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Church History of Britain

Thomas Fuller (1608-1661) · 1,947,492 words · 8656 min

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Section 53/90
Brownists (so named from this Brown, their ringleader) were in effect the same with the ancient Donatists, only newly revived. Thus there is a circulation, as in fashion of clothes; so of opinions, the same after some years return: Brownism being no more than Donatism vamped with some new additions. The Queen, and Her Council seriously set themselves, first by gentleness to reduce, and (that not succeeding) by severity to suppress the increase of this faction. Brown himself used to boast, that he had been committed to thirty two prisons, and in some of them be could not see his hand at noon day, Yet for all this he came off at last both with saving his life, and keeping his living (and that none of the meanest, Achurch in Northampton-shire ) until the day of his death.

4. One may justly wonder, when many meaner Accessaries in this schism were arraigned, condemned, executed, how this Brown, the Principal, made so fair an escape, yea, enjoyed such preferment. I will never believe, that he ever formally recanted his opinions, either by word or writing, as to the main of what he maintained. More probable it is, that the promise of his general compliance with the Church of England (so far forth as not to make future disturbance therein) met with the Arch-Bishops courteous acceptance thereof, both which effectually improved by the countenance of Thomas Cecil, Earl of Exeter ( Brown's near kinsman, and patron) procured this extraordinary favor to be indulged unto him. His Parsonage he freely possessed allowing a sufficient salary for one to discharge the cure; and (though against them in his judgment) was contented (and perchance pleased) to take the tithes of his own parish.

5. For my own part (whose nativity Providence placed within a mile of this Brown his pastoral charge) I have, when a youth, often beheld him. He was of an imperious nature, offended, if what he affirmed, but in common discourse, were not instantly received as an oracle. He was then so far from the Sabbatarian strictness, to which some preciser Brownists did afterwards pretend, that both in judgment, and practice, he seemed rather libertine therein. In a word, he had in my time a wife, with whom, for many years he never lived, parted from her on some distaste: and a Church, wherein he never preached, though he received the profits thereof.

6. As for his death in the prison in Northampton, many years after (in the reign of King Charles Anno 1630.) it nothing related to those opinons he did, or his followers do maintain. For as I am credibly informed, being by the Constable of the Parish (who chanced also to be his God-son) somewhat roughly and rudely required the payment of a rate, he happ'ned in passion to strike him. The Constable (not taking it patiently as a castigation from a God-father, but in anger as an affront to his office) complained to S r . Rowland S r . John, a neighbouring Justice of the peace, and Brown is brought before him. The Knight of himself, was prone rather to pity, and pardon, than punish his passion; but Browns behavior was so stubborn, that he appeared obstinately ambitious of a prison, as desirous (after long absence) to renew his familiarity with his ancient acquaintance. His Mittimus is made, and a cart with a feather-bed provided to carry him, he himself being so infirm (above eighty) to go, too unweldie to ride, and no friend so favorable, as to purchase for him a more comely conveyance. To Northampton jayle he is sent, where, soon after he sickned, died, and was buried in a neighbouring Church-yard: and it is no hurt to wish, that his bad opinions had been interred with him.

7. The Tenants of Brownists daily increasing, their books were prohibited by the Queens authority. Notwithstanding which prohibition, some presumed to disperse the same, and paid dearly for their contempt therein. For, Elias Thacker was hanged on the fourth, and John Coping on the sixth of June, at the same place, St. Edmond's Burie, and for the same offense, the scattering such schismatical pamphlets.

8. John Whitgift succeeding in the Arch-Bishopric, found it much surcharged in the valuation, and impaired in the revenues, through the negligence of his predecessor, who would pay willingly what they asked of him, and take contentedly what any tendered to him. First therefore Whitgift procured an order out of the Exchequer, for the abatement of an hundred pound for him, and his successors in the payment of his firstfruits. Afterwards he encountered no meaner man, than that great Courtier, Soldier, and Privy-Counselor S r . James Crosts; or rather he legally contested with the Queen in him, and recovered from both, long Beachwood in Kent (containing above a thousand acres of land) detained from his predecessor under color of a lease from Her Majesty.

9. This year Nicholas Sanders (more truly Slanders ) had in Ireland a woeful end of his wretched life. He was borne in S rrey, bred first in Winchester, then in New College in Oxford, where he was Kings-Professor of Canon-Law, but afterwards, banishing himself, fled to Rome, there made Priest, and D r . of Divinity. He accompanied Cardinal Hosius, to the Council of Trent, and there is said, by disputing, and declaiming to have gained himself great reputation. At last he was sent over. Popes Nuncio into Ireland, conceived then a desperate employment, and therefore many Catholics regreted thereat. Yea, some were overheard to say (but it is Pitzaeus Sander's own sisters son, who reports it) Why does his Holiness send our Sanders into Ireland? We value him more then all Ireland is worth. There amongst the bogs, and mountains was he starved to death, justly famished for want of food, who formerly had surfited on improbable lies, by him first forged on the nativity of Queen Elizabeth.

10. We must not forget, how this year, one John Louis was burnt at Norwich for denying the Godhead of Christ, and holding other detestable heresies. He called himself Abdeit (let him tell you what he meant thereby) alluding therein to the promise of a new name, which no man knoweth but him that receiveth it, having in it a little mock-Hebrew, to make himself the more remarkable.

11. Now, so great was the malice of the Jesuits against Her Majesty, that at this time they set forth many slanderous libels, stirring up Her Subjects, and Servants to do the same to Her, as Judith did to Holofernes. One of their principal pamphlets was intitled, A Treatise of Schism. The suspicion of making it, fell on Gregory Martin, one probable enough for such a prank (as being Divinity Professor in Reims ) did not his Epitaph there ensure me, he was dead and buried, two years before. Though it is possible, his posthume work might be born abroad, after the death of the author thereof. But, whoever made it, William Carter, the Stationer, paid dearly for publishing it, being executed at Tiburn. And in the next month five Seminaries, John Fen, George Haddock, John Munden, John Nutter, and Thomas Hemmerford, were hanged, bowelled, and quartered for treason, at Tiburn; and many others about the same time, executed in other places.

12. Yet, even in the midst of this necessary severity, Her Majesty was most merciful unto many Popish malefactors, whose lives stood forfeited to the Laws, in the rigor thereof. For, no fewer then seventy Priests (some of them actually condemned to die, all legally deserving death) were, by one act of Grace, pardoned, and sent over beyond sea. Amongst these were

  • 1. Gaspar Heywood, son to that eminent Epigrammatist, the first Jesuit that ever set foot in England.
  • 2. James Bosgrave.
  • 3. John Hart, a learned man, zealous to dispute, not dangerous to practice for his religion.
  • 4. Edward Rishton, ungrateful wretch, who afterwards railed in print on the Queen, who gave him his life.

Her Majesty's mercy herein was the more remarkable, because done at a time, when treasons against her person (by Arden Summerfield, Throgmorton &c.) did follow, or rather, tread one on another. If hereafter the edge of justice fall sharper on Jesuits, let them thank their own treachery, which whetted it against themselves.

13. This year two conferences or disputations were kept, (the last at Lambeth ) about the Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church.

  • 1. Whitgift, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. Sandys of York, and Cooper of Winchester for the same.
  • 2. Unconforming Ministers (whose names I cannot certainly attain) against it.
  • 3. The Lord's of Her Majesty's Privy Council, and some other persons of Honor Auditors thereof.

This Conference effected nothing on the disputants (as to the altering of their opinions) little on the Auditors, but as much on all as any judicious person ever expected. What Elijah said passionately, I am no better then my Fathers, may be soberly said of this conference. It was no happier then any of its Ancestors, which went before it. Let me add also, and no unhappier than its successors that shall come after it. It being observed, that meetings of this nature before or after this time, never produced any great matter on persons present thereat: who generally carry away the same judgment they brought with them. And yet the Lord's were pleased to say their judgments were satisfied in the point on the Bishops behalf, not conceving their adversaries arguments so slight and trivial, as now they appeared. This was in some of them but a Court-Complement, who afterwards secretly acted against the Arch-Bishop, in favor of the other party.

14. Whitgift finding this first way unsuccessfull, fell from other reasoning to a flat argument from Authority, enjoining all admitted to the Ecclesiastical Orders, and Benefices, the subscription of the following Articles.

  • 1. That the Queen had supreme authority over all persons born within Her Dominions, of what condition so ever they were; and that no other Prince, Prelate, or potentate, hath, or ought to have any jurisdiction, Civil, or Ecclesiastical, within Her Realms, or Dominions.
  • 2. That the Book of Common-Prayer, and the Ordination of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God, but may lawfully be used; and, that they will use that, and none other.
  • 3. That the Articles of Religion agreed in the Synod holden at London, in the year of our Lord 1562. and published by the Queens authority, they did allow of, and believe them to be consonant to the Word of God.

The severe enforcing of subscription hereunto, what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church, shall hereafter by God's assistance be made to appear, leaving others to judge whether the offense was given, or taken thereby.

15. Now came forth the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament. A Translation which needeth to be translated, neither good Greek, Latin, or English, as everywhere bespeckled with hard words (pretended not renderable in English without abatement of some expressiveness) which transcend common capacities. Besides, it is taxed by our Divines as guilty of abominable errors therein. It was printed in large paper, with a fair letter and margent, all which I have charity enough to impute to their desire to do it, for the more dignity of God's word; whilst others interpret it, that thereby purposely they inhaunced the price, to put it past the power of poor men's purses to purchase it. Another accident raised the dearness thereof, because so many books being seized on by the Queens Searchers, the whole price of the Edition fell the more heavy on the remainder. But, suppose a poor Lay-Catholic so rich through his industry, as secretly to purchase one of these Rhemish Testaments, he durst not avouch the reading thereof, without the permission of his Superiors licensing him thereunto.

16. Secretary Walsingham, by his letters solicited M r . Thomas Cartwright, to undertake the refuting of this Rhemish Translation: and the better to enable him for the work, sent him an-hundred pounds out of his own purse. A bountiful gift for one, who was though a great Statesman, a man of small estate, contracting honorable poverty on himself, by his expense on the public, as dying not so engaged to his private creditors, as the whole Church, and State was indebted to his endeavors. Walsingham his letters to Cartwright were seconded by another from the Doctors, and Heads of Houses (and D r , Fulke amongst the rest) at Cambridge, besides the importunity of the ministers of London, and Suffolk, soliciting him to the same purpose, Hereupon Cartwright buckled himself to the employment, and was very forward in the pursuance thereof.

17. No sooner had Whitgift gotten notice, what Cartwright was a writing, but presently he prohibited his farther proceeding therein. It seems, Walsingham was Secretary of State, not of Religion, wherein the Arch-Bishop overpowered him. Many commended his care, not to intrust the defense of the Doctrine of England, to a pen so disaffected to the Discipline thereof. Others blamed his jealousy, to deprive the Church of so learned pains of him, whose judgment would so solidly, and affections so zealously confute the public adversary. Distastfull passages (shooting at Rome, but glancing at Canterbury ) if any such were found in his book, might be expunged, whilst it was pity so good fruit should be blasted in the bud, for some bad leaves about it. Dishartened hereat, Cartwright desisted; but some years after, encouraged by a Honorable Lord, resumed the work; but prevented by death, perfected no further then the fifteenth chapter of the Revelation. Many years lay this worthy work neglected, and the copy thereof mouse-eaten in part, whence the Printer excused some defects therein in his edition; which though late, yet at last came forth Anno 1618. A book, which notwithstanding the foresaid defects, is so complete, that the Rhemists durst never return the least answer thereunto.

18. Mean time whilst Cartwright his refutation of the Rhemish was thus retarded, D r . William Fulke, Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, entered the list against them, judiciously, and learnedly, performing his undertaking therein. His daughter, and (as I take it) the only surviver of his children, lately set forth, the fourth and fairest edition of this his Confutation, and dedicated it to King Charles.

19. The Rhemists profess, in their preface to the New Testament, that the Old Testament also lieth by them for lack of good means to publish the whole in such sort, as a work of so great charge and importance requireth; which seemeth strange to a judicious consideration. For, had a voluminous legend of Saints-lives (with pictures as costly as superstitious) been to be set forth, a mass, a mint, a mine of money could easily be advanced to defray the expenses thereof. Thus Papists can be poor, or rich, as they please themselves. Some behold this their promise, to set forth the Old Testament, as not really intended, but given out to raise men's expectations, which in process of time would fall of itself, and the profer by degrees be forgotten. Others interpret their resolutions real, but purposely revoked, seeing the ill success of their New testament, so canvassed, and confuted by the Protestant Divines. Perceiving that their small pinace, which they first set forth, met at sea with such boisterous weather, wisely they would not adventure a greater vessel after it: but rather left it to rot on the dock, than they would launch it forth in such danger. A third sort behold this their promise, as a modest, and mannerly, ( aliàs ) a crafty, and cunning begging of a contribution of the Catholic party, for setting forth of the same, which never as yet came into public view. Yea, the Old Testament some said would be old indeed, before the translation thereof in English were by them set forth: insomuch that some conceived, a lease of land, till this their promise be performed almost as good as the fee-simple thereof.

20. But now though men were so generally confident, that these long expected Rhemish notes on the Old Testament, would not come forth till the Greek Calends, they have since found themselves deceived, seeing some twenty years after, that long-looked for work crept forth into the World, little notice being taken thereof by the Protestants. Partly, because no great eminency therein to entitle it to their perusal; Partly, because that moity of the Bible is of least concernment in the controversies betwixt us, and the Church of Rome.

21. I find not this year the death of any eminent English Protestant-Divine. Amongst the Papists, George Etheredge departed this life, much lamented by those of his own persuasion. He was Bachelor of Physic in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford, and Kings-professor of Greek in that University, which place he quitted at the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, and betook himself there to a private life. His house was an Hospital to relieve those of his own Religion, on whom he expended his estate. He was one of the primitive Catholics (saith my author) persecuted for his conscience. As he started soon, he ran long in the race of patience, used to all the jayles in Oxford, and London, for thirty years together. In so much that he professed, that the variety of prisons was some pleasure, and the custom of durance had made fetters to be freedom unto him.

22. This year came forth the exposition of M r . Thomas Rogers, on the Articles of the Church of England; which at first met not with that welcome entertainment, which seemed due to his endeavors. For, besides the two extremes, Papists, and Schismatics, highly enraged, many Protestants of a middle temper were much offended thereat. Some conceived it presumption for any private Minister, to make himself the mouth of the Church, to render her sense in matters of so high concernment. Others were offended, that his interpretation confined the charitable latitude, formerly allowed in those Articles. The composers whereof, providently foreseeing, that doctrinal differences would inevitably arise, in so large a Church as England was, even betwixt Protestants agreeing in fundamentals of Religion, purposely couched the Articles in general terms (not that falsehood should take shelter under the covert thereof, but) to include all such dissenters within the comprehensiveness of the expressions. Whereas now M r . Rogers his restrictive Comment, shut out such from their concurrence with the Church of England, which the discreet laxity of the Text admitted thereunto. However the worth of the work, in some years wrought it self into good esteem, as dedicated to, and countenanced by the Arch-Bishop, though the author thereof never got any higher preferment.

23. Three great Societies at this time in London were busily employed, the two former of them avouched by Law, and the third avouching it self, namely.

The Parliament. The Convocation. The assembly of Ministers

Begun and holden at Westminster, the twenty third day of November last, and there continued till the twenty ninth of March following, wherein the Statute against Jesuits, and Priests their departing out, and not coming into the Realm, was made, with penalty for the relieving them.

Kept in S t . Paul's in London, beginning with a most learned Latin sermon preached by John Copcot, D r . of Divinity (afterwards Master of Bennet College in Cambridge ) taking for his text 1 Tim. 6. 13. Praecipiotihi coram Deo. &c. Hence the Convocation was removed to the Collegiate Church of S t . Peters in Westminster, where D r . Goodman, Dean thereof, made a solemn protestation with his fellow Prebends, that the said meeting ought not to be prejudicial to the privileges of his Church, his Protestation was accepted, and assurance given that the said Convocation met not there in any manner to infringe their Immunities, but only for the maturation of business with the more expedition through the conveniency of the place. William Redman, D r . of Divinity, Arch-Deacon of Canterbury was chosen and presented Prolocutor.

The certain place of their convening not known, being clandestine, Arbitrary and changeable, as advised by their conveniences; they are better discovered by their moving then by their meeting, and their practices more conspicuous then their places. Some Agent for them were all day at the door of the Parliament house, and some part of the night in the Chambers of Parliament men, effectually soliciting their business with them.

24. Wonder not if Arch-Bishop Whitgift repaired seldom to, and resided but a short time in the Convocation, having other work to do in the Parliament, where what impression was made by the Agents of the Ministers, will appear by his ensuing Letter to her Majesty.

To the Queens most excellent Majesty.

MAy it please your Majesty to be advertised, that notwithstanding the charge of late given by your Highness to the lower house of Parliament for dealing in causes of the Church; Albeit also according to your Majesty's good liking, we have set down orders for the admitting of meet men into the Ministry hereafter; yet have they passed a Bill in that house yesterday, touching the matter, which, besides other great inconveniences, (as namely the trial of the Ministers sufficiency by twelve lay-men, and such like) hath this also, that if it pass by Parliament, it cannot hereafter but in Parliament be altered, what necessity soever shall urge thereunto; which I am persuaded in short time will appear, considering the multitude of livings, not fit for men so qualified, by reason of the smallness thereof: Whereas if it pass but as a Canon from us, by your Majesty's Authority, it may be observed or altered at your pleasure. They have also passed a Bill giving liberty to marry at all times of the year, without restraint, contrary to the old Canons, continually observed amongst us; and containing matter which tendeth to the slander of this Church: as having hitherto maintained an error. There is likewise now in hand in the same house, a Bill concerning Ecclesiastical Courts, and Visitations by Bishops, which may reach to the overthrow of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and study of the Civil Laws: The pretence of the Bill is against excessive fees, and exactions in Ecclesiastical Courts, which fees are none other then have been of long time accustomed to be taken, the Law already established, providing a sharp and severe punishment, for such as shall exceed the same; Besides an order also which we at this present have taken amongst ourselves for the better performance thereof. I therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty, to continue your gracious goodness towards us, who with all humility submit ourselves to your Highness, and cease not daily to pray for your happy estate, and long and prosperous Reign over us.

Your Majesty's Chaplain and daily Orator most bounden John Cantuar.

Thus, the old year (on the last day whereof this Letter was dated) ended sadly, and suspiciously, with the Prelates; but the next year began Cheerfully, and presented good tidings unto them.

25. For, the Queen, to verify her Motto, SEMPER EADEM, and to disprove that Inconstancy generally charged on her sex, acquitted Her self more then Woman in Her masculine resolutions: and nothing of moment was altered in Church discipline. Many things indeed were offered to both houses, debated, agitated, and (as it seems) passed the Commons; but nothing in fine was effected. Thus the Major may propound what it pleaseth, and the Minor assume what it listeth, but no conclusive argument could then be framed, without the Ergo of the royal Assent, which the Queen refused to affix to any material Alteration.

26. And few days after the session of the Parliament for the present broke off, wherewith ended the assenbly of the Ministers. And now all of them had leave to depart to their own homes: Otherwise such members thereof, as formerly went away without leave, were obnoxious to censure. Witness one of them in his Ingenious confession. Touching my departure from that holy assembly without leave &c. I crave pardon both of you and them &c: And thus commending this holy Cause to the Lord himself, and your Godly Council to the President thereof, I take my leave.

27. The next day the Convocation ended, having effected nothing of moment, save that in the 9 t h. session thereof, John Hilton Priest, made a solemn Abjuration of his blasphemous heresies, according to the tenor ensuing.

In Dei nomine Amen. Before you most reverend father in God, Lord John Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and the reverend fathers in God, the Bishops of this your Province of Canterbury, here Congregated and Assembled together in this holy Synod and Convocation, I John Hilton, Priest, of my pure heart, and free will, voluntarily and sincerely, knowledge, confess, and openly recognize, that in times past, I thought, believed, said, held, and presumptuously affirmed, and preached the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and damnable opinions following, &c.

Here he distinctly read a Schedule containing his heresies, (which what they were may be collected by that which ensueth) and then proceeded as followeth.

Wherefore I the said John Hilton, detesting and abhorring all and every such my said Heresies, Blasphemies, and damned opinions; willing, and with all my power affecting, hereafter firmly to believe in the true and perfect faith of Christ, and his holy Church, purposing to follow the doctrine of Christ, and his holy Apostles, with a pure and free heart, voluntary mind, will and intent, utterly forsake, relinquish, renounce, and despise, the said detestable Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and Abominable opinions.

Granting, and confessing, that the blessed Trinity consisteth in three distinct persons, and one Godhead; as God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, coe quall in power and might.

Secondly, that Jesus Christ is both God and man, and my Savior and Redeemer, and of all other baptized and believing in him. Who of his Father of his own substance in his humanity was conceived by the Holy Ghost, incarnate, and for our Redemption being very God became man.

And that by the death of Jesus Christ, we be not only made partakers of his Testament, and so deduced to the knowledge of his godly will, and power but also, that we have full Redemption, and Remission of our sins in his blood.

And, where I did most ungodly, detestably, and blasphemously affirm, that the Old and New Testaments were Fables; now being most sorry for that abominable, and damnable assertion, I do most humbly and —believe the same Testaments to contain all truths necessary to salvation, and that I and all others are bound to believe the same, as the undoubted word of God, and that without that I cannot be saved.

And therefore the said Errors, Blasphemies, and all other Heresies, false doctrines, and damned opinions in general, contrary and repugnant to the faith of Christ I utterly absu e, forsake, and purely renounce, before you most Reverend father in God, and the rest of this holy Synod here assembled. And moreover, I swear by this holy Evangelist, by me here bodily touched, that from henceforth I shall never hold, teach, believe or affirm the said Errors, Heres s, lasphemies, or damned opinions, or any other against, contrary or repugn t to the holy saith of Christ's Church. Nor yet shall I by myself or any other person, privately o apertly defend, maintain, succor, favor, or support any person, that to my knowledge holdeth, believeth, affirmeth or teacheth, any such Heresies, Errors, or damned opinions: So help me God, and these holy Evangelists. In witness whereof to this my present Abjuration, and renunciation, I have with my own hand voluntarily subscribed my proper name.

JOHN HILTON.

28. Upon this his Abjuration, Penance was imposed on him, first that he should attend at Paul's Cross upon the Preacher, Sunday next all the time of the Sermon, and there penitently stand before the said Preacher, with a faggot on his shoulders. Secondly, that he should not preach, minister Sacraments, nor exercise any Ecclesiastical function in the Church, except specially licensed by the Arch-Bishop thereunto. Thirdly, that he should recant the said heresies, and damnable opinions, in the Church of S t . Martius in the fields, at a sermon there to be made by the Arch-Deacon, and there to show himself very penitent. I find in the Records a recognizance of five hundred pounds drawn up to the Queen, whereby the said Hilton bound himself for the performance hereof; but because the rude draught of the bond is crossed, I conceive it not insisted on, and (finding nothing to the contrary) presume the aforesaid penance by him exactly performed.

29. The Ministers or Brethren now missing their mark, abated much of their former activity, in so much as that M r . Cartwright, (whom I conjecture the President mentioned in the last assembly) began to make by the mediation of the Earl of Leicester, (who now designed him master of his newbuilt hospital in Warwick ) compliance with Whitgift, though the wary Arch-Bishop, not over-fond of his friendship, kept him at distance, as these two Letters here inserted will sufficiently inform us.

My good Lord,

I Most heartily thank you, for your favorable and courteous usage of M r . Cartwright, who hath so exceeding kindly taken it also, as I assure your Grace he cannot speak enough of it; I trust it shall do a great deal of good, and he protesteth and professeth to me to take no other course, but to the drawing of all men to the unity of the Church, and that your Grace hath so deals with him, as no man shall so command him, and dispose of him as you shall: and doth mean to let his opinion publicly be known even in the Pulpit, if your Grace so permit him, what he himself will, and would all others should do for obedience to the Laws established; and if any little scruple be, it is not great and easy to be reformed by your Grace, whom I do most heartily entreat to continue your favor and countenance towards him, with such access, sometimes, as your leisure may permit. For I perceive he doth much desire, and crave it. I am to thank your Grace also very heartily for Mr. Fenne: albeit I understand he is something more opinionate then I wish him: But I trust he will also yield to all reasons: And I mean to deal with the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield to make some trial of him: for surely he is an honest man. Thus my good Lord, praying to God to bless his Church, and to make his servants constant, and faithful, I bid your Grace farewell.

At the Court this 14th, July.

Your Graces very assured friend R. Leicester.

My singular good Lord,

MAster Cartwright shall be welcome to me at all times, and using himself quietly as becometh him, and as I hope he will, he shall find me willing to do him any good. But to grant unto him as yet, my Licence to preach, without longer trial, I cannot, especially seeing he protesteth himself to be of the same mind he was at the writing of his Book, for the matter thereof, though not for the manner. My self also I thank God not altered in any point by me set down to the contrary; and knowing many things to be very dangerous; wherefore notwithstanding I am content, and ready to be at peace with him, so long as he liveth peaceably, yet doth my conscience and duty forbid me to give unto him any further public approbation, until I be better persuaded of his Conformity. And so being bold to use my accustomed plainness with your Lordship, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God this 17 t h of July, 1585.

John Cantuar.

30. Seminaries and Priests to the number of thirty two, late prisoners in the Tower, Marshalsy, Kings-Bench, and other places, were pardoned, enlarged, and transported over into Normandy, though occasionally they were forced to land at Bulloigne.

31. The Earl of Leicester, who hitherto had done but little good in England, went now over to do less in the Low-Countries, commanding a great Army and Name, with the illustrious Title of General of the Auxiliaries of the Queen of England; he was not so much pleased with his place there, but that some of his Back-friends were as much delighted with his room here. Mean time the Ministers lost the best stake in their hedge, in his Absence their Patron Paramount: For though by Letters he might solicit their Cause, yet the greatest strength is not so extensive, but to have the virtue thereof abated at such a distance; And afterwards it fared worse with the Ministers, when Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was sworn of the Privy Council, (an honor which his Predecessour Grindall never obtained, yea never desired) by the Procurement, (as it is believed) of the Lord Burghley.

32. Now for the present, I will trouble the Reader no longer with these brawls about discipline, only one story must not be omitted: Though it be fathered ather on public report, then fixed on any particular Author in those days avowing the same. Some complained against the Liturgy to the Lord Burleigh, of whom he demanded, whether they desired the taking away thereof. They answered, No. But only the amendment of wh •• was offensive therein. He required them to make a better, such as they would have s tled in the stead thereof. Whereupon.

  • The first Classis framed a new one, Somewhat according to the form of Geneva.
  • The second Classis disliking it, altered it in six hundred particulars.
  • The third, quarrelled at these alterations, and resolved on a new Model.
  • The fourth Classis dissented from the former.

Thus because they could not agree amongst themselves, That wise States-man put them off for the present, until they should present him a pattern with a perfect consent.

33. Three Protestant Bishops this year exchanged this life for another. The first was Richard Curteys (sometimes fellow of S t . Johns in Cambridge ) Bishop of Chichester. The second, Nicholas Robinson Bishop of Bang r, and John Scory Bishop of Hereford. Of the two former we have not enough to furnish out their Character. Of the later too much, (if all be true) which I find charged upon him. Sure I am he began very well, being an Exile and Confessor in the days of Queen Mary, but is accused afterwards to be so guilty of Oppressions, Extortions, and Symonies, that a Bill was put up against him in the Starr-Chamber, containing matter enough not only to disgrace, but degrade him if prosecuted. But he bought out his innocence with his money. Here know, that our Author (though a person of wit and worship ) deriveth his intelligence from a French writer disaffected in religion, and therefore not to be believed in full latitude. When calling him Scoria or Drosse, in allusion to his name: but as all is not Gold that Glisters, all is not Drosss, reputed so by our Popish Adversaries.

34. The same year also John Fecknam late Abbot of Westminster ended his life, whereon we must enlarge ourselves, if not for His, for History sake. Seeing he was a land-mark therein. His personal experience being a Chronicle: who like the Axiltree stood firm, and fixed in his own judgment: whilst the times like the Wheels turned backwards and forwards round about him. He was born in Worcestershire, in the Forest of Fecknam (whence he fetched his name.) Bred, a Benedict ne Monk in the Abbey of Evesham, where he subscribed with the rest of his Order, to the resignation of that house, into the hands of King Henry the eighth. Afterwards he studied in Oxford, then applied himself first to Bell Bishop of Worcester, and after his death to Bonner of London, where he crossed the Proverb, like Master, like Man, the Patron being Cruel, the Chaplain Kind to such who in Judgment dissented from him, he never dissembled his religion, being a zealous Papist, and under King Edward the sixth suffered much for his Conscience.

35. In the Reign of Queen Mary, he was wholly employed in doing good offices for the afflicted Protestants, from the highest to the lowest. The Earl of Bedford, and (who afterwards were) of Warwick and Leicester, tasted of his kindness: so did S r John Cheek, yea and the Lady Elizabeth herself; So interposing his interest with Queen Mary for her enlargement, that he incurred her Graces displeasure. Hence it is that Papists complain, that in the reign of Queen Elizabeth he reaped not a Cropp of Courtesie proportionable to his large seed thereof in the days of Queen Mary.

36. Queen Mary afterwards preferred him from being Dean of Paul's, to be Abbot of Westminster, which Church she erected and endowed for Benedictine Monks, of which order fourteen only could be found in England, then extant since their dissolution, which were unmarried, unpreferred to Cures, and unaltered in their opinions. These also were brought in with some difficulty at first and opposition, for the Prebendaries of Westminster, legally settled in their places would not resign them, till Cardinal Poole partly by compulsion, partly by compensation obtained their removal.

37. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, sent for Abbot Fecknam to come to her, whom the messenger found setting of Elmes in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey. But he would not follow the messenger till first he had finished his Plantation, which his friends impute to his soul employed in mystical meditations, that as the Trees he there set should spring and sprout many years after his decease; So his new Plantation of Benedictine Monks in Westminster should take root and flourish, in defiance of all opposition: which is but a bold conjecture of others at his thoughts. Sure I am those Monks long since are extirpated, but how his Trees thrive at this day is to me unknown. Coming afterwards to the Queen, what discourse passed betwixt them, they themselves knew alone, some have confidently guessed she proffered him the Arch-Bishopric of Canterbury on condition he would conform to her laws, which he utterly refused.

38. In the Treaty between the Protestants and Papists primo Elizabethae, he was present, but in what capacity I cannot satisfy myself. Surely more then a Disputant. (amongst whom he was not named) Yet not so much as a Moderator. And yet his judgment, perchance because Abbot and so, principal man in that place, was asked with respect, and heard with reverence. His Moderation being much commended. Now although he was often confined sometimes to the Tower, sometimes to friends houses (and died it seems at last in restraint in Wisbeeich Castle ) Yet generally be found fair usage from the Protestants. He built a Conduit in Holborn, and a Cross in Wisbeeich, and relieved the poor wheresoever he came. So that Flies flock not thicker about spilo honey, then beggars constantly crowded about him.

39. Abbot Fecknam thus being dead, the English Benedictines beyond the seas began to bestirr themselves, (as they were concerned) about the continuation of their Order: we know some maintain, that if any one species or kind of Creatures be utterly extinct, the whole Univers by Sympathy therewith, and consciousness of its own imperfection, will be dissolved. And the Catholics suspected what a sad consequence there would be, if this Ancient Order of English Black Monks should suffer a total and final defection. The best was Vnus homo Nobis, there was one, and but one, Monk left, namely Father Sigebert Buckley: and therefore before his death, provision was made for others to succeed him, and they (for fear of failing) disposed in several Countries in manner following.

In Rome. In Valladolit in Spain.
  • 1. Father Gregory Sayer.
  • 2. Father Thomas Preston.
  • 3. Father Anselm of Manchester.
  • 4. Father Anthony Martin commonly called Athanasius.
  • 1. Father Augustine S t . John.
  • 2. Father John Mervin.
  • 3. Father Mark Lambert.
  • 4. Father Maurice Scot.
  • 5. Father George Gervis.

From these nine new Benedictines the whole Order (which hung formerly on a single string) was then replenished to a competent, and since to a plentiful number.

40. Hitherto our English Papists affectionately leaned (not to say fondly do •• d) on the Queen of Scots, promising themselves great matters from her, towards the advancing of their Religon. But now they began to fall off in their 〈◊〉 partly because beholding her a confined person, (unable to free herself, and more unlikely to help others) partly because all Catholics come off with loss of life, which practiced her enlargement. As for her Son, the King of Scots, from whom they expected a settlement of Popery in that land, their hopes were lately turned into despairs, who had his education on contrary principles.

41. Whereupon hereafter they diverted their eyes from the North to the West, expecting (contrary to the course of nature) that their Sun should rise therein, in magnifying the might of the King of Spain, and his zeal to propagate the Roman Catholic faith. And this was the practice of all Je uites to possess their English proselytes with high opinions of the Spanish power, as the Nation designed by Divine providence, to work the restitution of their Religion in England.

42. In order hereunto, and to hearten their Countrymen, some (for it appears the result of several persons employed in the designing and effecting thereof) drew up a Title of the King of Spain's, to the English Crown, are much admired by their own party, as slighted by the Queen and her Loyall Subjects, for being full of falsehoods and forgeries. Indeed it is easy for any indifferent Herald, so to derive a pedigree, as in some seeming probability to entitle any Prince in Christendom to any Principality in Christendom, but such will shrink on serious examination. Yea, I believe Queen Elizabeth might pretend a better Title to the Kingdoms of Leon and Castile in Spain (as descended by the house of York, from Edmond Earl of Cambridge and his Lady Coheir to King Peter ) then any Claime that the King of Spain could make out to the Kingdom of England. However much mischief was done hereby, many Papists paying their good wishes, where they were not due, and defrauding the Queen, (their true creditor ) of the allegiance belonging unto her.

43. Now did the Queen summon a Parliament: wherein her Majesty appeared not in person. But passed over the presidentship of that her great Council, unto John Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, William Cecil Lord treasurer, and to the Earl of Darby. A thing done without precedent, when the King at home and in health. But the pleasure of so powerful a Princess might create a leading case in things of this nature.

44. Wonder not if the Nonconformists were very quiet in this Parliament. Beholding the Arch-Bishop their great adversary in so great power and place. However their activity in the next, will make their party amends for their stillness in this Session.

45. This year ended the doleful life of a distressed Lady, Mary Queen of Scots, whose Trial and Death belongeth to the State Historian: She was aged forty six years, passing the last twenty in Imprisonment, One of a sharp Wit; undaunted Spirit; comely person, beautiful Face, Majestick, presence, one Reason why Queen Elizabeth declined (what the other so much desired ) a personal conference with Her, as unwilling to be either out-shone or even-shone in her own Hemispheare. For her morals, the belief of moderate men embraceth as middle Courts betwixt Buchanan aspersing, and Causinus his Hyperbolical Commending her, because zealous in his own Religion.

46. She was an excellent Poet, both Latin and English, of the former I have read a distick made, and written by her own hand on a Pane of Glass at Buxton well.

Buxtona quae calidae celebraris nomine Lymphae,
Forte mihi posthac non adeunda, Vale.
Buxton, who dost with waters warm excel;
By me, perchance, never more seen, Farewell.

And at Fotheringhay-Castle I have read written by Her in a window, with a pointed Diamond.

From the Top of all my Trust,
Mishap hath lai'd me in the dust.

But her Adversaries conceive; had she not been laid there, the happiness of England had been prostrated in the same place. She was buried in the Choir of Peterborough, and Doctor Wickham Bishop of Lincoln preached her funeral sermon; causelessly carped at by the Martin Mar-Prelate, as too favorable concerning her final condition, though he uttered nothing inconsistent with Charity and Christian discretion.

47. Some twenty years after, King James caused her Corps to be solemnly removed from Peterborough to Westminster, where in the south-side of the Chapel of King Henry the seventh, he erected a stately monument to her memory, and thereon this Epitaph, wherein such cannot but commend the Piety of her Son, who will not believe all the praises of his Mother.

D. O. M.

MAriae Stuartae, Scotorum Reginae, Franciae Dotariae, Jacobi V. Scotorum Regis Filiae, & Haeredis unicae Henrici VII. Ang. Regis ex Margareta majori Natu Filia (Jacobi IIII Regi Scotorum matrimonio copulata) proneptis, Edwardi IIII. Angliae Regis ex Elizabetha Filiarum natu maxima abneptis, Francisci II. Gallorum Regis conjugis, Coronae Angliae, dum vixit, certae & indubitatae haeredis, & Jacobi magnae Brittanniae monarchae potentissimi matris.

Stirpe vere Regiâ & antiquissima prognata erat, maximis Totius Europae Principibus Agnatione & Cognatione conjuncta, & exquisitissimis Animi & corporis dotibus & ornamentis cumulatissima. Verum, ut sunt variae rerum humanarum vices, postquam annos plus minus viginti in custodia detenta, fortiter & strenue, (sed frustrà) cum malevolorum obtreclationibus, timidorum suspitionibus, & inimicorum capitalium insidijs conflictata esset; tandem inaudito & infesto Regibus exemplo securi percutitur.

Et contempto mundo, devicta morte, lassato Carnifice, Christo Servatori animae salutem, Jacobi Filio spem Regni & posteritatis, & universis caedis infaustae spectatoribus exemplum patientiae commendans, pie & intrepide C rvicem Regiam securi maledictae subjecit, & vitae caducae sortem cum coelestis Regni perennitate commutavit.

Besides this, there is a long inscription in verses, one distich whereof I remember, because it is the same in effect with what was made of Maud the Empress.

On Maud,

Magna Ortu, major{que} Viro, sed maxima Partu,
Hic jacet Henrici Filia, sponsa, Parens.

On Queen Mary.

Magna Viro, major Natu, sed maxima Partu,
Conditor hic Regis Filia, sponsa, Parens.

So that it is no disgrace for a Queen to wear part of an Epitaph at the second hand, with some little alteration.

48. About this time it was, that some Privy Counselors endeavored to persuade Queen Elizabeth, to raise and foment a difference betwixt the Pope and King of Spain, and to assist the former (not as Pope, but temporal Prince ) by her shipping to regain Naples, detained from him by the Spanish King. They alleged the design advantageous, to work a diversion of Spanish forces, and prevent an invasion of her own Land.

49. But her Majesty would not listen to the motion to entertain Compliance in any capacity, on any Conditions with the Pope: as dishonorable in herself, distasteful to the Protestant Princes; nor would she touch Pitch in jest, for fear of being defiled in earnest, but crushed the design in the birth thereof.

50. A first onset was now made by the Nonconformists against the Hierarchy, though the more they opposed it, the more the Queen did Countenance their persons and preserve their power: In so much that she would not in Lent feed on any fish, (as forbidden by the Canons of the Church ) until she had first attained a solemn Licence from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and every year of her life renewed the same.

51. The power of the high Commission began now to extend far, and penalties to fall heavy on offenders. Whereupon the favorers of the Nonconformists, much opposed it in their printed books, some questioning the Court as not warranted by Law, others taxing their proceedings, as exceeding their Commission: but hear their Arguments on both sides.

Against the High Commission.

It is pretended founded on the Statute, primo Elizabethae, wherein the Parliament impowered the Queen by her Letters patents to appoint Commissioners to punish Offendors in Ecclesiastical Causes. But no mention therein of Temporal penalties, and therefore the Commissioners are to confine themselves to Church Censures, by Excommunicating &c. illegally inflicting any other punishments.

Such Commissioners proceeding against Offender, by Attachment, Fine, or Imprisonment, are contrary to the express words of Carta Magna, providing that no free man shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his free hold and liberty, and but by the lawful judgment of his Peers, or of the Law of the Land.

Their whole Commission is void in Law; because it beareth date in July, but was not signed till November next after, contrary to the Statute, which enjoineth, that Letters patents should be dated the day of their delivery into Chancery, or else they shall be void.

For the High Commission.

The words in the Statute run thus; they shall have full power and authority by virtue of this Act, and of the Letters patents under your Highness, your Heirs, and successors, to Exercise, Use, execute all the promises according to the Tenor and effect of the said Letters patents, any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Now their Letters patents enable them to Attach, Fine, or Imprison, &c. in doing whereof they are sufficiently impowered by the Commission.

When Carta Magna was made, Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, though it was, de jure, it was not de facto, in the King. Whereby it plainly appears, that those words related not to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, but only to Crimes belonging to the Common Law. But since the Parliament hath declared Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Queen, the Ecclesiastical persons might impose such penalties even to the Condemning of Heretics, though never tried by a Jury.

It appeareth by the Preamble of that Statute, that the words cannot be stretched to Letters patents of that nature, but belong only to such; to private persons, wherein Grantees are unjustly expelled out of their right, by color of Letters patents bearing an elder date.

But the most general exception against the High Commission was this; that proceeding, ex officio mero, by way of enquiry against such whom they pleased to suspect, they tendered unto them an Oath, which was conceived unjust, that in Cases Criminal, a party should be forced to discover what might be penal to himself. The Lawfulness of which Oath was learnedly canvassed with Arguments on both sides.

Against the Oath ex Officio.

The Common Laws have ever rejected and impugned it, never put in Ure by any civil Magistrate in the Land, but as it is corruptly crept in amongst other abuses by the sinister practices and pretences, of the Romish Prelates and Clergimen. And where loss of Life, Liberty, or good Name, may ensue the Common Law hath forbidden such Oath.

It is contrary to the Fundamental Law of Liberty. Nemo tenetur seipsum prodere.

It appeareth by the Lord Dyer's Book, that one Hynde called before the Commissioners Ecclesiastical for Usury, refused to swear, whereupon he was committed. But upon an Information in the Common pleas, he had a Corpus cum causa, to remove him, so (as it seemeth) the Judges were then of Opinion, that the Commissioners could not give him such an Oath.

Though such proceedings ex officio were practiced by the Popish Prelates, against the Saints and Servants of God; Yet it was never used by Protestants in their Ecclesiastical Censures.

The Justice of the Land detesteth that the Judge should himself be an Accuser. (For by Law no man may be Accuser, and Witness; Inditer and Jurer; therefore much less Judge & Accuser ) which notwithstanding he is, that tendereth the Oath ex Officio.

Even the Heathen Romans were so, Christian, that by ancient custom no Vestal Virgin or Flamen of Jupiter was restrained to swear, whereof Plutarch rendereth three Reasons. First, because an Oath is a kind of torture to a free man. Secondly, it is absurd in smaller matters, not to credit their words, who in higher matters touching God are believed. Thirdly, an Oath in case they were forsworn, draweth a curse on them, a detestable Omination towards the Priests of God. And why may not as much be allowed to the true Ministers of the Gospel.

The Scripture which ought to be the Rule of our Actions, affords neither precepts nor precedent, of such proceedings, where Witnesses were produced, and the Accusers brought face to face.

William Tindal a worthy Martyr in his Comment on the fifth of Matthew saith plainly, that a Judge ought not to compel a man to swear against himself.

No Protestant Church beyond the Seas hath made use of such tyrannical proceedings.

For the Oath ex Officio.

It is true. To give this Oath to the Defendent in Causes of Life and Death, is contrary to the Justice of the Land. But where Life or Limbe is not concerned, it is usually tendered in Chancery, Court of Requests, Council of Marches, and Council in the North, yea in other Courts of Record at Westminster; where the Judges (time out of mind) by Corporal Oath did examine any person whom (in discretion ) they suspected to have dealt lewdly, about any Writ, Return, entry of Rule, pleading, or any such like Matter, (not being Capital. )

It is granted. But with all Proditus per deruntiationem, Famam, &c. tenetur seipsum offender. Some faults are simply secret, no way bruited or published abroad, in which cases the person guilty is not bound to make Confession thereof, though urged on his Oath to any Officer Civil or Ecclesiastical. But if once discovery be made by Presentment Denunciation, Fame &c. according to Law, then is not the fault merely secret, but revealed (in some sort) to the Magistrate, or abroad, who for avoiding Scandal to Christian Religion, and Reformation of the Party, may thus inquire of the Offence, to see it redressed and punished.

There is no such report in the Lord Dyer, all that is extant is only this Marginal Note, upon Skroggs his case in Michaelmas Terme, 18. of Elizabeth; Simile M. 18. fol. per Hynde qui noluit jurare coram justiciariis Ecclesiasticis, super Articulos pro usura. Which seems added by some unskillful person, it being improbable so learned a Judge, would have termed the Commissioners Justiciarios Ecclesiasticos. Besides, this cause of Hynde can nowhere else be found.

Certain Commissioners (whereof some Bishops, some privy Counselors, some Civilians, and some Judges; and Common Lawyers ) in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth, charged BP. Bonner with a corporal Oath, ex Officio, to answer to questions ministered unto him; and for resusal he was pronounced contumacious; The like Oath in matter criminal and Penal was tendered to Stephen Gardener, at appeareth by the sentence of his deprivation of the Bishopric of Winchester.

The Laws Civil and Ecclesiastical, hold not the Judge proceeding of office to be an Accuser; but that whereupon the Enquiry is grounded to represent the Accusation.

By the granting of this peculiar privilege to these Persons, it plainly appeareth, that all others might by Magistrates be put to their Oaths. Besides, such were superstitiously free'd from swearing absolutely, (and not only in matters criminal, here controverted) an unreasonable Immunity, which none will challenge to themselves.

It is not necessary that a positive or affirmative warrant, be cited out of Scripture, for all our practices: sufficeth it that may be done, which is not contrary to God's word, and conformable to the politick laws of the Land. Yet have we some footsteps of inquiry in the Judaical Law. When one was found secretly murdered in the Field, and the Murderer neither known nor suspected; the Elders of the next City (of whose guil iness there was no detestation nor cause of presumption, save only the Vicinage and nearness of the place) were solemnly and secretly to swear before the Priest, conceptis Verbis, that their hands had not shed this Blood &c. if this was equal in matters Capital, how can it be challenged for Tyrannical, in matters Criminal?

Allowing all due respect to Tindals memory, his Judgment much failed him in matters of Oaths; For in the following words, he taketh away all necessary Oaths (and leaveth none but voluntary ) which no wise man will defend.

Even Geneva itself doth sometimes proceed by Oaths, ex Officio, against such suspected Offenders, as in the two following cases will appear.

There was one Cumperel of Geneva ordained Minister for a Parish in that Territory, called Drallian, who had a secret design under hand to place himself in the State of Berne, which in him was esteemed a heinous fault. The Consistory coming at some notice hereof, ministered unto him an Oath of Mere Office to answer to several Questions. But because Cumperel answeswered not directly to those Interrogatories (two whereof concerned the very Cogitations of his heart) and because there were Vehementia Judicia, great presumption in the Common fame, the Consistory Z pronounced that they had just cause to depose him from his Ministry.

52. There was a wealthy widow living in Geneva called Balthaser, in whose house there was a Dancing held, which is a grievous crime in that Church, and condemned by their last form of Discipline. Amongst these dancers one was a Syndick (one of the four chief Magistrates of the City ) the other an Elder ( Henrith by name ) of the Church for that year. The matter coming to Calvin's ear, they were all convented before the Consistory without any Accuser or Party, and therefore of Mere Office put to their Corporal Oaths to confess the Truth. The Elder pleaded for himself the words of S. Paul, receive not an Accusation against an Elder under two or three Witnesses; which would nothing bestead him, so that he was deposed from his Eldership, and the Syndick from his Magistracy, until he should show some public Testimony of his Repentance.

53. But enough of this unwelcome subject, only I must add that some there were, not offended with the Oath itself, which took exceptions at the Injurious manner of offering it. They complained (how justly God knows) of some created-fames on no grounds, and pretended suspicions of Crimes against those persons to whom they bare ill affection, and then tendered this Oath (the Picklock of Conscience ) unto them, merely to find matter to ensnare them.

54. Secondly, they complained, that to discover their Complices (in their disciplinary Assemblies, ) Children were on their Oaths interrogated against their own Fathers, contrary to the Rule in Civil Law, Filius non torquetur in caput Patris, a Child ought not to be tortured in point of peril to his Fathers life. And although these Accusations were not Capital, yet because their Parents Credit was so deeply concerned therein, such proceedings had a strong tongue of Tyranny.

55. Thirdly, the party to whom the Oath was given, might not before hand be acquainted (a favor usually afforded in the Star Chamber ) with the particulars whereon they were to be examined. And if by the Rule of Solomon, He that answereth a matter before he heareth it, it is shame and folly unto him: much more is it indiscreet, to swear to answer a matter, before a man hear it.

56. Fourthly, they complained this Oath ex Officio (like what is said of black Witches ) had only power to do mischief, not to heal and help any. For none were cleared by the taking thereof, if denying what was charged upon them: but the Judges Ecclesiastical oft times proceeded to a further inquiry by examination of Witnesses, on the points denied by the Parties.

57. The Nonconformists who refused to take this Oath, may be ranked into four forms. First, such as would answer neither, yea, nor nay, what they would resolve to do concerning the Oath; but returned, if our faults be hidden, tarry til the Lord Come, and make the counsels of our hearts manifest. But if they be manifest, let our Accuser, and the Witnesses come forth before us.

58. A Second sort refused not the Oath in a Cause Criminal, but did it with this limitation and Protestation, that they intended not to be bound thereby, to accuse either themselves or their Brethren.

59. A Third sort conceived themselves bound to reveal their own and Brothers Crimes and offenses to remove evil from the land as they said, but as for such Actions of their Brothers falsely reputed offenses, which were none in the Judgment of the Party examined, these they held themselves not bound to reveal.

60. The last sort, though they took the Oath as to other things, yet protested, they counted not themselves bound to answer to any such things, whereon witnesses may be had; but if the crime was so hidden and secret that witnesses may not be had, they thought they might lawfully be charged. or Instance, they held a Preacher might not be examined on Oath, concerning anything he had preached in public, alleging the words of our Savior, Why askest thou me? ask them that heard me, they know what I said. It is hard to make the opinion of the first and last form to dwell peaceably together.

61. We take our leave of this Subject, when we have told the Reader, that some twenty years since, one being urged by Arch-Bishop Laud to take the Oath ex Officio, refused it on this reason, An Oath saith he by the words of the Apostle is an end of all strife, whereas this saith he is the beginning of strife, yields matter for the Lawyers to molest me: But since the High Commission and this Oath are taken away by Act of Parliament, it is to be hoped, that (if such swearing were so great a grievance) Nihil analogum nothing like unto it, (which may amount to as much) shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof.

62. Let it not here be forgotten, that because many did question the legality and Authority of the High Commission; Arch-Bishop Whitgi t so contrived the matter, that the most sturdy and refractory Non-conformists (especially if they had any visible Estates) were brought into the Star-Chamber, the power whereof was above dispute. Where some of them, besides imprisonment, had very heavy fines imposed upon them. And because most of the Queens Council were present at the Censures, This took off the Odium from the Arch-Bishop (which in the high Commission lighted chiefly, if not only upon him, and fell almost equally on all present therein.

63. John Fox this year ended his life, to whom in some respect, our History of him may resemble itself. For he in his lifetime was so large a reliever of poor people, (to, and above his estate) that no wonder, if at his death (with some Charitable Churls) he bequeathed no Legacies unto them. Thus have we been so bountiful in describing the life, and transcribing the Letters of this worthy Confessor, that the Reader will excuse us, if at his death we give no farther Character of his piety and painfulness. Only let me add, that whereas there passeth a Tradition (grounded on good Authority) that M r Fox fore-told the ruin and destruction of the Invincible (so called) Armado in the eighty eight. The story is true in its self, though he survived not to see the performance of his own prediction.

64. Nor will it be amiss to insert his Epitaph, as we find it on his Monument in S. Giles nigh Cripple-Gate in London.

Christo S. S.

Johanni Foxo Ecclesiae Anglicanae Martyrologo fidelissimo, Antiquitatis Historicae Indagatori sagacissimo, Evangelicae veritatis propugnatori acerrimo, Thaumaturgo admirably, qui Martyrs Marianos, tanquam Phoenices, ex cineribus redivivos praestitit.

65. His dear friend D. Laurence Humfrey, may be said to die with him, (though his languishing life lasted a year longer) so great his grief, to be parted from his fellow-Colleague bred together in Oxford, and banished together into Germany. But see more of his character in the year 1596, where by mistake, (which here I freely confess) his death is inserted.

66. About this time M r William Lambert finished his Hospital at Greenvich, founded and endowed by him for poor people. He was the first Protestant, who erected a charitable House of that nature, as our Antiquary observeth, though I cannot wholly concur with his observation, seeing King Edward the sixth founded Christ-Church and S t . Thomas Hospital.

67. Indeed now (pardon a short digression) began beautiful Buildings in England, as to the generality thereof, whose Homes were but homely before, as small and ill-contrived, much Timber being needlessly lavished upon them. But now many most regular Pieces of Architecture were erected, so that (as one saith) they began to dwell latiùs and lautiùs, but I suspect not Laetiùs, Hospitallity daily much decaying.

68. Amongst other Structures Wimbleton House in Surrey was this year begun (and finished the next, as appeareth by an inscription therein) by S t . Thomas Cecil afterward Lord Burghley. On the self same token that many years after Gondomar (treated therein by the Lord with a plentiful feast) was highly affected with his entertainment, and much commended the uniformity of the fabric, till the DATE thereof, shown unto him, dashed all, as built when the Spanish Armado was defeated.

69. Indeed at this time there was more uniformity in the Buildings, than conformity in the Church- behavior of men, the sticklers against the Hierarchy appearing now more vigorous, though for a time they had concealed themselves.

SECTION VII.

To M r. Hamond Ward, and M r . Richard Fuller of London Merchants.

IT is usual for the Plaintiffe, to put two or three names upon the same Writ taken out of the Upper-Bench (always provided the persons dwell in the same County and this is done to save Charges. My thanks doth here embrace the same way of thrift. That so, the small stock of my History, may hold out the better amongst my many Friends and Favourers. And this my Ioynt-Dedication is the more proper, because you live in the same City, are of the same profession, and (if not formerly this may minister the welcome occasion of your future acquaintance.

BUt now a Session of Parliament was held at Westminster, wherein the House of Comm ns presented to the Lord's Spiritual and Temporal a Petition. Complaining how many Parishes, especially in the North of England and Wales, were destitute of Preachers, and no care taken to supply them. Sixteen were the particulars, whereof, the six first were against insufficient Ministers, very earnestly pressing their taking the same into their serious consideration, for speedy redress of the grievances therein contained.

  • 7. That no oath or subscription might be tendered to any at their entrance into Ministry, but such as is expressly prescribed by the statutes of this Realm, except the oath against corrupt entering.
  • 8. That they may not be troubled for omission of some rites or portions prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer.
  • 9. That they may not be called and urged to answer before the officials, and Commissaries, but before the Bishops themselves.
  • 10. That such as had been suspended or deprived for no other offense, but only for not subscribing, might be restored; and that the Bishops would forbear their Excommunication, ex officio mero, of godly and learned Preachers, not detected for open offense of life or apparent error in doctrine.
  • 11. That they might not be called before the High-Commission, or out of the Diocese where they lived, except for some notable offense.
  • 12. That it might be permitted to them in every Arch-Deaconry, to have some common exercises and conferences amongst themselves, to be limited and prescribed by the Ordinaries.
  • 13. That the High censure of Excommunication, may not be denounced or executed for small matters.
  • 14. Nor by Chancellors, Commissaries, or officials, but by the Bishops themselves with assistance of grave persons.
  • 15. 16 That Non-residency may be quite removed out of the Church, or at least that according to the Queens Injunctions (Artic. 44.) No Non-resident having already a license or faculty may enjoy it, unless he depute an able Curate, that may weekly preach and catechize, as is required in her Majesty's injunctions.

Of all these particulars the house fell most fiercely on the Debate of Pluralities, and (the effect thereof) Non-Residents.

2. Arch-Bishop Whitgift pleaded, that licences for Non-Residency, were at the present but seldom granted. And yet in way of recovering health by changing of Air, of study for a time in th University, of mortal enmity borne by some in the parish, of prosecution of Law, or of being employed in public Affairs, they cannot be wholly abrogated. That there were in England four thousand five hundred Benefices with Cure, not above ten, and most of them under eight pounds in the first fruits-book, which cannot be furnished with able Pastors, as the Petitioners desire, because of the smallness of their livings. Moreover he affirmed, that what ever was pretended to the contrary, England at that time flourished with able Ministers more then ever before, yea had more then all Christendom besides.

3. The Lord Grey rejoined to this Assertion of more learned Ministers in the Church of England then ever heretofore, nay then in all the reformed Churches in Christendom, this, That it was not to he attributed to the Bishops or their actions, but to God, who now opened the hearts of many to see into the truth, and that the Schools were better observed.

4. The Lord Treasurer Burghley seeming to moderate betwixt them, after a long and learned oration concluded, that he was not so scrupuleus, as absolutely to like of the bill against Pluralities without any exception: for he did favor both learning, and wished a competent reward to it. And therefore could like, and allow a learned man to have two Benefices, so they were both in ene parish, that is to say, in one Diocese, and not one in the Diocese of Winchester, and another in the North, where the several Diocesans would have no regard of them, whereas being both in one Diocese, the Bishop would look unto them.

5. Here it was signified that her Majesty was acquainted with the matter, and that she was very forward to redress the faults, and therefore required the Bishops, not to binder her good and gracious purpose, for that her Majesty would confer with them.

6. The Lord Gray again said, he greatly wondered at her Majesty that she would make choice to conser with those who were all enemies to Reformation; for that it merely touched their freeholds, and therefore he thought it good, the house should make choice of some to be joined with them; Also he wished the Bishops might be served as they were in in King Henry the 8 th days, when as in the case of praemunire they were all thrust out of doors.

7. Then the Lord Treasurer said, that the Bishops if they were wise would themselves be humble suitors to her Majesty, to have some of the Temporal Lord's joined with them.

8. The Lord Chamberlain utterly disliked the Lord Grayes motion, alleging that it was not to be liked of, that the Lord's should appoint her Majesty any to confer withal, but that it should be left to her own election.

9. Matters flying thus high, the Arch-Bishop, with the rest of the Clergy, conceived it the safest way to apply themselves by Petition to the Queen, which they presented as followeth.

To the Queens most excellent Majesty.

THe woeful and distressed state whereinto we are like to fall, forceth us with gri f of heart in most humble manner, to crave your Majesty's most sovereign Protection. For the pretence being made the maintenance and increase of a learned ministry, when it is thoroughly weighed, decryeth learning, spo leth their livings, taketh away the s t form of prayer in the Church, and is the means to bring in confusion and Barbarism. How dangerous innovations are in a settled estate, whosoever hath judgeme t perceiveth Set dangers apart, yet such great inconviniences may ensae, as will make a state lamentable and miserable. Our n ighbours miseries might make us fearful, but that we know who tales the same. All the reformed Churches in Europe, cannot compare with England in the number of learned Ministers. These benefits of your Majesty's most sacred and are fall Government with hearty joy we feel, and humbly acknowledge; senseless are they that rep ne at it, and careless w o lightly regard it. The respect hereof made the Prophet to say; Dii estis. All the faithful and discreet Clergy say, ô Dea certe. Nothing is impossible with God. Requests without grounded reasons are lightly to be rejected. We therefore not as directors, but as humble Remembrancers beseech your Highness favorable beholding of our present state: And what it will be in time to come, if the Bill against Pluralities should take any place.

To the Petition were annexed a catalogue of those inconveniences to the State present, State to come, Cathedral Churches, Universities to her Majesty, to Religion, in case pluralities were taken away, here too large, to be inserted. So that in effect, nothing was effected, as in relation to this matter, but things left in sta u quo prius, at the dissolution of this Parliament.

10. Amongst the mortalities of this year, most remarkable the death of Richard Barns Bishop of Durham, one commendable in himself, but much suffering for the corruption, and viciousness of John Barns his brother and Chancellor. This Bishop was bred in Brasen-nose College, made Suffragan of Nottingham, (the last I believe who wore that title,) and behaved himself very gravely in his Diocese. A great friend at last to Bernard Gilpin, (though at first by some ill instruments incensed against him) and seeing they were loving in their lives, their memories in my Book shall not be divided, though I confess the later died some three years before.

11. This Bernard Gilpin, born of a right worshipful family, at Kentmir in Westmorland, had Cuthbert Tonstali Bishop of Durham for his great Uncle, he was bred first in Queens Colledgs, then Christ's-Church in Oxford, and no doubt the prayers of Peter Martyr conduced to his conversion, to be a Protestant. For he hearing this Gilpin dispute cordially on the Popish party, desired of God that so good affections might not be misguided, and at last obtained his desire.

12. He Weathered out the Raign of Queen Mary; partly with his travels beyond the seas, (chiefly residing at Lovain, and Paris ) partly, after his return by the favor of his Uncle Tonstall. Before whom he was often cited, (chiefly about the Eucharist) but was discharged by confessing the real presence, and that the manner thereof transcended his apprehension. Tonstall not enforcing him to the particularity of Transubstantiation, as using himself to complain on Pope Innocent, for defining, de modo to be an article of faith. However his foes so hardly beset him, that once he ordered his servant to provide for him a long shroud, not for his winding, but burning sheet, as expecting at last he should be brought to the stake for his religion. But men may make clothes either for mirth or for mourning, whilst God alone orders whether or no they shall wear them.

13. After the coming of Queen Elizabeth to the Crown, he with more earnestness refused a Bishopric, then others affected it. His parsonage at Haughton, as it might seem a Bishops Palace for building, so was it no less for hospitality. Fourteen Villages belonging to that mother Church, the poor whereof (besides many others) were daily relieved at his door, twenty Scholars he commonly boarded in his house, which seemed a little College. In a word, he was commonly called Father Gilpin, and well deserved it, for his paternal affections to all. Making his yearly progress into Rheadsdale, and Tinsdale in Northumberland, (where people sat in darkness of ignorance, and shadow of death) and instructing them by his heavenly preaching.

14. Now began that fatal yearl generally foretold that it would be wonderful as it proved no less. Whence the Astrologers fetched their intelligence hereof; whether from Heaven, or Hell, from other Stars, or from Lucifer alone, is uncertain: this is most sure, that this prediction, though hitting the mark, yet missed their meaning, who both first reported, and most believed it. Out comes their invincible Navy and Army, perfectly appointed for both Elements, Water, and Land, to Sail and March complete in all warlike Equipage: so that formerly, with far less provision, they had conquered another new world. Mighty was the bulk of their ships, the sea seeming to groan under them, (being a burden to it, as they went, and to themselves, before they returned) with all manner of artillery, prodigious in number, and greatness, so that the report of their guns do still, and ought ever, to sound in the ears of the English, not to fright them with any terror, but to fill them with deserved thankfulness.

15. It is said of Sennacherib, coming against Jerusalem with his numerous army, by the way that he came shall he return, and shall not come into this City saith the Lord: as the later part of his threatening was verified here, no Spantard setting foot on English ground, under other notion then a prisoner; so, God did not them the honor to return the same way, who coming by South-East, a way they knew, went back by South-West, a way they sought, chased by our ships, past the 57 t h Degree of Northen Latitude, then and there left to be pursued after by hunger and cold. Thus having tasted the English valor in conquering them, the Scotch constancy in not relieving them, the Irish cruelty in barbarous butchering them, the small reversion of this great navy which came home, might be looked upon by religious eyes, as relics, not for the adoration, but instruction of their nation hereafter, not to account anything invincible which is less then infinite.

16. Such as lose themselves by looking on second causes impute the Spanish ill success, partly to the Prince of Parma, who either mind-bound or wind-bound, staying himself, or stopped by the Hollander, would or could not come to their seasonable succor, and partly to the Duke of Medina's want of commission to fight with the English, (save on the defensive) till joined with Parma. Thus when God will have a design defeated, amidst the plenty, yea superfluity of all imaginable necessaries, some unsuspected one shall be wanting to frustrate all the rest. We will not mention (save in due distance of helps) the industry, and loyalty of the Lord H ward Admiral, the valor of our captains, the skill of our pilots, the activity of our ships, but assign all to the goodness of God, as Queen Elizabeth did. Leave we her in the Choir of Paul's church, devoutly on her knees with the rest of her Nobles in the same humble posture, returning their unseigned thanks to the God and giver of all victory, whilst going abroad, we shall find some of her subjects worse employed in implacable enmity about Ecclesiastical discipline one against another. And let not the mentioning of this deliverance be censured as a deviation from the Church-History of Britain. Silence thereof being a sin, for had the design took effect, neither Protestant Church in Britain had remained, nor History thereof been made at this present.

17. But bullets did not fly about so much at sea, as bastardly Libels by land, so fitly called, because none durst father them, for their issue. They are known, though not by their Parents, by their names.

  • 1 The Epitome
  • 2 The demonstration of discipline
  • 3 The Supplication
  • 4 Diotrephes
  • 5 The Minerals
  • 6 Have you any work for the (Cooper?
  • 7 Martin Seignior
  • 8 Martin Junior
    • Marprelate.
  • 9 More work for the Cooper (&c.

The main drift and scope of these pamphlets, for know one and know all (these foul mouthed papers, like Blackmoors, did all look alike) was to defame and disgrace the English Prelates, scoffing at them for their garb, gate, apparel, vanities of their youth, natural defects, and personal infirmities; it is strange how secretly they were printed, how speedily dispersed, how generally bought, how greedily read, yea and how firmly believed, especially of the common sort, to whom no better music then to hear their betters upbraided.

18. Some precise men of that side thought these jeering pens well employed. For having formerly, (as they say) tried all serious and sober means to reclaim the Bishops, which hitherto proved ineffectual: they thought it not amiss to try this new way, that whom they could not in earnest make odious, in sport they might render ridiculous. Wits will be working, and such as have a Satirical vein, cannot better vent it then in lashing of sin. Besides, they wanted not a warrant (as they conceived) in Holy Writ, where it was no soloecisme to the gravity of Elijah to mock Baals priests out of their superstition chiefly, this was conceived would drive on their design, strengthen their party by working on the people's affections, which were marvelously taken with the reading thereof.

19. But the more discreet and devout sort of men, even of such as were no great friends to the Hierarchy, upon solemn debate then resolved, (I speak on certain knowledge from the mouths of such whom I must believe) that for many foul falsehoods therein suggested, such Books were altogether unbeseeming a pious spirit, to print, publish, or with pleasure peruse, which supposed true both in matter and measure, charity would rather conceal, then discover. The best of men being so conscious of their own badness, that they are more careful to wash their own faces, then busy to throw dirt on others. Any man may be witty in a bitting way, and those that have the dullest brains, have commonly the sharpest teeth to that purpose. But such carnal mirth, whilst it tickles the flesh, doth wound the s ul. And which was the main, these base books would give a great advantage to the general foe, and Papists would make too much use thereof against Protestant religion especially seeing an Arch-Angel thought himself too good to bring, and Satan not bad enough to have railing speeches brought against him.

20. Bu leaving private men to abound in their own sense, how highly the state (as it then stood) distasted these books, will plainly appe by the heavy censures inflicted on such as were but accessatie thereunto. To pass by John Henry, and John Udall ministers, accused for making some of them, (of whom in due place) together with the Printers, and Humphry Newman, a Cohler▪ chief disperser of them: The Star -Chamber deeply sined S r . Richard Knightly, and S r . 〈◊〉 Wigstow for entertaining and receiving the Press Gentlemen, whom their adverse rt s allow qualified with piety, gravity, and wisdom, which made many admire how their discretion could be deluded, and more bemoan that their goodness should be abused y others, who had designs upon them. Here rch-Bishop Whitgist bestirr'd himself to improve his interest with the Queen, till his importunity had angered her & till his importunity had pleased her again, that they might be delivered out of prison, and eased of their fines, which upon their submission was performed. Whose mildness to mediate for his adversaries, as it was highly commended by some, so there wanted not those, who imputed his moderation therein to declining of envy, gaining of applause, and remorse of his own conscience for over rigorous proceedings: it being no charity to cure the wound he hath caused, and solicit the remitting of those fines, which he had procured to be imposed. Thus impossible it is to please froward spirits, and to make them like the best deed, who dislike the doer thereof; and if any desire to know the motions and stages of the Press, which printed these books, know it was first set up at Moul y near Kingston in Surrey, thence conveyed 〈◊〉 Fausly in Northamotonshire, thence to Norton, and afterwards to Coventry Hence it was removed to Welstone in Warwick-shire, whence the Letters were sent to another Pr ss, in or near Manchester, and there discovered by Henry Earl of Da by, in the printing of more work for the C oper. No wonder then if many 〈◊〉 were committed by this (call it as you please P lgr me or Vagabond ) Press, when itself was ever in a wandering and straggling condition.

21. A 〈◊〉 of the Pr shyterians, of the Warwick-shire Classes, was called at Coventry, ai oectmo, quart ; that is, on the 10 t h of April: wherein the questions, brought the last year from the Brethren of Cambridge Syn d, were resolved in manner as followeth.

  • 1. That private Baptism was unlawful.
  • 2. That it is not lawful to read Homilies in the Church.
  • 3. That the sign of the Cross is not to be used in Baptism.
  • 4. That th faithful ought not to communicate with unlearned Ministers, although they may be present at thei service, if they come of purpose to hear the sermon, the reason is, because Laymen as well as Ministers may read public service.
  • 5. Tha the calling of Bishops &c. is unlawful.
  • 6. That as they deal in causes Ecclesiastical, there is no duty belonging unto, nor any publicly to be given them.
  • 7. That it is not lawful to be ordained Ministers by them, or to denounce either uspensions, or excommunications s nt from them.
  • 8. That it is not lawful to rest in the Bishops deprivat on of any from the Ministry, except (upon consultation with the neighbor Ministers adjoining and his flock) it seems so good unto them: but that he continue in the same until he be compel'd to the contrary by civil force.
  • 9. That it is not lawful to appear in a Bishops Court, but with protestation of their unlawfulness.
  • 10. That Bishops are not to be acknowledged either for Doctors, Elders, or Deacons, as having 〈◊〉 ordinary calling.
  • 11. That touching the restauration of their Ecclesiastical Discipline, it ought to be taught to the people as occasion shall serve.
  • 12. That (as yet) the people are not to be solicited (publicly) to the practice of the Discipline, (till) they be better instructed in the knowledge of it.
  • 13. That men of better understanding are to be allured privately to the present embracing of the Discipline, and practice of it, as far as they shall be well able, with the peace of the Church.

Likewise in the same assembly the aforesaid Book of discipline was approved to be a draught essential and necessary for all times; and certain articles (devised in approbation, and for the manner of the use thereof,) were brought forth, treated of, and subscribed unto, by M r . Cartwright, and others, and afterwards tendered far and near to the several Classes, for a general ratification of all the Brethren.

22. Now if Rebekah found herself strangely affected when twinns struggled in her womb, the condition of the English Church must be conceived sad, which at the same time had two disciplines, both of them pleading Scripture and Primitive practice, each striving to support itself, and suppress it's rivall. The Hierarchy commanded by authority, established by law, confirmed by general practice, and continued so long by custom in this land, that had one at this time lived the age of Methuselah he could not remember the beginning thereof in Britain. The Presbytery, though wanting the stamp of authority, claiming to be the purer metal founded by some Clergy men, favored by many of the Gentry, and followed by more of the Common sort, who being prompted with that natural principle, that the weakest side must be most watchful, what they wanted in strength, they supplied in activity. But what won them most repute, was their Ministers painful preaching in populous places: It being observed in England, that those who hold the Helme of the pulpit, always steer people's hearts as they please. The worst is, that in matters of fact, all relations in these times are relations, I mean much resent of party and interest to the prejudice of truth. Let me mind the Reader to reflect his eye on our Quotations, (the Margin, in such cases being as material as the Text, as containing the authors) and his judgment may, according to the credit or reference of the Author alleged believe, or abate, from the reputation of the report. Let me add, that though it be a lie in the Clock, it's but a falsehood in the Hand of the Diall, when pointing at a wrong hour, if rightly following the direction of the wheel which moveth it. And the fault is not mine, if truly cite what is false on the credit of another. The best certainty in this kind we are capable of, is, what we find in the confessions of the parties themselves, deposed on oath, taken by public notaries, and recorded in court: for such, who herein will fly higher for true intelligence, then the Starr-Chamber, must fetch it from heaven himself.

23. In that Court we find confessed by one M r . Johnson, (formerly a great Presbyterian, but afterwards, it seems falling from that side, he discovered many passages to their disadvantage) how that when the Book of Discipline came to Northampton to be subscribed unto, there was a general censuring used amongst the brethren there, as it were to sanctify themselves; partly by sustaining a kind of penance and reproof for their former conformity to the Orders of the Church; and partly to prepare their minds for the devout accepting of the aforesaid Book. In which course of censuring used at that time, there was such a ripping up one of another's life, even from their youth, as that they came to bitterness, and reviling terms amongst themselves; one growing thereby odious to another, and some did thereupon utterly forsake those kinds of Assemblies. O, how woeful the 〈◊〉 of the English Church, whilst her 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 her ministers, and under- owers, some tugged it one way, and others towing it another; enough almost to split her in pieces, with the violence of their contrary Discipline.

24. Leave we them for a while, to behold how the Popish Clergy were employed, who in the beginning of this year, were as busy as Bees, newly ready to swarm. A Book was set forth called the admonition, dispersed amongst Catholics, and highly cried up, consisting of several Parts, not unfit to be here recited.

1. The Authors make their entrance into the discourse, with a most odious and shameful declamation against her Majesty, stirring up her subjects hearts to contempt of her highness, as being one odious to God and man.

They threaten the Nobility, Gentry &c. with loss of all their goods, their Lands, their Lives, and with damnation besides; except that presently upon the landing of the Spaniards, they joined themselves, and all their forces, men, munition, victuals, and whatsoever else they could make with their Catholic Army, (forsooth) for the words be these.

If you will avoid (say they) the Popes, the Kings, and other Princes high indignation; let no man of what degree soever, abet, aid, defend or acknowledge her &c. adding that otherwise they should incur the Angels Curse and Malediction, and be as deeply excommunicated as any, because that in taking her Majesty's part, they should fight against God, against their lawful King, against their Country, and that notwithstanding all they should do, they should but defend her highness bootless to their own present destruction, and eternal shame.

2. After all those, and many other such threats, in a high and military style, to scarr fools with, then they come to some more mild persuasions, and promise the noble men, that so they join with the duke of PARMA upon the receipt of their Admonition, they will entreat that their whole houses shall not perish. For Persons did instigate the English Cardinal to swear by his Honor, and in the word of a Cardinal, that in the fury of their intended Massacre, their should as great care be taken of every Catholic and penitent person, as possibly could be, and that he was made a Cardinal of purpose to be sent then into England for the sweet managing of those Affairs.

3. Other arguments they used drawn from the certainty of the victory, as that all the Protestants would either turn their Coats, Copies, arms, or fly away, in fear and torment of the Angel of God prosecuting them; that although none of her Majesty's subjects should assist the Spaniards, yet their own forces, which they brought with them were strong enough, their provision sufficient, their appointment so surpassing: that they had more expert Captains, then her Majesty had good soldiers, all resolute to be in the Cause, which they had undertaken: that the Blood of all the blessed Bishops shed in this Land, and all the saints in heaven prayed for the Spaniards victory, that all the virtuous Priests of our Country, both at Home and Abroad, had stretched forth their sacred hands to the same end: that many priests were in the Camp to serve every spiritual man's necessity: that their forces were guarded with all God's Holy Angels; with Christ himself in the sovereign Sacrament, and with the daily most holy oblation, of Christ's own dear body and blood: that the Spaniards being thus assisted with so many helps, though they had been never so few they could not lose, and that her Majesty and her Assistants wanting these helps, although they were never so fierce, never so proud, never so many, never so well appointed, yet they could not prevail. Fear you not (say they to such as would take their part) they cannot. And thus far out of their said Jesuitical Admonition.

The Book goes under the name of Cardinal Allen, though the secular Priests say he was but the Cloak-father thereof, and that Parsons the Jesuit made it. Others conceive it equivocally begotten, as the result and extract of several brains. No doubt had the Spanish Invasion succeeded, happy he who could have laid claim to so prophetical a piece: and they would have fallen out as the two Harlots about the living Child, who should have been Parent thereof. Whereas now on the miscarriage of their great Navy, all disclaimed the Book, and Parsons procured the whole impression to be burnt, (save some few sent abroad before hand to his friends) that it might not remain a monument of their falsehood. And now the Popish Priests, some lurkit here in holes, other fled into foreign parts, their confusion being the greater for their former confidence. Thus Sisera comes off the more coldly, when stripped out of the garment of divers colors wherewith his mother had arrayed him, in her fancy running faster, then the wheels of her sons Chariot to his imaginary conquest.

25. This year died Edwin Sands Arch-Bishop of York, born in Lancashire of worshipful Parentage, bred in Cambridge, banished to Germany, after this promoted to be Bishop of Worcester, then succeeded Grindal in London, and York, an excellent and painful preacher, and of a pious and Godly life, which increased in his old age, so that by a great and good stride, whilst he had one foot in the Grave, he had the other in Heaven. He was buried in Southwell, and it is hard to say, whether he was more eminent in his own Virtues, or more happy in his Flourishing Posterity.

26. The next year produced not any great Church matters in its self, but was only preparatory to the ripening of business, and raising the charges against the principal Patrons of Nonconformity. Indeed Arch-Bishop Whitgift according to his constant custom and manner, repaired daily to the Council-Table early in the morning, and after an usual apprecation of a Good-morrow to the Lord's, he requested to know if there were any Church business to be debated, and if the answer were returned in the Affirmative, He stayed and attended the issue of the matter. But if no such matter appeared, he craved leave to be dispensed withal, saying, Then my Lord's, here is no need of me, and departed. A commendable practice clearing himself from all aspersions of civil-pragmaticallness, and tending much to the just support of his reputation.

27. On the first of September M r . Cartwright, Bachelor in Divinity, was brought before Her Majesty's Commissioners, there to take his oath, and give in his positive answer to the following Articles.

  • 1. IMprimis, We do object and articulate against him, that he, being a Minister (at least a Deacon) lawfully called, according to the godly laws, and orders of this Church of England hath forsaken, abandoned, and renounced the same orders Ecclesiastical, as an antichristian, and unlawful manner of calling, unto the Ministry, or Deaconship.
  • 2. Item, that he departing this Realm into foreign parts, without license, as a man discontented with the form of Government Ecclesiastical here by law established, the more to testify his dislike and contempt thereof, and of the manner of his former Vocation, and Ordination, was contented in foreign parts (as at Antwerpe, Middeburgh, or elsewhere) to have a new Vocation, Election, or Ordination, by imposition of hands unto the Ministry, or unto some other order or degree Ecclesiastical, and in other manner and form, than the laws Ecclesiastical of this Realm do prescribe. Let him declare upon his oath the particular circumstances thereof.
  • 3. Item, that by virtue or color of such his later Vocation, Election, or Ordination, becoming a pretended Bishop, or Pastor, of such Congregation as made choice of him, he established, or procured to be established at Antwerp, and at Middleburgh among Merchants, and others, Her Majesty's Subjects, a certain Consistory, Seminary, Presbytery, or Eldership Ecclesiastical, consisting of himself, being Bishop, or Pastor, (and so President thereof) of a Doctor, of certain Ancients, Sentours, or Elders for government Ecclesiastical, and of Deacons for distributing to the poor.
  • 4. Item, that the said Eldership, and the authority thereof, certain English-born Subjects were called, elected, or ordained by imposition of hands, to be Ministers, or Ecclesiastical Doctors (being not of that degree before) as Hart, Travers, Grise, or some of them; and some that were also Ministers afore, according to the orders of the Church of England, as Fenner, Acton, were so called, and other English Subjects were also called, and likewise ordained Elders, and some others were ordained Deacons, in other manner and form, than the laws Ecclesiastical of the Realm do prescribe, or allow of.
  • 5. Item, that such Eldership so established, under the Presidentship of him the said Thomas Cartwright, had used (besides this authority of this Vocation, and Ordination of Officers ecclesiastical) the Censures, and keys of the Church, as public admonition, suspension from the Supper, and from execution of offices ecclesiastical, and the censures of excommunication; likewise authority of making laws, degrees, and orders ecclesiastical, and of dealing with the doctrine, and manners of all persons in that Congregation, in all matters whatsoever so far as might appertain to conscience.
  • 6. Item, that he the said Thomas Cartwright, in the public administration of his Ministry there, among Her Majesty's Subjects, used not the form of liturgy, or Book of Common-Prayer, by the laws of this land established, nor in his government ecclesiastical, the laws and orders of this land, but rather conformed himself in both to the use and form of some other foreign Churches.
  • 7. Item, that since his last return from beyond the Seas, being to be placed at Warwick, he faithfully promised (if he might be but tolerated to preach) not to impugn the laws, orders, policy, government, nor governors in this Church of England, but to persuade, and procure, so much as he could, both publicly, and privately, the estimation, and peace of this Church.
  • 8. Item, That he, having no Ministry in this Church (other then such as before he had forsaken, and still condemneth as unlawful) and without any license (as Law requireth) he hath since taken upon him to preach at Warwick, and at sundry other places of this Realm.
  • 9. Item, That since his said return, in sundry private conferences, with such Ministers and others, as at sundry times by word, and letter, have asked his advice, or opinion, he hath shown mislike of the Laws, and Government Ecclesiastical, and of divers parts of the Liturgy of this Church; and thereby persuaded, and prevailed also with many in sundry points, to break the orders and form of the Book of Common-Prayer, who observed them before, and also to oppose themselves to the Government of this Church, as himself well knoweth, or verily believeth.
  • 10. Item. That in all, or most of such his Sermons, and Exercises, he hath taken occasion to traduce, and inveigh against the Bishops, and other governors under them in this Church.
  • 11. Item, That he hath grown so far in hatred, and dislike towards them, as that at sundry times, in his prayer at Sermons, and namely, Preaching at Banbury, about a year since, in such place as others well disposed pray for Bishops, he prayed to this, or like effect; Because that they, which ought to be pillars in the Church, do bend themselves against Christ, and his truth, therefore O Lord give us grace, and power, all as one man, to set ourselves against them. And this in effect (by way of emphasis) he then also repeated.
  • 12. Item, that preaching at sundry times and places, he usually reacheth at all occasions, to deprave, condemn, and impugn the manner of Ordination of Bishops, Ministers and Deacons; sundry points of the Politie, Government, Laws, Orders, and rights Ecclesiastical, and of the public Liturgy of the Church of England, contained in the Book of Common-Prayer; as namely, the use of the Surplis, the Interrogatories to God-Fathers, &c. in the name of the Infants, the Cross in Baptism, the Ring in Marriage, the Thanksgiving after Child-birth▪ Burials by Ministers, the Kneeling at Communion, some points of the Litany, certain Collects and Prayers, the reading of portions of Scripture for the Epistle and Gospel, and the manner of Singing in Cathedral Churches, and others.
  • 13. Item, That preaching at the Baptizing of one of Job Throgmortons children, he spoke much of the unlawfulness, and in derogation of the Government, Politie, Laws, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Realm; and to the justification of a Government by Elderships in every Congregation, and by Conference, and Synods, &c. abroad, as Divine Institutions commanded by Christ, and the only lawful Churchgovernment; seeking to prove and establish such Elderships out of that word in one of the Psalms, where Thrones are mentioned.
  • 14. Item, That by toleration, and impunity, he did grow so confident, and withal implacable against the Laws, Government, and Orders of this Church of England, that he could not endure M r Bourdman, and others (preaching sundry times at Warwick ) to speak in defense thereof, but took upon him to confute in sundry Sermons there, these things which the said Bourdman had truly, and dutifully, in that behalf spoken, and delivered.
  • 15. Item, That in his Sermons at Warwick, and elsewhere, within the said time, he often delivered many frivolous, strange, and undiscreet positions; as namely, that to kneel down and pray when a man comes into the Church, to pray there privately, was but to offer the sacrifice of fools. That it was requisite, all the hearers that were able should stand upon their feet during Sermons; and discoursing about women, and their child-birth, &c. did speak thereof so indiscreetly, and offensively, that sundry of them in great grief, had conspired to have mischieved him with stones in the open streets.
  • 16. Item, That by his persuasions, privately and publicly delivered, sundry persons in and about Warwick, were appointed to impugn, both in words and deeds, the Laws, Orders, and rights prescribed by the Book of Common-Prayer; insomuch as both his own wife by his procurement and consent, refused after child-birth, to come, and give thanks in such place of the Church, and in that solemn manner as thereby is prescribed; and some other women also of that Town, by such persuasion, and example, did use the like contempt.
  • 17. Item, That sundry times (or at least once) when he communicated at the Lord's Supper there, he sat, or stood upon his feet; and divers others, induced by his persuasions, and example, both then and at other times did the like. And, that at other times there, or in other places where he hath communicated, both himself and others, (as he had appointed or persuaded afore) did walk along, and receive the Sacrament of the Ministers as they passed by him.
  • 18. Item, That for these, and such like disorders, he was presented to the Bishop of Wigorne, his Ordinary. Before whom being convented in the Consistory there, he spake to the justification, and upholding of such doing of his, and of others: and there very publicly, and offensively affirmed, and disputed, That the Book of Common-Prayer, &c. is not established by Law.
  • 19. Item, That when by authority from the said Bishop, for his contempt he was suspended from preaching, & ab omni functione Ministerii, he appealed from the said suspension, yet did not prosecute within a year after, whereby (the cause being according to Law remitted again to the Bishop) he, the said Thomas Cartwright, according to the former proceedings, falling again into the sentence of suspension (which was also intimated, and made known unto him) nevertheless in contempt of the Authority Ecclesiastical, he hath preached at Warwick Coventry, and elsewhere since the said time.
  • 20. Item, When one of his men-servants had committed Fornication, and gotten a bastard in his house, he, taking upon him the authority of the Ordinary, did appoint unto the delinquent a public form of penance, or satisfaction, in Saint Mary's-Church at Warwick, and caused him to perform the same.
  • 21. Item, Since his placing at Warwick he, with others (at such times as they thought fit) have agreed to have, and so have had, divers public Fasts, without the Queen her Authority, and have invited, and persuaded both sundry persons to be there present, and also certain to preach, to the number of three, four, or five, successively one after another, being all noted to be such, as mislike and impugn sundry points of the Laws, Government, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Church of England. In which Sermons, both he the said Cartwright, and such others also as then preached, did impugn, and inveigh against the present Laws, Government, Politie, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Church of England.
  • 22. Item, That from time to time, since his abode in Warwick, by his practice and dealing, he hath nourished a faction, and heart-burning of one inhabitant there against another, severing them in his own, and his followers speeches, by the names of The Godly, or Brethren favo ring sincerity, and The Profane.
  • 23. Item, That he doth know, or credibly heard, who were the penners, printers, or some of the dispersers of the several Libels, going under the name of Martin Mar-Prelate, of the Demonstration of Discipline, of Diotrephes, and such like books, before it was known to Authority; and yet in favor of such, and contempt of good laws, did not manifest the same to any who had authority to punish it.
  • 24. Item, that being asked his opinion of such books, he answered thus in effect, or something tending this way, viz. (meaning the Bishops, and others there touched) would not amend by grave books, and advertisements, and therefore it was meet they should thus be dealt with, to their further reproach and shame.
  • 25. Item, that for, and in the behalf of the Church of England, he penned, or procured to be penned, all or some part, of a little book entitled in one part, Disciplina Ecclesiae sacra Verbo Dei descripta; and in the other part, Disciplina Synodicaex Ecclesiarumusu &c. And, after it was perused by others, whom he first acquainted therewith, he recommended the same to the censures, and judgments of moe brethren (being learned Preachers) and some others, assembled together by his means, for that and other like purposes: Which, after deliberation, and some alterations, was by them, or most of them, allowed, as the only lawful Church government, and fit to be put in practice; and the ways and means for the practicing thereof in this Realm, were also then, or not long after, agreed or concluded upon by them.
  • 26. Item, that for the better and more due practice of it within the space of these seven, six, five, four, three, two or one year last past, the said Thomas Cartwright, and sundry others (as aforesaid according to former appointment and determinations by them made) have met in Assemblies, termed Synods, more general (as at London, at Terms, and Parliament times; in Oxford at the Act; in Cambridge at the times of Commencement, and Sturbridge -fair) and also more particular, and Provincial Synods, and at Classes, or Conferences of certain selected Ministers, in one, or moe places of sundry several shires, as, Warwick, Northampton, R tland, Oxford, Leicester, Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and others.
  • 27. Item, that at such Synods and Conferences, it hath been concluded, that all the Ministers, which should be received to be either of the said general Synods, or of anymore particular and Provincial, or of a Classis, or Conference, should subscribe to the said Discipline, that they did allow it, would promote it, practice it, and be governed by it. And according to the form of a schedule hereunto annexed, or such like, both he the said Thomas Cartwright, and many others, at sundry, or some general Assemblies, as at Provincial, and at several conferences, have within the said time, subscribed the same, or some part thereof.
  • 28. Item, that at such Synods and all other Assemblies, a moderator of that meeting, was first by him and them chosen, according to the prescription of the said book. And at some of such meetings, and Assemblies amongst other things, it was resolved, and concluded; that such particular conferences in several Shires should be erected; how many persons, and with what letters from every of them, should be sent to the general Assembly; and that one of them, at their coming home to their Conference, should make known the determinations of the general Assembly, to be by every of them followed, and put in practice: which course in sundry places of this Realm hath (within the time aforesaid) been accordingly followed and performed.
  • 29. Item, that he with others in some such Classis or Conference; or in a Synod, or more general Assembly holden, did treat, and dispute (among other points) these six Articles contained in another schedule annexed, and set down their resolution, and determination of them.
  • 30. Item, that he, with others assembled in such a general Assembly, or Synod at Cambridge, did conclude, and decree (as in another schedule annexed, or in some part thereof is contained) which decrees were made known afterwards at Warwick, to sundry Classes there by his means assembled, and allowed also by them then met together in the same or like form.
  • 31. Item, that all such several meetings, Synods, and Conferences, within the said time, many other determinations, as well what should be done and performed, or omitted; as also what should be holden consonant to God's word, or disagreeing from it, have been set down by the said Thomas Cartwright and others. As namely, that all admitted to either Assembly should subscribe the said book of Discipline, Holy, and Synodical: that those who were sent from any Conference to a Synod, should bring letters fiduciarie, or credence: that the last Moderator should write them: that the superscription thereof should be to a known man of the Assembly then to be holden: that no book made by any of them should be put in print, but by consent of the Classis at least: that some of them must be earnest, and some more mild and temperate, whereby there may be both of the spirit of Elias, and Elisha: that all admitted amongst them, should subscribe, and promise, to conform themselves in their proceedings, administration of Sacraments, and of Discipline, to the form of that Book; and that they would subject themselves to the censuring of the Brethren, both for doctrine and life: and lastly, that upon occasion, when any their brethren shall be sent by them upon affairs of the Church (as to the great meetings, Parliament &c.) they all would bear their charges in common: that there might be no superiority amongst them, and that the Moderatorship (as it happ'ned) is not a superiority, or honor, but a burden: that no profane writer, or any other, than Canonical Scripture may be alleged in Sermons: that they should all teach, that the ministry of those who did not preach, is no ministry, but a mere nullity: that it is not lawful to take any oath, whereby a man may be driven to discover anything penal to himself, or to his brother, especially if he be persuaded the matter to be lawful, for which the punishment is like to be inflicted; or having taken it in this case, need not discover the very truth: that to a Bishop, or other Officer ecclesiastical (as is used now in the Church of England ) none obedience ought to be given, neither in appearing before them, in doing that which they command, nor in abstaining from that which they inhibit: that in such places as the most of the people favored the cause of sincerity, Eldership should warily and wisely be placed and established, which Consistory in some places hath been either wholly, or in part erected accordingly; yea, in some Colleges in the University, as he knoweth, hath heard, or verily believeth.

These Articles were tendered to M r . Cartwright in the Consistory of Paul's, before John Almare Bishop of London, the two Lord Chief Justices, Justice Gawdy, Sergeant Puckering (afterwards Lord keeper ) and Attorney-General Popham.

28. These Commissioners did move him to give in his answer (the rather because the chief points in the Jnterrogatories were delivered in general terms unto him) and they severally assured him on their credits, that by the Laws of the Realm, he was to take his oath, and to answer as he was required. But M r . Cartwright desired to be born withal; pleading, that he thought he was not bound by the laws of God so to do. Hereupon he was sent to the rest of his brethren to the Fleet, where he secretly, and silently took up his lodging; many admiring at the panic peaceableness, and so quiet a calm, where so violent a tempest was feared to arise.

29. Some soon after expected the appearance of the Presbyterian party, accounting it more valor to free, than to keep their friends from prison. The rather, because of a passage in a letter of M r . Wigingtons to one M r . Porter at Lancaster.

M r . Cartwright is in the Fleet for the refusal of the oath, (as I hear) and M r . Knewstubs is sent for, and sundry worthy Ministers are disquieted, who have been spared long. So that we look for some Bickering ere long, and then a Battle which cannot long endure.

Words variously expounded, as men's fancies directed them. Some conceived that this Bickering, and Battle did barely import a passive conflict, wherein their patience was to encounter the power of their adversaries, and to conquer by suffering. Parallel to the Apostles words Without were fightings, meaning combats to wrestle with in many difficulties opposing their proceedings. Others expounded the words literally (not of a tame, but wild Battle ) and of some intended violence, as if shortly they would muster their (hitherto invisible) forces to storm the Fleet, and rescue their friends therein. A third sort beheld Wigington the writer of these words, as one, but of the soberer sort of distracted men, and therefore in vain do stai'd heads make serious comments on light men's random-expressions, where the knot is neither to be untied, nor cut, but east away.

30. Now the principal pillars of the Presbyterian party, being some in restraint, more in trouble, all in fear; applied themselves by their secret solicitors to James King of Scotland, and procured his letter to the Queen in their behalf, seconded with another to the same effect. They conceived so potent a Petitioner must needs prevail, especially in this juncture of time; the Queen having lately (since she put his mother to death) Adulced him with fair language, and kind carriage. This Letter was sent to one M r . Johnson a Scotch Merchant in London, by him presented to the Queen, perused by her Majesty, and remitted to her Privy-Council; but behold the Tenour thereof.

RIght Excellent, high and mighty Princess, our dearest Sister and Cousin in our heartiest manner, We recommend us unto you. Hearing of the apprehension of M r . Udall and M r . Cartwright, and certain other Ministers of the Evangel within your Realm; Of whose good erudition and faithful travels in the Church, we hear a very credible commendation, howsoever that their diversity from the Bishops and others of your Clergy, in matters touching them in conscience hath been a mean by their dilation, to work them your misliking; at this present we cannot (weighing the duty which we owe to such as are afflicted for their conscience in that profession) but by our most effectuous and earnest Letter interpone us at your hands to stay any harder usage of them for that cause. Requesting your most earnestly, that for our cause and intercession it may please you to let them be relieved of their present strait, and whatsoever further accusation or pursuit depending on that ground, respecting both their former merit, in setting forth the Evangel, the simplicity of their conscience in this defense which cannot well be, their let by compulsion, and the great slander which could not fail to fall out upon their further streighting for any such occasion. Which we assure us your zeal to Religion, besides the expectation we have of your good will to pleasure us, will willingly accord to our request, hav ng such proofs from time to time of or like disposition to you in any matters which you recommend unto us, and thus right excellent, right high, and mighty Princes, our dear sister and Cousin, we commit you to God's protection.

Edinburgh June 12. 1591.

This letter prevailed little with the Queen, nor do I find that the king of Scotland was discontented thereat. Princes politically understanding their mutual secret language (not to say silent signs) whose desires to for reign Princes for private persons carry this tacit reservation, if it may stand with the conveniency and pleasure of him to whom it is written. Besides, they know by their own experience, that often there is the least of themselves in their own letters, as granted merely for quietness sake to satisfy the importunity of others.

31. One word from Arch. BP. Whitgift befriended M r . Cartwright more then both the letters from the King of Scotland. This Prelate reflecting on his abilities, and their ancient acquaintance in Trinity College: and remembering (as an honorable Adversary) they had brandished pens one against another, and considering that both of them now were well stricken in years, and (some will say) fearing the success in so tough a conflict, on M r . Cartwrights general promise to be quiet, procured his dismission out of the Starr-Chamber, and prison wherein he was confined. Henceforward M t . Cartwright became very peaceable, not that he began to desert the cause, but the cause him. The Original state of the point of Non-conformity being much altered and disguised from its self, and many state businesses (which M r . Cartwright disclaimed) by turbulent spirits shuffled into it.

32. Next followeth the just death of Hacket for his damnable Blasphemy, and I am sensible of a sad dilemma concerning the same. For not relating the story, will be interpreted favoring of him, and wronging the truth. Relating it, may be accounted gracing his impieties by recording them. And seeing it hard for one soul to attend two things at once, some will say, no Author can write and detest, nor Reader peruse and detest these his blasphemies so at the same instant, but that there will be a short interval betwixt them, yet long enough to have Piety wounded therein. However arming our selves and others with caution premised, we enter on this sorrowful subject. The rather because the best may be bettered by the worst of men. When considering that natural corruption in their hearts, is not less head rong, but more bridled. Think not that Hacket and his two Companions were worse by nature then all others of the English nation. I tell you nay, for if God's restraining grace be taken from us we shall all run unto the same excess of riot.

33. This William Hacket was born it Oundale in Northampton-shire, of so cruel and fierce a nature, that he is reported to have bit off, and eat down the nose of his Schoolmaster. A Maulster by trade, which calling being too narrow for his active soul; He undertook to be a Discoveror of, & Informer against Recusants. An employment which often procured his admittance into the presence of great persons, when his betters were excluded. One of a bold and confident nature, who though but an invited guest where many Clergy men were present, would always presume to say grace and pray before them. A great stickler for the Geneva discipline, being very great with Wigginton and other the most violent of that faction. Always inculcating that some extraordinary course must be presently taken with the obstructors thereof. Once he desperately took his dagger and violently struck the same into the picture of the Queen, aiming at her heart therein by proportion. He pretended also to revelations, Immediate Raptures and discourses with God, as also to buffetings of Satan, attesting the truth thereof, with most direful oaths and execrations.

34. One Argument Hacket used to allege to prove his own Invulnerability, Because he proffered leave to any one to kill him that would. The cunning Imposter knowing full well that it was death for any to do it, being secured from such violence, not by any secret quality in himself, but by the good laws of the Queen, against whom he so bitterly enveighed. He railed also against the Arch-Bishop Whitgift and Chancellor Hatton, with other of the Privy Counselors, pretending himself sent from Heaven to reform Church and State, and bring in a new discipline into both by extraordinary means.

35. Afterwards he gave it out, that the principal spirit of the Messias rested in him, and had two Attendants. Edmund Coppinger (the Queens servant and one of good descent) for his prophet of mercy. And Henry Arthington a York-shire Gentleman for his prophet of Judgment. These proclaimed out of a Cart in Cheap-side, that Christ was come in Hacket, with his fan in his hand, to purge the godly from the wicked, with many other precedent, concomitant and consequent impieties. For who can otherwise conceive but such a prince-principal of Darkness must be proportionably attended with a black guard of monstrous Opinions and expressions. They cried also, Repent England, Repent. Good counsel for all that heard, but best for them that gave it. With much ado (such the press of people) they got home to broken-wharf where Hacket lay, and next day all three were sent to Bridewell, though some conceived Bedlam the more proper place for them. And some days after, Hacket being solemnly arraigned before the Judges at Westminster, demeaned himself very scornfully, but was found guilty on a double inditement and condemned.

36. During his imprisonment in Bridewell, one D r . Childerly Rector of S t . Dunstans in the East repaired unto him, and proffered to gripe arms with him and try the wrists, which Hacket unwillingly submitted to do. Though otherwise boasting himself invulnerable and impenetrable. The Doctor (though with some difficulty, Hacket being a foul strong lubber, yet) fairly twisted his wrists almost to the Breaking thereof, but not to the bowing of him to any confession or remorse. Whilst the other presently hasteth home to his house, locked himself up in his Study, and with fasting and prayer begged pardon of God for his pride and boldness, that having neither promised precept, or precedent for his practice in scripture, he should adventure on such a trial wherein justly he might have been worsted for his presumption, and discreet men will more commend the relenting tenderness of his heart, then the slight and strength of his hands.

37. Hacket was brought to the Gibbet near to the Cross in Cheap-side, and there 〈◊〉 forth most blasphemous execrations, till the halter stopped his breath. I know what one Lawyer pleadeth in his behalf, though it be little credit to be the Advocate of such a Client, That the Bishops had made 〈◊〉 m dd with persecuting of him. Sure it was, if he were mad, not any 〈◊〉 but overmuch pride made him so, and sure it is, he discovered no distemper in other particulars, personating at least wise, if not performing all things with a composed gravity. But there is a madness which Physicians count most uncurable, and call it Modesta Insania, when one is mad, as to one particular point alone, whilst serious and sober in all other things. Whether Hacket were not touched with this or no, I will not decide, but leave him to stand or fall to his own master. Coppinger died in Bridewell, starving himself (as it is said) by willful abstinence. Arthington (the prophet of judgment) lived to prove the object of God's and the Queens mercy, and printed a plain book of his hearty repentance. Happy herein that he met with a general belief of his serious sorrow and sincere amendment.

38. This business of Hacket happened very unseasonably for the Presbyterians. True it is, they as cordially detested his blasphemies as any of the Episcopal party. And such of them as loved Hacket the Nonconformist, abhorred Hacket the Heretic, after he had mounted to so high a pitch of Impiety. But (besides the glutenous nature of all aspersions to stick where they light) they could not wash his odium so fast from themselves, but their Adversaries were as ready to rub it on again. This rendered them at this time so hated at Court, That for many months together no Favorite durst present a petition in their behalf to the Queen, being loath to lose himself, to save others, so offended was her Majesty against them.

39. The same day wherein Hacket was executed, Thomas Stone, Parson of Warkton in Northampton-shire (by virtue of an Oath tendered him the day before by the Queens Attorney, and solemnly taken by him) was examined by the Examiner for the Starr-Chamber in Grayes Inn, from six of the clock in the morning, till seven at night, to answer unto thirty three Articles, but could only effectually depose to these which follow, faithfully by me transcribed out of a confession written with his own hand, and lately in my Possession.

1. Interrog.

Who and how many assembled and met together with the said Defendents, T. C. H. E. E. S. &c. all or any of them where, when, how often &c?

The answer of T. S. to the Interrog. touching the Circumstances of

  • 1 Places of meeting
  • 1 Greater
  • 2 Less,
  • 1 In London
  • 2 In Cambridge S t Johns College
  • 1 Travers
  • 2 Egertons
  • 3 Gardeners
  • 4 Barbers
  • Houses
  • 1 In Northampton
  • 1 Johnsons
  • 2 Snapes
  • Houses
  • 2 In Kettering or near it
  • 1 Dammes
  • 2 Stones
  • Houses
  • 2 Times.
  • 1 Since the beginning of the last Parliament.
  • 2 Sundry times at London, how oft he remember'd not.
  • 3 Sundry times at Northampton, how oft not remembered.
  • 4 Sundry times at Kettering, how not remembered.
  • 5 Once at Cambridge, about Sturbridge fair time was 1. or 2. years.
  • 6 Once at London, a little before M r Cartwright was committed at M r Gardeners house.
  • 7 Once at this Deponents house, the certain time not remembered.
  • 3 persons
  • 1 Meeting in London jointly or severally.
  • M r Travers
  • M r Chark
  • M r Egerton
  • M r Gardener
  • M r Barber
  • M r Brown
  • M r Somerscales
  • M r Cartwright
  • M r Chatterton
  • M r Gyfford
  • M r Allen
  • M r Edmands
  • M r Gyllybrand
  • M r Culverwell
  • M r Oxenbridge
  • M r Barbon
  • M r Fludd
  • This Deponent.
  • 2 Meeting in Camb.
  • M r Chatterton and others of Cambridge
  • M r Cartwright
  • M r Gyfford
  • M r Allen
  • M r Snape
  • M r Fl dde
  • This Deponent.
  • 3 persons
  • 3 Meeting in Northampton jointly or severally.
  • M r Johnson
  • M r Snape
  • M r Sybthorpe
  • M r Edwards
  • M r Fludde
  • This Deponent
  • M r Spicer
  • M r Fleshware
  • M r Harrison
  • M r Littleton
  • M r Williamson
  • M r Rushbrook
  • M r Baxter
  • M r Barbon
  • M r King
  • M r Proudtome
  • M r Massy
  • M r Bradshaw
  • 4 Meeting at Kettering or nere to it.
  • M r Dammes
  • M r Pattison
  • M r Okes
  • M r Baxter
  • M r Rushbrook
  • M r Atkinson
  • M r Williamson
  • M r Massy.
  • This Deponent.

2 Interrog.

Who called these Assemblies, by what Authority, how, or in what sort?

Answer.

That he knew not by whom they were called, neither knew he any other Authority therein, saving a voluntary, or free motion, one giving another Intelligence as occasion served, sometimes by letters, and sometimes by word of mouth.

3 Interrog.

Who were Moderators in them, and what their Office?

Answer.

That he remembered not who where Moderators in any meeting particularly, saving once at Northampton, when M r Johns n was admonished, and that was either himself, or M r Snapes, he knew not well whether.

4 Interrog.

What things were debated in those meetings or Assemblies?

Answer.

That the things Chiefly and most often considered of in those Assemblies were these. First, The subscription to the Book of Common-Prayer; how far it might be yielded unto, rather then any should forgo his Ministry. Secondly, The Book of Discipline was often perused, discussed &c. Thirdly, Three petitions or supplications were agreed upon to be drawn. First, to her Majesty Secondly, to the Lord's of the Council. Thirdly, to the Bishops. The things debated of in particular, he remembered not more then these. First, the p rfecting of the Book of Discipline, and purpose to subscribe to it at Cambridge. Secondly, this question disputed, whether it were convenient for M r Cartwright to reveal the Circumstances of the Conference, a little before he was committed. Thirdly, The admonishing of M r Johnson once at Northampton. Fourthly, The debating of this question, whether the Books called Apocrypha were warrantable to be read publicly in the Church as the Canonical Scriptures.

5 Interrog.

Whether any Censures were exercised, what kinds, when, where, upon whom, by whom, for what cause?

Answer.

That he never saw any Censure exercised, saving admonition once upon M r Johnson of Northampton, for miscarrying himself in his conversation, to the Scandal of his Calling, neither was that used with any kind of Authority, but by a voluntary yielding unto it, and approving of it, as well in him that was admonished, as in him which did admonish.

6 Interrog.

Whether any of the said Defendents had moved or persuaded any to refuse an Oath, and in what case &c?

Answer.

That he never knew any of the Defendents to use words of persuasion to any to refuse an Oath; only M r Snape sent him down in writing certain reasons drawn out of the Scripture, which moved him to refuse the general Oath, ex officio, which I stood persuaded, that he sent to none other end, but to declare that he refused not to swear, upon any contempt, but only for Conscience sake.

I have insisted the longer on this Deposition, because the first and fullest that I find in the kind thereof, containing their Classes more formally settled in Northampton-shire, then anywhere else in England. For as the west part of that shire is observed to be the highest place of England, as appeareth by the Rivers rising there, and running thence to the four winds; so was that County a probable place (as the midst of the land) for the Presbyterian Discipline, there erected, to derive itself into all the quarters of the kingdom.

40. But when the news of Mr. Stones answer was brought abroad, he was generally censured by those of his party, as well such as were yet at liberty, conceiving themselves endangered by his discovery, as by those already in prison, complaining that he added affliction to their bonds. Yea his embracing a different course from the rest, cast an Aspersion on others of his side, as less sound in Judgment, or tender in conscience, because peremptorily concealing, what he thought fitting to confess. Many that highly esteemed him before, hereafter accounted him no precious but a counterfeit stone: So that he found it necessary in his own vindication to impart the reasons of his Confession to such as condemned him, if not for a Traitor, at least for a Coward in the Cause.

  • 1. He judged it unlawful to refuse an oath, limited and bounded within the compass of the conferences, being required before a lawful Magistrate in a Plea for the Prince to a lawful end. 1. to try out the truth in a doubtful fact, suspected and feared to be dangerous, both to Church and Common-Weal, but such was that oath which was tendered to him, ergo.
  • 2. He being lawfully sworn, judged it unlawful to be mute, much more to speak any untruth.
  • 3. If he had not been urged by oath to reveal, yet did he judge that silence unlawful, which justly causeth suspicion of evil, as of Treason, Rebellion, Sedition. &c.
  • 4. He judged that concealment unlawful which was not only scandalous, but also dangerous, as this that might occasion and encourage wicked persons to hide their Complices in their worst attempts.
  • 5. He judged that the clearing of a doubtful fact, requireth the clearing of the Circumstances, which cannot be cleared till they be known.
  • 6. He judged that silence unlawful, which leaveth the truth friendless, or few friends when she hath need of many.
  • 7. He judged it a point or note of Puritanism for any to stand so upon the integrity of their own Actions, as that they should not be doubted of, suspected, examined, censured, &c.
  • 8. He saw no probability nor possibility in reason to have the circumstances longer concealed. 1. Because many of them are already made known, partly by the letters and writings of the B. in Bonds, which have been intercepted, partly also by certain false brethren, and lastly by certain faithful, but weak brethren, whose confessions are to be seen under their own hands. 2. Because the Magistrate is resolutely set to search them out, and lastly, because divers are to be called and to answer upon Oath, which approve not the concealing of them.
  • 9. He judged the inconveniences which come by the concealing, to be (if not moe in number) yet greater in weight, and nore inevitable then those that come by revealings, which as it may appear in some of the former Reasons alleged to prove the unlawfulness of concealing: so may it further appear in these that follow.
  • 10. The good name and credit of any (of a Minister much more) ought to be dearer to him, and to all those that love him then his liberty &c. but by this concealing the credit of many good Ministers is eclipsed.
  • 11. This concealing hath caused the continuance of some in bonds and imprisonment hitherto, would cause others to be committed, and withal causeth suspicion of evils, Treason, Rebellion, Sedition, &c. and thereby also evil report, slander &c.
  • 12. As by concealing the aforesaid suspicion and slander lieth still upon us all which have been in these actions: so doth the same grow every day more grievous by the wicked attempts of hypocrites, and profane persons, which carry the name of Puritans, Precisians &c. as those of late in Cheap-side.
  • 13. Although it be very like, that the revealing will bring punishment upon the rest, yet is it not certain nor necessary, but the concealing doth certainly cause suspicion, slalnder &c.
  • 14. The concealing argueth either some guiltiness, or at the least some faintness and fear to be seen or known in these Actions.
  • 15. It leaveth the truth (which now travaileth) poor, naked, destitute, and void of friends, it casteth the care, credit, countenance, defense and maintenance of it upon those few which are in prison, which ought to be supported and maintained by all.
  • 16. It leaveth the burden upon eight or nine men's shoulders, which ought to be eased by many.

What satisfaction this gave to his party I know not, sure I am the Bishops till his dying day beheld him as an ingenuous man, carrying his conscience with the reason thereof in his own breast, and not pinning it on the president of any other: whereupon they permitted him peaceably to possess his parsonage, (being none of the meanest) though he continued a stiff Non conformist, only quietly enjoying his own opinion. Indeed he was a down-right Nathanael, if not guilty of too much of the dove in him: faulty in that defect, wherein more offend in the excess, not minding the world so much, as became a provident parent. But we leave him when we have told the Reader, that he was bred a Student in Christ-Church, and was Proctor of Oxford, Anno 1580, and died quietly an old man Anno 1617 at Warkton in Northampton-shire.

41. Thus one link being slipp'd out, the whole chain was quickly broken and scattered. Stone his discovery mar'd for the future all their formal meetings, as Classically, or Synodically methodized. If any of these Ministers hereafter came together, it was for visits, not visitations; to enjoy themselves, not enjoin others orders to be observed by them.

42. Whereas M r Stone confesseth their meeting in Cambridge, with M r Chatterton and others, I find some of these others elsewhere specified, namely M r Perkins, and M r Thomas Harrison, afterwards the reverend Vice-Master of Trinity-College, both of them concurring, though neither of them very active in this cause. M r Perkins, whatsoever his judgment was in point of Church-discipline, never publicly meddled with it in his preaching; and, being pressed by others about the lawfullness of subscription, he declined to manifest his opinion therein, glad to enjoy his own quiet, and to leave others to the liberty of their own consciences. Solomon's observation found truth in him, When a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him; whose piety procured freedom to his preaching, and fair respect to his person, even from those who in affections differed, and in opinion dissented from him: for all held Perkins for a Prophet; I mean for a painful, and faithful dispenser of God's will in his word.

43. But I am weary of writing these sad dissensions in our Church, and fain would pass over to some more pleasing subject: from the renting of God's Church, to the repairing of it, from the confounding thereof, to the founding, and building, of some eminent place for learning, and religion. But finding none of that nature this very year in England, I am fain to seek one beyond the seas, and at last have lighted on the University, and College of Dublin, which now began to be erected.

44. Anciently Ireland was the Seminary of Saints, people from all parts of Christendom repairing thither, there to find, and thence to fetch the perfect pattern of Monastical devotion. Many hundred years after, namely, in the Reign of King Edward the Second, Alexander Bickner, ArchBishop of D blin, obtained license of the Pope, to erect an University in Dublin; but the design succeeded not according to his desire, and others expectation. Now at the last the same was effected by Royal Authority, and a College there erected, and dedicated to the Holy Trinity. This mindeth me of a pleasant passage: In the Reign of King Henry the eighth, it was enjoined, that all Churches dedicated to S t Thomas Becket, should be new named, and consigned over to some real Saint. Now whilst country people sat in consultation, what new Saint such Churches should assume, being divided in their opinions, to whom the same should be dedicated, an old man gave this advice. Even dedicate it to the Holy Trinity, which will last and continue, when all other Saints may chance to be taken away.

45. Many eminent persons concurred to advance so worthy a work. And because we are to speak of a College, wherein seniority takes place, we will rank these persons, not according to their dignity, but time of their benefaction.

  • 1. Henry Usher, then Arch-Deacon of Dublin, bred in Cambridge (afterward Arch-Bishop of Armagh, and uncle to James Usher the present Arch-Bishop thereof) took a journey with much danger into England, and with more difficulty procured the Mort-main from
  • 2. Queen Elizabeth, who graciously granted it, naming the Corporation, Collegium Sanctae ac Individuae Trinitatis, ex fundatione Reginae Elizabethae, juxta Dublin.
  • 3. William Cicill Baron of Burleigh, and treasurer of England, is appointed in the Mort-main first Chancellor of the University, as being an active instrument to procure the same.
  • 4. S r William Fitz-Williams, Lord Deputy of Ireland (whose Arms are deservedly graven over the College gate) issued out his letters for collection to all the Counties in Ireland, to advance so good a design; and the Irish (though then generally Papists) were very bountiful thereunto.
  • 5. M r Luke Chaloner, Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, received, and disbursed the monies, had the oversight of the fabric, which he faithfully procured to be finished, meriting that verse inscribed on his fair monument in Dublin College Chapel, built by his daughter.
    Conditur hoc Tumulo Chaloneri triste Cadaver,
    Cujus ope, & precibus, conditur ista domus.
    This Tomb within it here contains,
    Of Chalnor the sad Remains.
    By whose prayer, and helping hand,
    This House erected here doth stand.
  • 6. The Major, and Aldermen of Dublin, bestowed on the College the sight thereof (with some accommodations of considerable grounds about it) being formerly a Religious house, termed Allhallows, which at the suppression of Abbeys was bestowed on their Corporation.
  • 7. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, at this present Arch-Bishop of Dublin, and Chancellor of Ireland, was the first Master of the College, holding it as an honorarie title, though not so much to receive credit by, as to return luster to the place.
  • 8. S r Warham Saint-Leger, was very bountiful in paying yearly pensions, for the maintenance of the first students thereof, before the College was endowed with standing revenues.
  • 9. S r Francis Shane, a mere Irish man, but good Protestant, was a principal Benefactor, and kept this infant-foundation from being strangled in the birth thereof.
  • 10. Robert D'eureaux Earl of Essex, Lord Lievetenant of Ireland, and second Chancellor of this University, bestowed at the entreaty of the Students of this College, a Cannoneers pay, and the pay of certain dead places of Soldiers, to the value wellnigh of four hundred pounds a year, for the Scholars maintenance, which continued for some years.
  • 11. King James, that great Patron of learning, to complete all, confirmed the revenues of this College in perpetuum, endowing it with a great proportion of good land in the Province of Vlster.

Thus thorough many hands this good work at last was finished, the first stone whereof was laid May 13. 1591. and in the year 1593. Scholars were first admitted, and the first of them James Usher, since Arch-Bishop of Armagh, that mirror of learning, and religion, never to be named by me, without thanks to him, and to God for him. Nor must it be forgotten, that, what Josephus reports of the Temple built by Herod, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , during the time of the building of the Temple, it rained not in the day time, but in the night, that the showers might not hinder the work; I say, what by him is reported, hath been avouched to me by witnesses above exception, that the same happ'ned here from the founding, to the finishing of this College; the officious Heavens always smiling by day (though often weeping by night) till the work was completed.

46. The whole Species of the University of Dublin, was for many years preserved in the Individuum of this one College. But since this instrument hath made better music, when (what was but a monochord before) hath got two other smaller strings unto it, the addition of New-College, and Kildare-Hall. What remaineth? but that I wish that all those worthy Divines bred therein, may have their Doctrine drop as the rain; and their speech distill as the dew, as the small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass.

47. Let none censure this for a digression from our Church-History of England. His discourse that is resident on the Son, doth not wholly wander from the Father, seeing none will deny, but that proles is pars parentis, the child is part of the parent. Dublin University, was a Colonia deducta from Cambridge, and particularly from Trinity College, therein (one motive perchance to the name of it) as may appear by the ensuing Catalogue of the Provosts thereof.

1. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity College, first Provost.

2. Walter Travers, Fellow of the same College, second Provost,

3. Henry Alva, Fellow of S t Johns College in Cambridge, third Provost.

4. S r William Temple, who wrote a learned Comment on Ramus, Fellow of Kings College, fourth Provost.

5. Joseph Mede, Fellow of Christ-College in Cambridge, chosen Provost, but refused to accept it.

6.

7. William Chapel, Fellow of the same College, seventh Provost.

Know also that this University did so Cantabrize, that she imitated her in the successive choice of her Chancellors, the daughter dutifully approving, and following the judgment of her mother therein.

48. This year was fatal to no eminent Protestant Divine, and I find but one of the Romish persuasion dying therein; Arthur (shall I say?) or Laurence Faunt, born of worshipful parentage at Folston in Leicester-shire, bred in Merton-College in Oxford, whence he fled (with M r Pots, his Tutor) to Lovain,