Church History of Britain

Preface.

ALthough the foundation of this University was far ancienter, yet because what before this time is reported of it, is both little and doubtful, and already inserted into the Body of our Ecclesiastical History; it is early enough to begin the certain History thereof. Far be it from me to make odious comparisons between Jachin and Boaz the two Pillars in Solomon's Temple, by preferring either of them for beauty and strength, when both of them are equally admirable. Nor shall I make difference betwixt the Sisters (Coheires of Learning and Religion) which should be the Eldest. In the days of King Henry the sixth such was the quality of desert betwixt Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham, and Henry Beauchampe Duke of Warwick, that to prevent exceptions about Priority, it was ordered by the Parliament, That they should take precedency by turns, one one year, and the other the next year; and so by course were to checquer or exchange their going or setting all the years of their life. Sure I am there needeth no such pains to be took, or provision to be made, about the preeminence of our English Universities, to regulate their places, they having better learned Humility from the Precept of the Apostle, In honor preferring one another. Wherefore I presume my Aunt Oxford will not be justly offended, if in this Book I give my own Mother the upper hand, and first begin with her History. Thus desiring God to pour his blessing on both, that neither may want Milk for their Children, or Children for their Milk, we proceed to the business.

1. AT this time the fountain of learning in Cambridge was but little, and that very troubled. For of late the Danes (who at first, like an intermitting Ague, made but inroads into the Kingdom, but afterwards turned to a quotidian of constant habitation) had harraged all this Country, and hereabouts kept their station. Mars then frighted away the Muses, when the Mount of Parnassus was turned into a Fort, and Helicon derived into a Trench. And at this present, King William the Conqueror going to subdue the Monks of Eli that resisted him, made Cambridgeshire the Seat of War.

2. For to the town of Cambridge he retired, and there for a season reposed himself, half dead with sorrow, that his design against the aforesaid Monks took no effect. At what time he found in the Town 3 • 7 dwelling houses, 18 whereof he caused then to be plucked down, to make room for the erecting of a Castle, which he there reedified, that it might be a check-bit to curb this Country which otherwise was so hard-mouthed to be ruled. This Castle, here built by him, was strong for situation, stately for structure, large for extent, and pleasant for prospect; having in it, amongst other rooms, a most magnificent Hall: the stones and timber whereof, were afterwards begged by the Master and Fellows of Kings-Hall, of King Henry the fourth, towards the building of their Chapel. At this day the Castle may seem to have run out of the Gate-house, which only is standing and employed for a Prison: so that what was first intended to restrain Rebells without it, is now only used to confine Felons within it. There is still extant also an artificial high Hill deeply entrenched about, steep in the ascent, but level at the top, which endureth still in defiance of the teeth of Time; as the most greedy Glutton must leave those bones, not for manners, but necessity, which are too hard for him to devour. King William had scarce finished this •• stle, when it was first hanselled with the submission of the Abbot of Eli, who came hither to bewail his errors, and beseech the Kings mercy, having formerly paid 700 Marks to preserve the life and liberty of himself and his Covent. Besides, when that money came to be paid, and one groat thereof was found wanting in weight, a new sum was extorted from him for breach of Covenants; to teach them who are to deal with potent Creditors to weigh right, left otherwise they approve themselves penny wise, and pound foolish.

3. Now, though these martial impressions did much discompose the studies of Scholars in Cambridge, under William the Conqueror; who being a Militarie man, by his very constitution was not over-fond of Learning: yet even in these days the place was not totally abandoned of Scholars. Yet Cambridge was in some reputation and eminence for Literature. For Henry, youngest son to King William, was here brought up in the study of Arts and Sciences; and afterwards he travailed beyond the Seas (being at Paris, some say, though improbable, when news was brought of the death of his brother King William Rufus so that both hom • bred and foreign Learning met in him, to deserve the surname of Beauclerk. His father is reported to have designed him for a Bishop; as Maud, wife to this Henry, is said by her Parents to have been intended for a Nun; and these two marrying together, were the most learned couple in that Age.

4. Some say that this Henry, afterwards King of England, in gratitude to Cambridge for his education, endowed Readers of several languages therein, alleging Lelands verses, as alluding thereunto:

But we will not wrest the words beyond the intent of the Poet, who herein seems to relate to the Hebrew and Greek Professors founded in his days at Cambridge by King Henry the eighth, whom we may call Beauclerk junior, though short as in time, so in learning of the former. Thus though for the present we will not build the bounty of this King Henry to Cambridge on a false bottom, yet certainly he was a dutiful Son to his Mother, from whom he had his breeding, and not forgetting her favor unto him.

5. Not long after, Roger of Montgomerie, most mischievously with Fire and Sword destroyed the Town and County of Cambridge, spoiling the poor Subjects, so to be revenged of their Sovereign King William Rufus; in so much as, for a time, the University was wholly abandoned.

6. Hugolina, a worthy woman, and wife to Picot Baron of Burn, and Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, recovered at Cambridge of a desperate sickness: wherefore in gratitude (according to the devout mode of those days) she built a Church there, dedicating it to God and S ^t . Giles, and placed six Canons therein: Yea, she prevailed so far with her husband, that he endowed this her Church with half the tithes of his Demesnes, in his Manors

• of
  • 1. Qui
  • 2. Stow
  • 3. Water-Beach
  • 4. Midleton
  • 5. Histons
  • 6. Impeton
  • 7. Gretton
  • 8. Hokington
  • 9. Ramton
  • 10. Cotenham
  • 11. Lolesworth
  • 12. Trumpington
  • 13. Haselingfield
  • 14. Harleton
  • 15. Eversden
  • 16. Toft
  • 17. Caldecot
  • 18. Kingston
  • 19. Winepole
  • 20. Gransden
  • 21. Hatley
  • 22. Pampsworth
  • 23. Alewind.

But soon after, these tithes were but poorly paid; namely, when Robert Picot his son forfeited his Baronrie, which King Henry the first bestowed upon Pagan Peverell.

7. See we here a grand difference betwixt the endowments of Monasteries before and after the Conquest. The Saxons generally endowed them with solid and substantial revenues out of their own estates, giving good Farms and Manors unto them. (Or if any tithes, only those within the circuit of that Parish wherein that Covent was erected; the secular Priests (and afterwards the Monks) therein, being presumed to take some spiritual pains in that place, to the deserving thereof.) This properly was frank-almonage, bestowing on God in his Church (as they accounted it) what was their own to estate upon him. But the Normans embraced a cheaper way of dotations, chiefly bestowing all, or part of the tithes of their lands, on Covents of their foundation, payable out of Parishes lying a good distance from the same; and this was according to the French fashion. Now if it be true, that tithes be due jure Divino, this was no gift, but a payment, which they were bound to tender to the Church: Yea, which is more, such grants of tithes were no better than felony, robbing the Ministers of their respective Parishes, of what was due unto them: Insomuch, that they took the oil from the weike (the Pastor laboring in his Church) and gave it to the thief or waster in the Lamp, to which the idle Monks may fitly be compared.

8. To repair the damage lately done by Montgomerie to the Town of Cambridge, King Henry the first bestowed many privileges thereon, which the University is so far from repining, she rejoiceth thereat. For well may the jewel delight to be put in an handsome cabinet. He freed the Town from the power of the Sheriff, making it a Corporation, upon the payment of one hundred and one marks yearly into the Exchequer, which sum the Sheriff paid before for his profits out of the Town, when it was under his jurisdiction. Besides, whereas the Ferrie over the river Grant was a vagrant before (even any where, where passengers could get wastage over) by authority and custom, it now began to be fixed near Cambridge, which brought much trading and concourse of people thereunto.

9. About this time Barnwell, that is, Children's-well, a Village within the precincts of Cambridge, got both the name thereof and a Faire therein on this occasion. Many little children on Midsummer (or S ^t . John Baptists ) eve met there in mirth to play and sport together: Their company caused the confluence of moe and bigger boys to the place: Then bigger than they; even their Parents themselves came thither, to be delighted with the activity of their children. Meat and drink must be had for their refection, which brought some victualling-booths to be set up. Pedlers with toys and trifles cannot then be supposed long absent, whose packs in short time swelled into Tradesmens stalls of all commodities. Now it is become a great Faire, and (as I may term it) one of the Townsmens Commencements, wherein they take their degrees of wealth, fraught with all store of Wares, and nothing (except buyers) wanting therein.

10. Jews at this time came first to Cambridge, and possessed a great part of the Town, called the Jewrie at this day. •• und-Church in the Jewrie is conjectured, by the rotundity of the structure, to have been built for their Synagogue. Much like whereunto, for fabric and fashion, I have seen another at Northhampton, where Jews about the same time had their Seminary. Some will say, Cambridge, an inland Town of small trading, was ill chosen by these Jews for their Seat, where the poor Scholars, if borrowing from these Userers, were likely to bring but small profit unto them. But let it suffice, that the Jews chose this place, whom no Christians need advise, for their own advantage. Here their carriage was very civil, not complained of (as elsewhere) for cruel crucifying of Christian children, and other enormities.

11 Now the Reader is requested seriously to preuse the following passage as faithfully transcribed out of an excellent author, and of high concernment in this our History. Joffred Abbot of Crowland, sent over to his manour of Cotenham nigh Cambria, Gislebert his fellow Monk, and professor of Divinity, with three other Monks, who following him into England, being thoroughly furnished with Philosophical Theorems, and other primitive sciences, repaired daily to Cambridge; and, having hired a certain public Barn, made open profession of their sciences, and in short space of time drew together a great company of Scholars.

12 But in the second year after their coming, the number of their Scholars grew so great, as well from out of the whole country as the town, that the biggest house and barn that was, or any Church whatsoever sufficed not to contain them: Whereupon, sorting themselves apart in several places, and taking the University of Orleans for their pattern, early in the morning, Monk Odo, a singular Grammarian, and satyrical Poet, read Grammar unto boys, and those of the younger sort assigned unto him; according to the doctrine of Priscian, and Remigius upon him. At one of the clock Terricus, a most witty and subtle Sophister, taught the elder sort of young men Aristotle's Logic, after the Introductions of Porphyry, and the Comments of Averroes. At three of the clock, Monk William read a Lecture in Tullius Rhetoric, and Quintilians Flores: But the great Master Gilbert, upon every Sunday and Holy-day, preached God's word unto the People. And thus out of this little fountain which grew to be a great river, we see how the City of God now is become enriched, and all England made fruitful by means of very many Masters and Doctors proceeding out of Cambridge, in manner of the holy Paradise, &c.

13 Thus Author writ some fifty years after the coming of these Crowland Professors to Cambridge; so that, who seriously considereth, how learning there, from a contemptible occasion, by small means, in so short a time, improved it self to so great an height, will conclude much of Providence therein; and we may observe according to Scripture expression, God had prepared the people, for the thing was done suddenly.

15 But some adversaries to the antiquity of Cambridge, represent and improve this action much to her disadvantage, as if newly now, and not before, she began to be an University. Objecting, that if Scholars were at Cambridge before the coming of those four Professors thither, they shown small civility in giving those strangers no better entertainment, to whom they should have said, as once Laban to Abraham's servant; Come in ye blessed of the Lord, wherefore stand you without? welcoming them to their Halls, Hostles, Chambers, Studies, with the best fare their present condition afforded; Especially, seeing Scholars of all men are soonest acquainted, the sameness of profession commonly making them familiar at the first sight. It seems therefore that at their coming thither, either Cambridge had no Scholars in her, or her Scholars had no manners in them; yea, had not read so much as Tully his Offices, to teach them civility to strangers professing learning, but suffered them to live, and read in a Barn by themselves.

15. In answer hereunto, may the Reader be pleased to take into his impartial consideration the following particulars:

• 1 Not much more then twenty years since that mischievous man Robert of Montgomerie had despoiled Cambridge. And no wonder if the Blackbirds were slow in flying back to their nests, which had been so lately destroyed.
• 2. Yet a racemation at least of Scholars either remained in Cambridge all that plundering time, or returned soon after it: For we find King Henry the first, in the second of his Reign, by order commanding some Civilians there to perform their Acts, and pay the Beadles their sees, which formerly they refused; and this was some years before the coming of the Crowland-Professors hither.
• 3. Probably some emulation, not to say envy (a canker we find fretting the fairest flowers) might make some distance betwixt the old stock of standing Scholars in Cambridge, and this new addition of Professors. Our Aunt Oxford may easily remember what little love, yea how great grudging there was betwixt her ancient Students, and that new plantation of Scholars which S ^t . Grimbal, under King Alfred, first placed there.
• 4. The marvelous increase of learning in Cambridge, in so short a time after the coming of the Crowland Professors thither, is justly imputed to this cause, for that Cambridge had formerly been a place of learning. Thus when green-wood is long is kindling, brands (which before were half burnt, and then quenched) do quickly take fire, and presently blaze into a bright flame.

In a word, such men who have made remarkable additions, to what was begun long before, oftentimes, as proudly as falsely, conceit themselves the first Founders thereof. Thus Nebuchadnezzar, Is not this great Babylon that I have built? whereas he, and all the world, knew that Semiramis built it a thousand years before his cradle was made, though he (no doubt) might strengthen, enlarge, and beautify the same. And, as Restorers are apt to mistake themselves for the Founders: so by infection of the same error, the Spectators of such Repairers, are prone to mis-interpret them for Beginners; as here these Crowland-Professors are erroneously apprehended the Founders of Cambridge. Thus the river Anas in Spain, after it hath run above sixty miles under ground, may be by ignorant people conceived to have his Birth [his fountain] there, wherein truth he hath but his Resurrection at his springing out of earth the second time. And thus sluggards in the morning count the Sun but then to arise, when it newly breaks forth of a cloud, and was risen some hours before.

16. Pain Peverell (Stander-bearer to Robert Duke of Normandy in the Holy-Land, removed Picot his foundation from S ^t . Giles in Cambridge (where they were pent for room) to a larger place of thirteen acres at Barnewell, about a mile off, where one Godesonn formerly led an Eremitical life. This Peverell increased the number of those Canons from six to thirty (because forsooth at that time he was just thirty years old) and endowed them with large revenues. Afterwards, in process of time, Barnwell became a prime Priorie, through the bounty of many Benefactors, and able at the dissolution of Abbeys to expend of old rents low rated three hundred fifty one pounds fifteen shillings four pence. Insomuch that the Prior thereof, in the forty ninth year of King Henry the third, by Writ bearing date at Woodstock, the twenty fourth of December, was (with many moe) voluntary summonitus, freely summoned (saith the Record) to be present as a Baron in Parliament. But let him make much of this favor, which never before or after was bestowed upon him or his successors. These Black-Canons of Barnewell were generally kind neighbors to the Scholars, and their Prior did sometimes good offices unto them.

17. Now amongst the eminent Scholars, who at this time studied in Cambridge, Alphred of Beverley was of especial note. He was born in Yorkshire, lived many years in Cambridge to gain learning, where he attained to be an excellent Philosopher, Divine, and Historian. Returning into his native country at Beverlie, he wrote the History of the British Nation, from the beginning of the world unto his ownage; which work was by him truly and elegantly composed. He is commonly surnamed the Treasurer; a title given him (as I conceive) not for bearing that office in his Covent; but from his diligent searching, discreet selecting, methodical compiling, and careful preserving or treasuring up precious passages of former ages for the use of Posterity. This Alphred, when living in Cambridge, maintained himself (as the rest of the Students there) on his own cost; every Scholar in that age being his own Founder and Benefactor: For, as yet, no public Halls or Hostles were built for to receive them, but each one lived as S ^t . Paul at Rome, in his own hired house, as they could contract with the Townsmen; who unconscionably improving themselves on the Scholars necessities, extorted unreasonable rents from them; as hereafter, God willing, shall appear.

18. And here I must admire one thing, and shall be thankful to such who will cure my wonder, by showing me the cause of that I wonder at: What might be the reason, that Monks and Friers in this age had such stately houses, rich endowments, plentiful maintenance; whilst Students in the University had poor chambers, hard fare, short means, and that on their own or parents charges: and yet there was more honesty, industry, painfulness, and piety, within the study of one Scholar, than the cells of an hundred Monks? Some, perchance, will impute this to the fancy of men, lapping, dandling, and feeding Monkies and Marmosets, whiles Creatures of more use are less regarded. Others will say, It was becauuse Scholars studied the liberal, Monks the lucrative Sciences: University men were more busied in reading Books, than numbling of Masses and praying for the dead, the main matter which brought grift to the Monks mill. Whatever was the secret cause, this was the apparent effect thereof: Scholars as they were lean, so they were lively, attracted less envy, procured more love, endured more labor, which made them to last, and to live after the destruction of the other.

19. William Meschines, brother to Ranulph Earl of Chester, was by King Stephen made the first Earl of Cambridge. And it is no small credit to Cambridge, that (after this William ) none were ever honored with that title, but such who were Princes of the Blood Royal, either actual Kings of Scotland, or Kings sons, or nephews of England, or foreign and free Princes of their next alliance, as hereafter, God willing, will appear at their several creations. So careful were our English Kings in choosing such persons for the place, who, receiving honor from so famous an University, might also, by their high birth and honorable demeanor, return luster thereunto.

20. For after the death of this Meschines, one may confidently pronounce, that David, King of the Scots (commonly called S ^t . David ) was Earl of Cambridge: And although his Chatter cannot be produced with the formalities used at his creation (modern ceremonies at the investing of Counts not being used in that age) yet, that he was effectually Earl of Cambridge, by the ensuing evidence doth sufficiently appear. It is a Grant made by M • uld the Emperesse, Daughter of King Henry the first, unto Aubery de Vere, afterward Earl of Oxford▪ part whereof (so much as concerns the present point) we have here transcribed, translated, and commented on, conceiving it to contain some criticisms in History and Heraldry, worthy observation.

Concedo quod sit Comes de Cantebruggescire, & habeat inde tertium den • ium sicut Comes debet haber • . It • dico si Rex Scotiae non habet illum Comitatum. Et si Rex habuerit, perquiram illud ei ad posse meum per Escambium. Et si non potero, tunc do 〈◊〉 , & concede, quod sit C • mes de quolibet quatuor Comitatuum subserptorum, viz. Oxenfordscire, Berkscire, Wiltscire, & Dorsetscire, per consilium & considerationem Comitis Glocestriae frairis mei, & Comitis Gaufridi, & Comitis Gilberti.

I grant that he be Earl of Cantbruggshire, and that he have from thence the third penny, as the Earl ought to have. So I say, if the King of Scotland hath not that Earldom: And if the King hath it, I shall to my power procure it him by exchange. And if I cannot, then I give and grant unto him, that he be Earl of which he will of the four Earldoms subscribed, namely Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire, by the counsel and advise of the Earl of Gloucester my brother, and of Earl Geofrey, and of Earl Gilbert.

The date of this Grant is uncertain; but from the hand of her brother, the Earl of Gloucester, subscribed thereunto, we collect that it must be before the year 1146, wherein the said Earl ended his life.

21. Out of this Grant observe; First, That though Steven, de facto, was King of England, yet the right was in this Mauld the Emperesse. Betwixt these two for many years it was catch who catch may; both in gaining of places and giving of Honors, as success befriended them. Secondly, That Earls in that age were Earls indeed, not merely titular, but substantial, as receiving the third penny (I humbly conceive it of the Crown-revenues therein) of the County whence they had their honor. Thirdly, Kings of Scotland accounted it no abatement to their Crown-Royal, to we are with it an English Coronet, holding (in Commendam, as I may say) with their own Crown one or moe of English Earldoms: As here King David held Cambridge in his own, and Huntingdon in right of his Wife. Fourthly, As the Counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon soon after the Conquest were united under one Comes or Earl: so they two (only of all Shires in England ) remain under one Vicecomes or Sheriff at this day. Fifthly, Queen Mauld earnestly endeavored (in compliance no doubt with the desires of her favorite Aubery de Vere ) to confer the County of Cambridge upon him, as a place of principal honor, above the four other Counties proffered unto him. Sixthly, The honor of the title of Cambridge arose from the famous University therein; otherwise the foresaid Aubery, if consulting his profit, would clearly have preferred either Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, or Dorsetshire, as greater in extent, and therefore returning by the third penny therein larger revenues. Lastly, Seeing a good title of Cambridge could not be made to him (as prepossessed by the Scotch King) Aubery was contented with, and thankful for Oxford, as the other famous University in England, which title his noble and most ancient family enjoyeth at this day.

22. Nigellus or Neal, second Bishop of Eli, having first obtained a faculty from the Pope, • ounded • n Hospital for Canons regular in Cambridge, in the place where now S ^t . John 's College is erected. He is said to have endowed the same with an hundred and forty pound by the year, yearly rent; which, it so, in that age was a vast proportion.

23. Roger of Hereford, so named because born there, studied at this time in Cambridge, became an admirable Astronomer, Philosopher, and Chymist, diving much into the mysteries of metals. He wrote many books of Astronomy and Astrology, which for a long time were kept in Cambridge. Librarie, but not extant (I fear) at this day. Yet the Oxford Antiquarie will by no means allow this Roger a Student in Crambridge, as who flourished before the coming of the Crowland Professors thither: but whether more credit may be hung on this single Twine, than on the twisted testimony of Leland, Bale, and Pitz, (all agreeing both in his education at Cambridge, and flourishing in this Age) be it reported to any ingenuous Reader.

24. There happened a merciless fire in Cambridge, only so pitiful as to go out when no more fuel was left to feed the fury thereof. Most of the Churches in the town (then built of wood, and therefore the more combustible) were burnt in part, and Trinity-Church wholly consumed. Hence it was, that for time to come, the Steeple thereof was firmly built of freestone, to prevent, by God's goodness, the return of the like casualty.

25. A sad accident happened this year at Oxford. A Clergy-man, and Student in that University, casually killed a woman and fled upon it. The Major of the City, with other officers, search after him, light on three of his Chamber-fellows, both innocent and ignorant of the fact committed: These they injuriously thrust into Prison, and some days after, King John (a back friend to the Clergy, as continually vexed with their constant opposition) commanded them to be executed in contempt (saith my Author) of Ecclesiastical liberty. Offended hereat three thousand Students at once left Oxford, as well Masters as Scholars; It a quod nec unus ex omni Universitate remansit, So that not one remained of all the University. Of these some removed to Cambridge, some to Reading; so that in this total eclipse of learning therein, Oxford was left empty for a season.

26. John of S ^t . Omers studied about this time at Cambridge. By his surname I should have conjectured him a Forainer of Artois, had not my Author assured me, that he was born in Norfolk. Yea, when a Monk of Peterburgh, (bred also in Cambridge ) had, with his Iatyrical Latin rythmes, abused the County of Norfolk, our John gave him as good as he brought; rythme for rythme, and jest for jest: yet his pen was so much the better employed than his adversaries, as the writer of a'jûst vindication is to be preferred before a scurrilous libeller.

27. With more credit to himself, and profit to others, was Joceline Brakelond employed; who about this time in Cambridge emproved himself in divine and human learning. Afterwards he became a Monk at Burie in Suffolk, where he was born; and of his own accord (unimportuned by any other) as faithfully as learnedly wrote the History of his Covent, which he transmitted to posterity.

28. Most miserable at this time was the condition of Cambridge. For the Barons, to despite King John, with their Forces harraged and destroyed the Town and County thereof, taking Cambridge -Castle by assault: And no wonder, when only twenty men were found therein, not enough to make good the twentieth part thereof; such then was its capacity and extent. To cry quits with the Barons, William Earl of Sarisbury, and Falk de Brent (King John his favorite) replundred Cambridgeshire, leaving nothing worth any thing behind them, that was not too hot or too heavy for them to carry away.

29. And two years after, when Walter Bunk, with his Brabanteers, destroyed the Town and Isle of Eli, and almost burnt the Minstre therein (not quenched with the water of her fens, but with the wise composition of Prior Stephen: ) I say, when Eli was almost burnt, Cambridge no doubt was well warmed, as sorrowfully sensible of its near neighbors calamity. The Scholars then had steady heads and strong brains, if able to study in these distempers, when loud drums and trumpets silenced the (sweet, but) low harp of Apollo. But we know how Archimedes was busy in making his Mathematical figures even when Syracuse was taken by soldiers; and possibly some grave Students made their souls unconcerned in all these martial disturbances.

30. The King, being at Oxford, sent to the Bailiff of Cambridge (as living near Eli, the Staple of fish ) to send unto him such a proportion of Eels, for the provisions of his Court, and it should be discounted unto him out of the Exchequer.

31. The King, by his letters to the Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, gave order, that he should put the Bailiffs of Cambridge into the possession of the house of Benjamin the Jew (probably forfeited to the Crown on his misdemeanor) to make thereof a common Jail for their Corporation.

32. The King confirmed to the Townsmen of Cambridge the privileges confer'd by his Father upon them: namely, That the Merchants of the Guild in Cambridge, should be free in all Fairs in the Kings Dominions on this side and beyond the Seas, de Theolonia, & Passagio, & Lestagio, & Pontagio, & Stallagio. Ill would it be for the Townsmen, should none of them enjoy the benefit of this Royal Charter, till they perfectly understood the terms therein. In this Grant provision is made, that nothing be done in prejudice of London; so careful were our Kings always of that City; but whether that City reciprocally of them, let others inquire.

33. Sad at this present was the condition of the University of Paris, such murders were done, and affronts offered to the Students thereof. Our King Henry being half a Frenchman (in the right of his Queen) and possessing many, pretending to moe Dominions in France, taking advantage hereof, invited the Parisian Students to come over into England, and to dwell in what Cities, Burroughs, and Villages they pleased to choose: An act no less politick than charitable, to fortify himself with foreign affection; knowing, that such Frenchmen, who in their youths had English education, would in their age retain English inclinations. We easily believe the greatest part of these Strangers repaired to Oxford, though Cambridge, no doubt, did share in them her considerable proportion.

34. A crew of pretenders to Scholarship (as long as there are true diamonds there will be counterfeit) did much mischief at this time in the University. These lived under no discipline, having no Tutor (saving him who teacheth all mischief) and when they went to act any villainy, then they would be Scholars, to sin with the more secrecy and less suspicion: when cited to answer for their wickedness, in the Chancellors Court, then they would be no Scholars, and exempt themselves from his Jurisdiction. No wonder if Cambridge was pestered with such Cheats, seeing the Church of Thyatira it self had those in her which called themselves Prophets and were not. Civil Students suffered much by and more for these incorrigible Rake-Hells, especially from such mouths who are excellent at an uncharitable Synecdoche, to call all after a part, and to condemn the whole University for an hand-full of Hang-byes, such as never were matriculated members therein.

35. In vain did the Chancellor endeavor the suppressing of these Malignants, (as the King calleth them in his letter to the Sheriff) the hands of the University being too weak to pluck up weeds so deeply rooted. In vain also did the Chancellor call in the assistance of the Bailiff and Burgesses of the Town, who (as the King taxeth them in one of his letters) aut impotentes fuerunt, aut negligentes, to effect the matter. The business was at last, by command from the King, devolved to the Sheriff, as appears by what followeth.

Thus the Sheriff was impowered with a Posse Comitatus to redress this grievance, but whether or no with a Velle Comitatus, I know not. Sure I am, these Clerks-no-Clerks disturbed the University for many years after.

36. The Townsmen of Cambridge began now most unconscionably to raise and rack the rent of their houses wherein the Scholars did sojourn; Every low Cottage was high valued. Sad the condition, when Learning is the Tenant, and Ignorance must be the Landlord. It came at last to this pass, that the Scholars, wearied with exactions, were on the point of departing, to find a place where they might be better accommodated on more reasonable conditions.

37. Here the King seasonably interposed his power, appointing, that two Masters of Arts and two honest Townsmen should be deputed as Chancellors, conscientiously to moderate the rigor of covetousness. And seeing Scholars would hire as cheap, and Townsmen would let as dear as they could, the aforesaid four persons (indifferently chosen out of both Corporations) were to order the price betwixt both, according to the tenor of the Kings Letter ensuing.

See we here; Cambridge appeareth not as an infant of yesterday, but a grave Matron of great age; witness those words, according to the custom of the University, which show her gravity and gray hairs at the time of the date thereof.

38. This was the first original of the Taxatores or Taxers in Cambridge, so called at first from taxing, prizing, or rating the rents of houses. Their name remains, but office is altered at this day. For after the bounty of Founders had raised Halls and Colleges for Scholars free abode, their liberality gave the Taxers a Writ of ease, no more to meddle with the needless prizing of Townsmens houses. However, two Taxers are still annually chosen, whose place is of profit and credit, as employed in matters of weight, and to see the true gage of all measures, especially such as concern the victuals of Scholars. For where the belly is abused in its food, the brains will soon be distempered in their study.

39. Turnaments and Tilting of the Nobility and Gentry were commonly kept at Cambridge, to the great annoyance of the Scholars. Many sad casualties were caused by these meetings, though ordered with the best caution. Arms and legs were often broken as well as spears. Much lewd people waited on these assemblies, light Housewives as well as light Horsmen repaired thereunto. Yea, such the clashing of swords, the rattling of Arms, the sounding of trumpets, the neighing of horses, the shouting of men all daytime, with the roaring of riotous Revellers all the night, that the Scholars studies were disturbed, safety endangered, lodging straightened, charges enlarged, all provisions being unconscionably enhanced. In a word, so many war-horses were brought hither, that Pegasus himself was likely to be shut out. For where Mars keeps his Term, there the Muses may even make their Vacation.

40. The King being complained to thereof, did plainly show, that he preferred the quiet of the University before the profit of the Town of Cambridge, gaining much money by these meetings: And therefore by his Letters he enjoined, that no Tilting should be kept within five miles of Cambridge. And yet so stout and sturdy were martial men in that age, that they hardly obeyed him. Yea, I find one Ralph de Kamois, a bold Chevalier, who, notwithstanding the premisses, kept a riotous Tilting in the very town of Cambridge; but soon after he was deeply fined for his high contempt, on the payment whereof, and his humble submission before the Earls of Cornwall, Lecester, and Norfolk, he was forgiven.

41. Let us look on these Turnaments (unrelated to Cambridge ) as they were in themselves, and we shall find them the mothers constantly of misrule, commonly of mischief. Their very use (in their first constitution) was no better tham an abuse, to cover malice under the cloak of manhood and merriment: Many brought personal grudges, some family-feuds into the field with them; fewer returned than went forth, as either casually cut off, or intentionally murdered.

42. One instance of the former out of many, though full twenty four miles from Cambridge. Gilbert Mareshall, Earl of Pembroke, a potent Peer of the Land, proclaimed a disport of Turnament, of running on Hors-back with Launces (in defiance of the Kings Authority, who had inhibited the same) at Ware in Hertford-shire, under the name forsooth of Fortune; as if Providence had nothing to do in such wild recreations: But so it fortuned, that this Gilbert cast, bruised, and killed by his own horse, soon ended the mirth of the meeting. Call it not therefore cowardice, but conscience and charity in the Church, which taking these Turnaments (no better than solemn and ceremonious murder) in consideration forbad Christian burial to such as should be slain therein, whilst the Civil power proceeded severely against the slayer, and so betwixt both, with much ado, banished this barbarous custom. As for such tame tilting (mere martial-masques ) since used at Court, being rather expensive than uncharitable, they are of a different nature.

43. Strifes, sights, spoylings, breaking open of houses, ( it is not me, but Matthew Paris whom thou readest ) woundings and murder betwixt the Burgesses ( probably first named because most guilty ) and the Scholars of Cambridge, and that in the very Lent, that with the holy time, holy persons also might be violated. The noise thereof ascended to the ears of the King with a great complaint.

44. Hugh Balsham Sub-Prior (afterwards Bishop of Eli ) began the Foundation of Peterhouse without Trumpington-gate near the Church of S ^t . Peter (since fallen down) from the vicinity whereof it seemeth to be denominated. As yet no revenue was settled thereon, only the Students that lived therein (grinded formerly by the Townsmen with unconscionable rents for the place of their abode) thankfully accounted themselves well endowed with good chambers and Studies freely bestowed on them. But more hereof hereafter, viz. anno 1284, when this College was enriched with possessions.

45. In vain did the care of the King (in favor of Scholars) so lately remove. Tilting five miles from Cambridge, whilst now the Scholars in open hostility tilted one against another, the Southern against the Northern men therein. What! can the Muses themselves fall out, and fight in the field five against four? I find not the first cause of the falling out betwixt Northern and Southern men: surely the mere distance of their nativity did not cause their difference, because the one was born nearer to the Sun than the other. But however the brawl began, the Northern men were worsted in the end thereof. Strange, that Boreas, the most boisterous wind in all the Compass, should be beaten by Auster. And yet the Northern men, being fewer in number, and farthest from their friends, were over-powered by the numerosity and nearness of those of the South.

46. Indeed the Northern men appear rather to be pitied than condemned, in the whole managing of the matter, being only on the defensive to secure themselves; so that whilst the others fiercely and furiously assaulted them, a great riot was committed, and (too probable) some blood 〈◊〉 . Hereupon the King issued out his Commission of Oyer and Terminer to three eminent persons, viz. Giles Argenton, then living eight miles off at Hors-heath (since, by inheritance, the seat of the ancient and honorable Family of the Alingtons) Henry de Boreham, and Laurence del Brook, to inquire into the matter and proceed therein, as they should see cause, against the offenders.

47. But soon after the King was informed, how the three aforesaid Judges appointed behaved themselves very partially in the matter: whereupon the King took it out of their hands, and, by a new Commission, referred the hearing and determining thereof to Nicolas de Tur and Nicolas de Handlo, the Judges itinerant of that Circuit. Yet, in favor of the Scholars who had offended, he limited the proceedings of these Judges with an Ita tamen quod ad suspensionem vel mutilationem clericorum non procedatis, sed eos alio modo per consilium Universitatis Cantabr. castigetis.

48. It seems the case was of some difficulty, and many persons of quality concerned therein, the deciding whereof was so often in so short a time bandied backwards and forwards at Court. For, few days after, H. le Dispencer, Justiciarius Angliae, by command from the King, inhibited the foresaid Judges itinerant to intermeddle therein, and wholly remitted the business to the examination and determination of Giles Argenton, Henry de Boreham, and Laurence de Brook: before whom some Southern Scholars, active in this Riot, were indicted, found guilty, and condemned, when the Kings gracious pardon was sent in their behalf, in form as followeth:

It seemeth some of these Anti-Boreals were men of gentile extraction, especially the two first (styled in the Pardon Masters) importing (I believe) more than the bare University title; as also Bartholomew de Walton, and William his brother, because waited on by William de Merton, their Garcion, that is, their servant. For it cometh from the French Gaxcon, or the Italian Garzone, and is used even by the barbarous Grecians of the middle age, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It was graciously done of the King to pardon the man as well as his Masters, seeing probably he acted only by their pleasure, and command.

49. During these discords, some Scholars of peaceable disposition fairly departed Cambridge, and retired to Northampton, where, by the leave and liking of the King, they began an University. Here they met with many Oxford -men, who, on the like occasion, had deserted Oxford, and retreated hither to study. I commend their judgment in the choice of so convenient a place, where the a • e is clea • e, yet not over sharp; the earth fruitful, yet not very dirty; water plentiful, yet far from any fennish annoyance, and wood (most wanting now of days) conveniently sufficient in that age. But the main is, Northampton is near the center of England, so that all travellers coming thither from the remotest parts of the land, may be said to be met by the Town in the midst of their journey, so impartial is the situation thereof in the navel of the Kingdom.

50. But this University never lived to commence Bachelor of Art, Senior Sophister was all the standing it at • ained unto. For, four years after, the King apprehending that Northampton University would be prejudicial to Oxford (near to which it lay within thirty miles) and therefore as a true honourer of antiquity (loath that a novice-start-up should impair so ancient a found • ) recalled the Scholars of Cambridge by these his ensuing letters.

There is still in Northampton a place called the College, but whether in relation to these students, I know not. Sure it is, that on the Kings letters Patents Northampton was un-universitied, the Scholars therein returning to the place from whence they came.

51. Here I can hold no longer, but must fall out (and be the Reader the Judge betwixt us) with M ^r . Brian Twine, the writer of Oxford-Antiquities. I honor him as an industrious though no methodical Antiquarie (his book being rather an heap than a pile; ) I commend his affection to his Mother (had it been without detraction to his Aunt ) and his example shall quicken my duty in my filial relation where I owe the same. Lastly, because he is (and I know not how soon I may be) 〈◊〉 I shall deal the more mildly with him. For, he that falls heavy on a ghost, or shadow, will in fine give the greatest blow and bruise unto himself. Yet something must be said against him in vindication of the truth.

52. First, on all occasions, he is buzzing jealousies into the heads of the Readers, to shake the credit of such Authors, who write anything in the honor of Cambridge. Thus, when Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, reports, how many deserting Oxford removed to Cambridge, he squibs in this Parenthesis ( Si illis standum sit historiis quas Matthaeus Parker Cant. Archi. edidit ) dashing as much as lieth in his power the unstained reputation of those his worthy endeavors. And again, speaking of the same Archbishops setting forth of Matthew Paris, he squirts in this passage, Sivera sit Matthaei Cant. editio, suggesting some suspicion of falsehood, and forgery in the same. Such IFS against great persons are more than IFS, and such suspicions if they be not Scandala Magnatis against so great a Peer, cannot be less than breach of Canonical obedience against the memory of so grave and godly a Prelate. Especially seeing neither Twine himself (with all the help of Oxford-Librarie ) nor all the world could ever since find any fault in that edition, as faithfully agreeing with the most authentic Manuscripts.

53. But these his slenting and suppositive, are nothing to his direct and downright traducing of the Records of Cambridge. Take him in his own Latin words, which I have translated to this purpose, that such ingenuous English men never bred in either University (and therefore the more impartial Judges) but understanding the strength of common sense and reason, may indifferently umpire the matter, and find the verdict, as they shall hear things alleged and proved.

Here is too much for me to manage at once, we will parcel it for the more effectual examination thereof, this being the first time that I have to do with this adventurous Author. We know that if a Merchants Bill be once protested against in the Exchange, he will scarce ever after recover his credit; and if at first we can discover the falsehood of this our adversary, it will forever give a mortal wound to his reputation, and ease us of much trouble hereafter.

54. First he mentioneth Oxford-monuments transcribed by Robert Hare. This Hare was an Esquire of good worship and wealth, a great lover and preserver (properties never parted) of Antiquities. He carefully collected the precious monuments of both Universities, caused them fairly to be transcribed and freely bestowed a Duplicate, or double copy, on each of them: A gift worthy the giver and the receiver, as of no less cost and pains to the one, than credit and profit to the other. Now it seems Brian Twyne, with his piercing sight, is the Columbus, who by the different character hath discovered a new (not world, but) word, namely Cambridge, in the Kings letter to Northampton, put instead of Oxford. This he calls (as well he may) mendum, a fault, in Hares Transcript, which indeed was a falsehood; and, if willfully done, a forgery; and the doer thereof, if detected, deserving to be Pilloried for his pain.

55 But, when and how, I pray, came this Cambridge to be surreptitiously inserted (instead of Oxford ) into that Transcript of Hare? Was it done by himself, or some other, originally? I mean, before those Manuscripts were bestowed on the universitie. To allow this, were to offer an injury to the honesty, or vigilancy of that worthy Antiquary. Or, was the false inscription made cunningly by some Cambridge -man, since those Manuscripts came into the possession of Oxford? If so, shame on the careless keepers of so precious a treasure: I presume our Muniments at Cambridge are more safely preserved.

56. I pass not what is or is not written in Hare his Transcript. He that may with as much ease go to the fountain, and yet will drink of the dirty River, deserveth no pity, if choked (or rather if choking himself) with the mud thereof. I appeal to the Records of the Tower of London (whence Hare his writings were copied out) which are the Author of Authors for English History, because

• 1. They may be said to have lived in the time and place wherein all things are acted.
• 2. They are impartial; not, Osier-like, bowing to any Interest; but standing like a firm pillar, to support the truth.
• 3. They are safely preserved: and long may they be in defiance of barbarous Anarchy, which otherwise would make a bone fire, or new light, of those precious monuments.

I say, I repaired to the Records in the Tower, where I searched for, and found out the aforesaid Kings letter, by us lately exemplified, that the troubles of Cambridge, three years since, were the cause of the founding of the University at Northampton. This letter I got transcribed, compared, attested by Mr. William Ryley, the elder, Keeper of those Records, and Norroy King of Arms. Who, like a Prince indeed, freely gave me his pains, which I commend to the Reader his thankful notice, because otherwise I must have charged the cost on his account, raising the rate of my Book, to make myself a saver thereby.

57. But our Adversary proceeds, and demandeth where we read in any good Author, that in the year 1246 such discords happened at Cambridge as should drive the Scholars to Northampton? We answer, First, we Cambridge-men are not ambitious of such discords; let us but retain the Scholars, and let any place that pleaseth take those differences to themselves. Secondly, we never said, nor thought, that such broils were in Cambridge anno 1246, but this we affirm, That three years since, namely in the 46 ^t h of Henry the third (which falls out to be the year of our Lord 1262) cruel bickerings were betwixt the Northern and Southern men in our University (and perchance the like might be by secret Sympathy in Oxford ) which, as we have proved before, caused the departure of many to Northampton.

58. Some will say, seeing only mention is made in the Kings Letters to null Northampton -University, because probable to prove prejudicial to Oxford; it seems thereby that Cambridge at this time was not considerable, at least wise the King not so careful for the preservation thereof. It is answered, The erection of an University at Northampton, by reason of the position of the place, must needs be a greater hurt to Oxford than hindrance to Cambridge: for Cambridge lieth conveniently for the North and East parts; Oxford commodiously for the South and West parts of England. Now Northampton lying within twenty nine scruples of the same degree of longitude with Oxford, would almost share equally with Oxford in the Western division of the land, whilst Cambridge-quarters (as on the other side of the Kingdom) would be clear, and little prejudiced thereby. But enough hereof. We proceed in our History.