Church History of Britain

that we all are, and everyone of us, obedient and subjects to the Church of God, and to the Pope of Rome, and to every godly Christian, to love everyone in his degree in perfect Charity, and to help everyone of them, by word and deed to be the children of God: and other Obedience then this I do not know due to him whom you name to be Pope, nor to be the Father of Fathers, to be claimed and to be demanded. And this Obedience we are ready to give, and to pay to him, and to every Christian continually. Besides, we are under the government of the Bishop of Kaerlion upon Uske, who is to oversee under God over us, to cause us to keep the way spiritual.

See we here the Pedigree of the British Church, which the shorter the ancienter, the fewer Steps it had, the higher it reached. They were subject in Spiritual matters to the Bishop of Caer-lion, and above him unto God, without any subordination unto the Pope: so that it was more then a Presumption, that Religion came into Britain, not by the Semicircle of Rome, but in a Direct Line from the Asiatic Churches. We must not forget, that though many years since, the Archiepiscopal See of the Britons was removed from Caer-lion to S ^t . David's; yet it still retained the Title of Caer-lion, as of the first and most famous place.

4. A late Papist much impugneth the Credit of this Manuscript (as made since the Days of King Henry the eighth) and cavilleth at the Welsh thereof, as modern, and full of false Spelling. He need not have used so much Violence to wrest it out of our Hands, who can part with it without considerable Loss to ourselves, or Gain to our Adversaries; for it is but a Breviate or Abstract of those Passages, which in Bede and other Authors appear most true, of the British refusing Subjection to the See of Rome. Whilest therefore the Chapter is Canonical, it matters not if the Contents be Apocrypha (as the Additions of some well-meaning Scribe.) And though this Welsh be far later then the Days of Abbot Dinoth, and the English (added in the original) later then the Welsh; yet the Latin, as ancienter then both, containeth nothing contrary to the sense of all Authors, which write this Intercourse betwixt Augustine and the Welsh Nation.

5. But this Synod in fine proved ineffectual, the British Bishops refusing to submit, and Augustine to communicate with them without such Submission. Whereupon, at Augustine 's motion, a Blind man was publicly presented amongst them: on whom the British Bishops practiced in vain with their Prayers, to restore him to his Sight; which, at the Request of Augustine to God, was presently and perfectly performed. This Miracle convinced the Britons, that Augustine was in the right for the critical Observation of Easter. But yet, they could not absque suorum consensu ac licentia, without the National Consent of their own People, and principal Elders therein, renounce their ancient Customs, to embrace new Practices. Indeed, as for their submitting to Augustine 's Jurisdiction, they apprehended it unsafe for the present, and mischievous for the future; having another Civil Government under Kings of their own, and suspecting his Spiritual Power might in process of time intrench upon their Temporal Liberty.

6. Departing hence, the Britons repaired to an Aged Anchoret, charactered by Beda to be sanctus & prudens, holy and wise (and none would wish his Counselor better qualified) and craved his Advise, how hereafter they should behave themselves in the next Synod, wherein they had promised to give Augustine a meeting: which out of our Author may thus be Dialogue-wise digested.

Armed with these Instructions, the British Bishops advance to the second Synod. Where Augustine, Pontifically sitting in his Chair, at their Entrance, entertained them only with Neglect and Contempt; which by the Britons was accordingly requited.

7. Herein that stately Prelate forgot S ^t . Gregory 's Precept to him, Not to proceed too rigorously in the Alteration of Ceremonies, but to allow a Latitude according to Time and Place. Oh, for a little in him of S ^t . Paul 's Temper, who was made all things to all men, that by all means he might gain some. Had Augustine 's Joynts been suppled with the Oil of Humility, one bended Knee might probably have bowed many Hearts unto him; whereas now he lost their Affections. Pride being an unwinning Quality, rendering the Proud party scorned by his Betters, hated by his Equals, feared (perchance) by his Inferiors, but loved by None. Had not he, who is said to have cured the Blind, need to have his own Eies opened herein? Who, though he be commonly called Augustine the less, in distinction from his Name-sake, Father S ^t . Augustine of Hippo; yet may be allowed Augustine the great, if a Measure be taken from the Dimensions of his Pride and Haughtinesse.

8. We pass now from this Augustine 's Pride, to his Prophesy: who enraged at the British Bishops, for denying Subjection unto him, flatly fell a menacing them; that, seeing they would not submit to his Motion, and join with him in Preaching to the Saxons, soon after they should feel the force of their Enemies Sword, and be suddenly confounded by those, whom they would not endeavor to convert. Which accordingly came to pass.

9. For not longafter, Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northumberland, having conquered Chester, invaded Wales, and bade the Britons battle. Amongst them was a Regiment of the Monks of Bangor, all naked, and unarmed, save with Tears and P • ayers (whole Vollies whereof they discharged to Heaven for the good Success of their Country-men) being all by themselves upon an Advantage of Ground; and one Brockmaile a Britain (as Captain of their Life-guard) had a Company of Soldiers to defend them. Ethelfride being informed that these Monks prayed against him, concluded them to be his effectual Enemies, though otherwise offering him no Hostility; and fiercely falling on them, put twelve hundred of them to the Sword, fifty only escaping: Brockmaile most basely deserting them, whom he was set to defend.

10. But here some Birds sing a different Note from the rest, which must be listened unto; namely, such Authors, considerable for their Number, Antiquity, Gravity, and Learning, who accuse this Augustine for the Designer of the Death and Destruction of these innocent British Monks: so that he cunningly foretold, what he himself cruelly intended to fulfill. Thus, well might Jezebel, who calleth herself a Prophetess, certainly foreshow the death of Naboth, for denying his Vine-yard to Ahab, when she had purposely beforehand packed and plotted the same. An heavy Accusation if true, that Augustine (to use my Friend's Expression) Gregorii Vicarius, should be Gregis sicarius; & Ecclesiae futurae Anglicanae Conversor, should be praesentis Britannicae everfor; so that instead of a Prophets Reward, he deserved the Punishment of a Murderer. But to clear this point, conceive we a Grand-Jury of four and twenty judicious Readers empannelled, before whom the Memory of Augustine is indicted of Murder, and Witnesses produced on both Sides. Let none censure me, if in these Proceedings my Pen fails in legal Formalities, such Exactnesse not being by me intended, but only some general Conformity with a Law-trial, to fix the History in our Fancies with more Pleasure and Delight.

11. The Bill first was solemnly read, running to this effect, That Augustine the Monk (commonly called the English Apostle) not having the Fear of God before his Eyes, out of fore-thought Malice, feloniously did plot, project, and contrive the Murder of twelve hundred Monks of Bangor, by soliciting Ethelbert the Christian King of Kent, to move Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northumberland, with force of Arms to kill and slay the Monks aforesaid, &c. An Accusation so heinous, that at first it filled the whole Jury with Silence, Horrour, and Amazement; till afterwards they recollected themselves to attend unto the following Witnesses.

These Testimonies much moved the Jury; who, notwithstanding, reserved their other Eare, as it became Honest men, to hearken to the Depostions in Augustine 's behalf.

12. Amongst these, that of Bede was most material: Sicque completum est praesagium sancti Pontificis Augustini [quamvis ipso jam multo ante tempore ad coelest▪ a regna sublato] ut etiam temporalis interitus ultionem sentirent perfidi, quod oblata sibi perpetuae salutis consilia spreverant. Which words (for, it is seasonably remembered, all Pleas must now be in English) may thus be translated; And so the prophesy of holy Bishop Augustine was fulfilled [although himself long before that was taken out of this Life to the Kingdom of Heaven] that also the treacherous People might feel the Revenge of Temporal Ruin, because they had despised the Counsels of Eternal Salvation offered unto them.

13. Much Difference arose hereabouts: the rather, because some urged that Parenthesis (Although himself long before, &c.) to have been studiously interpolated in Bede, on purpose for the Purgation of Augustine, by some in after-Ages that favored him; alleging, that it is not in the ancient Saxon Copies, being put in as a piece of new Cloth into an old Garment, with intent to fill it up, but in event making it worse; because this Passage checketh the Pen of Bede in the full Speed thereof (no less against the Rules of History, then of Horsemanship) as he was writing the Life of Augustine, the Story whereof notwithstanding still runs on, and continues until the end of the next Chapter. Here some of the Jury betook themselves to the point of Chronology, as most proper to decide the matter now depending; but such was the Variety of Authors, that no Certainty could thence be extracted. For, though the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor is generally noted to be Anno 603. which falls out before the Death of Augustine: yet the Annals of Vlster (whose Authority is not to be contemned) observe the same in the year 613. which undoubtedly was after Augustine 's Decease.

14. Then a second sort of Witnesses presented themselves, as M. Parker, Bishop Jewel, and others, somewhat sharp against Augustine in their Expressions: which wrought the less with the Jury; partly, because of such Authors their known Opposition to the Romish Church; and partly, because of their Modern writing, almost a thousand years after the matter in fact. Only the Moderate Testimony of Reverend M ^r . Fox much moved the whole Court, as one thoroughly well-affected in Religion, and averse from all Popery and Cruelty, thus expressing himself: This seemeth rather suspicious then true, that Ethelbert being a Christian King, either could so much prevail with a Pagan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel Deed: But of uncertain things I have nothing certainly to say, less to judge. This (I say) prevailed so far with the Jury, that consulting with themselves, they found an Ignoramus. With whose commendable Charity I concur; preferring rather to clear a Twi-light Innocence into Noon-day, then to darken it into Midnight.

15. To return to the Monks of Bangor. Their innocent Blood went not long unrevenged: for we find recorded, how three British Princes, namely, Blederick Duke of Cornwall Margaduc Duke of South-Wales, and Cadwan Duke of North-Wales, bade Battle to the Northumberlanders, as they were invading Wales, and not only dangerously wounded the aforesaid Ethelfride their King, but also discomfited his Army, and slew ten thousand and sixty of his Soldiers, forcing him at last to Articles of Composition; that he should confine himself within his own Country, North of Trent, and leave all Wales to be entirely and peaceably enjoyed by the Britons, the true Owners thereof.

16. However here, to our great Grief, we are fain to take our Farewell, for some hundreds of years, of the British Church, wanting Instructions concerning the Remarkable Particulars thereof. Yet D ^r . Harpsfield deserves a Check, both for his false Ground-work, and presumptuous. Inference built thereupon. For, first, he slighteth the British Nation, as such an one, as since this their Dissenting from Augustine, and the Romish Church in Ceremonies, never archieved any Actions of Renown, or mounted to any Eminency in the world. Then, he imputeth their being so long depressed, and at last subdued by the English, as a just Punishment of God, on their not Complying with Rome: so pragmatical a Prier he is into Divine Secrets. But he who thus casteth forth a National Abuse, can never see where such a Stone lighteth; for (besides the Nation for the time being) their Posterity engaged therein have just cause either to find, or make Reparation to themselves. I could, and would myself assert the British from this Scandalous Pen, were it not against the Rules of Manners and Discretion, to take this Office out of the hands of some of their own Nation, for whom it is more proper, as they are more able to perform it.

17. Only give me leave to insert a Line or two (some Pleasant Discourse will not do amiss, after so much Sad matter) in Commendation of the British Tongue, and Vindication thereof, against such as causelessly traduce it. First, their Language is Native. It was one of those which departed from Babel: and herein it relates to God, as the more immediate Author thereof; whereas most Tongues in Europe ow their Beginning to human Depraving of some Original Language. Thus the Italian, Spanish, and French, Daughters, or Neeces to the Latin, are generated from the Corruption thereof. Secondly, Unmixed. For, though it hath some few Forrain Words, and useth them sometimes; yet she rather accepteth them out of State, then borroweth them out of Need, as having besides these, other Words of her own to express the same things. Yea, the Romans were so far from making the Britons to do, that they could not make them to speak as they would have them: their very Language never had a perfect Conquest in this Island. Thirdly, Unaltered. Other Tongues are daily disguised with foreign Words, so that in a Century of years, they grow Strangers to themselves: as now an English -man needs an Interpreter to understand Chaucer 's English. But the British continues so constant to itself, that the Prophesies of old Teliessin (who lived above a thousand years since) are at this day intelligible in that Tongue. Lastly, Durable; which had it's Beginning at the Confusion of Tongues, and is likely not to have it's Ending till the Dissolution of the World.

18. Some indeed inveigh against it, as being hard to be pronounced, having a conflux of many Consonants, and some of them double-sounded; yea, whereas the Mouth is the place wherein the Office of Speech is generally kept, the British words must be uttered through the Throat. But this rather argues the Antiquity thereof, herein running parallel with the Hebrew (the common Tongue of the Old World, before it was enclosed into several Languages) and hath much Affinity therewith, in jointing of words with Affixes, and many other Correspondencies. Some also cavil, that it grates and tortures the ears of Hearers with the Harshnesse thereof: whereas indeed it is unpleasant only to such as are Ignorant of it. And thus every Tongue seems stammering, which is not understood; yea, Greek itself is Barbarism to Barbarians. Besides, what is nick-named Harshness therein, maketh it indeed more full, stately, and masculine. But such is the Epicureanism of Modern Times, to addulce all words to the Eare, that (as in the French) they melt out, in pronouncing, many essential Letters, taking out all the Bones, to make them bend the better in speaking: and such Hypocrites in their Words speak them not truly in their native Strength, as the plain-dealing British do, which pronounce every letter therein more manly, if less melodious. Lastly, some condemn it unjustly as a Worthlesse Tongue, because leading to no matter of moment; and, who will care to carry about that Key, which can unlock no Treasure? But this is false; that Tongue affording Monuments of Antiquity, some being left, though many be lost; and moe had been extant, but for want of Diligence in Seeking, and Carefulness in Preserving them.

19. But, craving pardon of the Reader for this Digression, we reassume our Augustine, who all this while was very industrious, and no less successful in converting the Saxons to the Christian Faith. Insomuch that a certain Author reporteth, how in the River Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire, Augustine on one day baptized above ten thousand; adding withal, that the People not only passed without Danger through so deep a River, but also they who weresick, and deformed when they went in, were whole and handsome when they came forth again. The judicious Reader may in this Miracle discover, how the Author thereof (no doubt some ignorant Monk) hath therein jumbled and confounded three distinct Seripture-Histories, to make a mock-Parallel betwixt the Rivers Jordan and Swale;

• Borrowing
  • 1. The Peoples safe passing through it,
  • 2. Their being baptized in it,
  • 3. The curing of their Infirmities by it,
• from
  • Joshua's conducting the Israelites through
  • John 's baptizing the Jews in
  • Elisha 's healing Naaman 's leprosy in
• Jordan.

But here it must be remembered, that Bede maketh no mention at all hereof, and ascribeth this numerous Baptizing to Paulinus Arch-Bishop of York many years after. It would argue too much Morosity in us, to demure in our saith to the whole Fact, till Authors are all agreed about the Doer thereof. For mine own part, I conceive Paulinus the more probable Person, as questioning whether Augustine most conversant amongst the South and West-Saxons) ever moved so far Northward.

20. And, if so many were baptized in one day, it appears plainly, that in that Age, the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those Superstitious Ceremonies, as essential thereunto, of Crossing, Spittle, Oil, Cream, Salt, and such like Trinkets; which Protestants generally as little know what they are, as Papists why they use them. I say, in that Age nothing was used with Baptism but Baptism; the Word and the Water made the Sacrament. Yea, the Arch-Bishop is said to have commanded by the voice of Criers, that the People should enter the River confidently, two by two, and, in the name of the Trinity, baptize one another by turns. This, indeed, was the most compendious way; otherwise Joshua 's day, wherein the Sun stood still, had been too short for one man's personal performance of such an Employment.

21. Another considerable Accession was made to Christianity in the SouthWest part of this Isle, and particularly in Dorsetshire; where Augustine at Cern, destroyed the Idol of Heale, or Aisculapius, which the Saxons formerly adored. But in his journey hither (Reader, they are not mine, but my Authors words) with his Holy Company, they were cruelly oppressed with the three familiar Discommodities of Travelers, Hunger, Thirst, and Wearinesse; when Augustine striking his Staff into the Ground, fetched forth a crystal Fountain, which quenched the extremity of their Thirst: whence the Place was afterward called Cernel, from Cerno in Latin, to see, and El in Hebrew, God. A Composition of a Name hardly to be precedented, that a Word should commence per saltum, from Latin into Hebrew, without taking Greek by the way thereof. Why not rather Cernwell, Behold the fountain; or Cernheal, See the Destruction of the Idol? But in truth, in all Books ancient and modern, the Place is plainly written Cern, without any paragogical apposition thereunto.

22. Indeed, most of the Miracles assigned unto this Augustine, intended with their Strangenesse to raise and heighten, with their Levity and Absurdity do depress and offend true Devotion. Witness, how when the Villagers in Dorsetshire beat Augustine, and his Fellows, and in Mockery fastened Fish-tails at their Backs, in punishment hereof, All that Generation had that given them by Nature, which so contemptibly they fastened on the Backs of these Holy men. Fy for shame! he needs an hard Plate on his Face that reports it, and a soft Place in his Head that believes it.

23. However, for the main, we undoubtedly believe that the Preaching of Augustine and his Fellows took good Effect, finding the visible Progress, and the Improvement thereof, in the Conversion of so many from Paganism to Christianity. For, Sebert King of Essex (nephew to Ethelbert King of Kent, by Ricula his Sister) embraced the Faith, with all his Kingdom, by the Ministry of Mellitus, whom Augustine ordained Bishop of London; much about the same time making one Iustus a Roman (who was vir sui nominis, a man answering his Name) Bishop of Rochester. Many other remarkable matters happened in the Life of Augustine, especially those Questions and Answers, which passed betwixt him and Gregory the Great; by us purposely omitted, partly, because they are too voluminous to insert; and partly, because they are at large in many Authors, to whom we remit the Reader.

24. And now was the time come of Augustine 's Dissolution, whose Body was buried in the Northern Porch of the New Church in Canterbury, dedicated to Peter, and Paul, having (as Bede informs us) this Inscription written upon his Monument; Here resteth Lord Augustine the first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; who being in times past sent hither from Blessed Gregory Bishop of the Roman City, and supported by God with the working of Miracles, brought King Ethelbert and his Country, from the worshipping of Idols to the Faith of Christ: and the days of his Office being finished in Peace, he died the seventh of the Calends of June, the same King reigning.

25. But in this Epitaph one thing is wanting, and that mainly material; namely the Year when he died. Strangely is that Watch contrived, and is generally useless, which shows the Minute of the Hour, not the Hour of the Day. As this Epitaph points at the Day, of smaller consequence; leaving out the Year, of greater concernment. This hath put men's Fanisies on various Conjectures. Some make it a mere Omission of Bede: which notwithstanding is very strange, because otherwise he is most Criticall, and Punctuall in the Notation of Time. Others conceive it a fault of Commission, in some of after-Ages, who purposely expunged the Year (beshrew their Fingers that thrust out the Eyes, the Date of this Epitaph) lest the same should make too clear Discoveries of Augustine 's surviving after the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor; which would increase the Suspicion of his having a Finger therein. Others place the Neglect in the Monument maker, and not in Bede; seeing he was but the bare Relater of the Epitaph, and therefore loath to add, or alter anything thereof. Perchance the Tomb-maker registered the Day, as a Nicity most likely to be forgotten; omitting the Year, as a thing generally, universally, and notoriously known, all men keeping a Record thereof, which in process of time became wholly forgotten. Thus, those things are not long effectually kept by any, which are equally to be kept by All, and not charged on any One man's particular Account. Sure I am, the setting up of this Land-mark, the nothing of the Year of his Death, had given excellent Direction to such as travel in the Saxon Chronology, who now wander at Randome for the want of it.

26. And now we take our Farewell of Augustine, of whom we give this Character. He found here a plain Religion (Simplicity is the Badge of Antiquity) practiced by the Britons, living some of them in the Contempt, and many moe in the Ignorance of Worldy Vanities, in a barren Country: And surely, Piety is most healthful in those places, where it can least surfeit of Earthly Pleasures. He brought in a Religion spun with a Courser Threed, though guarded with a Finer Trimming, made luscious to the Senses with pleasing Ceremonies; so that many, who could not judge of the Goodness, were courted with the Gaudinesse thereof. Indeed the Papists brag, that he was the Apostle of the English; but not one in the Style of S ^t . Paul, neither from men, nor by man, but by Jesus Christ; being only a derivative Apostle, sent by the second hand: in which sense also he was not our sole Apostle; though he first put in his Sickle, others reaped down more of the English Harvest, propagating the Gospel farther, as shall appear hereafter. But because the Beginnings of things are of greatest consequence, we commend his Paines, condemn his Pride, allow his Life, approve his Learning, admire his Miracles, admit the Foundation of his Doctrine Jesus Christ; but refuse the Hay and Stubble he built thereupon. We are indebted to God his Goodness in moving Gregory, Gregory 's Carefulness in sending Augustine, Augustine 's Forwardnesse in preaching here: but above all, let us bless God's exceeding great Favor, that that Doctrine which Augustine planted here but impure, and his Successors made worse with watering, is since, by the happy Reformation, cleared and refined to the Purity of the Scriptures.

27. After the death of Augustine, Laurentius a Roman succeeded him, whom Augustine in his Life-time not only designed for, but ordained in that Place, out of his abundant Caution, that the Infant-Church might not be Orphan an Hour, lest Satan should assault the Breach of such a Vacancy, to the Disadvantage of Religion. Such a super-Ordination in such cases was Canonical, it being a Tradition, that S ^t . Peter in like manner consecrated Clement his Successor in the Church of Rome. And sure it is, the Prophet Elijah (no doubt to his great Comfort whilst living) anointed Elishe to minister in his Room, in his Prophetical Function. In one respect Laurentius exceeded Augustine, that he reduced the Recusant Britons and Scots, (probably demeaning himself more humbly then his Predecessour) to some tolerable Conformity to the Romish Ceremonies, especially in the Celebration of Easter. Now, seeing frequent Mention hath formerly been made, of the Difference between the Romish and British Churches, in Observation of that Festival; we will endeavor, as truly as briefly, to state the Controversy betwixt them, with Arguments each side produceth in their own behalf.

28. But, because the Point in hand is so nice (rather then necessary) that a little Variation therein may be material, I will carefully follow the truest Copy I can get, in stating the Question, taking it from a Learned Pen exactly skilled therein.

It is enough to prove the Practice of Rome was the right, that it was the Practice of Rome; yea, did it not deserve the Stab of Excommunication, for any dissenting from her practice, tantamountingly to give her the Lie? However, it seems the Reputation of Rome 's Infallibility was yet in the Nonage thereof, that the British durst so boldly differ from them, without danger of Damnation.

29. Yea, they pretended ancient Tradition on their side, from the Primitive Times, derived from S ^t . John himself; as by the ensuing Verses (which we thought fit to translate) may appear:

Time was, when once the Activity of Peter and John with holy Zeal was excellently employed, contending in a Race, which should first come to the Grave of our Savior: but see here the Romans and the Britons, the pretended Followers of these two Apostles, not running, but wrestling in a violent Contention, who should most truly observe the Resurrection of Christ out of his Grave.

30. Strange! that so Good, and Wise men, should thus fall out about the Mint and Cumin of Religion, a Ceremony not at all decided in Scripture. It is to be feared, that the When marred the How of Easter; and the Controversy about the Time, spoiled a more material Circumstance, of the Manner of keeping this Feast; these opposite Parties searce being mutually in Charity at the receiving of the Sacrament, at that solemn Festival, kept among the Jews with unleavened Bread, celebrated among Christians with too much Leaven (sour and swelling) of Anger and Passion. The best is, for the present Laurentius composed the Quarrel, and brought both Britons and Scots (that is, the Inhabitants of Ireland) to complie with the Romans therein. But as every small Wrinch, or stepping a wrie, is enough to put an ill-set Bone out of joint: so each petty Animosity was great enough to discompose this Agreement. But enough of this Controversy for the present, we shall meet it too soon again; which like a restless Ghost, will haunt our English History, for more then an hundred and fifty years together.

31. Only I will add that, although about Augustine 's time, this Controversy was then most heightened and inflamed; yet an old Grudge it was long before, betwixt the Romans and Britons. For, if old Taliessyn (styled Chief of Bards by the Britons) lived (as Pitseus, a Catholic Writer, will have it) in the year five hundred and forty; and if the following verses be Taliessyn 's, as it is undoubtedly believed; then this Difference was on foot fifty years before Augustine came into England.

These words, From Romish Wolves, relate to the Vigilancy of the British Pastors, to keep their People from Rome's Infection in these points. Thus, whilst the Britons accounted the Romans Wolves, and the Romans held the Britons to be Goats, what became of Christ's little flock of Sheep the whiles? The best is, the good God, we hope, will be merciful in his Sentence on Men, though passionate Men be merciless in their Censures one on another.

32. To return to Laurentius. The great Joy for the Agreement made by him, was quickly abated with Grief, at the Death of King Ethelbert: who having reigned fifty six, and been a Christian one and twenty years, was buried nigh to his good Wife, Queen Bertha (who died a little before him) in the Porch of S ^t . Martin 's Church in Canterbury; which Fabric, with some other Churches, by him were beautifully built, and bountifully endowed. In Ethelbert 's Grave was buried much of the Kentish Christianity: for Eadbald his Son both refused His Father's Religion, and wallowing in Sensuality, was guilty of that Sin not so much as named amongst the Gentiles, in keeping his Father's second Wife. Such as formerly had took up Christianity, as the Court-Fashion, now left it; & whom Ethelbert 's Smiles had made Converts, Eadbald 's Frowns quickly made Apostates. Yea, at the same time (so infectious are the bare Examples of Great men) the three Sons of the King of the East-Saxons fell back to Pagnisme. These refused to be baptized, and yet, in Derision, demanded of the Bishop Mellitus, to receive the Eucharist; which he flatly denied them; Baptism being an Introductory Sacrament, and it being unlawful to break into the Church, without going through this Porch. Yet they gave Mellitus fair Warning, and free leave to depart; who coming into Kent, held there a Council with Laurentius and Iustus, what was best to be done. At last they concluded, that it was in vain, prodigally to lose their Paines here, which they might expend with more profit in their own Country: and seeing Martyrdom, as it is not cowardly to be declined, so it is not ambitiously to be affected; they resolved to go the way which Divine Providence directed them, and to return into France: which Mellitus and Iustus did accordingly.

33. Was this well done of them, to leave their Charge? Did not God place them Centinells in his Church, and could they come off from their Duty, before they were relieved by Order? But surely their ill Usage was an interpretative Discharge unto them. In warrant whereof, we have not only Christ's Precept, to leave the unworthy House with a witness (namely with the Dust of our Feet shaken off as a Testimony against it;) but also his Practice, going from the Gadarenes, when they desired he should depart their Coasts. Indeed, the Word of Life is a quick Commodity, and ought not, as a Drug, to be obtruded on those Chapmen who are unwilling to buy it; yea, in whose Nostrills the very Savour of Life unto Life doth stink, because proffered unto them.

34. Laurentius entertained the like Resolution of Departure; when, lying on his Bed, S ^t . Peter is said to have taken him to task in a Vision. Yea, S ^t . Peter was not only seen, but felt, sharply and soundly Whipping him, for his unworthy Intention to forsake his Flock; who rather should have followed S ^t . Peter 's Example (as he imitated Christ 's) whom no Losses or Crosses could so deter, as to desert his Charge. Some will say, Peter herein appeared a partial Parent, so severely disciplining this his Son, whilst two other of his Children, being more guilty, Mellitus and Iustus (who had actually done what Laurentius only designed) escaped without any Correction. But we must know, though these seemed more faulty, by what appears in open View, yet the Passages behind the Curtain (Considerables concealed from us) might much alter the case. And indeed, Pastors leaving their people is so ticklish a Point, and subject to such secret Circumstances, that God and their own Consciences are only the competent Judges of the Lawfulnesse or Unlawfulnesse thereof.

35. Thus, all black and blew, Laurentius repaireth to Eadbald King of Kent, and presenteth himself unto him in that sad Condition. The King, much amazed thereat, demands, who durst offer such Violence to so Good a man? Whereby it plainly appears, that though Eadbald himself refused Christianity, yet he afforded Civility and Protection to Laurentius, and to all in Kent of his Religion. He largely relates what had happened unto him; and in fine so prevailed on Eadbald, that he not only put away his Wife-Mother-Whore, but also embraced Christianity, and at his desire, Iustus and Mellitus returned again into England.

36. Rochester readily received Iustus their Bishop, being a little Place, of few Persons, and they therefore the easier all to be brought to be of one Mind. But large London (though then, for Greatness, but the Suburbs to the present City) I say, London then, was even London then, as wanton in the Infancy, as now wayward in the Old-age thereof; where generally the People, long radicated in Wickedness, refused to entertain their good Pastor returning unto them. But here my good Friend, in his Notes on this Passage, makes an ingenious Reservation, that (though the major part must be confessed peevish in all populous places) London in all Ages afforded eminent Favourers of Learned and Religious men. And would I could (being the meanest of Ministers) as truly entitle myself to the foresaid Qualifications, as I heartily concur with him in my grateful Confession, that I have effectually found plenty of good Patrons in that Honorable Corporation. Mellitus thus rejected, was glad to lead a private life in London, till that after the Death of Laurentius, he succeeded him in the Church of Canterbury.

37. A grave, and good man, but much afflicted with the Gout, and highly meriting of his See of Canterbury; especially if true, what Bede reports, that, when a grievous Fire happened in that City, Mellitus accosted the very Fury thereof with faithful Prayer, and his own bare Hands (strange! that no modern Monk hath since in his Relation put a Crucifix, or Holy-Water-sprinkle into them) and so presently quenched the Raging of the Flames. Say not, why could he not as easily have cured his own Gout, as quenched this Fire? seeing Miracles are done, not for men's ordinary Ease, but God's solemn Honor. Yea, the Apostles themselves were not at pleasure Masters of their miraculous Power, for their personal use; seeing S ^t . Paul could neither cure the often Infirmities of his dear Son Timothy; nor remove the acute, desperate Disease, wherewith he himself in Asia was afflicted. Five years sat Mellitus in Canterbury: after whose Death, Iustus Bishop of Rochester succeeded him, and had his Pall solemnly sent him by Pope Boniface.

38. By the way, the Pall is a Pontifical Vestment, considerable for the Matter, Making, and Mysteries thereof. For the Matter, it is made of Lambs Wooll, and Superstition. I say, of Lambs Wooll, as it comes from the Sheeps Back, without any other artificial Colour, spun (say some) by a peculiar Order of Nuns, first cast into the Tomb of S ^t . Peter, taken from his Body (say others) surely most sacred if from both; and [superstitiously] adorned with little black Crosses. For the Form thereof; the Breadth exceeded not three Fingers (one of our Bachelours Lamb-skin Hoods in Cambridge would make three of them) having two Labells hanging down before and behind, which the Arch-Bishops only, when going to the Altar, put about their Necks, above their other Pontifical Ornaments. Three Mysteries were couched therein. First, Humility, which beautifies the Clergy above all their costly Copes. Secondly, Innocency, to imitate Lamb-like Simplicitie. And thirdly, Industry, to follow him who fetched his wandering Sheep home on his Shoulders. But to speak plainly, the Mystery of Mysteries in this Pall was, that the Arch-Bishops receiving it, shown therein their Dependence on Rome; and a Mote in this manner ceremoniously taken, was a sufficient Acknowledgement of their Subjection. And, as it owned Rome 's Power; so in after-Ages it increased their Profit. For, though now such Palls were freely given to Arch-Bishops, whose Places in Britain for the present were rather cumbersome then commodious, having little more then their Paines for their Labor; yet in after-Ages the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury 's Pall was sold for five thousand Florenes: so that the Pope might well have the Golden Fleece, if he could fell all his Lambs-Wooll at that rate. Only let me add, that the Author of Canterbury-Book stiles this Pall, Tanquam grande Christi Sacramentum. It is well tanquam came in to help it, or else we should have had eight Sacraments. But, leaving these Husks to such Palats as are pleased to feed on them, we come to the Kernell of Religion, how the same was propagated in other Parts of England. And first, of the Preparative for the Purge of Paganism out of the Kingdom of Northumberland.

39. Edwin, the King thereof, was Monarch of all England, with the Isles of Man and Anglesey, more puissant then any of His Predecessors. And this, saith Bede, was In auspicium suscipiendae Fidei, in good Handsell of the Faith he was hereafter to receive. God first made him Great, and after Gracious; that so by his Power, he might be the more effectual Instrument of his Glory. Now he had married Edelburge, daughter of Ethelbert King of Kent: to whom he not only permitted free Exercise of Religion, to herself and her Servants, but also promised himself to embrace it, if, on Examination, it appeared the most Holy, and fittest for Divine Service. In the Court of this Queen was one Paulinus, a pious Bishop, who, with much Pains and little Profit, long labored in vain to convert the Pagans. God hereby both humbling him, and showing, that the Hour of his Mercy shall not be ante-dated one Minute, by any human Endeavors. However, Paulinus, seeing he could not be happy to gain, would be careful to save; and daily plied the Word and Sacraments, thereby to corroborate his own People in Piety.

40. Now it happened that one Eumere, a Swash-buckler (a Contemner of his own life, and thereby Master of another man's) sent from Guichelm, King of the West-Saxons, with an envenomed Dagger sought to kill King Edwin: when Lilla, one of his Guard, foreseeing the Blow, and interposing himself, shielded his Sovereign with his own Body, yea, deadened the Stroak with his own Death. Loyalty's Martyr; in a Case which is likely to find moe to commend, then imitate it, on the like occasion. Edwin, notwithstanding slightly hurt, was very sensible of the Deliverance, and promised, that if he might conquer the treacherous West-Saxon King, with his Adherents, he would become a Christian. And though there be no indenting, and conditional capitulating with God (who is to be taken on any terms) yet this in a Pagan was a good step to Heaven, and Paulinus was glad he had got him thus far; especially, when in Earnest of the Sincerity of his Resolution, he consigned over his infant-Daughter Eansled, to be baptized, whom Paulinus christened, with twelve moe of the Queen's Family. Well, the West-Saxon King was quickly overcome, and all his Complices either killed, or conquered, and yet King Edwin demurred to embrace Christianity. But he communicated with the sagest of his Counsel, with whom he had daily Debates, being loath rashly to rush on a matter of such Moment. And truly, that Religion which is rather suddenly parched up, then seasonably ripened, doth commonly ungive afterwards. Yea, he would sit long alone, making company to himself, and silently arguing the Case in his own Heart, being partly convinced in his Judgment of the Goodness of the Christian Religion; and yet he durst not entertain Truth, a lawful King, for fear to displease Custom, a cruel Tyrant.

41. Amongst the many Debates he had with his Counsel about altering his Religion, two Passages must not be forgotten; whereof one was the Speech of Coify, the prime Pagan-Priest. Surely (said he) these God's, whom we worship, are not of any Power, or Efficacy in themselves; for none hath served them more conscientiously then myself, yet other men, less meriting of them, have received moe and greater Favors from their hand, and prosper better in all things they undertake. Now, if these were God's of any Activity, they would have been more beneficial to me, who have been so observant of them. Here the Reader will smile at Coify his Solecisme, wherein the Premises are guilty of Pride, as the Inference thereon of Error and Mistake. If he turn Christian on these terms, he will be taught a new Lesson: how not only all outward things happen alike, to good and bad, to him that sacrificeth, as to him that sacrificeth not; but also, that Judgment beginneth at the house of God, and the best men meet with the worst Success in Temporal matters. However, God was pleased to sanctify this man's Error, as introductory to his Conversion: and let none wonder, if the first Glimmering of Grace in Pagans, be scarce a degree above Blindness.

42. Better, in my opinion, was the plain Comparison, which another nameless Courtier made at the same time. Mans life (said he) O King, is like unto a little Sparrow, which, whilst your Majesty is feasting by the Fire in your Parlour with your royal Retinue, flies in at one Window, and out at another. Indeed we see it that short time it remaineth in the House, and then is it well sheltered from Wind and Weather; but presently it passeth from Cold to Cold, and whence it came, and whither it goes, we are altogether ignorant. Thus, we can give some account of our Soul, during it's abode in the Body, whilst housed and harboured therein; but where it was before, and how it fareth after, is to us altogether unknown. If therefore Paulinus his Preaching will certainly inform us herein, he deserveth, in my opinion, to be entertained.

43. Long looked for comes at last. King Edwin almost three years a Candidate at large of Christianity, cordially embraceth the same, and with many of his Nobles, and Multitudes of his Subjects, is solemnly baptized by Paulinus, in the little Church of S ^t Peters in York, hastily set up by the King for that purpose, and afterward by him changed into a firmer and fairer Fabric. Thus, as those Children which are backward of their Tongues, when attaining to Speech, pronounce their words the more plainly and distinctly: so Edwin, long, yea tedious before his turning to Christianity, more effectually at last embraced the same. And when it was put to the Question, what Person most proper to destroy the Heathen Altars? Coify the chief Priest tendered his Service, as fittest for the purpose, solemnly to demolish what he had before so superstitiously adored. Down go all the Pagan Altars, and Images at God-mundingham (now Godmanham, a small Village in the East-Riding of Yorkshire) and those Idols with their Hands were so far from defending themselves, that their mock-Mouths could not afford one word, to bemoan their final Destruction.

44. When thou art converted, strengthen thy Brethren, was the personal Precept given to Peter, but ought generally to be the Practice of all good men; as here it was of King Edwin, restless, until he had also persuaded Earpwald, King of the East-Angles, to embrace the Christian Faith. Indeed Redwald, Earpwald 's Father, had formerly at Canterbury (to ingratiate himself with King Ethelbert) professed Christianity; but, returning home, he revolted to Paganism at the instance of His Wife. So great is the Power of the Weaker Sex, even in matters of Religion. For, as Bertha and Edelburge, the Queens of Ethelbert and Edwin, occasioned, and expedited the Conversion of their Husbands Kingdoms: so here a Female-instrument obstructed that holy Design. Yea, Redwald afterwards in the same Church set up a Samaritan -mongrel-Religion, having Altare & Arulam, a Communion-Table and an idolatrous Altar in the same Temple. You cannot be partakers (saith the Apostle) of the Lord's Table, and of the table of Devils; that is, You cannot lawfully, conscionably, comfortably; but, de facto it may be done, was done by Bedwald in this his miscellaneous Religion.

45. But three years after, the Conversion of the East-Angles was more effectually advanced by King Sigebert, Brother, and after the death of Earpwald his Successor in the Kingdom. This Sigebert had lived an Exile in France, and got the benefit of Learning by his Banishment. For, wanting accommodations to appear in Princely Equipage, he applied himself the more close to his Studies: seeing, that Means which would maintain a Prince but like a Scholar, would maintain a Scholar like a Prince. Yea, which was best of all, on his Learning he grafted true Religion; Bede giving him this Character, that he became Vir Christianissimus & doctissimus: (can more be said in so few words?) and returning home, assisted by the Preaching of Felix, a Monk of Burgundy, Iuxta nominis sui sacramentum, saith Bede (happy was his Name, and Happiness was with him) converted his Subjects to Christianity. This Felix was made the first Bishop of Dunwich in Suffolk; a place formerly furnished with two and fifty Churches, and hath scarce two now remaining, the rest being swallowed up by the Sea. I can hardly hold myself from calling the Sea sacrilegious; save that, on second thoughts, considering that Element to be but a Natural Agent, yea, such whose Motions are ordered by Divine Providence, Hither shalt thou come, and no farther, I will rather reserve this Epithet, sacrilegious, to be bestowed on those men, who willingly and willfully demolish the places appointed for God's Service.

46. This Sigebert is generally reputed the Founder of the University of Cambridge. And because the point in hand is somewhat litigious, we will take the more Paines in clearing thereof, two things being warily premised. First, that Sigebert 's founding the University of Cambridge ought not by any to be extended to lessen and abate, much less to drown and destroy her more ancient Title to Learning, which she deriveth (according to good Authors) from many hundred years before. Valeant, quantum valere possint, let such her over grown Evidences stand as valid as they may, by us neither confirmed, not confuted for the present. And indeed, all such Old things in either University, though specious to the Eye, must be closely kept, and tenderly touched, lest otherwise, being roughly handled, they should molder into Dust. Secondly, let none suspect, my Extraction from Cambridge will betray me to partiality to my Mother, who desire in this Difference to be like Melchizedek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , without Descent, only to be directed by the Truth. And here I make this fair and free Confession, which, I hope, will be accepted for ingenuous: That, as in Tamar 's travel of Twins, Zarah first put out his Hand, and then drew it in again, whilst Pharez first came forth into the World: so I plainly perceive Cambridge with an extended Arm, time out of mind, first challenging the Birth-right; and Priority of place for Learning; but afterwards drawing it in again, she lay for many years desolate, and of less account; whilst Oxford, if later, larger, came forth in more entire Proportion, and ever since constantly continued in the full Dimensions of an University.

47. These things being thus cautiously stated, we proceed, beginning with Bede, on whose Testimony all the following History is founded.

See here, King Sigebert, to make his School complete, united therein such Conveniences for Education, as he had observed commendable

But I question, whether the Formality of Commencing was used in that Age: inclining rather to the negative, that such Distinction of Graduates was then unknown, except in S ^t . Paul 's sense, Such as used the office of a Deacon well, purchased to themselves a good Degree.

48. So much for Bede 's Text. Come we now to ancient Authors commenting upon him. Ancient I call those, who wrote many years before the Differences were started about the Seniority of the Universityes, and therefore are presumed impartial, as unconcerned in a Controversy which did not appear. First, Polydore Virgil, who from Bede 's words plainly collects, that Sigebert then founded the University of Cambridge. Nor see I any cause for that Passage in the Assertion of Oxford 's Antiquity, charging Polydore, Quod affectibus indulgens, adamatae studet Academiae; who being a Forrainer, and an Italian, had nothing to bias his Affection to one University more then the other. Learned Leland succeeds, who being employed by King Henry the eighth to make a Collection of British Antiquities (much scattered at the Dissolution of Abbeys) thus expresseth himself.

Here we omit the several Testimonies of Bale, George Lily, and Thomas Cooper, in their several Histories Anno 636. with many moe, concluding Sigebert then the Founder of the University of Cambridge.

49. But our Cousin-germans of Oxford will scarce give Credit hereunto, multiplying Objections against it. Obj. There were (say they) many places (besides Cambridge) in the Kingdom of the East-Angles (containing Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire) which, with equal Probability, may pretend to this School of Sigebert 's Foundation, seeing Bede doth not nominatim affirm Cambridge for the particular Place, where this University was erected.

50. Ans. Though Bede be Dumb in this particular, notnaming Cambridge; yet he makes such Signs, that most intelligent Antiquaries by us alleged, understand him to intend the same: especially seeing Cambridge is acknowledged by all Authors, time out of mind, to have been a place for the Education of Students in Literature.

51. Obj. If any such University was founded by Sigebert, it was at Grantchester, differing, as in Appellation, so in Situation from Cambridge (as being a good mile South West thereof.) Cambridge therefore cannot entitle itself, but by apparent Usurpation, to the ancient Privileges of Grantchester.

52. Ans. Most usual it is for ancient places to alter their Names (Babylon to Bagdet, Byzantium to Constantinople, our old Verulam to S ^t . Albans) still retaining the numerical Nature they had before. Oxford (they tell us) was once called Bellositum, and yet not altered from it's same self by another Name. Nor is it any news for great Cities, in process of time (as weary of long standing) to ease themselves a little, by hitching into another place. Thus, some part of modern Rome is removed more then a mile from the ancient Area thereof. Thus, Jerusalem at this day is come down from Mount Zion, and more South-West climbed up Mount Calvary. Yet, either of these Places would account themselves highly injured, if not reputed, for the main, the same with the former. Sufficeth it, that some part of Cambridge stands at this day, where Grantchester did (which anciently extended North-West, as far as the Village called Howse) and that's enough to keep possession of the Privileges of Grantchester, as properly belonging thereunto. Especially, seeing Oxford at this day lays claim to the Antiquityes of Crekelade and Lechlade (Towns distant sixteen miles off, the one in Wilts, the other in Glocestershire) two ancient Schools of Greek and Latin (as some will have it) removed afterwards to Oxford, from whence some of her Assertours do date her Beginning.

53. Obj. Sigebert founded but Scholam, which makes little to the Honor of Cambridge: For thereby her Professors are degraded to Pedants; and by a retrograde Motion Cambridge is sent back to Eaton, I mean, is made no better then a great Grammar-School.

54. Ans. If the best of Latin Orators may be believed, Schola properly signifies the Place where all Arts are publicly professed. Ex Platonis schola Ponticus Heraclides, Ponticus Heraclides came out of the school of Plato: Which is notoriously known to have been an Academie; yea, all his Scholars known by the name of Academics to this day. Those of Salerno in Italy, dedicating a book of Physic to our Henry (the second, I take it) begin thus,

School-boys deserve to be whipped indeed, if presuming to prescribe Receipts to a King: But that Schola there is sufficiently known to have been a famous University. And under the favor of the University, the word Vniversitas is but a base, and barbarous Latin (whiles Schola is pure Greek originally) to design, either the Place where general Learning is publicly professed, or the Persons studying therein. And, though I dare not totally concur with that Learned Critick, that Vniversit as was first used in the foresaid sense, about the reign of King Henry the third; yet, I believe, it will not be found in any Classical Author, in that modern acception.

55. Obj. In good Authors, Sigebert is said to have founded not only Scholam, a School, but Scholas, Schools, in the plural. If Schola therefore be an University, either he made moe Universities then one in Cambridge (which is absurd to affirm;) or else he erected moe Universities in other places of his Kingdom, which Cantabrigians will not willingly confess.

56. Ans. The variation of the Number is of no Concernment. For, if respect be had to the several Arts there professed, Sigebert founded Schools in the plural: but if regard be taken of the Cyclopaedy of the Learning resulting from those several Sciences, he erected but one Grand School. Every Fresh-man knows that the single Quadrant, wherein the public Lectures are read, and Acts kept, is called plurally the Schools, in each University.

57. Obj. But Bede terms them Pueros, Boys, properly under the Rod, and Ferula, whom Sigebert placed in his School: and the word Paedagogi, Vshers, placed over them, imports the same; that they were no University-Students, but a company of little Lads, that lived there under Correction.

58. Ans. Critics will satisfy you, that the word Pueri signifies even those of more Maturity, especially if living sub regimine, under the Discipline of Superiors. Secondly, Bede, being a great Divine, and conversant in Scripture-phrase, borroweth an expression thence; Christ calling his Disciples 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Children. He useth also Paedagogos in the same notion with S ^t . Paul 's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which our last Translatours read Instructours in Christ, even to the Corinthians, who still needed such Paedagogues or Teachers, though already enriched in all utterance and knowledge. Thirdly, the Saxon ancient Copy of Bede, which (doubtless) doth emphatically render the Latin, translates pueri • eon • e menn. Fourthly, Asserius Menevensis, speaking of Alfred 's founding of Oxford, faith, that he endowed the same, Suae propriae Gentis nobilibus Pueris, & etiam ignobilibus; and it is but equal, that the Pueri at Cambridge should be allowed as much man in them, as those at Oxford. Lastly, the young Frie of Scholars, when first admitted, is such, to whom Pueri, in the proper sense thereof, may well be applied. And here it may seasonably be remembered, how an Oxford Antiquary affirmeth, that Edward the fifth Prince of Wales, and Richard his brother, Duke of York, Oxoniae studuerunt, studied at Oxford, in the life-time of their Father. Stout Students no doubt, whereof the Elder could not then be ten, the Younger not nine years old. But I forget what Lawyers hold, that the Kings eldest Son is at full Age (for some Purposes) at the day of his Birth (in which respect he may sue out his Liveries for the Dukedom of Cornwall:) and this (perchance) may somewhat mend the matter.

59. But enough of this matter, which some will censure as an Impertinency to our Church-History, and scarcely coming within the Church-yard thereof. My Prayers shall be, that each University may turn all Envy into generous, yea gracious, yea glorious Emulation; contending by laudable means, which shall surpass other in their Serviceablenesse to God, the Church, and Common-wealth: that so Commencing in Piety, and Proceeding in Learning, they may agree against their two general Adversaries, Ignorance, and Profaneness. May it never be said of them, what Naomi said of herself, that she was too old to bear Sons: may they never be superannuated into Barrenness, but like the good Trees in God's Garden, They shall still bring forth Fruit in their old age, they shall be fat and flourishing.

60. Seasonably Sigebert erected an University at Cambridge, thereby in part to repair the late great Loss of Christianity in England when (the year after) Edwin, King of Northumberland, was slain in Battle by Cadwald King of Wales, and Penda King of the Mercians. After whose Death, his whole Kingdom relapsed to Paganism; and Paulinus, Arch-Bishop of York, taking with him Queen Ethelburge, returned into Kent, and there became Bishop of the (then vacant) Church of Rochester. Mortified man, he minded not whether he went up, or down hill, whilst he went on strait in his Calling to glorify God, and edify others; sensible of no Disgrace, when degrading himself from a great Arch-Bishop, to become a poor Bishop. Such betray much Pride and Peevishnesse, who, outed of eminent Places, will rather be Nothing in the Church, then anything less then what they have been before.

61. After the death of King Edwin, his Kingdom of Northumberland was divided into two parts, both petty Kingdoms;

These both proved Apostates from the Christian Faith: and God in his justice let in Cadwald, King of the Britons, upon them, who slew them, harassed their Country, and made a lamentable Desolation, within the compass of one year, without respect to Age or Sex; until Oswald (bred and brought up in Scotland) next of the Blood-Royal, came to be King of Northumberland, whom God sent to redeem that miserable Country from the hands of their Enemies, and many eminent Victories he obtained.

62. The fatal year, wherein so many Outrages were committed on the Apostate Northumberlanders, by Cadwald King of the Britons, is detested by all Saxon Chronologers. And therefore all the Annalists, and writers of Histories in that Age, by joint-consent, universally resolved to damn and drown the Memoriall of that Annus infaustus (as they call it) Vnlucky year, but made so by Ungodly men. Yea, they unanimously agreed to allow those two Apostate Kings, no years reign in their Chronicles, adding the time (subtracted from them) to Oswald, their Christian Successor, accounting him to have reigned nine years; which indeed were but eight of his own, and one of these Historians their Adoption. Yet is it no news even in Scripture itself, to bury the reign of Tyrants, under the Monument of a good Prince succeeding them. Thus when Ehud is said to have judged the land fourscore year; those eighteen years are included, wherein Eglon the Moabite oppressed Israel.

63. Amongst the many Victories achieved by this Oswald, one most remarkable was gained by him near Hexam in Northumberland, against the Pagans, against whom he erected the Standard of the Cross, in a place which time out of mind was called Heafen-feld (Haledon at this day,) by a Prolepsis, not answering the name thereof until this time. Hence a Poet writing the life of Oswald;

Thus it is generally reported, that the place nigh Lipsick, where the King of Sweden got one of his signal Victories, was, time out of mind, termed by the Dutch Gots Acre, or, God's ground. And thus, as Onesimus and Eutychus were so called from their Infancy, but never truly answered their Names, till after the Conversion of the one, and Reviving of the other: so Places (whether casually, or prophetically) have Names anciently imposed upon them, which are sometimes verified many Ages after.

64. About this time Honorius the Pope sent his Letter to the Scotch Nation, advising them to an Uniformity with the Church of Rome in the Celebration of Easter. His main Reason is thought to have more of State, then Strength; human Haughtinesse, then holy Divinity in it. Namely he counselleth them, Ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutam, sapientiorem omnibus Christi Ecclesiis aestimarent. This is that Honorius, of whom Leo the second, his Successor, complaineth in his Epistle to the Bishops of Spain, Flammam haertici dogmatis non (ut decuit Apostolicam authoritatem) incipientem extinxit, sed negligendo confovit; By his negligence he did countenance the heretical Opinions (meaning of the Monothelites, then beginning afresh to spring up again) which he ought to have suppressed. Thus he, who could stickle about the Ceremony of keeping, Easter, could quietly connive at, yea (interpretatively) consent to the depraving of the Doctrinal part of Religion. But his Letter to the Scotch took little effect, who kept their Easter not one Minute the sooner, or later, for all his writing unto them.

65. In a better Work, and with better Success, was Birinus employed, an Italian by Birth, sent over by Pope Honorius for the Conversion of the remainder of England; and to that purpose (that his Preaching belike might be the more powerful) made a Bishop before his coming over, by Asterius Bishop of Genoa. Here I am at a loss. Bishop of what? Where was his Diocese or Bishopric? Were not Bishop and Bishopric so correlated in that Age, that they must be together? the trick of making Titular Bishops not as yet being used in Rome. It is impossible, that Bishops here should import no more then a plain Priest; and, that he only took Orders before he came over into England. Well, commend me to the Memory of this man, who first was made Bishop, and then made himself a Bishopric, by earning it out of the Pagan English, whom he intended to convert to Christianity. Yea, he passed his solemn Promise in the presence of the Pope, that he would preach the Gospel in the heart of the uttermost coasts of England (meaning the Northern parts thereof) whither no Teacher had at any time gone before him. Minded herein like S ^t . Paul, not to boast in another man's line, of things made ready to his hand.

66. This his Promise Birinus, though he literally brake, Virtually kept; for he chanced to land amongst the West-Saxons (then called Gevises) in the South-West part of England, where as yet the Inhabitants were pure-impure Pagans. Having here found a fit subject for his Pains, why should he go farther to seek the same? Is not Providence the best Herald to marshal us? and ought we not to sit down where it disposeth us? Besides, according to Military Rules, it was best to clear the Coasts as he went, and not to leave a Pagan-Foe behind his back. Moved herewith, Birinus here sets up his Staff [Episcopal,] fixeth himself; falls a preaching, converts many, and amongst the rest, Kyngils the West-Saxon King, whom he baptized. Oswald, King of Northumberland, chanced to be present at that time, and was first God-Father, then Father in Law to King Kyngils, to whom he gave his Daughter to Wife.

67. Dorchester (not the Town which denominates Dorsetshire, but) an old City in Oxfordshire (not in Barkshire, as Stapleton mistakes it) was made the Seat of Birinus his Bishopric. Bede faith, Donaverunt autem ambo Reges eidem Episcopo civitatem, quae vocatur Dorinca, &c. Both the Kings (Oswald, and Kynglls) gave to the said Bishop the City Dorinca, or Dorchester. Both of them] Hence observe, first, that Oswald (whose Concurrence in this Grant was required) though particular King of Northumberland, was also Monarch of all England. To justify our former Observation, that amongst the seven Saxon Kings, always one was paramount above the rest. Secondly, that this Dorchester (though it lay North of Thames in Oxfordshire, which properly belonged to the Kingdoms of Mercia) pertained now to the West-Saxons, beyond the ordinary Limits assigned to that Kingdom.

68. In this year Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury divided England (understand, so much thereof as was Christian) into Parishes. But that most exquisite Antiquary seems very unwilling to admit so early and ancient Parishes, in the modern proper Acception of the word. Who knoweth not, that Parochia at large, signifieth the Diocese of the Bishop? and two new Dioceses, (Dunwich and Dorchester) were erected under Honorius in the Province of Canterbury. But whether Parishes, as usually understood for, places bounded in regard of the Profits from the people therein, payable only to a Pastor incumbent there; I say, whether such Parishes were extant in this Age, may well be questioned, as inconsistent with the Community of Ecclesiastic Profits, which then seemed jointly enjoyed by the Bishop and his Clergy.

69. No sooner was Oswald (whom we formerly mentioned) settled in his Kingdom of Northumberland, but his first Princely Care was, to provide Pastors to instruct his People in Christianity. In order where unto he sends into Scotland (where he had his own Education) for some Eminent Preachers. Unusuall the Sun should come out of the North, to enlighten the South, as here it came to pass. One Preacher was sent him thence, whose Name we find not, but thus much of his Nature; that being over-rigid and severe, his Sermons made no Impression on his English Auditory. Hard with hard (saith the Proverb) makes no Wall: and no Wonder, if the spiritual Building went on no better, wherein the Austerity and Harshnesse of the Pastor, met with the Ignorance and Sturdinesse of the People. Home he returns, complaining of his ill Success; and one Aidan, of a Milder temper, and more Discretion (a Grace which none ever spake against, but such as wanted it) was sent back in his room.

70. Aidan coming into England, settled himself at Lindisfern, or Holy-Island, in Northumberland; a place which is an Island and no Island twice in twenty four hours, as divided by the Tide from, so conjoined at Low-water to the Continent. His exemplary Life was a Pattern for all pious Pastors. First, he left to the Clergy, Saluberrimum abstinentiae, vel continentiae exemplum; though we read not he vowed Virginity himself, or imposed in on others. He lived as he taught; and, whatsoever the Bounty of Princes or great Persons bestowed on him, he gave to the Poor. He seldom travelled but on Foot; and, when invited to large Feasts at Court, used to arise after a short Refection, and betake himself to his Meditations. He redeemed many Slaves from Captivity, making them first Free-men, then Christians.

71. All these his excellent Practices Bede dasheth with this Allay, that▪ He had a Zeal of God, although not fully according to Knowledge; merely because he dissented from the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter. But whether those words of S ^t . Paul, spoken of his Country-men the Jews, in reference to their Stumbling at Christ, the Savior of Mankind, be fitly appliable to Aidan, only differing in an outward Ceremony, let others decide. True it is, this Aidan was a prime Champion of the Quartadecimans, as who had been brought up under, or with S ^t . Colme, in Ireland. The writer of the Life of this S ^t . Colme (let this be inserted by the way) reports, how the said Saint had a Revelation of the Holy Ghost, which prophesied unto him of this Discord, which after many days should arise in the Church, about the diversity of the Feast of Easter. Yet he telleth us not, that the Holy Ghost reproved this Colme (whose Example animated others against the Roman Rite) for his Error; as if God cared not, which of both Sides carried the Controversy.

72. But all which Bede speaketh in Diminution of Aidan, may freely be forgiven him, were it but for his faithful recording of the following Passage in Aidan 's Life: and take it with Stapleton 's own Translation thereof.

Omnes qui cum eo incedebant, sive Attonsi, sive Laici, meditari deberent; id est, aut legendis Scriptures, aut Psalms discendis operam dare.

All they which went with him, were they professed into Religion, or were they Laybrethren, gave themselves continually to Contemplation; that is to say, bestowed all their time in reading Scripture, or learning the Psalter.

Bede, speaking hereof, addeth moreover, tantum vita illius à nostri temporis segnitia distabat, so much differed his life from the Lazinesse of our Age: taxing those of his Time for Neglect of the Scriptures. And the Ignorance bemoaned in his Age, continued and increased after his Death.

73. When Aidan came first into England, he was not perfect in the Language of our Country. For although the Speech of the modern Southern- Scot be only a Dorick Dialect of, no distinct Language from English; yet Aidan, who naturally spoke Irish, was not intelligible of his English Congregation. Wherefore King Oswald, a better Scotch -man (as bred amongst them) then Aidan was English -man, interpreted to the People, what the other preached unto them. Thus these two put together made a perfect Preacher. And although some will say, Sermons thus at the Second-hand must lose much of their Life and Luster; yet the same Spirit working in both, the Ordinance proved effectual to the Salvation of many Souls.

74. This year the first Lent was kept in England; conceive it in those Parts thereof which obeyed the Roman Celebration of Easter. Otherwise it is suspicious, that the Quartadecimans were no good Quadragesimarians, and no such conscientious Observers of Lent on the Romish Account. Surely, if people were taught in Lent to fast (as from Flesh, so) from a proud and false opinion of Meriting thereby, Policy would be well pleased and Piety not offended at the Observing thereof; whilst Continent-Countries might keep it without any Loss to their Souls, and Islands with great Gain to their Estates.

75. Oswald, King of Northumberland, at Maserfield (since Oswastree) in Shropshire, against Penda the Pagan Prince of Mercia, was overthrown, slain, and his Body most barbarously abused, and chopped in Pieces. Yea, it is observable that such Saxon Kings, which were first converted to Christianity, and such who were the most active Restorers of Religion after a general Apostasy, commonly came to Violent Deaths, by the hands of Heathens. As,

Inquiring into the Causes hereof, we find, First, that the Luster of their Lives shining before men, made them the fairer Mark for their malicious Enemies. Secondly, Satan, accounting them Traitours against his Kingdom of Darkness, left no stone unturned, thereby to bring them to Temporal Destruction, the greatest Hurt which his Power could inflict. Thirdly, God, to try the Patience of his Infant-Church, acquainted them with Afflictions from their very Cradle. Such therefore are mistaken, who make Prosperity a note either of Piety in particular Persons, or Verity in a whole Church; seeing, take it one time with another, and it misseth the Mark oftener then it hits is As for our Oswald, Legions of Miracles are attributed unto him after Death; all which we willingly omit, insisting only on One as most remarkable.

76. The Story goes thus. On an Easter-day Oswald was sitting in his Palace at Dinner with Bishop Aidan: when in comes one of his Servants, and informeth him, that abundance of Poor people from all parts fate in the Streets expecting some Alms for their Relief. Presently King Oswald commands, not only that the Meat set before him should be given them, also that the large Silver-Charger holding the same should be broke in pieces, and (in want perchance of present Coin) parted betwixt them. Whereupon, Aidan laying hold on Oswald 's right Hand (and that alone, we know, ought to be the Almoner) May this hand (said he) never be consumed: which is said accordingly to come to pass. So that when all the other Members of King Oswald 's Body (torn asunder by his barbarous Enemies) were putrefied, his right Hand always remained unconsumed.

But it is not enough for us, that we have the Poets Pen for it; if we also had Oswald 's Hand to show for the same, much might be wrought on our belief herein.

77. For my own part, I conceive that Aidan his words to Oswald; that his Handshould never wax old, or be consumed, were spiritually spoken, in a Mystical Meaning, parallel to those Scripture-expressions; The Righteous shall be in everlasting Remembrance, even, when the name of the Wicked shall rot. The bountiful hand never consumes: neither actually, it never wastes nor impairs an Estate, God so ordering it, that the more he giveth the more he hath; nor passively, it is not consumed, the Acts thereof remaining in a perpetual Memoriall here, and hereafter. But, grant this Miracle of Oswald 's Hand literally true in the Latitude thereof; I desire any ingenuous Papist to consider the Time wherein it was acted. It was Easter-day, yea, such an Easter-day as was celebrated by the Quartadecimans, Aidan being present thereat, contrary to the time which the Canons of Rome appointed. Now, did not a Divine Finger in Oswald his miraculous Hand, point out this Day then to be truly observed? Let the Papists produce such another Miracle, to grace and credit their Easter Roman-style, and then they say something to the Purpose.

78. It plainly appears, that the Survivers had not only, a charitable Opinion, but a comfortable Presumption, yea, an infallible Perswasion, that the Soul of King Oswald was possessed of Heavenly Happiness, instantly after his Death. What better Demonstration of his present being in perfect Bliss, then those many Miracles, which the Papists confidently report to be done by him after his Death, in curing Sick people of their several Maladies? For such Souls which they fancy in Purgatory, are so far from healing others, that they cannot help themselves. Yea, Bede calleth this Oswald, jam cum Domino regnantem, now reigning with the Lord. Yet the same Author attesteth, that even in his time it was the anniversary Custom of the Monks of Hexam, to repair to Heofen-feld (a place hard by, where Oswald, as aforesaid, obtained his miraculous Victory) and there to observe Vigils for the Salvation of his Soul, plurima{que} Psalmorum laude celebrata, victimam pro eo, mane sacrae oblationis offerre. A Mongrel Action, betwixt Good-will and Will-worship: though the eyes of their Souls in those Prayers looked not forward to the future, petitioning for Oswald 's Happiness; but backward to what was past, gratulatory to the Bliss he had received. Purgatory therefore cannot properly be founded on such Suffrages for the dead. However, such over-Officiousnesse (though at first it was like the Herb in the Pot, which doth neither good nor ill) in after-Ages became like that wild Gourd, poisoning men's Souls with Superstition, when they fell to down-right Praying for the departed.

79. This year Paulinus, late Arch-Bishop of York, since Bishop of Rochester, ended his Life; and one Ithamar succeeded him, born in Kent, and the first English -man Bishop, all being Forrainers before him. As he was the first of his Nation, I believe him the second of his Name, meeting with no moe save only Ithamar, the youngest Son of Aaron, High Priest of Israel.

80. After King Oswald his Death, four Christian contemporary Kings flourished in England. First Oswy, King of Northumberland, more commendable for the Managing, then the Gaining of his Kingdom; except any will say, that no good Keeping can make amends for the ill Getting of a Crown, seeing he defeated Ethelwald (Oswald 's Son, and) the true Heir thereof, Bede termeth him Regem Christianissimum, The most Christian King; a Style wherewith the present Majesty of France will not be offended, as which many years after was settled on his Ancestors. Long had this Oswy endeavored in vain by Presents to purchase Peace from Penda, the Pagan King of Mercia, who miserably harassed his Country; and refused any Gifts, (though never so rich and great) which were tendered unto him. At last, saith my Author, Oswy resolved, We will offer our Presents to such a King, who is higher in Command, and humbler in his Courtesie, as who will not disdain to accept them. Whereupon he devoted his Daughter to God, in her perpetual Virginity, and soon after obtained a memorable Conquest over his Enemies, and cleared the Country from his Cruelty.

81. Secondly, Sigebert, King of Essex, and the Restorer of Religion in his Kingdom (which formerly had apostatized after the Departure of Mellitus) valiant, and pious, though taxed for his contumacious Company-keeping (contrary to his Confessors command) with an Excommunicated Count, in whose House he was afterward murdered by two Villains: Who, being demanded the Cause of their Cruelty, why they killed so harmless and innocent a Prince, had nothing to say for themselves, but they did it, because his Goodness had done the Kingdom hurt; such his proneness to pardon Offenders, on their (though but seeming) Submission, that his Meekness made many Malefactours. But I hope, and believe, that the Heirs of Sigebert (though the Story be silent herein) finding his Fault, amended it in themselves, and exercised just Severity in the Execution of these two damnable Traitours.

82. Anna may be accounted the third Successor to Sigebert, and happy in a numerous and holy Off-spring. Yea, all his Children (save Firminus the eldest, slain with his Father in a Fight against Pagan Penda) were either Mitred, or Vailed, when Living; Sainted, and Shrined, when Dead: as Erkenwald, Bishop of London; Æthelred, or Audrey, and Sexburga, successively Foundresses and Abbesses of Eli; Withgith, a Nun therein; and Ethilburg, Abbess of Beorking, nigh London.

83. Peada, Prince of Mercia, may make up the Quaternion, who married Alfred, Daughter of Oswy King of Northumberland; and thereupon renouncing Paganism, embraced Christianity, and propagated it in his Dominions. Indeed Penda, his Father, that Persecuter of Piety, was still alive (and survived two years after) persisting an Heathen till Death, but mollified to permit a Toleration of Christianity in his Subjects. Yea, Penda in his Old-age used an expression (which might have beseemed the Mouth of a better man) namely. That he hated not Christians, but only such who professed Christ's Faith, without his Works; accounting them contemptible, who pretended to Believe in God, without Obeying him.

84. A brace of Brethren, both Bishops, both eminent for Learning and Religion, now appeared in the Church, so like in Name, they are oft mistaken in Authors one for another. Now, though it be pleasant for Brethren to live together in Unity; yet it is not fit, by Error they should be jumbled together in Confusion. Observe their Difference therefore.

S ^t . Cedde (in Latin Ceddus) I believe the elder, born at London (where afterward he was Bishop) bred in Holy Island, an active promoter in making the East-Saxons Converts (or rather Reverts) to the Faith. He is remembered in the Romish Kalendar, January the seventh.

S ^t . Chad (in Latin Cedda) born in Northumberland, bred likewise in Holy Island, and Scholar to Aidanus. He was Bishop of Lichfield; a mild, and modest man, of whom more hereafter. His death is celebrated in the Calendar March the second, and the Dust of his Tomb is by Papists reported to cure all Diseases [alike] in Man and Beast. I believe it might make the dumb to see, and the lame to speak.

The later of these was, as the Longest Liver, so the most eminent in his Life; who made many Christians, and amongst the rest Wulfade and Rufine, Sons to Wulphere King of Mercia, succeeding Peada therein, who was suddenly slain, and his untimely Death was a great Loss to Religion.

85. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, where (to our comfort) we have gotten one of our own Country-men into the place, Fridona a Saxon. Yet, for the more State of the business, he assumed the name of Deus-dedit. We know, Arch-Bishops of his See are termed Alterius orbis Papae, and such changing of Names was fashionable with the Popes. He was consecrated by Ithamar alone, Bishop of Rochester, the first English Bishop consecrating the first English Arch-Bishop. Let no Sophister cavil with his thread-bare Maxim, Nihil dat quod non habet, and therefore a single Bishop could not confer Archiepiscopal Power; but leave it to the Canon-Lawyers, to decide what may be done in case of Extremity. Mean time, how causeless is the Caption of the Papists at the Consecration of Matthew Parker, because no Arch-Bishop (though four Bishops) was present thereat. Seeing, though an Arch-Bishop be requisite ad Dignitatem, Bishops will suffice ad Honestatem; and a single Bishop (as Ithamar here) may be effectual ad essentiam of an Archiepiscopal Consecration. No wonder therefore if Evagrius was acknowledged a legitimate Bishop by the Pope himself, though contrary to the Rigour of the Canon, consecrated by Paulinus alone. Deus-dedit answered his Name (A good Arch-Bishop is God's Gift) and for nine years and more, ruled the Church to his great Commendation.

86. A barbarous Murder was committed by Wolphere, King of Mercia, who understanding that his two Sons, Wulfade and Rufine, had embraced Christianity, cruelly slew them with his own Hands. But afterwards, repenting of so soul a Fact, he himself turned Christian; and in Testimony thereof, finished the fair Fabric of the Monastery at Peterborough, begun by Peada his Brother. The whole Story thereof was, till lately, set forth in Painting, and Poetry (such as it was) in the Glass-windows, round about the Cloisters of Peterborough.

87. And now, having fallen on the mention of Glass, be it seasonably remembered, that just at this time one Benault, a foreign Bishop (but of what place I find not) brought the Mystery of making Glass into England, to the great Beautifying of our Churches and Houses; the Eyes being the Grace of the Body, as Windows are of Buildings. I conceive, his Invention was White Glass alone, more ancient then Painted Glass in this Island, as Plain-song is much seniour to all Descanting, and running of Division.

88. The Paroxisme continued and increased, betwixt the Scottish Bishops (headed, after Aidan 's Death, by Finan, Bishop of Holy-Island) and such who celebrated Easter after the Roman Rite. The later so bitterly detested the former, that they would not receive Consecration of them, or Imposition of Hands; as if their very Fingers ends were infected with Schism, for dissenting from Rome. Yea, they would neither give the Sacrament of the Euacharist to them, nor receive it from them: and yet they never quarrelled at, or questioned the validity of Baptism conferred by them; seeing Bishop Finan christened the King of the East-Saxons, and all his Subjects. Some what more moderate were the Scots, or Quartadecimans, in their Cariage to the other, seeing S ^t . Chad (Scotized in his Judgment) refused not Consecration from Wyni, Bishop of Winchester, though one of the contrary Opinion.

89. Nor was this Controversy consined to Cloisters and Colleges, but derived itself from the Kings Court, down into private Families. Thus Oswy, King of Northumberland, was of the Scottish Perswasion, whilst his Queen and eldest Son were of the Romish Opinion, in Celebration of Easter. One Board would not hold them, whom one Bed did contain. It fell out so sometimes, that the Husband's Palm-Sunday was the Wife's Easter-day; and in other Families, the Wife fasted, and kept Lent still, whilst her Husband feasted, and observed Easter. Say not, that Wife deserved to fast always, who in so indifferent a Ceremony would not conform to her Husband's Judgment. For Consciences, in such kinds, are to be led, not drawn. Great was the Disturbance in every great Family; only the Poor gained by the Difference, causing a Duplicate of Festivalls, two Easters being kept every year in the same House.

90. To compose this Controversy (if possible) a Council was called at Streanch-Hall (now Whitby in Yorkshire) by the procurement of S ^t . Hilda, Abbess therein. Here appeared, amongst many others,

• For the Romish Easter,
  • Wilfride, an Abbot, a zealous Champion.
  • Romanus, a Priest, very hot in the Quarrel: And others.
• Moderatours.
  • Hilda, the Abbess of Streanch-Hall.
  • S. Cedd, Bishop of London, propending to the Scottish, but not thoroughly persuaded.
• For the Scottish Easter.
  • S ^t . Coleman, Bishop of Holy-Island, who succeeded Finan in that place.

But Baronius and Binius will in no case allow this for a Council (though elsewhere extending that name to meaner Meetings) only they call it a Collation; because (forsooth) it wanted some Council-Formalities, all Bishops not being, solemnly summoned, but only some Volunteers appearing therein. Besides, as there was something too little, so something too much for a Canonical Council; Hilda, a Woman, being Moderatresse therein; which seemed irregular.

91. In this Council, or Collation (call it which you please) after much arguing pro and con, Wilfride at last knocked all down with this Argument; That the Romish Celebration of Easter was founded on the Practice of S ^t . Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and Porter of Heaven. King Oswy hearing this was affrighted, who had rather anger all the other eleven Apostles, then offend S ^t . Peter, one so high in Power and Place; for fear (as he said) left coming to Heavengate, S ^t . Peter should deny him a Cast of his Office, and refuse to let him into Happiness. S ^t . Coleman, being on the other side, was angry, that so slight an Argument had made so deep an Impression on the King's Credulity. And, to manifest his Distaste, after the Council was broken up, carried all those of his own Opinion home with him into Scotland. One Tuda succeeded him in his Bishopric of Holy-Island, the first of that See that conformed himself in this Controversy to the Romish Church, and died in the same year, of the Plague.

92. As for Wilfride, he was well rewarded for his Paines in this Council, being presently promoted to be Bishop of York, which, since Paulinus his Death, was no longer an Arch-Bishop's, but a plain Bishop's See. But, though appointed for the place by King Oswy, he refused Consecration from any English Bishops, being all irregular, as consecrated by the schismatical Scots; only Wyni, late Bishop of Winchester, now of London, was ordained canonically, but lately he had contracted just Shame for his Simony, in buying his Bishopric. Over goes Wilfride therefore to Rome for Consecration, and stays there so long, that in his Absence the King put S ^t . Chad into the Bishopric of York. The writer of Wilfride 's Life complains loudly hereof;

But, by the Poets leave, York was but espoused, not married to Wilfride, whilst he was in England: and after his going over beyond-Sea, he stayed so long, that his Church presumed him dead, and herself a Maid-Widow, which lawfully might receive another Husband. At last Wilfride returning home had York restored unto him, and S ^t . Chad was removed to the new-founded Bishopric of Lichfield.

93. The Abbess Hilda, whom we mentioned before, was like another Huldah, which lived in the College, superior to most of her Sex in Learning, inferior to none in Religion. Monks ascribe it to her Sanctity, that she turned many Serpents in that Country into Stones. Plenty of which Stones are found at this day about Whitby, the place of her Aboad, having the Shape of Serpents, but most headless; as the Tale is truthlesse, relating it to her Miraculous Operation. Who knows not, but that at Alderly in Glocestershire, there are found Stones resembling Cockles, or Periwincles, in a place far from the Sea? which are esteemed by the Learned the Gamesome Work of Nature, sometimes pleased to disport itself, and pose us by propounding such Riddles unto us.

94. Some impute it also to Hilda her Holiness, that Wilde-geese, when flying over the Grounds near her Convent, fell down to the ground, as doing Homage to the Sanctity thereof. As the Credit of the Reporters hath converted wise men to believe the Thing: so they justly remain incredulous, that it proceedeth from any Miracle, but secret Antipathy. But as Philosophers, when posed in Nature, and prosecuted to render Reasons of her Mysteries, took Sanctuary at Occulta Qualitas: Monks in the same kind make their Refuge to the Shrine of some Saint, attributing all they cannot answer, to His, or Her miraculous Operation. Yea sometimes such is Monkish Impudence, falsely to assign that to a Saint (though all Chronologies protest against the Possibility thereof) which is the plain and pregnant effect of Nature. Witness when they write, that Richard de la Wich, Bishop of Chicester, with his fervent Prayers obtained, that the Wiches, or salt Springs, should boil out of the earth in Durtwich in Worcestershire; which are mentioned, and described by ancient Authors dead before the Cradle of the said Richard de la Wich was made.

95. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, and there after the Death of the last Arch-Bishop (and four years Vacancy) we find that Church hath changed her Latin into Greek, I mean, dead Deus-dedit, into Theodorus his Successor, put in by the Pope. This Theodorus was a Grecian by Name, and Nation, fellow-Citizen with S • . Paul, born in Tarsus in Silicia; and herein like him, that he spake with Tongues more then they all, had more skill in learned Languages then all his Brethren, Bishops of England, in that Age. Yea, as Children when young, are permitted to Play; but when of some years, are sent to learn their Book: so hitherto the Infant-Church of England may be said to have lost time for matter of Learning, and now Theodorus set it first to School, brought Books to it, and it to Books; erecting a well-furnished Library, and teaching his Clergy how to make use thereof.

96. I could wish this Theodorus had had one Quality more of S ^t . Paul; that in matters Indifferent, he would have been made all things to all men, that by all means he might save some. Whereas he most rigourously pressed Conformity to Rome, in the Observation of Easter: and to that purpose a Council was called at Herad-ford, now Hartford, and not Hereford, as judicious and industrious Bishop Godwine (partial to the place where of he himself was Bishop) doth mistake it. Here Easter was settled after the Romish Rite; and we are not sorry for the same, willing rather it should be any way ordered, then that the Reader (with whom I sympathize, more then grutch my own Pains) should be troubled any longer with such a small-great Controversy, low in it's own Merit, but heightened with the Spleen and Passion of such as prosecuted it. In this Synod nine other Articles were concluded of, as they follow here in order, out of Bede, as Stapleton himself hath translated them.

I wonder, no mention herein of settling the Tonsure of Priests (a Controversy running parallel with that of Easter) according to the Roman Rite. To conclude, let not the Reader expect the like exemplification of all Articles in following Synods, so largely as here we have presented them. For this Synod Stapleton calls the first of the English Nation (understand him, whose Canons are completely extant) and therefore more Patrimony is due to the Heir and Eldest Son, then to the younger Brethren, who shall be content to be confined to their Pensions, I mean, to have their Articles not exemplified, but epitomized hereafter.

97. Theodorus, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, beheld Wilfride, Bishop of York (one of great Parts, and greater Passions) with envious eyes; and therefore, to abate his Power, he endeavored that the Diocese of York might be divided. Wilfride offended hereat goes over to Rome to impede the Project, and by the way is tossed with a grievous Tempest. It is an ill wind whicch bloweth no man Profit. He is cast on the Shoar of Freezland in Belgium, where the Inhabitants, as yet Pagans, were by his Preaching converted to Christianity. This may be observed in this Wilfride, his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were better then his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , his casual and occasional were better then his intentional Performances (which shows plainly, that Providence acted more vigourously in him, then his own Prudence:) I mean, when at Ease in Wealth, at home, he busied himself in Toyes and Trifles of Ceremonious Controversies; but when (as now, and afterwards) a Stranger, and little better then an Exile, he effectually promoted the Honor and Glory of God.

98. And as it is observed of Nightingales, that they sing the sweetest, when farthest from their Nests: so this Wilfride was most diligent in God's Service, when at the greatest distance from his own Home. For though returning into England, he returned not unto York, but stayed in the Pagan Kingdom of the South-Saxons, who also, by God's Blessing on his Endeavors, were persuaded to embrace the Christian Faith.

99. These South-Saxons, of all the seven Kingdoms, were the last which submitted themselves to the perfect Freedom of God's Service, and yet their Country was in Situation next to Kent, where the Gospel was first planted. Herein it was verified, Many that are first, shall be last; and the last, first. Yea, the Spirit, which bloweth where it listeth, observeth no visible Rules of Motion; but sometimes taking no notice of those in the middle, reacheth to them which are farthest off. Indeed Edilwalch their King, was a little before Christened by the persuasion of Wolphere, King of Mercia (who was his Godfather, and at his baptizing gave him for a Gift the Isle of Wight, & provinciam Meanuarorum in gente Occidentalium Saxonum) but his Country still remained in Paganism. And although Dicul, a Scot, with some six of his Brethren, had a small Monastery at Bosenham in Sussex; yet they, rather enjoying themselves, then meddling with others, were more careful of their own Safety, then their Neighbors Conversion. And indeed, the Pagans neither heeded their Life, nor minded their Doctrine.

100. However, these South-Saxons paid for their Stubbornness, in standing out so long against the Gospel; for they always were a miserable people, and at this present afflicted with a great Famine, caused by three years Drought; so that forty men in arow, holding hand in hand, used to throw themselves into the Sea, to avoid the misery of a Lingering Death. In this woeful Condition did Wilfride, Bishop of York, find them, when he first preached the Gospel unto them; and on that very day wherein he baptized them (as if God from Heaven had poured water into the Font) he obtained store of Rain, which procured great Plenty. Observe (though I am not so ill-natured as to wrangle with all Miracles) an Apish Imitation of Elijah (who carried the Key of Heaven at his Girdle, to lock, or unlock it by his Prayer:) only Elijah gave Rain after three years and six months, Wilfride after bare three years; it being good manners to come a little short of his Betters.

101. Also (saith my Author) he taught the people (who till then knew not how to catch any Fishes, but Eels) how to take all kind of Fish in the Sea, and Rivers. Strange! that thus long they should live in Ignorance of so useful a Trade, being (though Infidels) no Idiots: especially seeing men's Capacities come very soon to be of age to understand their own Profit; and the Examples of their Neighbors might have been Tutours unto them. But Wilfride afterward wanted no Hearers, People flocking unto him; as when Christ made his Auditors his Guests, they followed after him, because they ate of the Loaves, and were filled. The Priests Eappa, Padda, Bruchelin, and Oidda, assisted in baptizing the common people; and King Edilwalch gave Wilfride a piece of Land, containing eighty nine Families, at Selsey, where he erected a Bishops See, since translated to Chichester.

102. Amongst other good deeds, Wilfride freed two hundred and fifty men and maid-Servants, both out of Soul-Slavery, and Bodily Bondage. For, having baptized them, he procured their Liberty of their Masters, which they (no doubt) cheerfully embraced, according to S ^t . Paul 's counsel, Art thou called a Servant? care not for it: but if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. And thus by God's Blessing, in the space of eighty and two years (from five hundred ninety seven, to six hundred seventy nine) was the whole Saxon Heptarchie converted to Christianity, and did never again relapse to Paganism.

103. Mention being lately made of Wolphere, the Mercian King, his being Godfather unto Edilwalch, King of the South-Saxons, some will much admire, that one arrived at years of Maturity, able to render an Account of his Faith, should have a Godfather, which (with Swadling-clouts) they conceive belong to Infants alone. Yet this was very fashionable in that Age: not only for the greater state, in Kings, Princes, and Public Persons; but, in majorem cautelam, even amongst Private people. For such Susceptors were thought to put an Obligation on the Credits (and by reflection on the Consciences) of new Christians (whereof too many in those days were baptized out of civile Designes) to walk worthy of their Profession, were it but to save their Friends Reputation, who had undertaken for their Sincerity therein.

104. Cadwallader, the last King of Wales, wearied out with War, Famine, and Pestilence, left his own Land, and (with some small Treasure) fled to Alan, King of Little Britain. But Princes are welcome in foreign parts, when Pleasure (not Need) brings them thither; or, whilst they are so considerable in themselves, as to command their own Entertainment. Whereas this distressed King his Company was beheld not only as Uselesse, and Expensive, but Dangerous, as likely to draw with it the Displeasure of the Saxon Kings (his Enemies) on his Entertainer. But it seems, Cadwallader had better Friends in Heaven, then any he found on Earth, if it be true what confidently is reported, that an Angel appeared unto him, advising him to go to Rome, there to take on him the Habite of a Monk, and spend the remainder of his Life. Here he purchased Lands, all by the foresaid Angelical Direction, built an House (after his Death converted into an Hospital) and by his Will so ordered it, that certain Priests of his own Country should forever have the Rule and Government thereof. These were to entertain all Welsh -Pilgrims with Meat, Drink, and Lodging, for the space of a month, and to give them a certain Sum of Money for a viaticum at their Departure, towards their Charges in returning to their own Country.

105. Many a year did this Hospital flourish in good Plenty, till the middle of Queen Elisabeth her Reign; when fair the Revenues belonging, and few the Welsh -Pilgrims repairing thereto. This made Father Parsons, with the rest of our English Jesuits, cast an envious eye thereon, who would never be quiet, until they had obtained of Pope Gregory the 13. to eject the old British, and unite this Hospital to the English College at Rome. This, no doubt, stirred up the Welsh blood of D ^r . Morris, D ^r . Louis, D ^r . Smith, M ^r . Griffith, who in vain stickled to the utmost of their Power, to continue this Foundation to their Country-men. In my poor Opinion, seeing an Angel is said to direct in the Founding and endowing of this Hospital, it was but fit that either the same Angel appearing again, or some other of an higher (or at least equal Dignity and Degree, in the Celestial Hierarchy) should have altered the Use, and confirmed the Alienation thereof. But of this more hereafter.

106. Ina, King of the West-Saxons, about this time set forth his Saxon Laws, translated into English by M ^r . Lambert. Eleven of his Laws concerned Church-matters; Kings in that Age understanding their own Power, the Pope having not as yet intrenched on their just Prerogative. These Constitutions were concluded on by the King, through the Perswasion of Kenred his Father. Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and all his Aldermen and wise Senators of the People. Let none wonder that Ina, in his Preface to these Laws, termeth Erkenwald His Bishop, whose See of London was properly under the King of the East-Saxons. For he might call him his in Affection, (whose Diocese was in another King's Possession;) Ina highly honoring Erkenwald for his Piety, and therefore inviting him (forward of himself to all Goodness) to be present at the passing of these Laws. Besides, some assign Surrey as part of the Kingdom of the West-Saxons: Probably at this present Ina 's Puissance sallied over the Thames, and London might be reduced into his Honorary-Protection. But see here a Breviate of his Church-Laws.

In this last Law, express Provision is made, Episcopy filius si occidatur, in case the Son of a Bishop be killed: a Passage impertinently alleged by some, for the Proof of Bishops married in that Age; seeing neither Sons natural, nor conjugal, but only spiritual, at the Font, are thereby intended. Now let the learned in the Law render the Reason, why Murder in that Age was not punishable with Death, but might be bought off with Money.

107. A great Council (for so it is tituled) was held at Becanceld by Withred, King of Kent, and Bertuald, Arch-Bishop of Britain (so called therein) understand him of Canterbury; wherein many things were concluded in favor of the Church. Five Kentish Abbesses, namely, Mildred, Etheldred; Aete, Wilnolde, and Hereswide, were not only present, but subscribed their Names and Crosses to the Constitutions concluded therein. And we may observe, that their Subscriptions are not only placed before and above all Presbyters, but also above Botred a Bishop, (but of what Diocese not specified) present in this great Council. It seems it was the Courtesy of England to allow the upper hand to the weaker Sex, as in their Siting, so in their Subscriptions.

108. We will conclude this Century with the miraculous Holiness of Ethelreda, or S ^t . Audre: professing at first to be afraid to adventure on so high a Subject, disheartened in reading a Popish Author to rant so in her Commendation.

&c. But leaving the Bubbles of his Rhetoric to break of themselves, on serious considerations we are so far from admiring, 'tis more then we can do to excuse this S ^t . Audre, as her Story is reported.

109. This Audre was Daughter to Anna King of the East-Angles, and from her Infancy a great affecter of Virginity. However, she was over-persuaded to marry one Tombert, Prince of the Fen-land, with whom she lived three years in the Bands of inexperienced Wedlock, both, by mutual Consent, abstaining from Carnal Copulation. After his Death, so importunate were her Friends with her that she married with Egfride King of Northumberland.

110. Strange, that being once free, she would again entangle herself; and stranger, that being married, she utterly refused to afford her Husband what the Apostle calls due Benevolence, though he by importunate▪ Entreaties requested the same. Being Benevolence, it was Uncharitable to deny it; being Due, it was Unjust to detain it; being both, she was uncharitable and unjust in the same action. Was not this a Mockage of Marriage (if in that Age counted a Sacrament) solemnly to give herself unto her Husband, whom formerly she had passed away by a previous Vow of Virginity? At last she wrested leave from her Husband to live a Nun in the Monastery of Eli, which she built and endowed. After her entrance therein she ever wore Woollen, and never Linen about her: which whether it made her more Holy, or less Cleanly, let others decide. Our Author tells us, that in Memory of her, out English Women are wont to wear about their Necks a certain Chain made of fine small Silk, which they call Æthelred 's Chain. I must profess myself not so well acquainted with the Sex, as either to confute or confirm the truth thereof. At last she died of a Swelling in her Throat, and was buried in Eli.

111. Sixteen years her Corps slept in a private Grave near her own Convent; when it came into the head of Bishop Wilfride and her Friends, to bestow on her a more costly Burial. But alas, the soft and fenny Ground of Eli Isle (where scarce a stone bigg enough to bury a Worm under it) afforded not a Tomb-stone for that purpose. Being thus at a Loss, their want is said to be miraculously supplied; for under the ruined Walls of Grantchester, or Cambridge, a Coffin was found, with a Cover correspondent, both of white Marble, which did fit her Body so exactly, as if (which one may believe was true) it was made for it. Herein was Audre 's Corps stately inshrined, and for many years superstitiously adored.

112. But Io. Cajus, Fellow of Gonvile-Hall, within ten Miles of Eli, at the Dissolution of Abbyes, being reputed no great Enemy to the Romish Religion, doth on his own Knowledge report,

Thus was her Tomb degraded & debased one degree, which makes the Truth of all the rest to be suspected. And if all Popish Miracles were brought to the Test, they would be found to shrink from Marble to Common Stone, nay from Stone to Dirt and untempered Morter.

113. It is needless here to insert the Canons concluded on at Berghamsteed, by Withred King of Kent, and Bertuald Arch-bishop of Canterbury. First, because Topicall, confined to that small Kingdom. Secondly, hard to be understood, as depending on some Saxon Law-terms, whereon Conjectures are the best Comment. Thirdly, such as are understood are obsolete; viz. If a Master gave his Servant Flesh to eat on a Fasting-day, his Servant was on the Refusall, and Complaint thereof, to be made free. Some punishments therein were very absurdly proportioned; viz. Six shillings or a Whipping was to be paid by that Servant who ate flesh on Fasting-days: and just the same Penalty was inflicted on him if convicted of offering Oblations to the Devil: as if equal their Offences. And be it remembered, that this Council was kept cum viris quibusdam Militaribus, some Soldiers being present thereat; and yet the fifth Canon therein was made to punish Adultery in men of their Profession.

114. As for Bishop Wilfride, whom lately we mentioned so active about the removal of S ^t . Audre 's Corps, he was about this time restored to his Bishopric of York. Whereupon he fairly quitted the Bishopric of Selsey, which Edilwalch, and after Cedwall, Kings of Sussex, bestowed upon him, and returned to York. It is much this Rowling Stone should gather so much Mosse, and get Wealth enough to sound two Monasteries; who sometimes had three Bishoprics together, York, Lindisfern, and Hagulsted; sometimes none at all, living many years together in Exile. And indeed he continued not long in York, but being expelled thence again, was for a time made Bishop of Leicester. Nor was the King of Northumberland content with his bare Expulsion, but also he would have him confess the same Legal, and resign it according to the late Decrees which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had made against him. But more hereof, God willing, in the next Century.