Church History of Britain

SECTION V.

1. VEry strongly Leicester (though at the Council table Politickly complying with the rest of the Lord's, and concurring always with their results, when sitting in Conjunction with them) when alone, engaged his Affections in favor of the Non-conformists, and improved his power at this time very great with the Queen to obtain great liberty for them. Hence it was, that many Bishops Active in pressing subscription in their Diocese, when repairing to Court, were checked and snibt by this great favourite to their no small grief and discouragement. Heartned hereat the Brethren, who hitherto had no particular platform of discipline amongst themselves (as universally owned and practiced by their party) began in a solemn Council held by them (but whether at Cambridge or London uncertain) To conclude, on a certain form, as followeth in these their decrees faithfully translated out of their own latin Copy.

See we here the embryo of the Presbyterian Discipline, lying as yet (as it were) in the womb of Episcopacy, though soon after it swelled so great, that the mother must violently be cut, before the child could be delivered into the world, as to the public practice thereof.

2. Many observables in these Decrees offer themselves to our consideration. First, that they were written in latin (whereof they had two elegant penners, Cartwright, and Travers ) showing themselves no enemies to that tongue, which some ignorant Sectaries afterward condemned for superstitious, counting everything Romish, which was Roman; and very Cordials to be poison, if lapped up in latin.

• 2. Probably, as Artists hang a curtain before their works, whilst yet imperfect: so these Synodists thought fit in latin as yet, to veil their Decrees from vulgar eyes, seeing nothing can be projected, and perfected together. Yea, the repetition of those words doth seem, and it seemeth, carrying something of uncertainty in them, showeth these Decrees as yet admitted but as Probationers, expecting confirmation on their good behavior.
• 3. The election of the people is here made the essence of a call to a Pastoral Charge, to which the presentation of the most undoubted Patron, is called in but ad corroborandum. As for Institution from the Bishop, it was superadded (not to complete his Ministerial function in point of conscience, but) legally to enable the Minister to recover his maintenance from the detainers thereof.
• 4. Partiall subscription is permitted to the Articles of Religion, viz. only to the Doctrinal part thereof, but none to those wherein Discipline is mentioned, especially to the clause at the end of the twentieth Article, The Church both power to decree Rites, and Ceremonies &c. accounted by the Brethren the very sting in the tail of the locusts.
• 5. Those words, If subscription shall be urged again, Plainly intimate, that the reins of Episcopal government were but loosely held, and the rigor thereof remitted, for the reasons by us fore-alleged.
• 6. That Church-wardens, and Collectors for the poor, are so quickly convertible, even in their opinion, into Elders and Deacons only with a more solemn, and public election, shows, the difference betwixt those officers, to be rather nominal, then real.
• 7. By Women-Deacons here mentioned, we understand such widows which the Apostle appointeth in the primitive Church, to attend strangers, and sick people; and which M ^r . Cartwright affirmeth ought still to be continued, although he confesseth, there be learned men think otherwise.
• 8. Their Comitial Assemblies, kept in the Universities at the commencements, (wisely they had an eye on the two eyes of the land) were conveniently chosen, as safely shadowed under a confluence of people. See we here, though the matter of their Discipline might be Jure Divino, human prudence concurred much in the making thereof, as in ordering a National Synod always to run parallel with the Parliament.
• 9. Mention being made of relieving Scottish Ministers, if any ask what northern tempest blew them hither? know, they quitted their own country about this time, upon refusal of conformity, and found benevolence in England a better livelihood, than a Benefice in Scotland.
• 10. The grand design driven on in these Decrees was, to set up a Discipline in a Discipline, Presbytery in Episcopacy; which (as appears in the Preface) they thought might well stand with the peace of the Church: but this peace proved but a truce, this truce but a short one, before both parties brake into irreconcilable hostility.

Thus it is impossible to make a subordination in their practices, who have an opposition in their principles. For, though such spheres, and orbs, which agree in one center, may proportionably move one within another; yet such as are excentricall can never observe equal distance in their motion, but will sagg aside to grind, and grate one the other. But enough hereof at this time, having jetted out a little already into the next year: no offense (we hope) seeing it makes our History more entire in this subject.

3. This year, Robert Dickons a Leicester - shire youth, but it seems, Apprentice at Mansell in Nottingham -shire having parts, and pregnancy above his Age and profession, arrived at such a height of Prophanenesse, as not only to pretend to visions, but account himself Elijah, sent from God to perfect some defects in the Prophesy of Malachi. But by God's blessing on the endeavors of M ^r . Henry Smith, (whom his Uncle M ^r . Briant Cave, this year Sheriff of Leicester -shire employed therein) this Heretic was reclamed, renouncing his Blasphemies, by Subscription under his own hand and for ought I find to the contrary, lived peacably, and painfully, the remainder of his life.

4. This is that Henry Smith, born at Withcock in Leicester -shire, of a worshipful family, (and elder Brother to S ^r . Roger smith still surviving) bred in Oxford, and afterwards became that famous Preacher at S ^t . Clements Danes in London, commonly called the silver-tongu'd- smith, being but one metal, in Price and Purity, beneath S ^t . Chrysostom - himself. Yea, whereas generally the sermons of those days are now grown out of fashion, (such is our Ages Curiosity, and Affectation of Noveltie ) Smiths Sermons keep up their constant Credit, as appears, by their daily Impressions, calculated for all times, places, and persons; so solid, the learned may partly admire; so plain the unlearned may perfectly understand them. The wonder of his worth is increased by the consideration of his tender Age, dying very young about 50. years ago.

5. I find three of such, who seemed Pillars in the Romish Church, deceased this year. First, Richard Bristow, born in Worcester -shire, bred in Oxford in Exeter College, whence he fled beyond the Seas, and by Cardinal Allen was made overseer of the English College, first at Douay, then at Reims. He wrote most in English, humili quidem stilo (faith one of his own Opinion ) but very solidly; for proof whereof, let his Books against D ^r . Fulke be perused. For the recovery of his health, he was advised to return into his native Land, and died quietly near the City of London.

6. The second, Nicholas Harpsfield, bred first in Winchester School, then New College in Oxford, where he proceeded Doctor of Law, and afterward, became Arch-Deacon of Canterbury. Under King Edward the 6 ^th, he banished himself: under Queen Mary he returned, and was advanced: And, under Queen Elizabeth imprisoned for denying Her Supremacy. Yet such was his mild usage in restraint, that he had the opportunity to write much therein; and amongst the rest his Ecclesiastical History, no less learnedly, then painfully peformed; and abating his Partiality to his own Interest, well deserving of all posterity. He wrote also six dialogues, in favor of his Religion; but, (because in durance) he durst not set it forth in his own, but under the Name of Alan Cope. Yet lest truth should be concealed, and friend defraud friend of his due praise, he caused these Capitall Letters to be engraved at the end of his Book.

He died this year at London in prison, after 20. years restraint, leaving behind him the general reputation of a Religious man.

7. The third, Gregory Martin, born at Macfield in Sussex, bred with Campian in St. John's College in Oxford; Tutor to Philip Earl of Arundel, eldest son to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Afterwards he went over beyond Sea, and became Divinity Professor in the College of Reims, died there October 28. and is buried with a large Epitaph, under a plain monument.

8. I shall now withdraw myself, or at leastwise stand by a silent spectator, whilst I make room for far my betters to come forth and speak in the present controversy of Church Government. Call it not Cowardize, but count it Caution in me, if desirous in this difference to lie at a close-guard, and offer as little as may be on either side. Whilst the Reader shall behold the Masters of Defense on both sides engaged therein in these following letters of State. Baronius the great Roman Annalist was wont to say, Epistolaris Historia est optima Historia, that is the best History which is collected out of Letters, How much of the Acts of the Apostles especially for the regulation of time) is contained in the Epistles of S ^t . Paul? Of the Primitive History, the most Authentical part is what is gathered out of the letters of the Fathers, and in like manner the true estate of Ecclesiastical affairs in the days of Queen Elizabeth, may be extracted out of the following despatches, and their returns, exhibiting the inclinations of their Authors in pure Naturalls without any adulterated addition, and therefore the surest for others instruction, and safest for my own protection.

9. But one thing I must clear in our entrance thereon, in excuse that these Letters are Dateless as to the day and month, a great omission which I have seen in many Originalls, whose Authors so minded the matter, that they neglected the time, the present dispatching of them being date enough to their purpose, though now the want thereof leaves Posterity at a loss. A Blew Coat without a Badge, is but a white Coat in effect; as nothing informing the Beholder to what Lord the Bearer thereof doth relate: And as little instructive (will some say) are these Letters as to the point of Chronology. But be it known that no Readers stomach can be so sharp set on Criticalness of Chronology, but that being fed with the certainty of the year, He will not be famished with the uncertainty of the month or day. Indeed as such whose names are casually omitted in the Register, may recover the truth of their age by a Comparative Computation of their years, who were born about the same time; so by the mixture and comparing of these dateless Letters, with those having date, of secular affairs I could Competently have collected, and inserted the time, save that I loath to obtrude anything conjectural on the readers belief. But we must begin with the ensuing Petition as the ground-work of all the rest.

The Lord's of the Council, sent this Petition with another Bill of complaint exhibited unto them against Edmond Freak Bishop of Norwich, unto the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. What his answer was thereunto, the reader may inform himself out of the following letter.

Who this M ^r . Beal was, who brought these letters, is worthy our inquiry. I find his Christian name Robert, his office Clark of the Council, his abilities very great, as may appear by the public negotiations wherein he was employed, for he was joined with S ^r . William Winter Anno 1576 in a Commission to the Zealanders, about their reprisalls: And again Anno 1583 he was sent to the Queen of Scots; Sharply to expostulate with her concerning some querulous letters. Well knew Queen Elizabeth what tools to use on knotty timber, our Author giving M ^r . Beal this Character, that he was Homo vehemens, & austere acerbus, a Eager man, and most austerely bitter. His affections were wholly Presbyterian, and I behold him as one of the best friends (of the second Magnitude ) that party had. What he wanted in authority, he had in activity on their sides. And what influence sometimes the Hands have on the Head (I mean Notaries on the Judges themselves) at Council Board, others may conjecture. He either compiled or countenanced a Book made against the Bishops, and the reader may receive a further confirmation of his Character herein from the following Complaint.

Nor have I ought else to say of this M ^r . Beal, but that afterwards I find one of his name and quality dying 1601, and buried in London at Athallows in the wall, who by all probability should be the same person. Now that the Presbyterian party was not unfriended at the Council Board, but had those there, which either out of Dictates of their conscience, or reasons of State, or reflections on their private interests, endeavored to mitigate the Arch-Bishops proceedings against them. Let their ensuing letter to him be perused.

Amongst these Privy Counselors, I miss one who was mainly material, namel, S ^r . Francis Knowls, treasurer of the Queens Household, and K ⁿ t. of the Garter: Father in law to the Earl of Leicester, and no less considerable in himself then in his relations, this Knight being bred a banished man in Germany during the Reign of Queen Mary, and conversing with M ^r . Calvin at Geneva, was never after fond of Episcopacy, and though now casually absent from the Council Board, was a great Patron of the Nonconformists. But see the Arch-Bishops answer to their letter.

IT may please your good Lordships to be advertized, that I have received your letters of the twentieth of this month, with a Schedule enclosed therein, concerning certain Ministers in Essex, whereunto as yet I cannot make any full answer, by reason of the absence of my Lord of London, to whom the letter is also directed, and the parties therein named best known as being in his Diocese. Nevertheless in the mean time, I thought it my part to signify unto your Lordships that I hope the information to be in most parts unjust. Certain men being in and about Mauldon, because they cannot have such among them as by disorderliness do best content their humors, did not long since in like manner in a generality, make an information to the same effect, which coming to mine, and others hands of the Ecclesiastical commission, we did direct our letters to some of the principal of them by name, requiring them to exhibit unto us at the beginning of this next term, now next ensuring the names of such offencive Ministers, as they thought to be touched with such dishonest conversation, together with their proofs thereof, promising on our parts to see the same redressed accordingly: It seemeth by this which is exhibited now to your Lordships, they have prevented the time, hoping thereby to alter the course; whereunto it tendeth. I leave to your Lordships consideration: surely if the Ministers be such as this Schedule reporteth, they are worthy to be grievously punished. And for my own part, I will not be slack or remiss (Godwilling) therein, But if that fall out otherwise upon trial, and that they, or many of them in respect of their obedience to her Majesty's laws, be thus depraved by such as impugn the same, then I doubt not but your Lordship will judge those amusers to deserve just punishment. This I can assure your Lordships of, that my Lord of London affirmed in my hearing, that not long since upon that occasion that none or few at his, or his Arch-Deacons visitations had at any time by the Churchwardens or sworn men, been detected or presented for any such misdemeanors as are now supposed against them. Of the Preachers, which are said to be put there to silence, I know but few. Notwithstanding I know those few to be very factious in the Church, contempners in sundry points of the Ecclesiastical laws, and chief authors of disquietness in that part of the Country; And such as I for my part cannot (doing my duty with a good conscience) suffer without their further conformity to execute their ministry. But your Lordships God willing shall have a more particular answer to every point of your letter, when my Lord of London (who is now at his house in the Country) and I shall meet and have conferred thereupon. In the mean time I trust, that neither there, nor elsewhere within this province, either by myself or others of my brethren anything is o • shall be done, which doth not tend to the peace of the Church, the working of obedience to laws established, the encouragement of the most, the Godliest, and most learnedst Ministers in this Church of England, and to the Glory of God; To whose protection I commit your good Lordships.

Now although we find S ^r . Christopher Hatton (for companies sake, as we humbly conceive it) amongst the Privy Counselors, subscribbing for moderation to non-conformists, yet we take him to be a zealous Stickler for the pressing Church Ceremony. And although I look on the words of the Jesuit as a mere scandal, when he saith, that this Hatton was Animo Catholicus a Papist in his heart, yet I know him to be no favourer of the Presbyterian party; But a great countenancer of Whitgifts proceedings against them, as appears by the following Address of the Arch-Bishop unto him.

As for the Lord Burleigh, such was his moderation, that both parties beheld him as their friend, carrying matters not with Passion, and prejudice, but prudently as became so great a Statesman. He was neither so rigid as to have conformity pressed to the Height, nor so remiss as to leave Ministers to their own liberty. He would argue the case both in discourse, and by letters, with the Arch-Bishop. Amongst many of the latter kind, let not the Reader grudge to peruse this here inserted.

One may say, is not the hand of M ^r . Travers in all this? Who being the Lord Burghleys Chaplain, by him much respected, and highly affected to the Geneva Discipline, was made the mouth of the Ministers, to mediate to his Lord in their behalf. But it seems the Arch-Bishop had set up his resolution (called constancy, by some, Cruelty, by others, as they stand affected) whose unmoveableness herein will appear by his following Letter.

It seems the Lord Treasurer took exceptions at some passages herein, I dare not say with those, That the Letter was brought to him when he was indisposed with the fit of the Gout, which made him so offended. But whatsoever was the cause of his passion, see some signs thereof in what followeth.

Short but sharp. I see though anger only resteth in the Bosom of Fools, it may light on the Brest of a wise man. But no fear that these friends will finally fall out, who alternately were passionate, and patient. So that now it came to the turn of Whitgift to be calm, as he expressed himself in the following return.

Now amongst all the favorers of the Presbyterians, surely honesty, and wisdom, never met more in any then in S ^r . Francis Walsingham, of whom it may be said (abate for the disproportion) as of S ^t . Paul, though poor yet making many rich. Having but one only Daughter (whole extraordinary handsomnesse, with a moderate portion would considerably prefer her in marriage. He neglected wealth in himself, though I may say, he enriched many (not only his dependants but,) even the English Nation, by his prudent steering of State affairs. How he interceded to qualify the Arch-Bishop, for a Semi-non conformist, we learn from his following Letter.

What this Letter effected, the next will inform us,

Thus have we presented to the Reader some select Letters out of many in my hand, passing betwixt the highest persons in Church matters. I count it a blessing that providence hath preserved such a treasure unplundred, esteem it a favor in such friends as imparted them unto me, and conceive it no ungrateful act in our communicating the same to the Reader. And now we (who hitherto according to good manners have held our peace, while such who were far our betters, by their pens spake one to another) begin to resume our voice, and express ourselves as well as we may in the following History.

10. By the changing of Edmond into John Cantuar. It plainly appears, that as all these letters were written this year, so they were indicted after the sixth of July, (and probably about December ) when BP. Grindal deceased. Our English Eli, for office (highest in spiritual promotion) age (whereby both were blind) and manner of his death, thus far forth as heart-broken with sorrow. Grindals grief proceeded from the Queens displeasure, undeservedly procured by the practices of his malicious enemies. There want not those who will strain the parallel betwixt Eli and Grindal in a fourth respect, both being guilty of dangerous indulgence, and lenity to offenders. Indeed Grindal, living, and dying sole, and single, could not be cockering to his own children; but as a Father of the Church, he is accused for too much conniving at the factious disturbers thereof. Sure I am, he was an impartial correcter of men's vicious conversations: witness his sharp reproving of Julio the Italian Physician, for marrying another man's wife. Which bitter, but wholesome pill, the Physician himself not being able to digest, incensed the Earl of Leicester, and he the Queens Majesty against the good Arch-bishop. But all was put on the account of Grindals non-conformity, for favoring the factious meetings, called Prophesyings. Grindal, sensible of the Queens displeasure, desired to resign his place, and confine himself to a yearly pension: not, as some may pretend, that it was against his conscience to keep it; but because above his impotent age to manage so great a charge. The place was proffered to Whitgift, but he in the presence of the Queen utterly refused it: yet, what he would not snatch, soon after fell into his hands by Grindals death.

11. Who so beholds the large revenues conser'd on Grindal, the long time he enjoyed them (Bishop of London, Arch-Bishop of York, and Canterbury, above eighteen years) the little charge incumbring him, dying a single man, will admire at the mean estate he left behind him. Yea, perchance they will erroneously impute this to his prodigality, which more truly is to be ascribed to his contempt of the world, unwilling to die guilty of much wealth; not to speak of fat Servants made under a lean Master. The little he had, as it was well gotten, was well bestowed, in pious uses on Cambridge, and Oxford, with the building, and endowing of a School at S ^t . Bees in Cumberland, where he was born. Yea, he may be beheld as a benefactor to the English nation, for bringing Tamaríx first over into England. As the inventers of evil things are justly taxed by the Apostle: so the first importers of good things deserve due commendation; That plant being so sovereign to mollify the hardness of the spleen; a malady whereof Students (betrayed thereunto by their sedentarie lives) too generally do complain.

SECTION VI.

ABout four a clock in the afternoon on the Lord's day, a sad accident hap • ned in Paris-gard • n, on the southside of Thames, over against London. Whilest multitudes were beholding the baiting of the bear, the old under-propped Scaffolds overladen with people, suddenly fell down, killed eight outright, hurt, and bruised many moe, to the shortening of their lives. The assertors of the strict observation of the Sabbath, vigorously improve this (as well they may) against them who profane the Lord's-day, which afterwards (the joyful effect of a doleful cause) was generally kept with more carefulness.

2. Robert Brown began at this time to broach his opinions. he was born in Rutland-shire, of an ancient and worshipful family (one whereof founded a fair Hospital in Stamford ) nearly allied to the Lord Treasurer Cicel. He was bred for a time in Cambridge (I conceive in Corpus Christi College) but question, whether ever a Graduate therein. He used some time to preach at Bennet-Church, where the vehemency of his utterance passed for zeal among the Common people, and made the vulgar to admire, the wise to suspect him. D ^r . Still, afterwards Master of Trinity (out of curiosity, or casually present at his preaching) discovered in him something extraordinary, which he presaged would prove the disturbance of the Church, if not seasonaly prevented. Some years after, Brown went over into Zealand, to purchase himself more reputation from foreign parts. For, a smack of travail gives an high taste to strange opinions, making them better relished to the licourish lovers of novelty. Home he return with a full cry against the Church of England, as having so much of Rome, she had nothing of Christ in her discipline.

Norfolk was the first place whereon Brown (new flown home out of the Low-Countries) pearched himself, and therein in the City of Norwich. A place which then spake little more then medietatem linguae, having almost as many dutch strangers, as English natives inhabiting therein. Brown beginning with the Dutch, soon proceeded to infect his own Country-men, for which he was confined, as the following letter of the Lord Treasurer Burghly, to BP. 〈…〉 Phrcke of Norwich will inform us.

Brown being thus brought up to London, by the advice of his friends was wrought to some tolerable compliance, and being discharged by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was by the Lord Treasurer sent home to his father Anthony Brown at Tolethorp in Rutland Esquire. One I assure you of ancient, and right worshipful extraction, having myself seen a charter granted by King Henry the eighth, (the 16 ^th of July, in the 18 ^th . of his reign) and confirmed by act of Parliament, to Francis Brown father to the aforesaid Anthony, giving him leave to put on his cap, in the presence of the King or his heirs, or any Lord Spiritual or Temporal in the land, and not to put it off but for his own ease, and pleasure. But let us see and the Lord Treasurers letter in the behalf of Brown to his father.

But it seems Browns errors were so inlaid in him, no conference with Divines could convince him to the contrary, whose incorrigibleness made his own father weary of his company. Men may wish, God only can work, children to be good. The old gentleman would own him for his Son no longer, then his Son owned the Church of England for his Mother, desiring to rid his hands of him, as by the ensuing letter will appear.

Thus to make our Story of the troublesome man the more entire, we have trespassed on the two following years, yet without discomposing our Chronology on the Margin.

3. With his assistant Richard Harrisen, a petty Pedagogue, they inveighed against Bishops, Ecclesiastical Courts, Ceremonies, Ordination of Ministers, and what not? fancying here on earth a platform of a perfect Church, without any faults (understand it thus, save those that are made by themselves) therein. The Reader, if desirous to know their opinions, is referred to the large, and learned Treatises written against them; particularly to the pains of D ^r . Fulke, proving, that the Brownists (so named from this Brown, their ringleader) were in effect the same with the ancient Donatists, only newly revived. Thus there is a circulation, as in fashion of clothes; so of opinions, the same after some years return: Brownism being no more than Donatism vamped with some new additions. The Queen, and Her Council seriously set themselves, first by gentleness to reduce, and (that not succeeding) by severity to suppress the increase of this faction. Brown himself used to boast, that he had been committed to thirty two prisons, and in some of them be could not see his hand at noon day, Yet for all this he came off at last both with saving his life, and keeping his living (and that none of the meanest, Achurch in Northampton-shire ) until the day of his death.

4. One may justly wonder, when many meaner Accessaries in this schism were arraigned, condemned, executed, how this Brown, the Principal, made so fair an escape, yea, enjoyed such preferment. I will never believe, that he ever formally recanted his opinions, either by word or writing, as to the main of what he maintained. More probable it is, that the promise of his general compliance with the Church of England (so far forth as not to make future disturbance therein) met with the Arch-Bishops courteous acceptance thereof, both which effectually improved by the countenance of Thomas Cecil, Earl of Exeter ( Brown's near kinsman, and patron) procured this extraordinary favor to be indulged unto him. His Parsonage he freely possessed allowing a sufficient salary for one to discharge the cure; and (though against them in his judgment) was contented (and perchance pleased) to take the tithes of his own parish.

5. For my own part (whose nativity Providence placed within a mile of this Brown his pastoral charge) I have, when a youth, often beheld him. He was of an imperious nature, offended, if what he affirmed, but in common discourse, were not instantly received as an oracle. He was then so far from the Sabbatarian strictness, to which some preciser Brownists did afterwards pretend, that both in judgment, and practice, he seemed rather libertine therein. In a word, he had in my time a wife, with whom, for many years he never lived, parted from her on some distaste: and a Church, wherein he never preached, though he received the profits thereof.

6. As for his death in the prison in Northampton, many years after (in the reign of King Charles Anno 1630.) it nothing related to those opinons he did, or his followers do maintain. For as I am credibly informed, being by the Constable of the Parish (who chanced also to be his God-son) somewhat roughly and rudely required the payment of a rate, he happ'ned in passion to strike him. The Constable (not taking it patiently as a castigation from a God-father, but in anger as an affront to his office) complained to S ^r . Rowland S ^r . John, a neighbouring Justice of the peace, and Brown is brought before him. The Knight of himself, was prone rather to pity, and pardon, than punish his passion; but Browns behavior was so stubborn, that he appeared obstinately ambitious of a prison, as desirous (after long absence) to renew his familiarity with his ancient acquaintance. His Mittimus is made, and a cart with a feather-bed provided to carry him, he himself being so infirm (above eighty) to go, too unweldie to ride, and no friend so favorable, as to purchase for him a more comely conveyance. To Northampton jayle he is sent, where, soon after he sickned, died, and was buried in a neighbouring Church-yard: and it is no hurt to wish, that his bad opinions had been interred with him.

7. The Tenants of Brownists daily increasing, their books were prohibited by the Queens authority. Notwithstanding which prohibition, some presumed to disperse the same, and paid dearly for their contempt therein. For, Elias Thacker was hanged on the fourth, and John Coping on the sixth of June, at the same place, St. Edmond's Burie, and for the same offense, the scattering such schismatical pamphlets.

8. John Whitgift succeeding in the Arch-Bishopric, found it much surcharged in the valuation, and impaired in the revenues, through the negligence of his predecessor, who would pay willingly what they asked of him, and take contentedly what any tendered to him. First therefore Whitgift procured an order out of the Exchequer, for the abatement of an hundred pound for him, and his successors in the payment of his firstfruits. Afterwards he encountered no meaner man, than that great Courtier, Soldier, and Privy-Counselor S ^r . James Crosts; or rather he legally contested with the Queen in him, and recovered from both, long Beachwood in Kent (containing above a thousand acres of land) detained from his predecessor under color of a lease from Her Majesty.

9. This year Nicholas Sanders (more truly Slanders ) had in Ireland a woeful end of his wretched life. He was borne in S • rrey, bred first in Winchester, then in New College in Oxford, where he was Kings-Professor of Canon-Law, but afterwards, banishing himself, fled to Rome, there made Priest, and D ^r . of Divinity. He accompanied Cardinal Hosius, to the Council of Trent, and there is said, by disputing, and declaiming to have gained himself great reputation. At last he was sent over. Popes Nuncio into Ireland, conceived then a desperate employment, and therefore many Catholics regreted thereat. Yea, some were overheard to say (but it is Pitzaeus Sander's own sisters son, who reports it) Why does his Holiness send our Sanders into Ireland? We value him more then all Ireland is worth. There amongst the bogs, and mountains was he starved to death, justly famished for want of food, who formerly had surfited on improbable lies, by him first forged on the nativity of Queen Elizabeth.

10. We must not forget, how this year, one John Louis was burnt at Norwich for denying the Godhead of Christ, and holding other detestable heresies. He called himself Abdeit (let him tell you what he meant thereby) alluding therein to the promise of a new name, which no man knoweth but him that receiveth it, having in it a little mock-Hebrew, to make himself the more remarkable.

11. Now, so great was the malice of the Jesuits against Her Majesty, that at this time they set forth many slanderous libels, stirring up Her Subjects, and Servants to do the same to Her, as Judith did to Holofernes. One of their principal pamphlets was intitled, A Treatise of Schism. The suspicion of making it, fell on Gregory Martin, one probable enough for such a prank (as being Divinity Professor in Reims ) did not his Epitaph there ensure me, he was dead and buried, two years before. Though it is possible, his posthume work might be born abroad, after the death of the author thereof. But, whoever made it, William Carter, the Stationer, paid dearly for publishing it, being executed at Tiburn. And in the next month five Seminaries, John Fen, George Haddock, John Munden, John Nutter, and Thomas Hemmerford, were hanged, bowelled, and quartered for treason, at Tiburn; and many others about the same time, executed in other places.

12. Yet, even in the midst of this necessary severity, Her Majesty was most merciful unto many Popish malefactors, whose lives stood forfeited to the Laws, in the rigor thereof. For, no fewer then seventy Priests (some of them actually condemned to die, all legally deserving death) were, by one act of Grace, pardoned, and sent over beyond sea. Amongst these were

• 1. Gaspar Heywood, son to that eminent Epigrammatist, the first Jesuit that ever set foot in England.
• 2. James Bosgrave.
• 3. John Hart, a learned man, zealous to dispute, not dangerous to practice for his religion.
• 4. Edward Rishton, ungrateful wretch, who afterwards railed in print on the Queen, who gave him his life.

Her Majesty's mercy herein was the more remarkable, because done at a time, when treasons against her person (by Arden Summerfield, Throgmorton &c.) did follow, or rather, tread one on another. If hereafter the edge of justice fall sharper on Jesuits, let them thank their own treachery, which whetted it against themselves.

13. This year two conferences or disputations were kept, (the last at Lambeth ) about the Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church.

• 1. Whitgift, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. Sandys of York, and Cooper of Winchester for the same.
• 2. Unconforming Ministers (whose names I cannot certainly attain) against it.
• 3. The Lord's of Her Majesty's Privy Council, and some other persons of Honor Auditors thereof.

This Conference effected nothing on the disputants (as to the altering of their opinions) little on the Auditors, but as much on all as any judicious person ever expected. What Elijah said passionately, I am no better then my Fathers, may be soberly said of this conference. It was no happier then any of its Ancestors, which went before it. Let me add also, and no unhappier than its successors that shall come after it. It being observed, that meetings of this nature before or after this time, never produced any great matter on persons present thereat: who generally carry away the same judgment they brought with them. And yet the Lord's were pleased to say their judgments were satisfied in the point on the Bishops behalf, not conceving their adversaries arguments so slight and trivial, as now they appeared. This was in some of them but a Court-Complement, who afterwards secretly acted against the Arch-Bishop, in favor of the other party.

14. Whitgift finding this first way unsuccessfull, fell from other reasoning to a flat argument from Authority, enjoining all admitted to the Ecclesiastical Orders, and Benefices, the subscription of the following Articles.

The severe enforcing of subscription hereunto, what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church, shall hereafter by God's assistance be made to appear, leaving others to judge whether the offense was given, or taken thereby.

15. Now came forth the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament. A Translation which needeth to be translated, neither good Greek, Latin, or English, as everywhere bespeckled with hard words (pretended not renderable in English without abatement of some expressiveness) which transcend common capacities. Besides, it is taxed by our Divines as guilty of abominable errors therein. It was printed in large paper, with a fair letter and margent, all which I have charity enough to impute to their desire to do it, for the more dignity of God's word; whilst others interpret it, that thereby purposely they inhaunced the price, to put it past the power of poor men's purses to purchase it. Another accident raised the dearness thereof, because so many books being seized on by the Queens Searchers, the whole price of the Edition fell the more heavy on the remainder. But, suppose a poor Lay-Catholic so rich through his industry, as secretly to purchase one of these Rhemish Testaments, he durst not avouch the reading thereof, without the permission of his Superiors licensing him thereunto.

16. Secretary Walsingham, by his letters solicited M ^r . Thomas Cartwright, to undertake the refuting of this Rhemish Translation: and the better to enable him for the work, sent him an-hundred pounds out of his own purse. A bountiful gift for one, who was though a great Statesman, a man of small estate, contracting honorable poverty on himself, by his expense on the public, as dying not so engaged to his private creditors, as the whole Church, and State was indebted to his endeavors. Walsingham his letters to Cartwright were seconded by another from the Doctors, and Heads of Houses (and D ^r , Fulke amongst the rest) at Cambridge, besides the importunity of the ministers of London, and Suffolk, soliciting him to the same purpose, Hereupon Cartwright buckled himself to the employment, and was very forward in the pursuance thereof.

17. No sooner had Whitgift gotten notice, what Cartwright was a writing, but presently he prohibited his farther proceeding therein. It seems, Walsingham was Secretary of State, not of Religion, wherein the Arch-Bishop overpowered him. Many commended his care, not to intrust the defense of the Doctrine of England, to a pen so disaffected to the Discipline thereof. Others blamed his jealousy, to deprive the Church of so learned pains of him, whose judgment would so solidly, and affections so zealously confute the public adversary. Distastfull passages (shooting at Rome, but glancing at Canterbury ) if any such were found in his book, might be expunged, whilst it was pity so good fruit should be blasted in the bud, for some bad leaves about it. Dishartened hereat, Cartwright desisted; but some years after, encouraged by a Honorable Lord, resumed the work; but prevented by death, perfected no further then the fifteenth chapter of the Revelation. Many years lay this worthy work neglected, and the copy thereof mouse-eaten in part, whence the Printer excused some defects therein in his edition; which though late, yet at last came forth Anno 1618. A book, which notwithstanding the foresaid defects, is so complete, that the Rhemists durst never return the least answer thereunto.

18. Mean time whilst Cartwright his refutation of the Rhemish was thus retarded, D ^r . William Fulke, Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, entered the list against them, judiciously, and learnedly, performing his undertaking therein. His daughter, and (as I take it) the only surviver of his children, lately set forth, the fourth and fairest edition of this his Confutation, and dedicated it to King Charles.

19. The Rhemists profess, in their preface to the New Testament, that the Old Testament also lieth by them for lack of good means to publish the whole in such sort, as a work of so great charge and importance requireth; which seemeth strange to a judicious consideration. For, had a voluminous legend of Saints-lives (with pictures as costly as superstitious) been to be set forth, a mass, a mint, a mine of money could easily be advanced to defray the expenses thereof. Thus Papists can be poor, or rich, as they please themselves. Some behold this their promise, to set forth the Old Testament, as not really intended, but given out to raise men's expectations, which in process of time would fall of itself, and the profer by degrees be forgotten. Others interpret their resolutions real, but purposely revoked, seeing the ill success of their New testament, so canvassed, and confuted by the Protestant Divines. Perceiving that their small pinace, which they first set forth, met at sea with such boisterous weather, wisely they would not adventure a greater vessel after it: but rather left it to rot on the dock, than they would launch it forth in such danger. A third sort behold this their promise, as a modest, and mannerly, ( aliàs ) a crafty, and cunning begging of a contribution of the Catholic party, for setting forth of the same, which never as yet came into public view. Yea, the Old Testament some said would be old indeed, before the translation thereof in English were by them set forth: insomuch that some conceived, a lease of land, till this their promise be performed almost as good as the fee-simple thereof.

20. But now though men were so generally confident, that these long expected Rhemish notes on the Old Testament, would not come forth till the Greek Calends, they have since found themselves deceived, seeing some twenty years after, that long-looked for work crept forth into the World, little notice being taken thereof by the Protestants. Partly, because no great eminency therein to entitle it to their perusal; Partly, because that moity of the Bible is of least concernment in the controversies betwixt us, and the Church of Rome.

21. I find not this year the death of any eminent English Protestant-Divine. Amongst the Papists, George Etheredge departed this life, much lamented by those of his own persuasion. He was Bachelor of Physic in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford, and Kings-professor of Greek in that University, which place he quitted at the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, and betook himself there to a private life. His house was an Hospital to relieve those of his own Religion, on whom he expended his estate. He was one of the primitive Catholics (saith my author) persecuted for his conscience. As he started soon, he ran long in the race of patience, used to all the jayles in Oxford, and London, for thirty years together. In so much that he professed, that the variety of prisons was some pleasure, and the custom of durance had made fetters to be freedom unto him.

22. This year came forth the exposition of M ^r . Thomas Rogers, on the Articles of the Church of England; which at first met not with that welcome entertainment, which seemed due to his endeavors. For, besides the two extremes, Papists, and Schismatics, highly enraged, many Protestants of a middle temper were much offended thereat. Some conceived it presumption for any private Minister, to make himself the mouth of the Church, to render her sense in matters of so high concernment. Others were offended, that his interpretation confined the charitable latitude, formerly allowed in those Articles. The composers whereof, providently foreseeing, that doctrinal differences would inevitably arise, in so large a Church as England was, even betwixt Protestants agreeing in fundamentals of Religion, purposely couched the Articles in general terms (not that falsehood should take shelter under the covert thereof, but) to include all such dissenters within the comprehensiveness of the expressions. Whereas now M ^r . Rogers his restrictive Comment, shut out such from their concurrence with the Church of England, which the discreet laxity of the Text admitted thereunto. However the worth of the work, in some years wrought it self into good esteem, as dedicated to, and countenanced by the Arch-Bishop, though the author thereof never got any higher preferment.

23. Three great Societies at this time in London were busily employed, the two former of them avouched by Law, and the third avouching it self, namely.

The Parliament.	The Convocation.	The assembly of Ministers
Begun and holden at Westminster, the twenty third day of November last, and there continued till the twenty ninth of March following, wherein the Statute against Jesuits, and Priests their departing out, and not coming into the Realm, was made, with penalty for the relieving them.	Kept in S t . Paul's in London, beginning with a most learned Latin sermon preached by John Copcot, D r . of Divinity (afterwards Master of Bennet College in Cambridge ) taking for his text 1 Tim. 6. 13. Praecipiotihi coram Deo. &c. Hence the Convocation was removed to the Collegiate Church of S t . Peters in Westminster, where D r . Goodman, Dean thereof, made a solemn protestation with his fellow Prebends, that the said meeting ought not to be prejudicial to the privileges of his Church, his Protestation was accepted, and assurance given that the said Convocation met not there in any manner to infringe their Immunities, but only for the maturation of business with the more expedition through the conveniency of the place. William Redman, D r . of Divinity, Arch-Deacon of Canterbury was chosen and presented Prolocutor.	The certain place of their convening not known, being clandestine, Arbitrary and changeable, as advised by their conveniences; they are better discovered by their moving then by their meeting, and their practices more conspicuous then their places. Some Agent for them were all day at the door of the Parliament house, and some part of the night in the Chambers of Parliament men, effectually soliciting their business with them.

24. Wonder not if Arch-Bishop Whitgift repaired seldom to, and resided but a short time in the Convocation, having other work to do in the Parliament, where what impression was made by the Agents of the Ministers, will appear by his ensuing Letter to her Majesty.

Thus, the old year (on the last day whereof this Letter was dated) ended sadly, and suspiciously, with the Prelates; but the next year began Cheerfully, and presented good tidings unto them.

25. For, the Queen, to verify her Motto, SEMPER EADEM, and to disprove that Inconstancy generally charged on her sex, acquitted Her self more then Woman in Her masculine resolutions: and nothing of moment was altered in Church discipline. Many things indeed were offered to both houses, debated, agitated, and (as it seems) passed the Commons; but nothing in fine was effected. Thus the Major may propound what it pleaseth, and the Minor assume what it listeth, but no conclusive argument could then be framed, without the Ergo of the royal Assent, which the Queen refused to affix to any material Alteration.

26. And few days after the session of the Parliament for the present broke off, wherewith ended the assenbly of the Ministers. And now all of them had leave to depart to their own homes: Otherwise such members thereof, as formerly went away without leave, were obnoxious to censure. Witness one of them in his Ingenious confession. Touching my departure from that holy assembly without leave &c. I crave pardon both of you and them &c: And thus commending this holy Cause to the Lord himself, and your Godly Council to the President thereof, I take my leave.

27. The next day the Convocation ended, having effected nothing of moment, save that in the 9 ^t h. session thereof, John Hilton Priest, made a solemn Abjuration of his blasphemous heresies, according to the tenor ensuing.

Here he distinctly read a Schedule containing his heresies, (which what they were may be collected by that which ensueth) and then proceeded as followeth.

28. Upon this his Abjuration, Penance was imposed on him, first that he should attend at Paul's Cross upon the Preacher, Sunday next all the time of the Sermon, and there penitently stand before the said Preacher, with a faggot on his shoulders. Secondly, that he should not preach, minister Sacraments, nor exercise any Ecclesiastical function in the Church, except specially licensed by the Arch-Bishop thereunto. Thirdly, that he should recant the said heresies, and damnable opinions, in the Church of S ^t . Martius in the fields, at a sermon there to be made by the Arch-Deacon, and there to show himself very penitent. I find in the Records a recognizance of five hundred pounds drawn up to the Queen, whereby the said Hilton bound himself for the performance hereof; but because the rude draught of the bond is crossed, I conceive it not insisted on, and (finding nothing to the contrary) presume the aforesaid penance by him exactly performed.

29. The Ministers or Brethren now missing their mark, abated much of their former activity, in so much as that M ^r . Cartwright, (whom I conjecture the President mentioned in the last assembly) began to make by the mediation of the Earl of Leicester, (who now designed him master of his newbuilt hospital in Warwick ) compliance with Whitgift, though the wary Arch-Bishop, not over-fond of his friendship, kept him at distance, as these two Letters here inserted will sufficiently inform us.

30. Seminaries and Priests to the number of thirty two, late prisoners in the Tower, Marshalsy, Kings-Bench, and other places, were pardoned, enlarged, and transported over into Normandy, though occasionally they were forced to land at Bulloigne.

31. The Earl of Leicester, who hitherto had done but little good in England, went now over to do less in the Low-Countries, commanding a great Army and Name, with the illustrious Title of General of the Auxiliaries of the Queen of England; he was not so much pleased with his place there, but that some of his Back-friends were as much delighted with his room here. Mean time the Ministers lost the best stake in their hedge, in his Absence their Patron Paramount: For though by Letters he might solicit their Cause, yet the greatest strength is not so extensive, but to have the virtue thereof abated at such a distance; And afterwards it fared worse with the Ministers, when Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was sworn of the Privy Council, (an honor which his Predecessour Grindall never obtained, yea never desired) by the Procurement, (as it is believed) of the Lord Burghley.

32. Now for the present, I will trouble the Reader no longer with these brawls about discipline, only one story must not be omitted: Though it be fathered • ather on public report, then fixed on any particular Author in those days avowing the same. Some complained against the Liturgy to the Lord Burleigh, of whom he demanded, whether they desired the taking away thereof. They answered, No. But only the amendment of wh •• was offensive therein. He required them to make a better, such as they would have s • tled in the stead thereof. Whereupon.

• The first Classis framed a new one, Somewhat according to the form of Geneva.
• The second Classis disliking it, altered it in six hundred particulars.
• The third, quarrelled at these alterations, and resolved on a new Model.
• The fourth Classis dissented from the former.

Thus because they could not agree amongst themselves, That wise States-man put them off for the present, until they should present him a pattern with a perfect consent.

33. Three Protestant Bishops this year exchanged this life for another. The first was Richard Curteys (sometimes fellow of S ^t . Johns in Cambridge ) Bishop of Chichester. The second, Nicholas Robinson Bishop of Bang • r, and John Scory Bishop of Hereford. Of the two former we have not enough to furnish out their Character. Of the later too much, (if all be true) which I find charged upon him. Sure I am he began very well, being an Exile and Confessor in the days of Queen Mary, but is accused afterwards to be so guilty of Oppressions, Extortions, and Symonies, that a Bill was put up against him in the Starr-Chamber, containing matter enough not only to disgrace, but degrade him if prosecuted. But he bought out his innocence with his money. Here know, that our Author (though a person of wit and worship ) deriveth his intelligence from a French writer disaffected in religion, and therefore not to be believed in full latitude. When calling him Scoria or Drosse, in allusion to his name: but as all is not Gold that Glisters, all is not Drosss, reputed so by our Popish Adversaries.

34. The same year also John Fecknam late Abbot of Westminster ended his life, whereon we must enlarge ourselves, if not for His, for History sake. Seeing he was a land-mark therein. His personal experience being a Chronicle: who like the Axiltree stood firm, and fixed in his own judgment: whilst the times like the Wheels turned backwards and forwards round about him. He was born in Worcestershire, in the Forest of Fecknam (whence he fetched his name.) Bred, a Benedict • ne Monk in the Abbey of Evesham, where he subscribed with the rest of his Order, to the resignation of that house, into the hands of King Henry the eighth. Afterwards he studied in Oxford, then applied himself first to Bell Bishop of Worcester, and after his death to Bonner of London, where he crossed the Proverb, like Master, like Man, the Patron being Cruel, the Chaplain Kind to such who in Judgment dissented from him, he never dissembled his religion, being a zealous Papist, and under King Edward the sixth suffered much for his Conscience.

35. In the Reign of Queen Mary, he was wholly employed in doing good offices for the afflicted Protestants, from the highest to the lowest. The Earl of Bedford, and (who afterwards were) of Warwick and Leicester, tasted of his kindness: so did S ^r John Cheek, yea and the Lady Elizabeth herself; So interposing his interest with Queen Mary for her enlargement, that he incurred her Graces displeasure. Hence it is that Papists complain, that in the reign of Queen Elizabeth he reaped not a Cropp of Courtesie proportionable to his large seed thereof in the days of Queen Mary.

36. Queen Mary afterwards preferred him from being Dean of Paul's, to be Abbot of Westminster, which Church she erected and endowed for Benedictine Monks, of which order fourteen only could be found in England, then extant since their dissolution, which were unmarried, unpreferred to Cures, and unaltered in their opinions. These also were brought in with some difficulty at first and opposition, for the Prebendaries of Westminster, legally settled in their places would not resign them, till Cardinal Poole partly by compulsion, partly by compensation obtained their removal.

37. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, sent for Abbot Fecknam to come to her, whom the messenger found setting of Elmes in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey. But he would not follow the messenger till first he had finished his Plantation, which his friends impute to his soul employed in mystical meditations, that as the Trees he there set should spring and sprout many years after his decease; So his new Plantation of Benedictine Monks in Westminster should take root and flourish, in defiance of all opposition: which is but a bold conjecture of others at his thoughts. Sure I am those Monks long since are extirpated, but how his Trees thrive at this day is to me unknown. Coming afterwards to the Queen, what discourse passed betwixt them, they themselves knew alone, some have confidently guessed she proffered him the Arch-Bishopric of Canterbury on condition he would conform to her laws, which he utterly refused.

38. In the Treaty between the Protestants and Papists primo Elizabethae, he was present, but in what capacity I cannot satisfy myself. Surely more then a Disputant. (amongst whom he was not named) Yet not so much as a Moderator. And yet his judgment, perchance because Abbot and so, principal man in that place, was asked with respect, and heard with reverence. His Moderation being much commended. Now although he was often confined sometimes to the Tower, sometimes to friends houses (and died it seems at last in restraint in Wisbeeich Castle ) Yet generally be found fair usage from the Protestants. He built a Conduit in Holborn, and a Cross in Wisbeeich, and relieved the poor wheresoever he came. So that Flies flock not thicker about spilo honey, then beggars constantly crowded about him.

39. Abbot Fecknam thus being dead, the English Benedictines beyond the seas began to bestirr themselves, (as they were concerned) about the continuation of their Order: we know some maintain, that if any one species or kind of Creatures be utterly extinct, the whole Univers by Sympathy therewith, and consciousness of its own imperfection, will be dissolved. And the Catholics suspected what a sad consequence there would be, if this Ancient Order of English Black Monks should suffer a total and final defection. The best was Vnus homo Nobis, there was one, and but one, Monk left, namely Father Sigebert Buckley: and therefore before his death, provision was made for others to succeed him, and they (for fear of failing) disposed in several Countries in manner following.

In Rome.	In Valladolit in Spain.
1. Father Gregory Sayer. 2. Father Thomas Preston. 3. Father Anselm of Manchester. 4. Father Anthony Martin commonly called Athanasius.	1. Father Augustine S t . John. 2. Father John Mervin. 3. Father Mark Lambert. 4. Father Maurice Scot. 5. Father George Gervis.

From these nine new Benedictines the whole Order (which hung formerly on a single string) was then replenished to a competent, and since to a plentiful number.

40. Hitherto our English Papists affectionately leaned (not to say fondly do •• d) on the Queen of Scots, promising themselves great matters from her, towards the advancing of their Religon. But now they began to fall off in their 〈◊〉 partly because beholding her a confined person, (unable to free herself, and more unlikely to help others) partly because all Catholics come off with loss of life, which practiced her enlargement. As for her Son, the King of Scots, from whom they expected a settlement of Popery in that land, their hopes were lately turned into despairs, who had his education on contrary principles.

41. Whereupon hereafter they diverted their eyes from the North to the West, expecting (contrary to the course of nature) that their Sun should rise therein, in magnifying the might of the King of Spain, and his zeal to propagate the Roman Catholic faith. And this was the practice of all Je • uites to possess their English proselytes with high opinions of the Spanish power, as the Nation designed by Divine providence, to work the restitution of their Religion in England.

42. In order hereunto, and to hearten their Countrymen, some (for it appears the result of several persons employed in the designing and effecting thereof) drew up a Title of the King of Spain's, to the English Crown, are much admired by their own party, as slighted by the Queen and her Loyall Subjects, for being full of falsehoods and forgeries. Indeed it is easy for any indifferent Herald, so to derive a pedigree, as in some seeming probability to entitle any Prince in Christendom to any Principality in Christendom, but such will shrink on serious examination. Yea, I believe Queen Elizabeth might pretend a better Title to the Kingdoms of Leon and Castile in Spain (as descended by the house of York, from Edmond Earl of Cambridge and his Lady Coheir to King Peter ) then any Claime that the King of Spain could make out to the Kingdom of England. However much mischief was done hereby, many Papists paying their good wishes, where they were not due, and defrauding the Queen, (their true creditor ) of the allegiance belonging unto her.

43. Now did the Queen summon a Parliament: wherein her Majesty appeared not in person. But passed over the presidentship of that her great Council, unto John Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, William Cecil Lord treasurer, and to the Earl of Darby. A thing done without precedent, when the King at home and in health. But the pleasure of so powerful a Princess might create a leading case in things of this nature.

44. Wonder not if the Nonconformists were very quiet in this Parliament. Beholding the Arch-Bishop their great adversary in so great power and place. However their activity in the next, will make their party amends for their stillness in this Session.

45. This year ended the doleful life of a distressed Lady, Mary Queen of Scots, whose Trial and Death belongeth to the State Historian: She was aged forty six years, passing the last twenty in Imprisonment, One of a sharp Wit; undaunted Spirit; comely person, beautiful Face, Majestick, presence, one Reason why Queen Elizabeth declined (what the other so much desired ) a personal conference with Her, as unwilling to be either out-shone or even-shone in her own Hemispheare. For her morals, the belief of moderate men embraceth as middle Courts betwixt Buchanan aspersing, and Causinus his Hyperbolical Commending her, because zealous in his own Religion.

46. She was an excellent Poet, both Latin and English, of the former I have read a distick made, and written by her own hand on a Pane of Glass at Buxton well.

And at Fotheringhay-Castle I have read written by Her in a window, with a pointed Diamond.

But her Adversaries conceive; had she not been laid there, the happiness of England had been prostrated in the same place. She was buried in the Choir of Peterborough, and Doctor Wickham Bishop of Lincoln preached her funeral sermon; causelessly carped at by the Martin Mar-Prelate, as too favorable concerning her final condition, though he uttered nothing inconsistent with Charity and Christian discretion.

47. Some twenty years after, King James caused her Corps to be solemnly removed from Peterborough to Westminster, where in the south-side of the Chapel of King Henry the seventh, he erected a stately monument to her memory, and thereon this Epitaph, wherein such cannot but commend the Piety of her Son, who will not believe all the praises of his Mother.

Besides this, there is a long inscription in verses, one distich whereof I remember, because it is the same in effect with what was made of Maud the Empress.

So that it is no disgrace for a Queen to wear part of an Epitaph at the second hand, with some little alteration.

48. About this time it was, that some Privy Counselors endeavored to persuade Queen Elizabeth, to raise and foment a difference betwixt the Pope and King of Spain, and to assist the former (not as Pope, but temporal Prince ) by her shipping to regain Naples, detained from him by the Spanish King. They alleged the design advantageous, to work a diversion of Spanish forces, and prevent an invasion of her own Land.

49. But her Majesty would not listen to the motion to entertain Compliance in any capacity, on any Conditions with the Pope: as dishonorable in herself, distasteful to the Protestant Princes; nor would she touch Pitch in jest, for fear of being defiled in earnest, but crushed the design in the birth thereof.

50. A first onset was now made by the Nonconformists against the Hierarchy, though the more they opposed it, the more the Queen did Countenance their persons and preserve their power: In so much that she would not in Lent feed on any fish, (as forbidden by the Canons of the Church ) until she had first attained a solemn Licence from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and every year of her life renewed the same.

51. The power of the high Commission began now to extend far, and penalties to fall heavy on offenders. Whereupon the favorers of the Nonconformists, much opposed it in their printed books, some questioning the Court as not warranted by Law, others taxing their proceedings, as exceeding their Commission: but hear their Arguments on both sides.

Against the High Commission. It is pretended founded on the Statute, primo Elizabethae, wherein the Parliament impowered the Queen by her Letters patents to appoint Commissioners to punish Offendors in Ecclesiastical Causes. But no mention therein of Temporal penalties, and therefore the Commissioners are to confine themselves to Church Censures, by Excommunicating &c. illegally inflicting any other punishments. Such Commissioners proceeding against Offender, by Attachment, Fine, or Imprisonment, are contrary to the express words of Carta Magna, providing that no free man shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his free hold and liberty, and but by the lawful judgment of his Peers, or of the Law of the Land. Their whole Commission is void in Law; because it beareth date in July, but was not signed till November next after, contrary to the Statute, which enjoineth, that Letters patents should be dated the day of their delivery into Chancery, or else they shall be void.

For the High Commission. The words in the Statute run thus; they shall have full power and authority by virtue of this Act, and of the Letters patents under your Highness, your Heirs, and successors, to Exercise, Use, execute all the promises according to the Tenor and effect of the said Letters patents, any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Now their Letters patents enable them to Attach, Fine, or Imprison, &c. in doing whereof they are sufficiently impowered by the Commission. When Carta Magna was made, Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, though it was, de jure, it was not de facto, in the King. Whereby it plainly appears, that those words related not to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, but only to Crimes belonging to the Common Law. But since the Parliament hath declared Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Queen, the Ecclesiastical persons might impose such penalties even to the Condemning of Heretics, though never tried by a Jury. It appeareth by the Preamble of that Statute, that the words cannot be stretched to Letters patents of that nature, but belong only to such; to private persons, wherein Grantees are unjustly expelled out of their right, by color of Letters patents bearing an elder date.

But the most general exception against the High Commission was this; that proceeding, ex officio mero, by way of enquiry against such whom they pleased to suspect, they tendered unto them an Oath, which was conceived unjust, that in Cases Criminal, a party should be forced to discover what might be penal to himself. The Lawfulness of which Oath was learnedly canvassed with Arguments on both sides.

Against the Oath ex Officio. The Common Laws have ever rejected and impugned it, never put in Ure by any civil Magistrate in the Land, but as it is corruptly crept in amongst other abuses by the sinister practices and pretences, of the Romish Prelates and Clergimen. And where loss of Life, Liberty, or good Name, may ensue the Common Law hath forbidden such Oath. It is contrary to the Fundamental Law of Liberty. Nemo tenetur seipsum prodere. It appeareth by the Lord Dyer's Book, that one Hynde called before the Commissioners Ecclesiastical for Usury, refused to swear, whereupon he was committed. But upon an Information in the Common pleas, he had a Corpus cum causa, to remove him, so (as it seemeth) the Judges were then of Opinion, that the Commissioners could not give him such an Oath. Though such proceedings ex officio were practiced by the Popish Prelates, against the Saints and Servants of God; Yet it was never used by Protestants in their Ecclesiastical Censures. The Justice of the Land detesteth that the Judge should himself be an Accuser. (For by Law no man may be Accuser, and Witness; Inditer and Jurer; therefore much less Judge & Accuser ) which notwithstanding he is, that tendereth the Oath ex Officio. Even the Heathen Romans were so, Christian, that by ancient custom no Vestal Virgin or Flamen of Jupiter was restrained to swear, whereof Plutarch rendereth three Reasons. First, because an Oath is a kind of torture to a free man. Secondly, it is absurd in smaller matters, not to credit their words, who in higher matters touching God are believed. Thirdly, an Oath in case they were forsworn, draweth a curse on them, a detestable Omination towards the Priests of God. And why may not as much be allowed to the true Ministers of the Gospel. The Scripture which ought to be the Rule of our Actions, affords neither precepts nor precedent, of such proceedings, where Witnesses were produced, and the Accusers brought face to face. William Tindal a worthy Martyr in his Comment on the fifth of Matthew saith plainly, that a Judge ought not to compel a man to swear against himself. No Protestant Church beyond the Seas hath made use of such tyrannical proceedings.

For the Oath ex Officio. It is true. To give this Oath to the Defendent in Causes of Life and Death, is contrary to the Justice of the Land. But where Life or Limbe is not concerned, it is usually tendered in Chancery, Court of Requests, Council of Marches, and Council in the North, yea in other Courts of Record at Westminster; where the Judges (time out of mind) by Corporal Oath did examine any person whom (in discretion ) they suspected to have dealt lewdly, about any Writ, Return, entry of Rule, pleading, or any such like Matter, (not being Capital. ) It is granted. But with all Proditus per deruntiationem, Famam, &c. tenetur seipsum offender. Some faults are simply secret, no way bruited or published abroad, in which cases the person guilty is not bound to make Confession thereof, though urged on his Oath to any Officer Civil or Ecclesiastical. But if once discovery be made by Presentment Denunciation, Fame &c. according to Law, then is not the fault merely secret, but revealed (in some sort) to the Magistrate, or abroad, who for avoiding Scandal to Christian Religion, and Reformation of the Party, may thus inquire of the Offence, to see it redressed and punished. There is no such report in the Lord Dyer, all that is extant is only this Marginal Note, upon Skroggs his case in Michaelmas Terme, 18. of Elizabeth; Simile M. 18. fol. per Hynde qui noluit jurare coram justiciariis Ecclesiasticis, super Articulos pro usura. Which seems added by some unskillful person, it being improbable so learned a Judge, would have termed the Commissioners Justiciarios Ecclesiasticos. Besides, this cause of Hynde can nowhere else be found. Certain Commissioners (whereof some Bishops, some privy Counselors, some Civilians, and some Judges; and Common Lawyers ) in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth, charged BP. Bonner with a corporal Oath, ex Officio, to answer to questions ministered unto him; and for resusal he was pronounced contumacious; The like Oath in matter criminal and Penal was tendered to Stephen Gardener, at appeareth by the sentence of his deprivation of the Bishopric of Winchester. The Laws Civil and Ecclesiastical, hold not the Judge proceeding of office to be an Accuser; but that whereupon the Enquiry is grounded to represent the Accusation. By the granting of this peculiar privilege to these Persons, it plainly appeareth, that all others might by Magistrates be put to their Oaths. Besides, such were superstitiously free'd from swearing absolutely, (and not only in matters criminal, here controverted) an unreasonable Immunity, which none will challenge to themselves. It is not necessary that a positive or affirmative warrant, be cited out of Scripture, for all our practices: sufficeth it that may be done, which is not contrary to God's word, and conformable to the politick laws of the Land. Yet have we some footsteps of inquiry in the Judaical Law. When one was found secretly murdered in the Field, and the Murderer neither known nor suspected; the Elders of the next City (of whose guil • iness there was no detestation nor cause of presumption, save only the Vicinage and nearness of the place) were solemnly and secretly to swear before the Priest, conceptis Verbis, that their hands had not shed this Blood &c. if this was equal in matters Capital, how can it be challenged for Tyrannical, in matters Criminal? Allowing all due respect to Tindals memory, his Judgment much failed him in matters of Oaths; For in the following words, he taketh away all necessary Oaths (and leaveth none but voluntary ) which no wise man will defend. Even Geneva itself doth sometimes proceed by Oaths, ex Officio, against such suspected Offenders, as in the two following cases will appear.

There was one Cumperel of Geneva ordained Minister for a Parish in that Territory, called Drallian, who had a secret design under hand to place himself in the State of Berne, which in him was esteemed a heinous fault. The Consistory coming at some notice hereof, ministered unto him an Oath of Mere Office to answer to several Questions. But because Cumperel answeswered not directly to those Interrogatories (two whereof concerned the very Cogitations of his heart) and because there were Vehementia Judicia, great presumption in the Common fame, the Consistory Z pronounced that they had just cause to depose him from his Ministry.

52. There was a wealthy widow living in Geneva called Balthaser, in whose house there was a Dancing held, which is a grievous crime in that Church, and condemned by their last form of Discipline. Amongst these dancers one was a Syndick (one of the four chief Magistrates of the City ) the other an Elder ( Henrith by name ) of the Church for that year. The matter coming to Calvin's ear, they were all convented before the Consistory without any Accuser or Party, and therefore of Mere Office put to their Corporal Oaths to confess the Truth. The Elder pleaded for himself the words of S. Paul, receive not an Accusation against an Elder under two or three Witnesses; which would nothing bestead him, so that he was deposed from his Eldership, and the Syndick from his Magistracy, until he should show some public Testimony of his Repentance.

53. But enough of this unwelcome subject, only I must add that some there were, not offended with the Oath itself, which took exceptions at the Injurious manner of offering it. They complained (how justly God knows) of some created-fames on no grounds, and pretended suspicions of Crimes against those persons to whom they bare ill affection, and then tendered this Oath (the Picklock of Conscience ) unto them, merely to find matter to ensnare them.

54. Secondly, they complained, that to discover their Complices (in their disciplinary Assemblies, ) Children were on their Oaths interrogated against their own Fathers, contrary to the Rule in Civil Law, Filius non torquetur in caput Patris, a Child ought not to be tortured in point of peril to his Fathers life. And although these Accusations were not Capital, yet because their Parents Credit was so deeply concerned therein, such proceedings had a strong tongue of Tyranny.

55. Thirdly, the party to whom the Oath was given, might not before hand be acquainted (a favor usually afforded in the Star Chamber ) with the particulars whereon they were to be examined. And if by the Rule of Solomon, He that answereth a matter before he heareth it, it is shame and folly unto him: much more is it indiscreet, to swear to answer a matter, before a man hear it.

56. Fourthly, they complained this Oath ex Officio (like what is said of black Witches ) had only power to do mischief, not to heal and help any. For none were cleared by the taking thereof, if denying what was charged upon them: but the Judges Ecclesiastical oft times proceeded to a further inquiry by examination of Witnesses, on the points denied by the Parties.

57. The Nonconformists who refused to take this Oath, may be ranked into four forms. First, such as would answer neither, yea, nor nay, what they would resolve to do concerning the Oath; but returned, if our faults be hidden, tarry til the Lord Come, and make the counsels of our hearts manifest. But if they be manifest, let our Accuser, and the Witnesses come forth before us.

58. A Second sort refused not the Oath in a Cause Criminal, but did it with this limitation and Protestation, that they intended not to be bound thereby, to accuse either themselves or their Brethren.

59. A Third sort conceived themselves bound to reveal their own and Brothers Crimes and offenses to remove evil from the land as they said, but as for such Actions of their Brothers falsely reputed offenses, which were none in the Judgment of the Party examined, these they held themselves not bound to reveal.

60. The last sort, though they took the Oath as to other things, yet protested, they counted not themselves bound to answer to any such things, whereon witnesses may be had; but if the crime was so hidden and secret that witnesses may not be had, they thought they might lawfully be charged. • or Instance, they held a Preacher might not be examined on Oath, concerning anything he had preached in public, alleging the words of our Savior, Why askest thou me? ask them that heard me, they know what I said. It is hard to make the opinion of the first and last form to dwell peaceably together.

61. We take our leave of this Subject, when we have told the Reader, that some twenty years since, one being urged by Arch-Bishop Laud to take the Oath ex Officio, refused it on this reason, An Oath saith he by the words of the Apostle is an end of all strife, whereas this saith he is the beginning of strife, yields matter for the Lawyers to molest me: But since the High Commission and this Oath are taken away by Act of Parliament, it is to be hoped, that (if such swearing were so great a grievance) Nihil analogum nothing like unto it, (which may amount to as much) shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof.

62. Let it not here be forgotten, that because many did question the legality and Authority of the High Commission; Arch-Bishop Whitgi • t so contrived the matter, that the most sturdy and refractory Non-conformists (especially if they had any visible Estates) were brought into the Star-Chamber, the power whereof was above dispute. Where some of them, besides imprisonment, had very heavy fines imposed upon them. And because most of the Queens Council were present at the Censures, This took off the Odium from the Arch-Bishop (which in the high Commission lighted chiefly, if not only upon him, and fell almost equally on all present therein.

63. John Fox this year ended his life, to whom in some respect, our History of him may resemble itself. For he in his lifetime was so large a reliever of poor people, (to, and above his estate) that no wonder, if at his death (with some Charitable Churls) he bequeathed no Legacies unto them. Thus have we been so bountiful in describing the life, and transcribing the Letters of this worthy Confessor, that the Reader will excuse us, if at his death we give no farther Character of his piety and painfulness. Only let me add, that whereas there passeth a Tradition (grounded on good Authority) that M ^r Fox fore-told the ruin and destruction of the Invincible (so called) Armado in the eighty eight. The story is true in its self, though he survived not to see the performance of his own prediction.

64. Nor will it be amiss to insert his Epitaph, as we find it on his Monument in S. Giles nigh Cripple-Gate in London.

65. His dear friend D. Laurence Humfrey, may be said to die with him, (though his languishing life lasted a year longer) so great his grief, to be parted from his fellow-Colleague bred together in Oxford, and banished together into Germany. But see more of his character in the year 1596, where by mistake, (which here I freely confess) his death is inserted.

66. About this time M ^r William Lambert finished his Hospital at Greenvich, founded and endowed by him for poor people. He was the first Protestant, who erected a charitable House of that nature, as our Antiquary observeth, though I cannot wholly concur with his observation, seeing King Edward the sixth founded Christ-Church and S ^t . Thomas Hospital.

67. Indeed now (pardon a short digression) began beautiful Buildings in England, as to the generality thereof, whose Homes were but homely before, as small and ill-contrived, much Timber being needlessly lavished upon them. But now many most regular Pieces of Architecture were erected, so that (as one saith) they began to dwell latiùs and lautiùs, but I suspect not Laetiùs, Hospitallity daily much decaying.

68. Amongst other Structures Wimbleton House in Surrey was this year begun (and finished the next, as appeareth by an inscription therein) by S ^t . Thomas Cecil afterward Lord Burghley. On the self same token that many years after Gondomar (treated therein by the Lord with a plentiful feast) was highly affected with his entertainment, and much commended the uniformity of the fabric, till the DATE thereof, shown unto him, dashed all, as built when the Spanish Armado was defeated.

69. Indeed at this time there was more uniformity in the Buildings, than conformity in the Church- behavior of men, the sticklers against the Hierarchy appearing now more vigorous, though for a time they had concealed themselves.

SECTION VII.

BUt now a Session of Parliament was held at Westminster, wherein the House of Comm • ns presented to the Lord's Spiritual and Temporal a Petition. Complaining how many Parishes, especially in the North of England and Wales, were destitute of Preachers, and no care taken to supply them. Sixteen were the particulars, whereof, the six first were against insufficient Ministers, very earnestly pressing their taking the same into their serious consideration, for speedy redress of the grievances therein contained.

Of all these particulars the house fell most fiercely on the Debate of Pluralities, and (the effect thereof) Non-Residents.

2. Arch-Bishop Whitgift pleaded, that licences for Non-Residency, were at the present but seldom granted. And yet in way of recovering health by changing of Air, of study for a time in th • University, of mortal enmity borne by some in the parish, of prosecution of Law, or of being employed in public Affairs, they cannot be wholly abrogated. That there were in England four thousand five hundred Benefices with Cure, not above ten, and most of them under eight pounds in the first fruits-book, which cannot be furnished with able Pastors, as the Petitioners desire, because of the smallness of their livings. Moreover he affirmed, that what ever was pretended to the contrary, England at that time flourished with able Ministers more then ever before, yea had more then all Christendom besides.

3. The Lord Grey rejoined to this Assertion of more learned Ministers in the Church of England then ever heretofore, nay then in all the reformed Churches in Christendom, this, That it was not to he attributed to the Bishops or their actions, but to God, who now opened the hearts of many to see into the truth, and that the Schools were better observed.

4. The Lord Treasurer Burghley seeming to moderate betwixt them, after a long and learned oration concluded, that he was not so scrupuleus, as absolutely to like of the bill against Pluralities without any exception: for he did favor both learning, and wished a competent reward to it. And therefore could like, and allow a learned man to have two Benefices, so they were both in ene parish, that is to say, in one Diocese, and not one in the Diocese of Winchester, and another in the North, where the several Diocesans would have no regard of them, whereas being both in one Diocese, the Bishop would look unto them.

5. Here it was signified that her Majesty was acquainted with the matter, and that she was very forward to redress the faults, and therefore required the Bishops, not to binder her good and gracious purpose, for that her Majesty would confer with them.

6. The Lord Gray again said, he greatly wondered at her Majesty that she would make choice to conser with those who were all enemies to Reformation; for that it merely touched their freeholds, and therefore he thought it good, the house should make choice of some to be joined with them; Also he wished the Bishops might be served as they were in in King Henry the 8 ^th days, when as in the case of praemunire they were all thrust out of doors.

7. Then the Lord Treasurer said, that the Bishops if they were wise would themselves be humble suitors to her Majesty, to have some of the Temporal Lord's joined with them.

8. The Lord Chamberlain utterly disliked the Lord Grayes motion, alleging that it was not to be liked of, that the Lord's should appoint her Majesty any to confer withal, but that it should be left to her own election.

9. Matters flying thus high, the Arch-Bishop, with the rest of the Clergy, conceived it the safest way to apply themselves by Petition to the Queen, which they presented as followeth.

To the Petition were annexed a catalogue of those inconveniences to the State present, State to come, Cathedral Churches, Universities to her Majesty, to Religion, in case pluralities were taken away, here too large, to be inserted. So that in effect, nothing was effected, as in relation to this matter, but things left in sta • u quo prius, at the dissolution of this Parliament.

10. Amongst the mortalities of this year,