached against y e catholic Church. Upon the complaint of the Canons, the Senate sent for the wardens, and head men of the parish where Henry had preached, who being come together, the Senate declared unto them the complaint of the Canons, and all the other religious men. Wherunto the citizens of Breme taking their preachers part, answered, that they knew none other, but that they had hired a learned and honest man, to preach unto thē, which should teach them sincerely & truly the word of God. Notwithstanding, if the Chapterhouse or any other man could bring testimonial or witness, that the Preacher had taught anything, which either sauored of heresy, or were repugnant to the word of God, they were ready (they said) with the Chapterhouse to persecute him: for God forbid that they should maintain an heretic. But if contrariwise the Canons of the Chapterhouse, and the other Religious men will not declare and show that the preacher whom they had hired, had taught any error or heresy, but were set only of malice, by violence to drive him away, they might not (said they) by any means suffer the same. Whereupon they desired the Senate with all humble obedience, that they would not require it of them, but grant them equity and justice, saying, that they were minded to assist their preacher always, and to plead his cause.
This answer the Senate commanded to be declared to the Chapterhouse. When as the religious sort understood that they could prevail little or nothing with their words, bursting out in a fury, they began to threaten, and there withal went straight unto the Archbyshop, to certify him how y e Citizens of Breme were become heretics, & would no longer obey their religious sort, with many other like things in their complaint, so that it was to be feared, least the whole City shortly should be seduced.
When the Bishop heard tell of these things, straightways he sent ii. which were of his counsel, unto Breme, requiring that Henry should be sent unto him without delay. Whē they were demanded why they would have him sent, they answered, because he preached against the holy Church. Being again demanded, in what pointes or articles, they had nothing to say. One of these counselors was the Bishops Suffragan, a naughty pernicious hypocrite, which sought all means possible to carry away the said Henry captive. Finally they received this answer of the Senators, that for so much as the preacher being hired by the Church wardens, had not hitherto been convict for an heretic, & that no mā had declared any erroneous or heretical article that he had taught, they said, they could by no means obtain of the Citizens that he should be carried away: Wherefore they earnestly desired the Bishop that he would speedily send his learned mē unto Breme, to dispute with him, & if he were convinced, they promised, without any delay that he should be justly punished, and sent away: if not, they would in no wise let him depart. Whereunto the Suffragan answered with a great protestation, requiring that he might be delivered into his hands, for the quietness of the whole country, taking God to his witness, that in this behalf, he sought for nothing else, but only the commodity of his country. But for all this, they could prevail nothing, for the Senate continued still in their former mind. Wherupō the Suffragan being moved with anger, departed from Breme, and would not confirm their children.
When he came unto the Bishop he declared the answer of the Senate, and what he had heard and learned of the Priests and Monks there. Afterward whē daily news came, that the preacher did still more & more preach & teach more heinous matter against the religious rout, they attempted another way, suborning great men to admonish the Citizens of Breme into what jeopardy their common wealth might fall by means of their Preacher, preaching contrary to the decree of the Pope and Emperor. Besides that, they said, that he was the prisoner of the Lady Margaret, for which cause they had gotten Letters of the Lady Margaret, requiring to have her prisoner sent unto her again.
All these crafts and subtleties did nothing at all prevail, for the Senate of Breme answered all things without blame. When as the Bishop saw this his enterprise also frustrate, he attempted another way, whereby he had certain hope, that both he, & also the word of God with him should be wholly oppressed. Whereupō they decreed a Provincial counsel, not to be holden at Breme, as it was accustomed, but at Bucstade, which place they thought most meet for their purpose.
To this Council were called all the Prelates & learned men of the Dioces, to determine what was to be believed, and whereto to trust.
Also to the said Council was Henry called, notwithstanding that they had already decreed to proceed against him, as against a manifest heretic, albeit he was not yet convict, nor had pleaded his cause before. Wherefore the rulers of the City, together with the commonality, detained him at home, foreseyng and suspectyng the malice of the Council. Then the said Henry gathered a sum of his doctrine into a few Articles, and sent it with his letters, unto the Archbyshop, excusing his innocency, offering him self to be ready, if he were convict of any error by the testimony of y e holy Scripture, he would be ready to recant y e same: notw t standing earnestly requiring, that his errors might be convicted by y e holy Scriptures, by the testimony whereof he had hitherto approved his doctrine & doubted not hereafter to cōfirm the same: but this took no place amongst those annointed prelates. What y e determinatiō of their judgment was, it may hereupon well be gathered, in that shortly after they set up vpō the Church porche the Bull of Pope Leo the x. & decree of the Emperor made at Wormes. Wherupon Henry contēnyng their madness, proceeded daily in preaching the Gospel, adding always this protestatiō, y t he was ready willingly to give account touching his faith & doctrine, to every mā that would require the same. In the mean time the holy Catholics could not be idle, but sent their chapleines unto every sermon, to trappe him in his words. But God, whose foot paths are in y e midst of y e floods, would have his marvelous power to be seen in thē, for he converted many of them: in so much that the greater part of those that were sent to hearken, did openlie witness his doctrine to be God's truth, against which no man could contend, and such as in all their lives before they had not heard, persuading them likewise, that they forsaking all impiety, should follow the word of God, and believe the same, if they would be saved. But the chief priests, canons and monks, were so indurate and blinded with Pharaoh, that they became the worse for these admonitions. When as God saw the time convenient that Henry should confirm the verity that he had preached, he sent him among the cruel murderers appointed for that slaughter, by this occasion as followeth.
It happened in the year of our Lord 1524. that this Henry was sent for by letters, by Nicholas Boye parish priest, and other faithful Christians of the parish of Meldorph, which is a town in Diethmar, to preach the Gospel unto them, and deliver them out of the bondage of Antichrist, which in that place had full dominion.
These letters being received upon S. Catherines even, calling together six brethren, honest Citizens, he opened the matter unto thē, how y t he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to preach y e Gospel: adding moreover that he was not only a debtor unto thē, but to all other which required his aid. Wherefore he thought good to go unto Diethmar, to see what God would work by him, requiring also that they would help him with their advice, by what means he might best take his journey, that no mā should know of it, that thereby he might not be letted or stopped: which thing without doubt had come to pass, if his purpose had been known to the people. Unto whom the citizens answered, desiring him that he would not depart for a time, for so much as y e Gospel had not yet taken so deep root in y e people, but was as yet weak, & specially in the villages thereabout, & that the persecution was very great, willing him also to have respect unto this, that he was by them called to the office of preaching, and if they of Diethmar desired a preacher, he should send some other in his place, for they had before perceived the disposition and untrustiness of them of Diethmar: besides that, it was not in their power to give him free liberty to depart, without the consent of the whole communaltie. Whereunto Henry made answer in this manner, that albeit he could not deny but that he was sent for by them: yet now there were many godly & learned men at Breme, whose labor they might use in his absence, in preaching of the Gospel. Besides that, the Papists were for the most parte vanquished and overthrown, and their folly known, even unto women and children, adding thereunto, that he had now preached the Gospel by the space of two years at Breme, and that they of Diethmar lived without a pastour even in the midst of the wolves, wherefore he could not with safe conscience deny their request. And whereas they alleged that they could not license him without the consent of the whole congregation, that (said he) was but of small effect, for so much as he would not utterly forsake them, but determined only to remain with them of Diethmar, for a month or two, to lay a foundation, and then to return again, desiring them, that after his departure, they would declare unto the congregation, how he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to whom he could not say nay: willing them also to excuse his sodeine departure, for that he was forced to depart secretly, because of his adversaries privily lyeng in wait in every place for him, thinking that he should scarcely avoid them, which had always gone about to bring him to his death. Finally, they should promise to the congregation in his name, that when he had performed his enterprise, he would straight return again. They being persuaded with these words, cōscented unto him, steadfastly hoping that they of Diethmar should be converted unto the true faith: which people above all other, have always been most given to Idolatry.
Having prepared all things toward his setting forth, the xxij. day of October, he took his journey, and came to Meldorphe, whither he was sent for: whereas he was joyfully received of the parish priest and other, as soon as he was come thither. Albeit he had not yet preached, the Devil with his members by and by began to freat and fume for anger. Above all other, one Augustine Torneborch, Prior of the Black friers, began to fume, who went out of hand unto master John Swicken his companion, and Commissary to the Officiall of Hamburge, to take counsel what was to be done, least they should loose their kingdom. Finally it was decreed by them, above all things to withstand the beginnings, that he should not have license to preach: for if by any means it happened that he preached, and the people should hear him, it was to be feared that the wickedness and craft of the Priests and Monks should be opened, which being made manifest, they knew plainly that it would be but a folly to resist, remembering what had happened lately before in Breme. This determination had, the Prior the next day early in the morning, (for he had not slept well all night for cares) went with great speed unto Heyda to speak with the 48. Presidēts of the country: unto whom with great complaints he shown, how that a seditious fellow a Monk, was come from Breme, which would seduce all the people of Diethmar, as he had done the Bremers. There was moreover that did assist this Prior, master Gunterus, Chancelor of that country, and Petrus Hannus, both enemies unto the Gospel. These two stoutly assisted the Prior, persuading the other 46. being simple and unlearned men, that they should obtain great favor and good will of the Bishop of Breme, if they would put this heretic monk to death. When these poor unlearned men heard these words, they decreed that this Monk should be put to death, neither heard, nor seen, much less convict.
Furthermore, this Prior obtained letters from the 48. Presidents unto the parish priest, commanding him under great penalty, that he should put the Monk out of his house, and command him to depart without preaching. With these letters he came speedily unto Meldorphe, and delivered the letters ouernight unto the parish Priest, trusting that by their threatenings and commandment, the said Henry should be feared from preaching, diligently watching whether he did preach or not.
When as the parish priest had read over the letters, he marueyled not a little at that proud commandment, for that it had not been heard of before, that the xlviij. Presidents should meddle with Ecclesiastical matters, and that it had been of long time used, that the ruling thereof should be in the hands of the parish priest: and long time before it was decreed by the whole province, and customably used, that in every church y e parish priest should have free liberty to receive or put out the preacher. These letters the parish priest delivered unto Henry: which when he had diligently looked over, he answered, that for so much as he was come, being sent for by y e whole cōgregatiō to preach the Gospel of Christ, he would satisfy that vocation, because he saw it would be acceptable unto the whole congregation, and that he ought rather to obey the word of God, then mā: Also y t if it pleased God that he should lose his life in Diethmar, there was as near a way to heaven, as in any other place, for that he doubted nothing at all, y t once he must suffer for y e Gospels sake. Upon this courage and boldness, the next day Henry went up into the Pulpit, and made a Sermon, expounding the place of Paul, which is, Rom. 1. Testis est mihi Deus, &c. That is, God is my witness: and the Gospel of the day. After the Sermon was done, the whole congregation being called together, the Prior delivered the letters that were sent by the 48. Presidents, the tenor whereof was this: that they of Meldorph should be fined with a fine of a thousand gildrens, if they suffered the Monk to preach: and commanded moreover, that they should send ambassadors unto Heida, with full power and authority. When they heard these letters read, they were much moved, because they were so charged contrary to the custom of the country, for so much as every parish priest hath always had authority, according to his discretion, to choose or put away the preacher. Briefly they all determined with one voice, to keep Henry for their preacher, and to defend him: for when they had heard the Sermon, they were greatly offended with the Prior.
After dinner Henry preached again, expounding y e place of S. Paul Rom. 15. Debemus nos qui potentes sumus, &c. We ought which are strong, &c. The next day the Citizens of Meldorphe sent their messengers unto Heyda, offering to answer in all causes before all men, for their preacher, whom they had received. Besides that, the messengers declared what Christian & godly Sermons they heard him preach. The parish priest also wrote letters by the said Legates unto the 48. rulers, wherein he excused himself, that it was never his mind, nor the intent of the said Henry to move sedition, but only sincerely to preach y e word of God, and offered himself ready to answer for the said Henry to all mē, whensoever he should be called, most earnestly desiring them not to give credit unto y e Monks, which being blinded with hatred & avarice, had fully determined to oppress y e truth: saying moreover, that it was against all reason, that a man should be condemned, before the truth be tried out, and his cause declared, and if after due inquisitiō had, he should be convict, then he should suffer cōdigne punishment. This submission with y e public testimonial, was nothing esteemed or regarded, neither was there any answer given thereunto, but every man repined & murmured thereat. Last of all, one Peter Dethleues, one of the Seniors answered: that albeit there were diverse dissensions in every place about the Christian faith; and that they as men ignorant, could not redress the same, yet this their sentence should be holden and ratified: which was, that the judgment of determining this dissension, should be reserved to the next Council, which by the report of master Chancelor, was now in hand to be called and gathered. Also until all discord and dissension should be appeased, whatsoever was received and believed by their neighbors, he promised in the name of the rest, that they would willingly receive and believe the same: So that if the word of God hath not hitherto been clearly and sincerely preached (as they said) unto y e people, and that there be now some which can teache and preach the same more sincerely, it is not their mind or intent to withstand or resist their good doings, but that the presidents would wish this one thing diligently to be taken heed of, that there be no occasion given by any man to move sedition, and in the mean time he commanded all men quietly to give over all matters until Easter next, and by that time it should be made evident what should be received, and what left undone. With this answer they were all very well contented, and the messengers returned again to Meldorphe with great joy and gladness, declaring to the whole congregation what answer was made, conceiving a sure hope that the matter would shortly come to pass.
Upon S. Nicholas day, this Henry preached twice, first upon the Gospel Homo quidam nobilis, &c. A certain noble man, &c. Secondly upon this text, Plures facti sunt sacerdotes, &c. There are many made Priests, &c. with such a spirit and grace, that all men had him in admiration, praieng God most earnestly that they might long have such a preacher. Upon the day of the conception of our Lady, he also made two Sermons upon the first chapter of Matthew, expounding the book of the generation, wherein he rehearsed the promises made by God unto our forefathers, and under what faith our fathers that then were, had lived, adding also that all respect of works being set apart, we must be justified by the same faith. All these things were spoken with such boldness of spirit, that all mē greatly marvelled at him, giving thanks to God for his great mercy, that had sent them such a Preacher, desiring him moreover that he would tarry with them all Christmas to preach, for they feared least he should be sent for to some other place.
In the mean space, the Prior and master John Schinke were not idle, for when the Prior perceived that his malicious enterprise took no good success, he adjoined unto him a companion, William, a Doctor of the Iacobines, and so went up to Laudanum, to the Monks, Franciscans, and Minors, for help and counsel. For those kinds of Friers above all other, are best instruct by their hypocrisy, to deceive the poor and simple people. These Friers streightwaies sent for certain of the rulers, which had all the rule and authority, and specially Peter Hannus, Peter Swine, and Nicholas Roden, unto whom they declared, after their accustomed manner, with great complaints, what an heretic Monk had preached, and how he had obtained the favor almost of all the simple people, which if they did not speedily provide for and withstand the beginnings, and put the heretic to death, it would come to pass, that shortly the honor of our Lady and all Saints, together with the two Abbeys, should utterly come to ruin and decay.
When these simple & ignorant men heard these words, they were greatly moved. Whereunto Peter Swine answered thus, that they had before written unto the parish priest & to Henry, what was best to be done, notwithstanding if they thought good, they would write again. No, said y e Prior, this matter must be attempted another way, for if you write unto the heretic, he will by and by answer you again. And it is to be feared, least the contagion of his heresy do also infect you, being unlearned men: for if you give him leave to speak, and to answer, there is no hope that you shall overcome him. Wherefore they finally determined to take this Henry by night, and burn him, before the people should know it, or he come to his defense to answer. This devise pleased all mē, but specially the Franciscane Friers. Petrus Hannus the Priors chief friend, willing to get the chief praise and thanks of this matter, by the help of master Gunter, did associate unto him certain other rulers of the towns near adioining, whose names are here not to be hidden, because they so much affected praise and glory. The names of the Presidentes were these, Petrus Hannus, Peter Swines son, Hennicke Lūdane, John Holneus, Laurence Hannemanus, Nicholas Weslingbourgus, Ambrose & John Brenthusius, Marquardus Kremmerus, Henstedanus Ludekus, Johannnes Weslingus, and Petrus Grossus, President of Himmigstate. All these Presidentes & all other that were of Council to this pretence, assembled together in the Parish of the new Church, in the house of master Gunter, where also the Chancelor was consultyng together with thē, how they might burn the said Henry, secretly coming upon him without any judgment or sentence. They concluded the next day after the conception of our Lady, to meet at Hennyng, which is v. mile frō Meldorphe, with a great band of husbādmen. This determination this made, they laid scoutes in every place, that there should no news of their pretēsed mischiefs come unto Meldorphe, cōmaundyng that as soon as it began to wax dark, they should all gather together. There assembled above v. C. mē of the country, unto whom was declared the cause of their assemble, & also they were instructed what was to be done, for before no mā knew the cause of the assemble, but only the Presidentes. When the husbandmē understood it, they would have returned back again, refusing to do such a detestable and horrible deed. The Presidentes with most bitter threats, kept them in obedience, & to the intent they should be the more courageous, they gave them three barrels of Hamborow beer to drink.
About midnight they came in armor to Meldorphe. The Iacobines and Monks prepared torches for them, that Henry should not slip away suddenly in the dark. They had also with them a false betrayer, named Hennegus, by whose treason they had perfect knowledge of all things. With great violence they burst into the house of the Parish Priest, breaking & spoylyng all things, as the manner of that drunken people is. If they found either gold or silver, they took it away. When they had spoiled all things, they violently fell upon the Parish Priest, & with great noise cried out, kill the thief, kill the thief. Some of them took him by the hear of the head and pulled him out into the dirt, forcyng him to go with them as prisoner: other some cried out, saying that y e Parish Priest was not to be meddled withal, for they had no commission to take him. After they had satisfied their lust upon the Parishe Priest, with great rage and fury they ran vpō Henry, and drawing him naked out of his bed, bound his hands hard behind him: whō being so bound, they drew to and fro so long, that Peter Hannus, which otherwise was vnmercyfull & a cruel persecutor of the word of God, willed thē that they should let him alone, for y t without doubt, he would follow of his own mind. Then they committed the guidyng of him to John Balco, who rather drew him by violence, thē led him. When he was brought to Hemmingsted, they asked of him how and for what intent he came to Diethmar. Unto whom he gently declared the whole cause of his coming: but they all in a rage cried out. Away with him, away with him, for if we hear him talk any longer, it is to be feared, that he will make us also heretics. Then he being marvelous weary and faint, required to be set a horseback, for his feet were all cut and hurt with the yse, because he was led all night barefoot. When they heard him say so, they mocked & laughed at him, say • ng, must we hire a horse for an heretic? He shall go a foot whether he will or no. Because it was night, they carried him naked unto Heyda. Afterward they brought him to a certain mans house named Calden, & bound him there with chains in the stocks. The master of the house seeing the cruel deed, taking compassion upon Henry, would not suffer it to be done. Wherefore he was carried away to the Priests house, the Officials servant of Hamburge, & shut up in a cupboard, & was kept by the rude people, which all the night mocked & scorned him. Amongest all other there came unto him, Simon in Altenuord, & Christian Parish Priest of the new Church, both alike ignorant & wicked persecutors of the word of God, demaundyng of him why he had forsaken his holy habit. Unto whom he friendly answered by the Scriptures, but those ignorant persons understood nothing what he said. Master Gunterus also came unto him, enquiring whether he had rather to be sent to the Bishop of Breme, or receive his punishment in Diethmar. Unto whom Henry answered, if I have preached any thing contrary to God's word, or done any wicked act, it is in their hands to punish me therefore. Gunterus answered. Harke I pray you friends, bark, he desireth to suffer in Diethmar. The common people all the night continued drinking and swillyng.
In the morning about viii. of the clock, they gathered together in y e market place to consult what they should do. There the rusticall people boiling with drink, cried out, burn him, burn him, to the fire with the heretic. Without doubt, if we do it, we shall this day obtain great glory and praise both of God and man, for the longer he liveth, the more he will seduce with his heresy. What need many words? Sure he was to die, for they had condemned this good Henry without any judgment, (his cause not being heard) to be burned. At last they commanded the Crier to proclaim, that every man that was at the taking of him, should be ready in armor to bring him forth to the fire. Amongest all other, the Frier Franciscans were present, encouraging the drunken rude people, saying, now ye go the right way to work. Then they bound the said Henry, hands, feet, and neck, and with great noise brought him forth to the fire. As he passed by, a certain woman standing in her door, beholding that pitiful sight, wept abundantly. Unto whom Henry turning himself, said, I pray you weep not for me. When he came to the fire, for very weakness he sat down upon the ground. By and by there was present one of the Presidents named Maye, which was evidently known to be corrupted and bribed with money, to this purpose: he condemned the said Henry to be burned, pronouncing this sentence upon him.
For so much as this thief hath wickedly preached against the worship of our blessed Lady, by the commandment and sufferance of our reverend father in Christ, the Bishop of Breme, and my Lord, I condemn him here to be burned and consumed with fire. Unto whom Henry answered, I have done no such thing: and lifting up his eyes towards the heaven, he said, O Lord forgive them, for they offend ignorantly, not knowing what they do. Thy name, O almighty God, is holy.
In the mean time, a certain woman, the wife of one Iunger, sister of Peter Hannus, offered hir self to suffer a thousand stripes, and to give them much money, so that they would pacify the matter, and keep him in prison, until that he might plead his matter before the whole convocation of the country. When they heard these words, they waxed more mad, and threw the woman down under feet, and trode vpō her, and beat the said Henry unmercifully. One of the rusticall sort, strake him behind on the head with a sharp daggar. John Holmes of the new Church strake him with a Mace. Othersome thrust him in the back, and in the arms. And this was not done once or twice, but as often as he began to speak. Master Gunter cried out, encouraging them, saying: Go to boldly good fellows, truly God is with us present.
After this he brought a Franciscane Frier unto Henry, y t he should be confessed. Whom Henry demanded in this manner: Brother, when have I done you injury, either by word or deed, or when did I ever provoke you to anger? Never, said the frier. What should I then confess unto you, said he, that you think you might forgive me? The Frier being moved at these words, departed. The fire as often as it was kindled, would not burn. Notwithstanding they satisfied their minds upon him, striking & pricking him with all kind of weapons. The said Henry standing in the mean time in his shyrt before all this rude people, at the last they having gotten a great ladder, bound him hard thereunto, and cast him into the fire. And whē he began to pray, & to repeat his Creed, one strake him vpō the face with his fist, saying, thou shalt first be burnt, and afterward pray & prate as much as thou wilt. Then another treading upon his breast, bound his neck hard to a step of the ladder, that the blood gushed out of his mouth and nose. This was done to strangle him withal, for they saw, that for all his sore wounds, he would not die.
After he was bound to the ladder, he was set upright. Then one running unto him, set his halbard for the ladder to lean against (for those countrymen use no commō hangman, but every mā exerciseth the office without difference) but the ladder slipping away from the point of the halbard, caused that the halbard strake him through the body. Then they cast this good man with ladder and all upon the wood, which tumbling down, light upon the one side. Then John Holmeus ran unto him, & strake him with a mace upon the breast, till he was dead, and stirred no more. Afterward they roasted him upon the coles, for the wood as aftē as it was set on fire, would not burn out. And thus this godly preacher finished his martyrdom, which was, ann. 1524. Ex Epist. Mart. Luth.
About the same time, many other godly persons, & such as feared God, for the testimony of the Gospel, were thrown into the river of Rhene, and into other rivers, where their bodies afterward were found, and taken up. Also in the said Town of Diethmar, another faithful Saint of God, named John, suffered the like martyrdom. Thus these two blessed and constant Martyrs, as two shining lights set up of God, in testimony of his truth, offered up the sacrifice of their confession, sealed with their blood, in a sweet odor unto God.
At the Town of Hala, likewise another preacher, named M. George, for ministering in both kinds, was martyred and slain of a like sort of cutchrotes, set up by monks and friers to murder him, near to the town called Haschemburge. Ex Crisp. & Pantal.
At Prague also in Bohemia, another for changing his Monkerie into Matrimony, did suffer in like manner. Ex Lud. Rab.
Furthermore, in the same year of our Lord above mentioned 1524. and 22. of Octob. the Town of Miltenberge in Germany was taken and ransacked, and diverse of the inhabitants there slain, and many imprisoned for maintaining and keeping with them Carolostadius, to be their preacher. Ex Raba. & Pantal.
In the same catalogue of holy Martyrs, likewise is to be placed Gaspar Tamber. Also another called Georgius, a Scrivener, which both wer burned at Vienna in Austria.
The lamentable martyrdom of John Clerke of Melden in France.
MElden is a city in France x. miles distant from Paris, where John Clerke first was apprehended & takē, ann. 1523. for setting up upon the Church door, a certain Bill against the Popes pardons lately sent thither from Rome, in which Bill he named the Pope to be Antichrist. For the which his punishment was this, that three several days he should be whipped, & afterward have a mark imprinted in his forehed, as a note of infamy. His mother being a christiā womā, although her husband was an adversary, when she beheld her son thus pitiously scourged, and ignominiously deformed in the face, constantly & boldly did encourage her son, crying with a loud voice. Blessed be Christ, and welcome be his printes and marks.
After this execution and punishment sustained, the said John departed that town, and went to Roisie in Bry, & from thence removed to Metz in Lotharing, where he remained a certain space, applyeng his vocation, being a Wollecarder by his occupation. Whereas he, the day before that the people of that city should go out to the suburbs to worship certain blind idols near by (after an old use and custom amongst them received) being inflamed with the zeal of God, went out of the City to the place where the Images were, and brast them all down in pieces. The next morrow after, when y e Canons, Priests, & Monks, keeping their old custom, had brought with them the people out of the City, to the place of Idolatry, to worship as they were wont, they found all their blocks and stocks almighty, lie broken upon the ground. At the sight whereof they being mightily offended in their minds, set all the City on a gog to search out the author thereof. Who was not hard to be found: for so much as this foresaid Clerke, besides that he was noted of them to be a man much addicted that way, he was also seen somewhat late in the evening before, to come from the same place into the City. Wherefore he being suspected, and examined vpō the same, at first confessed the fact, rendering also the cause, which moved him so to do. The people hearing this, and being not yet acquainted with that kind of doctrine, were moved marvelously against him, crying out upon him in a great rage. Thus his cause being infourmed to the Judges, wherein he defended the pure doctrine of the son of God, he was condemned, and led to the place of executiō, where he sustained extreme torments: For first his hand was cut off from his right arm: then his nose with sharp pinsons was violently plucked from his face: after that both his arms, and his paps were likewise plucked and drawn with the same instrument. To all them that stood looking upon, it was an horror to behold the grievous and doleful sight of his pains: again to behold his patience, or rather the grace of God giving him the gift so to suffer, it was a wonder. Thus quietly and constantly he endured in his torments, pronouncing, or in a manner singing the verses of the 115. Psal. Simulacra eorum sunt argentum & aurum, &c. Their Images be silver and gold, the work only of man's hand, &c. The residue of his life that remained in his rent body, was committed to the fire, and therewith consumed: which was about the year of our Lord 1524. Ex Plant. & Crisp.
John Castellane.
THe year next ensuing, which was 1525. master John Castellane borne at Tourney, a Doctor of Divinity, after that he was called unto y e knowledge of God, and became a true preacher of his word, and had preached in France, in a place called Barleduc, also at Uittery in Partoise, at Chalon in Champaine, and in the town of Uike, which is the Chamber and Episcopal Seat of the Bishop of Metz in Loraine, after he had laid some foundation of the doctrine of the Gospel in the town of Metz, in returning from thence he was taken prisoner by the Cardinal of Loraines servants, by whom he was carried from Gorze to the Castell of Nommeny: whereupon the citizens of Merz took no little displeasure and greeuance, who being grievously offended to have their preacher so to be apprehended and imprisoned, within short space after took certain of the Cardinals subjects, and kept them prisoners so long, until the Abbot of S. Antonies in Uiennois, called Theodore de Chaumont, vicar general, as well in causes spiritual, as temporal, through the jurisdiction both of the Cardinal, and Bishopric of Metz, Tollouse and Uerdune, being furnished with a letter & commission from the See of Rome, came to the said town of Metz, and after diverse declarations made to the Prouost, and the other Justices and Counsellers of the City, he so wrought and brought to pass, that immediately the said subjects of the Cardinal were set at liberty. But John Castellane was kept still prisoner in the Castell of Nommeny, and was most cruelly handled, from the time of the fourth day of May, until the twelfth day of January: during all which time he persevered constant in y e doctrine of the son of God. Wherupon he was carried from Nommeny, to the town and Castell of Uike, always persevering constantly in the profession of the same doctrine, so that they did proceed unto the sentence of his degradation, that he might be delivered over unto the secular power, according to the custom and manner. And for so much as the form and manner of the sentence and process of disgrading is notable, and hath been reported unto us word for word, we have thought good here to annex the same, to declare the horrible blasphemies joined with gross and brutish subtlety, in those high mysteries which the enemies of the truth do use in their process against the children of God, whereby every man, even the most ignorant, may evidently perceive the horrible blindness, that these unshamefast Catholics are blinded withal.
The sentence of the degradation.
COncerning the process inquisitorie, fourmed and given in form of accusation against thee John Castellane, priest and religious man of the fryer Eremites of the order of S. Augustine: understanding likewise thy confession which thou hast made of thine own good will, maintaining false and erroneous doctrine: and marking also besides this, the godly admonitions, and charitable exhortations which we made unto thee in the town of Metz, which thou like unto the serpent Aspis, hast refused, and given no ear unto: also considering thine answers made and reiterate unto our interrogatories, by means of thine oath, in the which diuelishly thou hast hidden and kept back, not only the truth, but also following the example of Cain, hast denied to confess thy sins and mischievous offense: and finally hearing the great number of witnesses, sworn and examined against thee, their persons and depositions diligently considered, and all other things worthy of consideration, being justly examined: the reverend master Nicholas Sauin, doctor of divinity, and inquisitour of the faith, assistaunt unto us, hath entered process against thee, and given full information thereof: this our purpose and intent being also communicate unto diverse Maysters and Doctors both of the Ciuile and Canon laws here present, which have subscribed and signed hereunto, whereby it appeareth that thou John Castellane hast oftentimes and in diverse places openly and manifestly spread abroad and taught many erroneous propositions, full of the heresy of Luther, contrary and against the Catholic faith, and the verity of the Gospel, and the holy Apostolic see, and so accursedly looked back, & turned thy face, that thou art found to be a liar before Almighty God. It is ordained by the sacred rules of the Canon law, that such as through the sharp darts of their venomous tongue, do pervert the Scriptures, and go about with all their power to corrupt and infect the souls of the faithful, should be punished and corrected with most sharp correction, to the ende that others should be afraid to attempt the like, and apply themselves the better to the study of Christian concord, through the examples set before their eyes, as well of severity▪ as of clemency. For these causes and others rising upon the said process, by the Apostolic authority, and also the authority of our said reverend Lord the Cardinal, which we do use in this our sentence definitive, which we sitting in our judgment seat, declare in these writings, having God only before our eyes, and surely considering, that what measure we do meat unto other, the same shall be measured to us again: