English Puritan & Reformed

Church History of Britain

Thomas Fuller (1608-1661) · 1,947,492 words · 8656 min

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Section 73/90

permission, then Protection thereof.

By assigning a full and liberal maintenance annually for their Ministers, as also wine for their Communions.

Nor can there be a better evidence of giving the right hand of Fellowship then to give the full hand of liberality. A moitie of this people fixed at Roterdam where they landed, the other travelled up higher for better air to Wianen, and thence, soon after removed to Arnhein, a sweet and pleasant City. No part of Holland (largely taken) affording more of England therein, resembled in their letters to their Friends to Hertford, or Bury in Suffolk.

38. Then fall they to consult of Church-Discipline, professing themselves a mere abrasa tabula, with Virgin judgments, longing only to be married to the truth. Yea they looked upon the word of Christ ( Reader, it is their own expression) as impartially and unprejudicedly, as men made of flesh and blood are like to do in any juncture of time that may fall out, the place they went to, the condition they were in, and company they went with, affording no temptation to bias them anyway.

39. And first they lay down two grand ground-works, on which their following Fabric was to be erected.

1. Only to take what was held forth in God's word, leaving nothing to Church-practice, or human prudence, as but the Iron legs and Clay toes of that Statute, whose head and whole body ought to be of pure Scripture-Gold.
2. Not to make their present judgment binding unto them for the future.

Their adversaries cavil hereat, as a reserve able to rout all the Armys of Arguments which are brought against them, that because one day teacheth another, they will not be tied on Tewsday morning, to maintain their Tenants on Monday night, if a new discovery intervene.

40. In pursuance of these principles they pitched on a middle way (as generally the posture of truth ) betwixt Presbytery, as too rigorous, imperious, and conclusive, and Brownism, as too vage, loose, and uncertain. Their main platform was, that Churches should not be subordinate, Parochial to Provincial, Provincial, to National, (as Daughter to Mother, Mother to Grandmother, ) but Coordinate, without Superiority, except Sentority of Sisters, containing no powerful influence therein. Thus the Church formerly like a Chain with links of dependency on one another, should hereafter become like an heap of rings, each entire in itself, but (as they thought) far purer then was ever seen before.

41. The manner of their Church-service, according to their own relation, was performed in form following.

1. Public and solemn prayers for Kings and all in Authority.

Reading the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament with exposition thereof on occasion.

Administration of the two Sacraments, Baptism to Infants, and the Lord's Supper.

Singing of Psalms, and collection for the Poor every Lord's-day.

For Public Officers they had Pastors, Teachers, and Ruling Elders (not Lay but Ecclesiastic persons ) and Deacons.

As for Church-censures, they resolved only on Admonition and Excommunication, the latter whereof was never handselled in their Church, as no reason that the rod (though made) should be used where the Children are all quiet and dutiful. Synods they account useful, and in some cases necessary, yet so that their power is but Official, not Authoritative, whereby they may declare the truth, not enjoin obedience thereunto. Or take it in the language of one of their Grandees. Actus regiminis à Synodis debent porrigi non peragi, the latter belonging to the liberty of several Congregations. Their Adversaries object, that none can give in an exact account of all their opinions, daily capable of alteration and increase. Whilst such Countries, whose immovable Mountains, and stable Valleys keep a fixed position, may be easily surveyed, no Geographer can accurately describe some part of Arabia, where the flitting sands driven with the winds have their frequent removals, so that the Traveler findeth a hole at his return, where he left a hill at his departure. Such the uncertainty of these Congregationalists in their judgments, only they plead for themselves, it is not the wind of every Doctrine, but the Sun of the Truth which with its New lights makes them renounce their old, and embrace new resolutions.

42. Soon after a heavy Schism happened in the Church of Roterdam, betwixt M ^r Bridge, and M ^r Simson, the two Pastors thereof. Insomuch, that the latter rent himself saith one from M ^r Bridge his Church to the great offense thereof, though more probable, as another reporteth, M ^r Simson dismissed with the consent of the Church. However many bitter letters passed betwixt them, and more sent over to their Friends in England full of invectives, blackness of the tongue always accompanying the paroxisms of such distempers. Their Presbyterian Adversaries make great use hereof to their disgrace. If such Infant-Churches, whilst their hands could scarce hold anything fell a scratching, and their feet spurning and kicking one another, before they could well go alone, how stubborn and vexatious would they be when arrived at riper years.

43. This Schism was seconded with another in the same Church, wherein they deposed one of their Ministers (M ^r Ward I conceive his name) which was beheld as a bold and daring deed, especially because herein they consulted not their Sister-Church at Arnhein, which publicly was professed mutually to be done in cases of concernment. Here the Presbyterians triumph in their conceived discovery of the nakedness and weakness of the Congregational way, which for want of Ecclesiastical Subordination is too short to reach out a redress to such grievances. For seeing par in parem non habet potestatem, Equalls have no power over their Equalls, the agrieved party could not right himself by any appeal unto a Superior. But such consider not the end, as well as the beginning of this difference, wherein the Church of Arnhein interposing (not as a Judge to punish Offenders, but as a Brother to check the failings of a Brother ) matters were so ordered, that M ^r Ward was restored to his place, when both he and the Church had mutually confessed their sinful carriage in the matter; but enough, (if not too much hereof) seeing everything put in a Pamphlet is not fit to be recorded in a Chronicle.

44. More concord crowned the Congregation at Arnheim, where M ^r Goodwin and M ^r Nye were Pastors, wherein besides those Church-Ordinances formerly mentioned, actually admitted and exercised, some others stood Candidates, and fair Probationers on their good behavior, namely, if under Trial they were found convenient; Such were

1. The Holy Kiss.
2. Prophesyings when Private Christians at fit times made public use of their parts and gifts in the Congregation.
3. Hymns and, which if no better Divinity then Music, might much be scrupled at.
4. Widows as Essential She-Ministers in the Church, which if it be so, our late Civil-Wars in England have afforded us plenty for the place.
5. Anointing of dying people, as a standing Apostolical Ordinance.

45. Other things were in agitation, when now the news ariveth, that the Parliament sitting at Westminster had broken the yoke of Ceremonies, and proclaimed a year of Jubilee to all tender consciences. Home then they hasted with all convenient speed: For only England is England indeed, though some parts of Holland may be like unto it. Over they came in a very good plight and Equipage, which the Presbyterians (and those I assure you are quick-sighted when pleased to pry) took notice of. Not a hair of their head singed, nor any smell of the fire of persecution upon their Clothes. However they were not to be blamed, if setting their best foot forward in their return, and appearing in the handsomest and chearfullest fashion for the credit of their cause, and to show that they were not dejected with their sufferings.

46. Presently they fall upon gathering of Congregations, but chiefly in or about the City of London. Trent may be good, and Severn better, but oh the Thames is the best for the plentiful taking of fish therein. They did pick (I will not say steal ) hence a Master, thence a Mistress of a Family, a Son out of a Third, a Servant out of a Fourth Parish, all which met together in their Congregation. Some prevented calling by their coming, of OLD Parishioners to become NEW Church-Members, and so forward were they of themselves, that they needed no force to compel, nor art to persuade them. Thus a new Inn never wanteth Guests at the first setting up, especially if hanging out a fair Sign, and promising more cleanness and neatness then is in any of their Neighbors.

47. The Presbyterians found themselves much agrieved hereat. They accounted this practice of the Dissenting Brethren but Ecclesiastical felony, for at the best, that they were but Spiritual Interlopers for the same. They justly feared (if this fashion continued) the falling of the Roof, or foundring of the Foundations of their own Parishes, whence so many Corner Stones, Pillars, Rafters, and Beams, were taken by the other to build their Congregations. They complained that these new Pastors though slighting Tithes and set maintenance, yet so ordered the matter by gathering their Churches, that these gleanings of Ephraim became better then the Vintage of Abi-ezer.

48. Not long after when the Assembly of Divines was called, these five Congregationalists were chosen members thereof, but came not up with a full consent to all things acted therein. As accounting that the pressing of an exact occurrence to the Presbyterian Government, was but a kind of a Conseience-Prison, whilst accurate conformity to the Scotch Church was the very Dungeon thereof, A reginsine ecclesiastic • (say they) uti nunc in Scotia viget longius distamus, quippe quod (ut nobis videtur) non tantum à scriptures, sed ab ecclesiarum reformatarum suorumque Theologorum sententijs ( qui sub Episcoporum tyrannide diu duriterque passi sunt) plurimum distit. No wonder therefore if they desired a Toleratien to be indulged them, and they excused for being concluded by the Votes of the Assembly.

49. But the Presbyterians highly opposed their Toleration, and such who desired most ease and liberty for their sides when bound with Episcopacy, now girt their own government the closest about the consciences of others. They tax the Dissenting Brethren for Singularity, as if these men (like the five senses of the Church ) should discover more in matter of Discipline then all the Assembly besides, some moving their ejection out of the same, except in some convenient time they would comply therewith.

50. Hopeless to speed here, the Dissenters seasonably presented an Apologetical narrative to the Parliament, styled by them the most sacred resuge or Asylum for mistaken and misjudged innocence. Herein they petitioned Pathetically for some favor, whose conscience could not join with the Assembly in all particulars, concluding with that pitiful close (enough to force tears from any tender heart) that they pursued no other interest or design, but a subsistence (be it the poorest and meanest) in their own land, as not knowing where else with safety health and livelihood to set their feet on earth, and subscribed their names.

Thomas Goodwin.
Philip Nye.
Sidrach Simson.
Jeremiah Burroughs.
William Bridge.

If since their condition be altered and bettered, that they (then wanting where to set their feet) since lie down at their length in the fat of the land, surely they have returned proportionable gratitude to God for the same. Sure it is that at the present these Petitioners found such favor with some potent persons in Parliament, that they were secured from farther trouble, and from lying at a posture of defense, are now grown able not only to encounter but invade all opposers; yea to open and shut the door of preferment to others, so unsearchable are the dispensations of Divine Providence in making sudden and unexpected changes, (as in whole nations) so in private men's estates, according to the Counsel of his will.

51. Such as desire further instruction in the Tenants of these Congregationalists, may have their recourse to those many Pamphlets written pro and con thereof. The worst is, some of them speak so loud, we can scarce understanding what they say, so hard is it to collect their judgments, such the violence of their passions. Only I will add, that for the main, the Churches of New-England are the same in Discipline with these Dissenting Brethren.

52. Only I will add, that of all the Authors I have perused concerning the opinions of these Dissenting Brethren, none to me was more informative, then M ^r John Norton, (One of no less learning then modesty ) Minister in New-England in his answer to Apollonius Pastor in the Church of Middle-borrough.

53. Look we now again into the Assembly of Divin • s, where we find D ^r Cornelius Burgess, and M ^r Herbert Palmer the Assessors therein, and I am informed by some (more skillful in such niceties then myself) that Two at the least, of that Office, are of the Qu • rum Essential to every lawful Assembly. But I miss D ^r William Twisse their Prolocutor lately deceased; He was bred in New-College in Oxford, good with the Trowell, but better with the Sword, more happy in Pol • mical Divinity, then edifying Doctrine. Therefore he was chosen by the States of Holland to be Professor of Divini • y there, which he thankfully refused. M ^r Charles Herle Fellow of Exeter College of Oxford succeeded him in his place, one so much Christian, Scholar and Gentleman, that he can unite in affection with those who are disjoin'd in judgment from him.

54. The Assembly met with many difficulties, some complaining of M ^r Selden, that advantaged by his skill in Antiquity Commonlaw, and the Oriental tongues, he employed them rather to pose then profit, perplex then inform the members thereof, in the fourteen queries he propounded. Whose intent therein was to humble the Jure-divino-ship of Presbytery, which though Hinted and Held forth, is not so made out in Scripture, but being too Scant on many occasions it must be peeced with prudential Additions. This great Scholar, not over loving of any (and lest of these ) Clergy-men, delighted himself in raising of scruples for the vexing of others, and some stick not to say, that those who will not feed on the flesh of God's-word cast most bones to others, to break their teeth therewith.

55. More trouble was caused to the Assembly by the Opinions of the Erastians, and it is worth our enquiry into the first Author thereof. They were so called from Thomas Erastus a D ^r of Physic, born at Baden in Switz • rland, lived Professor in Hidelbridge, and died at Basil, about the year one thousand five hundred eighty three. He was of the Privy Council to Frederick, the first Protestant Prince Palatine of that name, and this Erastus (like our M ^r Perkins ) being lame of his right, wrote all with his left hand, and amongst the rest, one against Theodor. Beza, de Excommunicatione, to this effect, that the power, and excommunication in a Christian State, principally resides in secular power as the most competent Judge, when and how the same shall be exercised.

56. M ^r John Coleman a modst and learned man, beneficed in Lincolnshire, and M ^r John Lightfoot, well skilled in Rabinical Learning were the chief members of the Assembly, who (for the main) maintained the tenets of Erastus. These often produced the Hebrew Original for the power of Princes in ecclesiastical matters. For though the New Testament be silent of the Temporal Magistrate, ( Princes then being Pagans ) his▪ • ermedling in Church-matters, the Old is very vocal therein, where the Authority of the Kings of Judah; as nursing fathers to the Church is very considerable.

57. No wonder if the Prince Palatine (constantly present at their debates) heard the Erastians with much delight, as wellcoming their Opinions for Country sake, (his Natives as first born in Hidelbridge ) though otherwise in his own judgment no favourer thereof. But other Parliament men listened very favourably to their Arguments ( Interest is a good quickener of Attention ) hearing their own power enlarged thereby, and making use of their Erastiens for a Check, to such who pressed conformity to the Scotch Church in all particulars.

58. Indeed once the Assembly stretched themselves beyond their own line, in meddling with what was not committed by the Parliament, to their cogniz • nce and consultation, for which they were afterward staked down, and tied up with a shorter tedder. For though the wise Parliament made use of the Presbyterian zeal and activity, for the extirpation of Bishops, yet they discreetly resolved to hold a strict hand over them; as not coming by their own power to advise, but called to advise with the Parliament. Nor were they to cut out their own work, but to make up what was cut to their own hands, and seeing a Praemunire is a rod, as well for a Presbyter, as a Praelate (if either trespass on the state by their over activity) though they felt not this rod, it was shown to them, and shak'd over them, and they shrewdly and justly shent for their over-meddling, which made them the wiser and warier for the time to come.

59. Indeed the major part of the Assembly endeavored the settling of the Scotch Government in all particulars that though Tweed parted their Countries, nothing might divide their Church Discipline, and this was labored by the Scotch Commissioners with all industry and probable means to obtain the same; But it could not be effected, nor was it ever settled by Act of Parliament. For as in Heraldry the same seeming Lions in color and posture, rampa • t and langued alike,) are not the self-same, if the one be armed with nails and teeth, the other deprived of both, so cannot the English be termed the same with the Scotch-Presbytery, the former being in a manner absolute in itself, the latter depended on the State in the Execution of the power thereof.

60. Insomuch that the Parliament kept the Coercive power in their own hands, not trusting them to carry the KEYS AT THEIR GIRDLE, so that the power of excommunication, was not entrusted with them, but ultimately resolved into a Committee of eminent persons of Parliament, whereof Thomas Earl of Arundel (presumed present because absent with leave beyond the seas) is the first person nominated.

61. A Treaty was kept at Vxbridge betwixt the Commissioners of the King and Parliament, many well meaning people promising themselves good success thereby, whilst others thought this Treatie was born with a dying countenance, saying there wanted a third to interpose to make their distances up by powerful persuasion, no hope of good in either without condescension in both parties. One may smile at their inference, who presumed that the Kings Commissioners, coming to Vxbridg, two parts of three to meet those of the Parliament, would proportionably comply in their yieldings. A weak Topical conjecture, confuted by the formerly going of the Parliaments Commissioners clean through to Oxford, and yet little condescension to their propositions.

62. Here M ^r Christopher Love (waiting on the Parliament Commissioners in a general relation) gave great offense to the Roialists in his Sermon, showing the impossibility of an agreement, such the dangerous errors, and malicious practice • of the opposite party; many condemned his want of charity, more of discreti • n in this juncture of time, when there should be a cessation from Invectives drives for the time being. But men's censures must fall the more lightly upon his memory, because since he hath suffered, and so satisfied here for his saults in this or any other kind.

63. with the Commissioners on both sides, certain Clergy-men were sent in their presence to debate the point of Church-government▪

For the King.

D ^r
- Benjamin
- Henry
- Henry
- Steward
- Shelden
- Laney
- Hammond
- Ferne

For the Parliament.

M ^r Steven Marshall.
M ^r Richard Vines.

These, when the Commissioners were at leisure from civil affairs, were called to a conference before them.

64. D ^r Laney proffered to prove the great benefits which had accrued to God's Church in all Ages by the Government by Bishops, but the Scotch-Commissioners would in no wise hear him, whereupon the Doctor was contentedly silent. Some discourses rather then disputes passed betwixt D ^r Steward, and M ^r Marshal, leaving no great impressions in the memories of those that were present thereat.

65. Only M ^r Vines was much applauded by his own party, for proving the sufficiency of ordination by Presbyters, because Ministers made by Presbyterian Government in France and the Low-Countries, were owned and acknowledged by our Bishops for lawfully ordained for all intents and purposes, both to Preach and Sacramentize, and no reordination required of them. Thus the goodness of Bishops in their charity to others, was made use of against themselves, and the necessity of the Episcopal function.

66. To return to the Assembly; the Monuments which they have left to posterity of their meeting, are chiefly these, Articles of Religion drawn up by them, and a double Catechism, one the lesser, the other the greater, whereof at first very few were printed for Parliament men, meaner folk not attaining so great a Treasure, besides their Directory whereof hereafter.

67. As for the conclusion of this Assembly it dwinled away by degrees, though never legally dissolved. Many of them after the taking of Oxford returning to their own cures, and others living in London absented themselves, as disliking the managing of matters. Such as remained, (having survived their great respect) and being too few to maintain the dignity of an Assembly, contented themselves with the notion of a Committee, chiefly employed to examine their abilities, and good affections, who were presented to livings. Till at last as in Philosphy, accidentia non corrumpuntur. sed definunt, they vanish with the Parliament, and now the execution of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury comes next under our pen, whose trial being most of civil concernment, is so largely done in a book of that subject, that by us it may be justly omitted.

68. Next followed the execution of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Sherif Chambers of London, bringing over night the warrant for the same, and acquainting him therewith. In preparation to so sad a work, he betook himself to his own, and desired also the prayers of others, and particularly of D ^r Holdsworth fellow prisoner in that place for a year and half, though all that time there had not been the least converse betwixt them. On the morrow he was brought out of the Tower to the Scaffold, which he ascended with a cheerful countenance, (as rather to gain a Crown, then lose an Head ) imputed by his friends to the clearedness, by his foes to the seardeness of his Conscience. The Beholders that day were so divided betwixt Bemoaners and Insulters, it was hard to decide which of them made up the major part of the company.

69. He made a Sermon-Speech, taking for his Text the two first verses of the •• . Chap. of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Let us run with patience the ra • e which is • et before us; Looking unto Jesus the Author and finisher of our saith, who for the joy that was set before him, endured the Cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the thro • e of God. Craving leave to make use of his notes, (for the infirmity of his aged memory) he dilated thereon about half an hour, which discourse, because common, (as publicly printed) we hear forbear to insert. For the main, He protested his own innocence and integrity, as never intending any subversion of Laws and Liberty, no enemy to Parliaments (though a mistaker of some miscarriages) and a Protestant in Doctrine and Discipline, according to the established laws of the land. Speech ended, He betook himself a while to his prayers, and after wards prepared himself for the fatal stroke.

70. S ^r John Clotworthy (a member of the House of Commons ) being present interrogated him concerning his assurance of Salvation, and whereon the same was grounded. Some censured this interruption for uncivil and unseasonable, as intended to r • ffle his soul with passion, just as he was fairly folding it up, to deliver it into the hands of his Redeemer. But the Arch-Bishop calmly returned, that his assurance was evidenced unto him by that inward comfort which he found in his own soul. Then lying down on the block, and praying Lord receive my Soul, the Executioner dexterously did his office, and at one blow severed his Head from his Body. Instantly his face ( ruddy in the last moment) turned white as ashes, confuting their falsehoods, who gave it out that he had purposely painted it, to fortify his cheeks against discovery of fear in the paleness of his complexion. His corps were privately interred in the Church of Alhal • owes Barking without any solemnity, save that some will say, He had, (in those days) a fair Funeral, who had the Common-Prayer read thereat.

71. He was born Anno 1573 of honest parents at Reading in Bark-shire, a place, for the position thereof, almost equally distanced from Oxford the Sc •• of his breeding, and London the principal stage of his preserment. His Mother was Sister to S ^r William Web, (born also at Reading) Salter, and Anno 1591 Lord Majon of London. Here the Arch-Bishop afterwards built an Almshouse, and endowed it with two hundred pounds per annum, as appeareth by his own Dia • y, which if evidence against him for his faults may be used as a witness of his good works. Hence was he sent to S ^t Johns College in Oxford, where he attained to such eminency of learning, that one since hath ranked him amongst the greatest Scholers of our Nation. He afterwards married Charles Blunt Earl of Devon-shire to the Lady Rich, which proved (if intended an advantage under his feet, to make him higher in the notice of the world) a covering to his face, and was often cast a rubb in his way, when running in his full speed to preferment, till after some difficulty, his greatness at the last made a shift to stride over it.

72. In some sort He may be said to have served in all offices in the Church, from a Common-Soldier, to a kind of General therein. There was neither Order, Office, Degree, nor Dignity in College, Church or University, but he passed thorough it.

1. Order, Deacon, Priest, Bishop, Arch-Bishop.
2. Office, Scholar, Fellow, President, of S ^t Johns College, Proctor, and Chancellor of Oxford.
3. Degree, Bachelor, and Master of Arts, Bachelor and Doctor of Divinity.
4. Dignity, Vicar, Prebendary of Stanford, Parson of Ibstock, Prebendary of Wesiminster, Arch-Deacon of Huntingdon, Dean of Colchester, Bishop of S ^t David's in Wales, Bath and Wells, and London, in England, and finally Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

It was said of D ^r George Ablot, his Predecessor, that he suddenly started to be a bishop, without ever having Pastoral charge, whereas this man was a great Traveler in all Cli •• a • es of Church-prefermen, sufficient to acquaint him with an experiment knowledge of the conditions of all such persons who at last were subjected to his Authority.

73. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations, and the story is commonly told and believed, of a Lady (still alive) who turning Papist, and being demanded of the Arch-Bishop the cause of her changing her religion, tartly returned, My Lord it was because I ever hated a • oud. And being desired to explain her meaning herein, I perceived (said she) that your Lordship and many others, are making for Rome as fast as • e •• , and therefore to prevent a press, I went before you. Be the tale true or false, take Papist for a Trent-Papist, embracing all the derisions of that council, and surely this Arch-Bishop would have been made Fuel for the • ire, before ever or that persuasion. Witness his book against Fisher, wherein he giveth no less account of his sincerity then ability to defend the most dominative points wherein we and the Papists dissent.

74. However most apparent it is by several passages in his life, that he endeavored to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome, so to compremise the difference, and to bring us to a Vi • nity, if not Contiguity therewith, an impossible design (if granted lawfully) as some every way his equals did adjudge. For composition is impossible with such, who will not agree except all they sue for, and all the charges of their suite be to the utmost farthing awarded unto them. Our reconciliation with Rome is clogged with the same impossibilities: She may be gone to, but will never be met with, such her • ride or as Peevishness not to stir a step to obviate any of a different Religion. Rome will never so far un-Pope itself, as to part with her pretended Supremacy and Infallibility, which cuts off all possbility of Protestants Treaty with her, if possibly without prejudice to God's glory and the truth, other controversies might be composed. Which done, England would have been an Island as well in Religion, as Situation cut off from the continent of For • aign Protestant Churches, in a singular posture by itself, hard to be imagined, but harder to be effected.

75. Amongst his human frailties, ch • ler and passion most discovered it self. In the Star-Chamber (where if the crime not extraordinary, it was fine enough for one to be sued in so chargable a Court) He was observed always to concur with the severest side, and to infuse more vinegar then oil into all his censures, and also was much blamed for his severity to his Predecessor easing him against his will, and before his time, of his jurisdiction.

76. But he is most accused for over-meddling in State-matters, more then was fitting, say many, then needful, say most, for one of his profession. But he never more overshot himself, then when he did impose the Scotch Liturgy, and was over 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 over a free and foreign Church and Nation. At home, many grumbled at him for oft making the shallowest pretence of the Crown deep enough (by his powerful digging therein) to drown the undoubted right of any private Patron to a Church-living. But Courtiers most complained, that he persecuted them, not in their proper places, but what in an ordinary way he should have taken from the hands Of inferior officers, that He with a long and strong Arm reached to himself over all their heads. Yet others plead for him, that he abridged their bribes not fees, and it vexed them that He struck their fingers with the dead-palsy, so that they could not as formerly) have a feeling for Church Preferments.

77. He was conscientious according to the principles of his devotion, witness his care in keeping a constant Diary of the passges in his life. Now he can hardly be an ill husband, who casteth up his receipts and expenses every night, and such a soul is, or would be good, which enters into a daily Scrutiny of his own actions. But such who commend him in making, condemn him in keeping such a Diary about him in so dangerous days. Especially he ought to untongue it from talking to his prejudice, and should have garbled some light trivial and joculary passges out of the same. Whereas sure the omission hereof argued not his carelessness but confidence, that such his privacies should meet with that favor of course, which in equity is due to writings of that nature.

78. He was temperate in his diet, and (which may be presumed the effect thereof) chaste in his conversation. Indeed in his Diary, he confessed himself lapsed into some special Sin with E. B. for which He kept an Anniversary Humiliation. Indeed his Adversary makes this note thereon, perchance he was unclean with E. B. which is but an uncharitable suspicion. New an exact Diary is a window into his heart who m • keth it, and therefore pity it is any should look therein, but either the friends of the party, or such ingenious foes as will not, (especially in things doubtful) make conjectural comments to his disgrace, But, be E. B. male or female, and the sin committed, of what kind soever, his fault whispers not so much to his shame, as his solemn repentance sounds to his commendation.

79. He was very plain in apparel, and sharply checked such Clergymen whom he saw go in rich or gaudy clothes, commonly calling them of the Church-Triumphant. Thus as Cardinal Woolsy is reported the first Prelate, who made Silks, and Sattens fashionable amongst clergy-men; so this Arch-Bishop first retrenched the usal wearing thereof. Once at a Visitation in Essex, one in Orders (of good estate and extraction) appeared before him very gallant in habit, whom D ^r Land (then Bishop of London ) publicly reproved, showing to him plainness of his own apparel. My Lord (said the Minister) you have better cloths at home and I have worse, whereat the Bishop rested very well contented.

80. He was not partial in preferring his kindred, except some merit met in them with his alliance. I knew a near kinsman of his in the University, Scholar enough, but somewhat wild and lazy, on whom it was late before he reflected with favor, and that not before his amendment. And generally persons promoted by him were men of learning and abilities, though many of them Arminians in their judgments, and I believe they will not be offended with my reporting it, seeing most of them will endeavor to justify and avouch their opinions herein.

81. Covetousness He perfectly hated, being a single man and having no project to raise a name or Family, he was the better enabled for public performances, having both a price in his hand, and an heart also to dispose thereof for the general good. S ^t Johns in Oxford, wherein he was bred, was so beautified, enlarged, and enriched by him, that strangers at the first sight knew it not, yea, it scarce knoweth itself, so altered to the better from its former condition. Insomuch that almost it deserveth the name of Canterbury-College, as well as that which Simon Islip founded, and since hath lost its name, united to Christ-Church. More buildings he intended, (had not the stroke of one Axe hindered the working of many hammers ) chiefly on Churches, whereof the following passage many not impertinently be inserted.

82. It happened that a Visitation was kept at S ^t Pe ers in Corn-hill, for the Clergy of London. The Preacher discoursing of the painfulness of the Ministerial Function, proved it from the Greek deduction of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Deacon, so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dust, because he must labor are in arena in pulvire, work in the dust, do hard service in hot weather. Sermon ended, Bishop Land proceeded to his charge to the Clergy, and observing the Churchill repaired without, and slovenly kept within, I am sorry (said He) to meet here with so true an Etymology of Diaconus, for here is both dust and dirt too, for a Deacon (or Priest either) to work in, Tea it is dust of the worst kind, caused from the ruins of this ancient house of God, so that it pitieth his servants to see her in the dust. Hence he took occasion to press the repairing of that, and other decayed places of divine worship, so that from this day we may date the general mending, beautifying and adorning of all English Churches, some to decency, some to magnificence, and some (if all complaints were true) to superstition.

83. But the Church of S ^t Paul's, (the only Cathedral in Christendom dedicated to that Apostle ) was the master piece of his performances. We know what one Satyrically said of him, that he plucked down Puritans, and Property, to build up Paul's and Prerogative. But let unpartial Judges behold how he left, and remember how he found that ruinous fabric, and they must conclude that (though intending more) he effected much in that great design. He communicated his project to some private persons, of taking down the great Tower in the middle, to the Spurrs, and rebuild it in the same fashion, (but some yards higher) as before. He meant to hang as great and tuneable a ring of Bels, as any in the world, whose sound advantaged with their height and vicinity of the Thames, must needs be loud and melodious. But now he is turned to his dust, and all his thoughts have perished, yea that Church, formerly approached with due reverence, is now entered with just fear, of falling on those under it, and is so far from having its old decays repaired, that it is daily decayed in its new reparations.

84. He was low o Stature, little in bulk, cheerful in countenance, (wherein gravity and quickness were well compounded) of a sharp and piercing eye, clear judgment, and (abating the influence of age) firm memory. He wore his hair very close, and though in the beginning of his greatness, many measured the length of men's stricktness by the shortness of their hair, yet some will say, that since out of Antipathy to conform to his example, his opposites have therein indulged more liberty to themselves. And thus we take out leave of him, whose estate, (neither so great as to be envied at, nor so small as to be complained of) he left to his heir and Sisters Son M ^r John Robinson Merchant of London, though fain first to compound with the Parliament before he could peaceably enjoy the same.

85. The same year with this Arch-Bishop, died another Divine, (though of a different judgment) no less esteemed amongst men of his own persuasion, viz. M ^r John Dod, who (in the midst of troublesome times) quietly withdrew himself to heaven. He was born at Shotledge in Cheshire (the youngest of seventeen children) bred in Jesus College in Cambridge. At a disputation at one Commencement he was so facetiously solid (wild, yet sweet fruits which the stock brought forth before grafted with grace ) that Oxford-men there present, courted him home with them, and would have planted him in their University, save that he declined it.

86. He was a Passive Non conformist, not loving any one the worse for difference in judgment about Ceremonies, but all the better for their unity of affections in grace and goodness. He used to retrench some hot spitits when enveighing against Bishops, telling them how God under that government had given a marvelous increase to the Gospel, and that godly men might comfortably comport therewith, under which learning and religion had so manifest an Improvement. He was a good Decalogist, and is conceived to his dying day (how roughly soever used by the opposite party) to stick to his own judgment of what he had written on the fifth Commandment, of Obedience to lawful Authority.

87. Some riotous Gentlemen casually coming to the table of S ^r Anthony Cope in Hanwell were half-starved in the midst of a feast, because refraining from swearing (meat and drink to them) in the presence of M ^r Dod; of these one after dinner ingeniously professed, that he thought it had been impossible for himself to forbear oaths so long a time. Hereat M ^r Dod (the sl • me of whose zeal turned all accidents into su l ) fell into a pertinent and seasonable discourse (as more better at occasionals, ) of what power men have more then they know of themselves to refrain from sin, and how active God's restraining grace would be in us to bridle us from wickedness, were we not wanting to ourselves.

83. Being stricken in years, he used to compare himself to Sampson when his hair was cut off. I rise saith he in a morning as Sampson did, and think, I will go out as at other times, go, watch, walk, work, study, ride, as when a young man▪ But alas he quickly found an alteration, and so do I, who must stoop to age, which hath clipt my ha • r and taken my strength away.

89. Being at Holdenbie, and invited by an Honorable person to see that stately house built by S ^r Christopher Hatton, (the Masterpiece of English Architecture in that age) he desired to be excused, and to sit still looking on a flower which he had in his hand. In this Flower (saith he) I can see more of God, then in all the beautiful buildings in the world. And at this day as his flower is long since withered, That magnificent Pile (that fair flower of art ) is altogether blasted and destroyed.

90. It is reported, he was but coursly used of the Cavaliers, who (they say) plundered him of his linen and householdstuff, though (as some tell me) if so disposed, he might have redeemed all for a very small matter. However the good man still remembered his old maxim, Sanctified afflictions are good Promotions, and I have been credibly informed, that when the soldiers brought down his sheets out of the Chamber, into the room where M ^r Dod sat by the fire side; He (in their absence to search after more) took one pair and clapt them under his Cushion whereon he sat, much pleasing himself after their departure that he had (as he said) plundered the plunderers, and by a lawful feleny saved so much of his own to himself.

91. He was an excellent scholar, and was as causlessly accused, as another John, of his name (M ^r John Fox I mean) for lacking of latin. He was also an exquisite Hebrician, and with his society and directions in one Vacation taught that tongue unto M ^r John Gregory that rare Linguist, and Chaplain of Christ's-Church, who survived him but one year, and now they both together praise God in that language, which glorified Saints and Angels use in heaven.

92. He was buried at Fausly in Northampton -shire, with whom the Old Puritan may seem to expire, and in his grave to be interred. Humble, Meek, Patient, Hospital, Charitable as in his censures of, so in his alms to others. Would I could truly say but half so much of the next Generation.

SECTION X.

To the right Worshipful Roger Price Esq High Sheriff of Buckingham-shire.

SEa-men observe, that the water is the more troubled the nearer they draw on to the Land, because broken by repercussion from the Shore. I am sensible of the same danger, the nearer I approach our times, and the End of this History.

Yet fear not Sr, that the least wrong may redound to You, by my indiscretion in the writing hereof; desiring You only to Patronize what is acceptable therein, and what shall appear otherwise, is left on my account to answer for the same,

YOu may know, that amongst the most Remarkables, effected by the Assembly of Divines, the compiling of the Directory was one, which although composed in the former year, yet because not as yet meeting with universal Obedience, it will be seasonable enough now to enter on the consideration thereof. The Parliament intending to abolish the Liturgy, and loath to leave the Land altogether at a loss, or deformity in public service, employed the Assembly in drawing up a model of Divine Worship. Herein no direct form of Prayer Verbis conceptis was prescribed, no outward or bodily worship enjoined, nor people required in the Responsals (more than in Amen ) to bear a part in the Service, but all was left to the discretion of the Minister, not enjoined what, but directed to what purpose, he ought to order his devotions, in public-prayer and administering Sacraments.

2. The dissenting Brethren (commonly called Independents ) were hardly persuaded to consent to a Directory. Even libera custodia, (though it be the best of Restraints) is but a restraint; and they suspected such a Directory would (if enforced) be an infringing of the Christian-liberty; However, they consented at last, the rather because a Preface was prefixed before it, which did much moderate the matter, and mitigate the rigorous imposition thereof.

3. In this preface, respectful terms are (no less discreetly than charitably) afforded to the first compilers of the Liturgy, allowing them wise and pious, in redressing many things which were vain, erroneous, superstitious, and idolatrous, affirming also, that many Godly and Learned men of that age, rejoiced much in the Liturgy at that time set forth; But adding withal, that they would rejoice more, had it been their happiness to behold this present reformation, they themselves were persuaded, that these first Reformers (were they now alive) would join with them in this work at advanting the Directory.

4. The Assemblie-work of the Directorie thus ended, the Lord's and Commons began therewith, prefixing an Ordinance thereunto (made much up of forms of repeal) laying down the motives inclining them to think, the abolishing of the Common-Prayer, and establishement of this Directory necessary for this Nation. First, the consideration of the many inconveniences risen by that book in this Kingdom. Secondly, their Covenant-Resolution to reform Religion according to God's word and the best reformed Churches. Thirdly, their consulting with the learned, p •• us, and reverend Divines for that purpose.

5. The Benefit of Printing the Directorie was bestowed on M ^r Rowborrough, and M ^r Byfield Scribes to the Assembly, who are said to have sold the same for some hundreds of pounds. Surely the Stationer who bought it, did not with the dishonest, Chap-man, first decry the worth thereof, and then host of his pennyworth: If since he hath proved a loser thereby, I am confident, that they who sold it him, carried such a Chancery in their bosoms, as to make him fair satisfaction.

6. Now because it was hard to turn people out of their old track, and put them from a beaten path, (such was, call it constuncy or obstinacy, love or doting, of the generality of the Nation, on the Common-Prayer the Parliament found it fit, yea necessary to back their former Ordinance with a second, dated twenty third of August 1645. And entitled an Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the more effectual putting in execution the Directorie &c. Wherein directions were not only given for the dispersing and publishing of the Directory, in all Parishes, Chappelries, and Donatives, but also for the calling in, and suppressing of all books of Common-Prayer, and several forfeitures and penalties to be levied and imposed upon conviction before justices of Assize, or of Oyer and terminer, &c.

7. But in opposition hereunto, the King at Oxford set forth a Proclamation (bearing date the thirteenth of November 1645. ) enjoining the use of Common-Prayer, according to the Law▪ notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new Directory. Thus as the waves, commanded one way by the Tide, and countermanded another with the wind, know not which to obey; so, people stood amused betwixt these two forms of service, line upon line, precept upon precept, being the easiest way to edify, whilst line against line, precept against precept, did much disturb and distract.

8. The King and Parliament being thus at difference, no wonder if the pens of the Chaplains followed their Patrons, and engaged violently pro and con in the controversy. I presume it will be lawful and safe for me, to give in a breviat of the Arguments on both sides, reserving my private opinion to myself, as not worthy the readers taking notice thereof; for as it hath been permitted in the height and heat of our Civil man, for Trumpeters and Messengers, to have fair and free passage on both sides, pleading the Privilege of the public faith, provided they do not interest themselves like parties, and as spies forfeit the protection, so subjecting themselves justly to the severest punishment: So. Historians in like manner in all ages have been permitted to transmit to posterity an unpartial account of actions, preserving themselves Neuters in their indifferent relations.

Against the Liturgy. 1. Sad experience hath made it manifest, that the Liturgy used in England, (notwithstanding the religious intentions of the compilers thereof) hath prove an offense to many godly people. 2. Offence thereby hath also been given to the reformed Churches abroad. 3. M ^r Calvin himself disliked the Liturgy, in his letter to the Lord Protector, charitably calling many thing therein tolerabiles ineptias. 4. The Liturgy is no better, then confining of the Spirit, tying it to such and such words, which is to be left alone to its own liberty, use praying, and have praying, the extemporary gift is improved by the practice thereof. 5. It being a compliant with the Papists, in a great part of their Service, doth not a little confirm them in their Superstition and Idolatry. 6. It is found by experience that the Liturgy hath been a great means to make an idle and an unedifying Ministry.	For the Liturgy. 1. Such offense (if any) was taken, not given, and they must be irreligious mistakes which stand in opposition to such religious intentions. 2. No foreign Church ever in print expressed any such offense, and if some particular man have disliked it, as many and as eminent have manfested their approbation thereof. 3. M ^r Calvin is but one man. Besides, he spake against the first draught of the Liturgy, Anno 1. of King Edw. the sixth, which afterwards was reviewed in that Kings Reign, and again in the first of Queen Elizabeth. 4. The same charge lieth against the Directorie, appointing though not the words to be prayed with, the matter, to be prayed for. Poor liberty to leave the spirit only to supply the place of a Vocabulary, or a Copia Verborum. And seeing Sense is more considerable then Language, the prescribing thereof restraineth the Spirit as much, as appointing the words of a prayer. 5. It complieth with the Papists in what they have retained of Antiquity, and not what they have superadded of Idolatry, and therefore more probably may be a means of converting them to our Religion, when they perceive us not possessed with a Spirit of opposition unto them, in such things wherein they close with the Primitive Times. 6. The Vsers of the Liturgy have also labored in Preaching, Catechtsing, and study of Divine Learning. Nor doth the Directorie secure any from Laziness, seeing nothing but Lungs and sides may be used in the delivery of any extemporary prayer.
Against the Liturgy.	For the Liturgy.
7. It is tedious to the people with the unnecessary length, taking up an hour at least, in the large and distinct reading thereof. 8. Many Ceremonies, not only unprofitable but burthensome are therein imposed on people's consciences. 9. Diverse able and faithful Ministers, have by the means of the Liturgy been debarred the exercise of their Ministry, and spoiled of their livelihood, to the undoing of them and their family.	7. Some observers of the Directorie, to procure to their parts and persons the repute of ability and piety, have spent as much time, in their extemporary devotions. 8. This is disproved by such who have written volums in the vindication thereof. But grant it true, not a total absolution, but a reformation thereof may hence be inferred. 9. The Directorie, if enforced to subject the refusers to penalties, may spoil as many, and as well deserving of their Ministry, and livelihood.

Such as desire to read deeper in this Controversy, may have their recourse to the manifold Tractats written on this subject.

9. But leaving these disquiets, the Common-Prayer daily decreased, and Directorie by the power of Parliament was advanced. Here some would fain be satisfied, whether the Abolishing of the main body of the Common-Prayer, extendeth to the prohibition of every expression therein, (I mean not such which are the numerical words of Scripture, whereof no question) but other ancient passages, which in the Primitive Times, were laudably (not to say necessarily) put in practice.

10. I know a Minister who was accused for using the Gloria Patri (conforming his practice to the Directorie in all things else,) and threatened to be brought before the Committee. He pleaded the words of M ^r Cartwright in his defense, confessing the Gloria Patri founded en just, cause that men might make their open profession in the Church of the Divinity of the Son of God, against the detestable opinion of Arius and his Disciples. But now (saith he) that it hath pleased the Lord to quench that fire, there is no such cause why those things should be used. But seeing, (said the Minister ) it hath pleased God for our sins to condemn us to live in so licentious an age, wherein the Divinity both of Christ and the Holy-Ghost is called frequently and publicly into question, the same now (by M ^r Cartwrights judgment ) may lawfully be used, not to say can well be omitted. I remember not that he heard anymore of the matter.

11. It is now high time to take our farewell of this tedious subject, and leave the issue thereof to the observation of Posterity. The best Demonstration to prove, whether Daniel and his Fellows (the Children of the Captivity ) should thrive better by plain pulse (to which formerly they had been used) or the new diet of diverse and dainty dishes, was even to put it to the Trial of some days experiment, and then a Survey taken of their Complexions, whether they be impaired or not; so when the Directorie hath been practiced in England ninety years (the world lasting so long) as the Liturgy hath been, then Posterity will be the competent Judge, whether the Face of Religion had the more lively, healthful, and cheerful looks, under the one, or under the other.

12. The next news engrossing the talk of all tongues, was about D ^r Williams Arch-Bishop of York, no less suddenly than strangely metamo phosed, from a zealous Royalist into an active Parliamentarian; being to relate the occasion thereof, we will enter on the brief history of his life, from the cradle to the grave, repeating nothing formerly written, but only adding thereunto.

13. None can question the gentility of his extraction, finding him born at Aberconway in Carnatvon-shire in Wales; of a family rather ancient than rich. His Grandfather had a good estate, but aliened (it seems) by his heirs, so that this Doctor, when Lord-Keeper, was fain to repurchase it. Surely it was of a considerable value, because he complaineth in his letter to the Duke (who encouraged him to the purchase) that he was forced to borrow money, and stood indebted for the same.

14. He was bred in S ^t Johns College in Cambridge, to hold the scales even with S ^t Johns in Oxford, wherein Arch-Bishop Land had his education. D ^r Gwin was his tutor, his chiefest, if not his only eminency, and afterwards the occasion of his preferment. For as this Tutor made his Pupil Fellow; this Pupil made the Tutor Master of the College. Next was M ^r Williams made Proctor of the University, excellently performing his Acts for the place in so stately a posture, as rather but of duty, thereby to honor his Mother-University, than desire to credit himself, as taking it only in his passage to an higher employment.

15. He was Chaplain (or Counselor shall I say?) to Thomas Egerton Lord Chancellor, who imparted many mysteries of that place unto him. Here an able Teacher of State met with as apt a Scholar, the one not more free in pouring forth, then the other capable to receive, firm to retain, and active to improve what was infused into him. So dear was this Doctor to his Patron, that this Lord dying on his death-bed, desired him to choose what most acceptable legacy he should bequeath unto him. D ^r Williams, waving and slighting all money, requested four Books, being the collections of the Lord his industry, learning, and experience, concerning

1. The Prerogative Royal.
2. Privileges of Parliaments.
3. The proceedings in Chancery.
4. The power of the Starr-Chamber.

These were no sooner asked then granted; and the Doctor afterwards copied out these four Books into his own brains. Books which were the four elements of our English State, and he made an absolute Master of all the materials, that is, of all the passages therein, seeing nothing superfluous was therein recorded.

16. By the Duke of Buckingham (whom he had married to the daughter of the Earl of Rutland ) he presented these Books to King James. Then did His Majesty first take notice of his extraordinary abilities, soon after preferring him by the Dukes mediation, to the Deanry of Westminster, Bishop of Lincoln, and Keepers place of the Great Seal, till he lost the last in the first of King Charles, as hath formerly been related.

17. I dare confidently avouch what I knowingly speak, that the following passage was the motus primo primus of the breach betwixt him and the Duke. There was one D ^r Theodore Price a Welsh man, highly beloved both by Bishop Williams and BP Land, so that therein the rule did not hold, Those that agree in one third agree among themselves; these two Prelates mutually mortal enemies meeting in the love of this Doctor. Now the Archbishopric of Armagh in Ireland falling vacant, Bishop Williams moved the Duke for D ^r Price, his country man: to whom the Duke answered, that King James had by promise fore-disposed the place on the Bishop of Meath, D ^r James Usher, one whose deserts were sufficiently known. Not satisfied herewith, Bishop Williams by his own interest endeavored to bring D ^r Price into the place. The Duke understanding that he, who formerly professed a subordination to, at the least a concurrence with his desires, should now offer to contest with him, resolved, that seeing the Lord-Keeper would not own himself to stand by his love, the world should see he should fall by his anger; and this ministered the first occasion to his ruin. And when once the Alarum was sounded of the Dukes displeasure, no Courtier so deaf and drowsy, but did take the same; And all things concurred to his disadvantage. This is that D ^r Theodore Price, afterwards died a professed Catholic, reconciled to the Church of Rome.

18. Yet after his resigning the Seal, fair preferment was left unto him, could he have consined his large heart thereunto. I meet with a passage in a letter from this Lord-Keeper to the Duke, wherein he professeth calling God to witness, that the Lord-Keeper (troubled with many miseries wherewith sudden greatness is accompanied) envied the fortunes of one D ^r Williams, late Dean of Westminster. Be this a truth or a complement, what he formerly envied now he enjoyed, returned to a plentiful privacie; not only of the Deanry of Westminster, but Bishopric of Lincoln, which he held with the same. But alas, when our desires are forced on us by our foes, they do not delight but afflict. The same step is not the same step, when we take it aseendendo in hopes to higher preferment, and when we light upon it descendendo, or are remitted unto it as falling from higher advancement. The Bishop is impatient for being less than he had been; and there wanted not those secret enemies to improve his discontents to his disgrace, almost destruction, as fining in the Star-Chamber, and long imprisoning in the Tower.

19. Now came that Parliament so much wished for, that many feared it would never begin, and afterwards (oh the mutability of desires, or change of things desired!) the same feared it would never have an end. Then is Bishop Williams sent for out of the Tower, brought to Parliament, advanced to the Arch-Bishopric of York, and is the Antesignanus of the Episcopal party, to defend it in the House of Lord's (as best armed with his power and experience) against a volly of affronts and oppositions.

20. Once when His Majesty saw him earnest in the defense of Episcopacy then opposed by Parliament, My Lord (saith the King) I commend you that you are no whit daunted with all disasters, but are zealous in defending your Order. Please it your Majesty (returned the Arch-Bishop) I am a true Welshman, and they are observed never to run away, till their General do first forsake them. No fear of my flinching whilst your Highness doth countenance our cause. But soon after he was imprisoned about the Bishops Protestation to the Parliament, and with great difficulty obtained his liberty, as was afore observed.

21. Retiring himself into North-Wales (where his birth, estate, alliance, but chiefly hospitality did make him popular) he had a great, but endeavored a greater influence on those parts. It gave some distaste, that in all consultations he would have his advise pass for an oracle, not to be contested with, much less controled by any. But vast the difference betwixt his Orders in Chancery, armed with power to enforce obedience, and his counsel here, which many Military men (as in their own element ) took the boldness to contradict; Buff-coats, often rubbed and grated against this Prelates silk Cassock, which (because of the softer matter) was the sooner fretted therewith. Indeed he endeavored as much as might be to preserve his country from taxes (an acceptable and ingratiating design with the people) but sometimes inconsistent with the Kings present and pressing necessities. All his words and deeds are represented at Oxford (where his Court-interest did daily decline) to his disadvantage, and some jealousies are raised of his cordialness to the Royal Cause.

22. At last some great Affronts were put upon him (increased with his tender resenting of them,) being himself (as I have been informed) put out of Commission, and another placed in his room. A disgrace so much the more insupportable to his high Spirit, because he conceived himself much meriting of his Majesty, by his loyalty, industry, ability, and expense in his Cause, who hitherto had spared neither care nor cost in advancing the same, even to the impairing of his own estate.

23. But now he entereth on a design, which had I line and plummet, I want skill to manage them in measuring the depth thereof. He sueth to the Parliament for favor, and obtained it, whose General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way, till he had reduced it to their service, and much of the Town to his own possession.

24. And now Meruit sub Parliamento in Wallia is the wonder of all men. I confess he told his kinsman, who related it to me, that if he might have the convenience to speak with his Majesty, but one half-hour (a small time for so great a task) he doubted not but to give him full satisfaction for his behavior. Sure it is, those of the Royal Party, and his own Order, which could not mine into his invisible motives, but surveyed only the sad surface of his actions, condemn the same as irreconcilable with the principles he professed. And though hereby he escaped a Composition for his estate in Goldsmiths-Hall, yet his memory is still to compound (and at what rate (know not) with many mouths, before a good word can be afforded unto it; But these, perchance, have never read the well latined Apology in his behalf. And although some will say, that they that need an Apology come too near to fault, the word (as commonly taken) sounding more of excuse then defense, yet surely in its genuine notation, it speaks not guilt, but always greatness of enemies and opposers.

25. Of all English Divines since the Reformation, he might make the most experimental Sermon on the Apostles words, By honor and dishonor, by ill report and good report, though the method not so appliable as the matter unto him, who did not close and conclude with the general good esteem, losing by his last compliance his old friends at Oxford, and in lieu of them finding few new ones at London.

26. Envy itself cannot deny, but that whithersoever he went, he might be traced by the footsteps of his benefaction. Much he expended on the repair of Westminster-Abby-Church, and his answer is generally known, when pressed by Bishop Land to a larger contribution to S. Paul's, that he would not rob Peter to pay Paul. The Library of Westminster was the effect of his bounty, and so was a Chapel in Lincoln-College in Oxford, having no other relation thereunto, than as the name-sake of his Bishopric: so small an invitation will serve to call a coming charity. At S. Johns in Cambridge he founded two Fellowships, built a fair Library, and furnished it with books, intending more, had his bounty then met with proportionable entertainment. But Benefactors may give money, but not grateful minds to such as receive it.

27. He was very chaste in his conversation, whatsoever a nameless author hath written on the contrary: Whom his Confuter hath styled, Aulicus e Coquinariâ, or, The Courtier out of the kitchen, and that deservedly for his unworthy writings, out of what Dripping-pan soever, he licked this his sluttish intelligence. For most true it is, (as I am certainly informed from such who knew the privacies and casualties of his infancy,) this Arch-Bishop was but one degree removed from a Misogynist, yet to palliate his infirmity to noble females, he was most complete in his courtly addresses.

28. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred: and though oft declaring freedom and favor to imprisoned Papists, as a Minister of state, in obedience to his office; yet he never procured them any courtesies out of his proper inclinations. Yea, when D ^r 〈…〉 the new Bishop of Calcedon, at the end of King James His Reign first arrived in England, he gave the Duke of Buckangham advice (in case other circumstances conveniently concurred) that the Judges should presently proceed against him, and hang him out of the way, and the King cast the blame on Arch-Bishop Abbots, or himself, prepared (it seemeth) to undergo his Royal displeasure therein.

29. Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists, but Antipathy to Bishop Laud, he was favorable to some select persons of that opinion. Most sure it is, that in his greatness he procured for M ^r Cotton of Boston a toleration under the Broad Seal, for the free exercise of his Ministry, not withstanding his dissenting in Ceremonies, so long as done without disturbance to the Church. But as for this Bishop himself, he was so great an honourer of the English Liturgy; that of his own cost, he caused the same to be translated into Spanish, and fairly printed, to confute their false conceit of our Church, who would not believe, that we used any Book of Common-Prayer amongst us.

30. He was of a proper persons, comely countenance, and amiable complexion, having a stately garb and gate by nature, which (suppose him prouder then he should be) made him mistaken prouder then he was. His head was a well filled Treasury, and his tongue the fair key to unlock it. He had as great a memory as could be reconciled with so good a judgment; so quick his parts, that his extempore-performances equalized the premeditations of others of his profession. He was very open, and too free in discourse, disdaining to lie at a close guard, so confident of the length and strength of his weapon.

31. Thus take we our farewell of his memory, concluding it with one of his speeches (as savory I believe as ever any he uttered) wherein he expressed himself to a grave Minister coming to him for Institution in a living. I have ( saith he ) passed thorough many places of honor and trust, both in Church and State, more then any of my Order in England this seventy years before. But were I but assured that by my preaching I had converted but one soul unto God, I should take therein more spiritual joy and comfort, than in all the honors and offices which have been bestowed upon me,

32. He died as I take it, Anno 1649. Sure I am on the 25. of March, leaving a leading case (not as yet decided in our Law ) whether his half years rents (due after Sunrise ) should go with his Goods and Chattels, unto his Executor, or fall to his Heir; The best was, such the Providence of the Parties concerned therein, that before it came to a Suite they seasonably compounded it amongst themselves.

33. Come we now to present the Reader with a List of the principal Ordinances of the Lord's and Commons, which respected Church-matters. I say principal, otherwise to recite all, (which wear the Countenance of an Ecclesiastical Tendency, some of them being mingled with civil affairs ) would be over-voluminous. Yea I have heard, that a great Antiquary should say, that the Orders and Ordinances of this Parliament in bulk and number, did, not only equal, but exceed all the Laws and Statutes, made since the Conquest, it will be sufficient therefore to recite Titles of those most material, going a little backward in Time, to make our History the more entire.

Die Martis August. 19. 1645.

Directions of the Lord's and Commons (after advice had with the Assembly of Divines) for the election and choosing of Ruling Elders, in all the Congregations, and in the Classical Assemblies for the City of London and Westminster, and the several Countries of the Kingdom. For the speedy settling of the Presbyterial Government.

Die Lunae. Oct. 20. 1645.

An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons together with Rules and Directions concerning suspension from the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, in cases of Ignorance and Scandal. Also the names of such Ministers and others that are appointed Triers and Judges of the ability of Elders in the twelve Classes with the Province of London.

Die Sabbathi March 14. 1645.

An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for keeping of scandalous persons from the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, the enabling of the Congregation for the choice of Elders, and supplying of defects in former ordinances and directions of Parliament concerning Church Government.

Die Veneris June 5. 1646.

An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the present settling (without further delay) of the Presbyterial Government in the Church of England.

Die Veneris August 28. 1646.

An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the Ordination of Ministers by the Classical Presbyters within their respective bounds, for the several Congregations in the Kingdom of England.

Die Sabbathi Jan. 29. 1647.

An Ordinance of the Lord's and Commons for the speedy dividing and settling of the several Counties of this Kingdom into distinct Classical Presbyteries, and Congregational Elderships

34. Great now was the clamorous importunity of the Wives and Children of Ministers sequestered, ready to starve for want of maintenance. I had almost called them the Widows and Orphans of those Ministers, because though their Fathers were living to them, their Means were not living to their Fathers, and they left destitute of a livelihood. Indeed there was an Ordinance of Parliament made 1644, impowring their Commissioners in the Country to appoint means (not exceeding a fifth part) to the Wives and Children of all sequestered Persons, but seeing Clergy-men were not therein expressed by name, such as enjoyed their Sequestrations refused to contribute anything unto them. Whereupon the House of Commons compassionately reflecting on the distresses of the foresaid complainers, made an Order in more particular manner for the Clergy, and (seeing it is hard to come by ) I conceive it a charitable work, here to insert a Copy thereof.

Die Jovis. Nov. 11. 1647.

That the Wives and Children of all such Persons as are or have been or shall be sequestered, by Order of either Houses of Parliament, shall be comprehended within the Ordinance, that alloweth a fifth part for Wives and Children, and shall have their fifth part allowed unto them, and the Committee of Lord's and Commons for sequestration, and the Committee of plundered Ministers, and all other Committees are required to take notice hereof, and yield Obedience hereunto accordingly.

H. Elsing Clericus Parliamenti Domus Communis.

35. But Covetousness will wriggle itself out at a small hole. Many were the Evasions whereby such Clergy-men possessed of their livings do frustrate and defeat the effectual payment of the fifth part to the aforesaid Wives and Children. Some of which starting-holes we will here present, not to the intent that any should unjustly hide themselves herein, but that for the future they may be stopped up, as obstructing the true performance of the Parliaments intended Curtesie.

36. First they plead that Taxes being first deducted, Tythes are so badly paid, they cannot live and maintain themselves if they must still pay a fifth part out of the remainder. Such consider not, if themselves cannot live on the whole Grist, how shall the Families of such sequestered Ministers subsist on the Tole.

37. Secondly, if the foresaid Minister hath a Wife without Children, or Children without a Wife, or but one Child, they deny payment, as not within the Letter (though the Equity ) of the Order; though one Child is as unable to live on nothing, as if there were many more.

38. Thirdly, if the sequestered Minister hath any temporal means of his own, or since his sequestration hath acquired any place wherein he officiateth (though short of a comfortable subsistence) they deny payment of a fifth part unto him.

39. Fourthly, they affright the said sequestered Minister, threatening to New article against for his former faults. Whereas, had he not been reputed a malignant, not a fifth part, but all the five parts were due unto him.

40. Fifthly, many who have livings in great Towns (especially Vicarages ) disclaim the receiving of any Benefits in the nature of Tithes, and accept them only in the notion of Benevolence. Then they plead nothing due to the sequestered Minister, out of the free gratuities which only are bestowed upon them.

41. Sixthly, they plead, that nothing can be demanded by virtue of the said Ordinance, longer then the sitting of the said Parliament which made it, which long since is dissolved; now though this be but a dilatory plea, (themselves enjoying the four parts by virtue of the same Order ) yet though it doth not finally blast, it doth much set back the fifth part, and whilst the same groweth, the Ministers Wives and Children starve.

42. Lastly, of late, since the setting forth of the Proclamation that all who disquiet their peaceable possession, who are put into livings by the Parliaments Order, should be beheld as enemies to the State. Such sequestered Ministers who only sue the refusers to pay the fifth part unblameable in all things else, are threatened (though they humbly conceived contrary to the true intent of the Proclamation ) with the foresaid penalty if they desist not in their suite. Many more are their subterfugies (besides vexing their wives with the tedious attendance to get Orders on Orders ) so that as one truly and sadly said, the fifts are even paid at sixes and sevens.

43. I am sorry to see the pitiful and pious intentions of the Parliament, so abused and deluded by the indirect dealings of others, so that they cannot attain their intended ends, for the relief of so many poor people, seeing no doubt therein, they desired to be like the best of beings; who as closely applieth his lenitive, as corrasive plasters, and that his mercy may take as true effect as his justice. Sure if the present Authority (when at leisure from higher employment) shall be pleased to take the groans of these poor souls into its consideration, the voice of their hungry bowels will quickly be turned to a more pleasant tune, from barking for food, to the blessing of those who procured it. Nor let any censure this a digress from my History, for though my estate will not suffer me with Job to be eyes to the blind, and feet to the Iame, I will endeavor what I can to be a Tongue for the Dumbe.

SECTION XI.

To the Noble Lady Elianor Roe, relict to the Honorable Sr. Thomas Roe.

Madam,

I find that my name-sake Thomas Fuller was Pilot in the ship called the Desire, wherein Captain Cavendish surrounded the world.

Far be it from me to compare these my weak undertakings to his great adventures. Yet I may term this my Book the Desire, as wherein I desire to please, and profit all, justly to displease none. Many rocks and storms have I passed by God's blessing, and now am glad of so firm an Anchorage, as a Dedication to your Ladyship.

I believe Madam none of your Sex in our Nation, hath travelled farther them yourself. Yet this Section of our History, may afford you a rarity not seen before. I know you have viewed the Tomb of St. Polycarpus, but here the Herse is presented unto you of one, whose death cannot be paralleled in all particulars.

1. LAtely certain Delegates from the University of Oxford pleaded their Privileges before the Committee of Parliament, that they were only Visitable by the King, and such who should be deputed by him. But their allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament, the rather because a passage in an Article at the Rendition of Oxford, was urged against them, wherein they were subjected to such a visitation. Whereupon many Masters were ejected their Places, new Heads of Houses made, and soon after new Houses to those Heads, which produced great alteration.

2. Come we now to the Church-part of the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, as the sole Ecclesiastical matter remaining; Here appeared of the Divines chosen by the King, James Usher Arch-Bishop of Armagh, Brian Duppa Bishop of Salisbury, Doctor Sanderson, Doctor Shelden, Doctor Henry Ferne; As for Doctor Brounrig Bishop of Exeter, (when on the way) he was remanded by the Parliament, because under restraint, and it was reported that D. Prideaux Bishop of Worcester wanted (the more the pity) wherewith to accommodate himself for the journey. M ^r Steven Marshall, M ^r Joseph Caryll, M ^r Richard Vines, and M ^R Lazarus Seaman, were present there by appointment from the Parliament.

3. It was not permitted for either side, personally to speak, but, partly to prevent the impertinencies of oral debates; partly that a more steady aim might be taken of their mutual Arguments, all things were transacted in scriptis; His Majesty consulted with his Chaplains when he pleased; The Kings Writings were publicly read before all, by M ^r Philip Warwick, and M ^r Vines read the Papers of his Fellow-Divines, the substance whereof we come here to present.

4. His Majesty began, the effect of whose first Paper was to prove, that the Apostles, in their own persons, by Authority derived from Christ exercised their power in Ordinations, giving Rules and Censures.

2. That Timothy and Titus, by Authority derived from the Apostles, did or might actually exercise the same power, in the three Branches specified.
3. That the Angels of the seven Churches, Rev. 2. 3. where so many persoae singulares of such as had a Prelacy, as well over Pastors as People.

From the premises, his Majesty inferred, that our Bishops succeed to the function of the Persons afore named. The rather because the same plainly appeareth out of the History of the Primitive Church, the writings of Ignatius and other ancient Authors. In conclusion his Majesty desired to be satisfied from them, what were the Substantials of Church-government, appointed by Christ and his Apostles, and in whose hands they are left, and whether they bind to a perpetual observation thereof; or may upon occasion be altered in whole or in part.

5. The next day the Parliament-Divines put in their Answer to the Kings Paper, wherein they confessed, that the places of Scripture cited by him, proved in those Persons by him named, a power respectively to do the three things specified. But they utterly denied that the foresaid Persons were Bishops as distinct from Presbyters, or exercised the Government in that sense.

1. To the Instance of the Apostles they answered, that they had an extraordinary calling, and so nothing thence can be inferrred to prove modern Bishops.
2. That Timothy and Titus, were Evangelists, and the first is expressly so termed, nor could they be Bishops, who resided not in one Diocese, but often removed from place to place.
3. That the denomination of the Angels of the Churches, being Allegorical no firm Argument can be taken thence, nor weight laid thereon. Besides, those Epistles of S. John, though directed to One, were intended to the whole body of the Church.

They denied that the Apostles were to have any successors in their Office, affirming but two standing Officers, in the Church; Presbyterians, Deacons. They cited Philippians I. I. I Tim. 3. 8. for the proof thereof; where there is no mention of Bishops as distinct from Presbyters, but of the two Orders only, of Bishops or Presbyters, and Deacons.

6. As for the succeeding ages to the Apostles, seeing Scripture reacheth not unto them, they can but beget a human Faith, which is uncertain and fallible; Besides, such the darkness of those Times, in respect of Church-History that little certainty can be thence extracted; Yet it appeareth in Clement himself, that he useth the same word for Bishop and Presbyter; and as for Ignatius his Epistles, little credit is to be given unto them.

7. Lastly, there is a great difference between Primitive Episcopacy and the Present Hierarchy, as much enlarged in their Power, and Privileges by many Temporal accessions, whereof no shadow or pretence in Scripture. In conclusion, they humbly besought his Majesty, to look rather to the Original of Bishops, in holy Writ, then to their succession in Human History.

8. As to the point of Substantials in Church Government, appointed by Christ, (wherein his Majesty desired satisfaction) the return was short and general, that such Substantials were in the Scripture, not descending to any particulars. Whether out of policy, foreseeing it would Minister matter of more debate, or obedience to the Parliament, as aliene from the work they were designed for, who were only to oppose Episcopacy, as qualified in the Bill presented to his Majesty.

9. Three days after, the King gave in his answer, to this first paper of the Divines. Wherein he acknowledged, that the word Episcopus, (denoting an Overseer in the general sense,) agreeth as well to Presbyters, as Ministers, in which respect they are sometimes in Scripture confounded, both meeting in the joint-function of overseeing God's Flock. But soon after Common usage, (the best Master of words ) appropriated Episcopus to the Ecclesiastical Governor, leaving Presbyter to signify the Ordinary Minister, or Priest, as in the ancient Fathers, and Councils doth plainly appear.

10. As to the Extraordinarie Calling of the Apostles, he confessed their Unction extraordinary, consisting in their miraculous gifts, which soon after ceased when Churches were planted, but he urged their mission to govern and teach; to be ordinary, necessary, and perpetual in the Church, the Bishops succeeding them in the former, the Presbyters in later Function.

11. Their Evasion that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists, and not Bishops, is clearly refuted by Scultetus, Gerard, and others, yea (as his Majesty is informed) is rejected, by some rigid Presbyters, as Gillespee, Rotherford &c. Besides, that Timothy and Titus were Bishops, is confirmed by the consentient Testimony of Antiquity, ( S. Jerome himself recording them made by S. Paul's Ordination ) as also by a Catalogue of twenty seven Bishops of Ephesus, lineally succeeding from Timothy, as is avouched by D. Reinolds against Hart.

12. If the Angels mentioned in the Revelations, were not singular persons, who had a Prelacy over the Church, whether were they the whole Church, or so many individual Pastors therein, or the whole College of Presbyters, or singular Presidents of those Colleges; for into so many opinions these few are divided amongst themselves, who herein divide themselves from the ancient Interpretation of the Church Government.

13. Concerning Ages succeeding the Apostles, his Majesty confesseth it but a human Faith, which is begotten on human Testimonies, yet so that in matter of Fact, it may be infallible, as by the Credit of History we infallibly know that Aristotle was a Greek Philosopher.

14. The objected obscurity of Church-History, in primitive Times, is a strong Argument for Episcopacy, which notwithstanding the darkness of those times, is so clearly extant by their unquestionable Catalogues.

15. It is plain out of Clement, elsewhere, even by the Confession of one (not suspected to favor the Hierarchy ) that he was accounted a Bishop as distinct from a Presbyter. As for Ignatius his Epistles, though some out of partial disaffection to Bishops, have endeavored to discredit the whole Volume of them without regard of Ingenuity or Truth; yet sundry of them attested by antiquity, cannot with any forehead be denied to be His, giving Testimony of the Prelacy of a Bishop above a Presbyter.

16. As for the difference between Primitive Episcopacy and present Hierarchy, his Majesty did not conceive that the Additions granted by the favor of his Royal Progenitors for the enlarging of the power and privileges of Bishops, did make the Government substantially to differ from what it was, no more then Arms and Ornaments make a body really different from itself, when it was naked and devested of the same.

17. Whereas they besought his Majesty, to look rather to the Original, then succession of Bishops, he thought it needful to look at both, the latter being the best Clue in such intrinsic cases to find out the former.

18. Lastly, he professed himself unsatisfied in their answer, concerning the perpetual and unalterable substantials of Church Government, as expecting from them a more particular resolution therein, then what he had received.

19. Eleven days after the Parliament Divines put in their answer to his Majesty's last paper: Herein they affirmed, they saw not by what warrant this Writ of partition of the Apostles office was taken forth; that the Governing part should be in the hands of the Bishops; the Teaching and Sacramentizing in the Presbyters, Scripture making no such Inclosure or Partition-Wall. Besides, the challenge of Episcopacy is grown to more then it pretended to in ancient times; some Fathers acknowledging that Bishops differed from Presbyters, only in matter of Ordination.

20. The Abetters, say they, of this challenge, that they might resolve it at last into Scripture, ascend by the scale of succession going up the River to find the head, which like the head of Nile cannot be found. Such who would carry it higher, endeavor to imp it into an Apostolical Office, and at last call it a Divine institution, not by force of any express precept, but implicit practice of the Apostles.

21. They also returned that his Majesty's definition of Episcopal Government, is extracted out of the Bishops of later date then Scripturetimes.

21. Concerning the Ages succeeding the Apostles. However Episcopal Government was generally current, yet the superscription thereof was not judged Divine, by some of those which were themselves Bishops, or lived under that Government.

22. As they firmly believed, (as to matter of fact) that Chrysostom and Augustine were Bishops, as that Aristotle was a Philosopher, so they would rather call such a belief (grounded upon human Testimonies uncontroled) certain than infallible.

23. The darkness of the History of the Church in the times succeeding the Apostles, had an influence on the Catalogue-makers, who derived the Series of the succession of Bishops, taken much from tradition and Reports. And it is a great blemish of their Evidence, that the nearer they come to they Apostles times (wherein this should be most clear to establish the succession firm at the first ) they are most doubtful and contradictory one to the other.

24. They granted that a succession of men to feed and govern those Churches which by Ecclesiastical Writers, in compliance with the language of their own times, were called Bishops, but not distinct from Presbyters. So that if such a succession from the Primitive times, Seriatim were proved, they would either be found more then Bishops, as Apostles and extraordinary persons; or less, as merely first Presbyters, not having the three Essentials to Episcopal Government insisted on by his Majesty.

25. As for Ignatius, he cannot distinctly be known in Ignatius his Epistles, such their Insincerity, adulterate mixture, and Interpolations, and take him in gross, he is the Patron of such Rites, as the Church in that Age never owned.

26. They professed, that in their last Answer, they related not to a School-Nicety, Utrum Episcopatus sit Ordo vel Gradus, the question being stated by Popish Authors, to whom they had no Eye or Reference.

27. They humbly moved His Majesty, that the Regiments of Human Testimonies on both sides might be discharged the field, and the point of dispute tried alone by dint of holy Scripture.

28. They honored the pious intentions, and Magnificence, of his royal Progenitors, acknowledging the Ornamental Accessions to the Persons made no Substantial change in the Office; but still is remained to be proved that Primitive Episcopacy, and Present Hierarchy are the same.

29. They affirmed also that the power of Episcopacy under Christian and Pagan Princes, is one, and the same, though the exercise be not; but acknowledging the subordination thereof, to the sovereign power with their accountableness to the Laws of the Land.

30. They conclude with thanks to his Majesty's condescension in vouchsafing them the Liberty and Honor in examining his learned reply, praying God that a Pen in the hand of such Abilities, might ever be employed in a subject worthy thereof.

31. Some days after, his Majesty returned his last paper, wherein he not only acknowledgeth the great pains of these Divines to inform his judgment, according to their persuasions, but also took especial notice of their Civilities of the Application, both in the beginning and body of their Reply.

32. However he told them they mistook his meaning when they— of a Writ of Partition, as if his Majesty had cantoned out the Episcopal Government, one part to the Bishops, another to the Presbyterians alone, whereas his meaning was that the Office of teaching is common to both alike, but the other of Governing peculiar to Bishops alone.

33. I know not what Truth there was in (and by consequence what Truth is to be given to) their intelligence, who have reported and printed that in Order of a pacification his Majesty condescended.

1. That the Office of Ordination for the space of three years, should not be exercised by the Bishops without the assent of the Presbyterie, and if this did not please;
2. That it should be suspended until twenty of his own Nomination, consulting with the Synod, (assembled by the appointment of the Houses ) should determine some certainty, touching some Ecclesiastical Government.
3. That in the mean time, the Presbyterie should be settled for experimentsake.
4. That though he would not suffer Bishops Lands to be sold, and alienated from the Church, yet he permitted them to be Let out for ninety nine years, paying a small price yearly in Testimony of their Hereditary Right for the maintenance of Bishops.
5. That after that time expired, they should return to the Crown, to be employed for the use of the Church.

Here some presumed to know his Majesty's intention, that he determined with himself, in the interim to redeem them, by their own Revenues, and to refund them to Ecclesiastical uses, which is proportionable to his large heart, in matters of that nature.

34. Many now did hope for a happy Agreement betwixt the King and Parliament, when Divine Providence, (whose ways are often above Reason, but never against Right ) had otherwise ordered it; and seeing it was God's will, it shall be ours to submit thereunto. Oh what can a day bring forth! especially some pregnant day in the Crisis of Matters, producing more than what many barren years before beheld. The Kings person is seized on, and brought up to London, arraigned before a select Committee for that purpose, indicted, and upon his refusal to own their Authority, finally condemned. But these things belong to the Historian of the state, and this subject in itself is not so amiable and tempting, as to invite us to trespass in the property of others, in Courting the prosecution thereof.

35. My Cue of entrance is to come in, where the State-Writer doth go out, whose Pen hath always followed the Confessors, into the Chambers of dying people; and now must do its last Devoire to my gracious Master, in describing his pious death, and Solemn Burial.

36. Having received in himself the sentence of death, D ^r Juxon, Bishop of London, preached privately before Him, at S. James on the Sunday following; his text Romans 2. 16. In the day when God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, according to my Gospel.

37. Next Tuesday being the day of His dissolution, in the morning alone He received the Communion, from the hands of the said Bishop. At which time he read for the second lesson, the 27 ^th Chapters of S. Matthew, containing the history of the death and passion of our Savior. Communion ended, the King heartily thanked the Bishop for selecting so seasonable, and comfortable a portion of Scripture, seeing all human hope and happiness is founded on the sufferings of our Savior. The Bishop modestly disavowed any thanks due to himself, it being done merely by the direction of the Church of England, whose Rubric appointeth that Chapter the second morning-lesson for the thirtieth of January.

38. His hour drawing nigh, He passed thorough the Park to White-Hall. As He always was observed to walk very fast, so now He abated not any whit of His wonted pace. In His passage a sorry fellow, (seemingly some mean Citizen,) went abrest along with Him; and in an affront, often stared His Majesty in the face, which caused Him to turn it another way. The Bishop of London (though not easily angered) was much offended hereat, as done out of despiteful design, to discompose Him before His death, and moved the Captain of the guard, he might be taken away, which was done accordingly.

39. Entring on the floor of death, He asked of Colonel Tomlingson who attended there; whether He might have the liberty to dispose of His own body, as to the place and manner of the burial thereof? The Colonel answered that he could give his Majesty no account at all therein.

40. His Majesty held in his hand a small piece of paper, some four inches square, containing heads whereon in His speech He intended to dilate; and a tall soldier looking over the Kings shoulders read it, as the King held it in His hand. As for the speech which passeth in print for the Kings, though taken in short-hand, by one eminent therein, it is done so defectively, it deserveth not to be accounted His speech, by the testimony of such as heard it. His speech ended, He gave that small paper to the BP of London.

41. After His death, the officers demanded the paper of the Bishop; who, because of the depth of his pocket, smallness of that paper, and the mixture of others therewith, could not so soon produce it as was required. At last he brought it forth, but therewith the others were unsatisfied (jealousy is quick of growth) as not the same which His Majesty delivered unto him. When presently the soldier, whose rudeness (the bad cause of a good effect) had formerly over-inspected it in the Kings hand, attested this the very same paper, and prevented farther suspicions, which might have terminated to the Bishops trouble.

42. On the Wednesday sennight after, His Corpse embalmed, and coffined in lead, was delivered to the care of two of His servants, to be buried at Windsor. The one Anthony Mildmay, who formerly had been His Sewer, as I take it: the other John Joyner, bred first in His Majesty's Kitchen, afterwards a Parliament-Captain, since by them deputed (when the Scots surrendered His person) Cook to His Majesty. This night they brought the Corpse to Windsor, and digged a grave for it in S. George his Chapel, on the South side of the Communion-Table.

43. But next day the Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Hertford, the Earls of South-Hampton, and Lindsey (others, though sent to, declining the service, so far was their fear above their gratitude to their dead Master) came to Windsor and brought with them two Votes, passed that morning in Parliament; Wherein the ordering of the Kings burial, for the form and manner thereof, was wholly committed to the Duke of Richmond, provided, that the expense thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds. Coming into the Castle, they shown their Commission to the Governor Colonel Wichcot, desiring to interr the Corpse, according to the Common-Prayer-Book of the Church of England. The rather, because the Parliaments total remitting the manner of the Burial to the Dukes discretion, implied a permission thereof. This the governor refused, alleging, it was improbable that the Parliament would permit the use of what so solemnly they had abolished, and therein destroy their own Act.

44. The Lord's returned, that there was a difference betwixt destroying their own act, and dispensing with it, or suspending the exercise thereof. That no power so bindeth up its own hands, as to disable itself in some cases, to recede from the rigor of their own acts, if they should see just occasion. All would not prevail, the Governor persisting in the negative, and the Lord's betook themselves to their sad employment.

45. They resolved not to interre the Corpse in the grave which was provided for it, but in a Vault, if the Chapel afforded any. Then fall they a searching, and in vain seek for one in King Henry the eighth His Chapel (where the tomb, intended for Him by Cardinal Wolsey, lately stood) because all there was solid earth. Besides, this place at the present, used for a Magazine, was unsuiting with a solemn sepulture. Then with their feet they tried the Choir, to see if a sound would confess any hollowness therein, and at last (directed by one of the aged poor Knights ) did light on a Vault in the middle thereof.

46. It was altogether dark (as made in the midst of the Choir) and an ordinary man could not stand therein without stooping, as not past five foot high. In the midst thereof lay a large leaden coffin (with the feet towards the East ) and a far less on the left side thereof. On the other side was room, neither to spare nor to want, for any other coffin of a moderate proportion.

47. That one of the Order was buried there, plainly appeared by perfect pieces of purple-velvet, (their proper habit) remaining therein. Though some pieces of the same velvet were fox-tawnie, and some coleblack (all eye of purple being put out therein,) though all originally of the same clothe, varying the color, as it met with more, or less moisture, as it lay in the ground.

48. Now a concurrence of presumptions concluded this great Coffin to contain the Corpse of King Henry the eighth, though there was neither Arms, not any inscription to evidence the same.

1. The place exactly corresponds to the designation of His burial, mentioned in His last Will and Testament.
2. The small Coffin, in all probability was His Queens, Jane Semaurs (by whom in His Will He desired to be buried) and the room on the other side seems reserved, for His surviving Wife, Queen Katherine Parr.
3. It was never remembered, nor recorded, that any Subject of that Order, was interred in the body of that Choir, but in by-Chapels.
4. An herse stood over this vault, in the days of Queen Elizabeth, which (because cumbering the passage) was removed in the reign of King James.

I know a tradition is whispered from mouth to mouth, that King Henry His body was taken up, and burned in the reign of Queen Mary, and could name the Knight (Her Privy-Counselor, and then dwelling not far off) muttered to be employed in this inhumane action. This prevailed so far on the Lord Herberts belief, that he closeth his History of King Henry the eighth, with these suspicious words. To conclude, I wish I could leave Him in His grave. But there is no certainty hereof, and more probable that here He quietly was reposed. The lead-coffin, being very thin was at this time casually broken, and some yellow stuff, altogether sentless, like powder of gold, taken out of it (conceived some exsicative gumms wherewith He was embalmed) which the Duke caused to be put in again, and the Coffin closed up.

49. The Vault thus prepared, a scarce of lead was provided some two foot long, and five inches broad, therein to make an inscription. The Letters the Duke himself did delineate, and then a workman called to cut them out with a Chesil. It bare some debate, whether the letters should be made in those concavities to be cut out, or in the solid lead betwixt them. The latter was concluded on, because such vacuities are subject to be soon filled up with dust, and render the inscription less legible, which was

KING CHARLES 1648.

The Plummer souldred it to the Coffin, about the breast of the Corpse, within the same.

50. All things thus in readiness, the Corpse was brought to the vault, being borne by the soldiers of the Garrison. Over it a black velvet hersecloth, the four labels whereof the four Lord's did support. The Bishop of London stood weeping by, to tender that his service which might not be accepted. Then was It deposited in silence and sorrow, in the vacant place in the vault (the herse-cloth being cast in after it) about three of the clock in the afternoon; and the Lord's that night (though late) returned to London.

FINIS.

XVII. CENTURIE.

1. THe sad news of King James his death was soon brought to White-hall, at that very instant, when D ^r Land Bishop of S ^t David's, was preaching therein. This caused him to break off his Sermon in the midst thereof, out of civil compliance with the sadness of the congregation: and the same day was King Charles proclaimed at White-Hall.

2. On the fourteenth of May following King James his funerals were performed very solemnly, in the Collegiate-Church at Westminster, his lively statue being presented on a magificent Herse. King Charles was present thereat. For, though modern state used of late to lock up the chief Mourner in his Chamber, where his grief must be presumed too great for public appearance; yet the King caused this ceremony of sorrow so to yield to the substance thereof, and pomp herein to stoop to piety, that in his person he sorrowfully attended the funerals of his Father.

3. D ^r . Williams, Lord Keeper and Bishop of Lincoln, preached the Sermon, taking for his Text 2 Chron. 9. 29, 30. and part of the 31, verse. containing the happy reign, quiet death, and stately burial of King Solomon. The effect of his Sermon was to advance a parallel betwixt two peaceable Princes, King Solomon and King James. A parallel which willingly went, (not to say ran of its own accord) and when it chanced to stay, was fairly led on by the art, and ingenoitie of the Bishop, not enforcing, but improving the conformity betwixt these two Kings in ten particulars, all expressed in the Text, as we read in the vulgar Latin somewhat different from the new Translation.

King Solomon,

King James,

1. His eloquence, the rest of the words of Solomon.

2. His actions, and all that he did.

3. A well within to supply the same, and his wisdom.

4. The preservation thereof to eternity, Are they not written in the book of the acts of Solomon, made by Nathan the Prophet, Ahijah the Shilonite, and Iddo the Seer?

5. He reigned in Jerusalem, a great City, by him enlarged, and repaired.

6. Over all Israel, the whole Empire.

7. A great space of time, full forty years.

8. Then he slept, importing no sudden and violent dying, but a premeditate and affected kind of sleeping.

9. With his fathers, David especially, his Soul being disposed of in happiness.

10. And was buried in the City of David.

1. Had profluentem, & quae Principem deceret, eloquentiam.

2. Was eminent in his actions of Religion, Justice, War, and Peace.

3. So wise that there was nothing that any would learn, which he was not able to teach.

4. As Trajan was nicknamed herba parietaria, a Wal-flower, because his name was engraven on every wall: so King James shall be called herba chartacea, the paper-flower, and his glory be read in in all writers.

5. He reigned in the capital City of London, by him much augmented.

6. Over great Britain, by him happily united, and other Dominions.

7. In all fifty eight (though over all Britain but two and twenty years) reigning as better, so also longer than King Solomon.

8. Left the world most resolved, most prepared, embracing his Grave for his Bed.

9. Reigning gloriously with God in Heaven.

10. Whilest his body was interred with all possible solemnity in King Henry the seventh his Chapel.

Be it here remembered, that in this Parallel the Bishop premised to set forth Solomon, not in his full proportion, faults and all, but half-faced (imagine lusca as Apelles painted Antigonus to conceal the want of his eye) adding, that Solomon's vices could be no blemish to King James, who resembled him only in his choicest virtues. He concluded all with that verse Ecclesiasticus 30. 4. Though his Father die, yet he is as though he were not dead, for he hath left one behind him that is like himself: in application to his present Majesty.

4. Some Auditors, who came thither rather to observe than edify, cavil than observe, found, or made faults in the Sermon, censuring him for touching too often, and staying too long on an harsh string, three times straining the same, making eloquence too essential, and so absolutely necessary in a King, that the want thereof made Moses in a manner refuse all Government though offered by God: that no man ever got great power without eloquence; Nere being the first of the Caesar's qui alienae facundiae eguit, who usurped another man's language to speak for him. Expressions which might be forborne in the presence of his Son, and Successor, whose impediment in speech was known to be great, and mistook to be greater. Some conceived him too long in praising the passed, too short in promising for the present King (though saying much of him in a little) and the Bishops Adversaries (whereof then no want at Court) some took distaste, others made advantage thereof. Thus is it easier, and better for us to please one God, than many men with our Sermons. However the Sermon was publicly set forth by the Printer (but not the express command) of his Majesty, which gave but the steddier Mark to his enemies, noting the marginal notes thereof, and making all his Sermon the text of their captious interpretations.

5. Now began animosities to discover themselves in the Court, whose sad influences operated many years after, many being discontented that on this change they received not proportionable advancement to their expectations. It is the prerogative of the King of Heaven alone, that he maketh all his Sons Heirs, all his Subjects Favorites, the gain of one being no loss to the other. Whereas the happiest Kings on Earth are unhappy herein, that unable to gratify all their Servants (having many Suitors for the same place) by conferring a favor on one, they disoblige all other competitors, conceiving themselves, as they make the estimate of their own deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same preferment.

6. As for Doctor Preston he still continued, and increased in the favor of the King, and Duke; it being much observed, that on the day of King James his death, he rode with Prince, and Duke, in a Coach shut down from Theobalds to London, applying comfort now to one now to the other, on so sad an occasion. His party would persuade us, that he might have chose his own mitre, much commending the moderation of his mortified mind, denying all preferment which courted his acceptance; verifying the Anagram which a friend of his made on his name Johannes Prestonius, Enstas pius in honor. Indeed he was conceived to hold the Helme of his own party, able to steer it to what point he pleased, which made the Duke [as yet] much to desire his favor.

7. A book came forth called Appello Caesarem made by M. Montague. He formerly had been Fellow of Kings College in Cambridge, at the present a Parson of Essex and Fellow of Eaton. One much skilled in the Fathers, and Ecclesiastical Antiquity, and in the Latin and Greek Tongues. Our great Antiquarie confesseth as much ( Greece simul & Latin doctus ) though pens were brandished betwixt them: and virtues allowed by ones adversary may pass for undeniable truths. These his great parts were attended with tartness of writing, very sharp the neb of his pen, and much gall in his ink, against such as▪ opposed him. However, such the equability of the sharpness of his style he was impartial therein, be he ancient or modern writer, Papist or Protestant, that stood in his way, they should all equally taste thereof.

8. Passe we from the Author to his Book, whereof this was the occasion. He had lately written satyrically enough against the Papists in consutation of The Gagger of Protestants: Now two Divines of Norwich Dioces, M ^r . Yates, and M ^r . Ward informed against him for dangerous errors of Arminianism and Popery, deserting our cause, instead of defending it. M. Montague, in his own vindication, writes a second Book licensed by Francis White, Dean of Carlisle, finished, and partly printed in the reign of James, to whom the Author intended the dedication. But on King James his death, it seems it descended by succession on King Charles his Son, to whom M ^r . Montague applied the words which Ockam once used to Louis of Bavier, Emperor of Germany, Domine Imperator defend me gladio, & ego te defendam calamo, Lord Emperor defend me with thy Sword, and I will defend thee with my Pen. Many bitter passages in this his Book gave great exception, whereof largely, hereafter.

9. On Sunday being the twelfth of June, about seven of the clock at night, Queen Marie landed at Dover: at what time a piece of Ordinance being discharged from the Castle, flew in fitters, yet did nobody any harm. Moe were fearful at the presage, than thankful for the providence. Next day, the King coming from Canterbury, met her at Dover, whence with all solemnity she was conducted to Sommerset-House in London, where a Chapel was new prepared for her devotion, with a Covent adjoining of Capuchin-Friers, according to the Articles of her Marriage.

10. A Parliament began at London, wherein the first Statute agreed upon, was for the more strict observation of the Lord's-day. Which day, as it first honored the King (His Reign beginning thereon) so the King first honored it by passing an Act for the greater solemnity thereof. The House of Commons fell very heavy on M ^r . Montague, for many bitter passages in his Book: who in all probability, had now been severely censured, but that the King himself was pleased to interpose in his behalf; signifying to the House, That those things which were then spoken, and determined concerning Montague, without his Privitie, did not please Him; who by his Court-friends being employed in the Kings Service, his Majesty signifiyed to the Parliament that he thought his Chaplains (whereof M ^r . Montague was one) might have as much protection as the Servant of an ordinary Burgess: nevertheless his bond of two thousand pounds wherewith he was tailed, continued uncancelled, and was called on the next Parliament.

11. The Plague increasing in London, the Parliament was removed to Oxford. But alas! no avoiding God's hand. The infection followed, or rather met the Houses there, (whereof worthy D ^r . Challenor died, much lamented) yet were the Members of Parliament, not so careful to save their own persons from the Plague, as to secure the Land from a worse, and more spreading contagion, the daily growth of Popery. In prevention whereof they presented a Petition to his Majesty, containing sixteen particulars, all which were most graciously answered by his Majesty, to their full satisfaction. Thus this meeting began hopefully, and cheerfully; proceeded turbulently, and suspiciously; brake off suddenly, and sorrowfully; the reason whereof is to be fetched from our Civil Historians.

12. The Convocation kept here, is scarce worth the mentioning, seeing little the appearance thereat, nothing the performance therein. Dean Bowles, the Prolocurour, absented himself for fear of infection, D ^r . Thomas Good officiating in his place, and their meeting was kept in the Chapel of Merton-College. Here D ^r . James that great Book-man, made a motion, that all Manuscript-Fathers in the Libraries of the Universities, and elsewhere in England, might be perused, and that such places in them as had been corrupted in Popish editions (much superstition being generated from such corruptions ) might faithfully be printed, according to those ancient Copies. Indeed, though England at the dissolving of Abbeys lost moe Manuscripts than any Country of Christendom (of her dimensions) ever had, yet still enough were left her, if well improved, to evidence the truth herein to all posterity. This design might have been much beneficial to the Protestant cause, if prosecuted with as great endeavor, as it was propounded with good intention: but, alas! this motion was ended, when it was ended, expiring in the place with the words of the mover thereof.

13. The King according to his late answer in the Parliament at Ox. issued out a Commission to the Judges to see the Law against Recusants put in execution. This was read in all the Courts of Judicature at Reading (where Michaelmas Terme was kept) and a letter directed to the Arch-bishop of Cant. to take special care for the discovery of Jesuits, Seminary Priests &c. within his Province. A necessary severity, seeing Papists (presuming on Protection by reason of the late Match) were grown very insolent. And a Popish Lord when the King was at Chapel was heard to prate on purpose louder in a Gallery adjoining then the Chaplain prayed, whereat the King was so moved that he sent him this message; Either come and do as we do, or I will make you prate further off.

14. In this, and the next year, many Books from persons of several abilities, and professions, were written against M ^r . Montague, By

1. D ^r . Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter. One who was miles emeritus, age giving him a Supersedeas, save that his zeal would employ itself, and some conceived, that his choler became his old age.
2. M ^r . Henry Burton, who then began to be well (as afterwards wards too well) known to the World.
3. M ^r . Francus Rowse, a Lay-man by profession.
4. M ^r . Yates, a Minister of Norfolk, formerly a Fellow of Emmanuel in Cambridge: he entitles his Book Ibus ad Caesarem.
5. D ^r . Carleton, Bishop of Chichester.
6. Anthony Wootton, Divinity-Professor in Gresham-College.

In this Army of Writers the strength is conceived to consist in the rere, and that the last wrote the solidest confutations. Of these six, Dean Sutcliffe is said to have chode heartily, M ^r . Rowse meant honestly, M ^r . Burton wrote plainly, Bishop Carleton very piously, M ^r . Yates learnedly, and M ^r . Wootton most solidly.

15. I remember not at this time any of Master Montague's party engaged in print in his behalf. Whether, because they conceived this their Champion, sufficient of himself to encounter all opposers; or, because they apprehended it unsafe (though of the same judgment) to justify a Book which was grown so generally offensive. Insomuch as his Majesty himself, sensible of his Subjects great distaste thereat (sounded by the Duke of Buckingham to that purpose) was resolved to leave Mr. Montague to stand or fall, according to the justice of his cause. The Duke imparted as much to Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint David's, who conceived it of such ominous concernment, that he entered the same in his Diarie, viz. I seem to see a cloud arising, and threatening the Church of England, God for his mercy dissipate it.

16. The day of the Kings Coronation drawing near, his Majesty sent to survey, and peruse the Regalia, or Royal Ornaments; which then were to be used. It happened that the left wing of the Dove on the Scepter was quite broken off, by what casualty God himself knows. The King sent for Mr. Acton then his Goldsmith, commanding him that the very same should be set on again. The Goldsmith replied, that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that some mark would remain thereof. To whom the King in some passion returned,