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Church History of Britain

Thomas Fuller (1608-1661) · 1,947,492 words · 8656 min

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afterwards Dean of Durham.
  • 12. Doctor John Redman Master of Trinity College in Cambridge.
  • 13. Doctor Richard Cox then Almoner to the King, afterwards Bishop of Eli.
    • Persons employed therein.
    • We meet not with their particular names, but may probably conceive they were the same with the former, for the main, though some might be superadded by Royal appointment.
      Persons employed therein.
    • 1. Master Whitehead once Chaplain to Queen Anna Boleyn.
    • 2. Matthew Parker afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury.
    • 3. Edmund Grindall afterwards Bishop of London.
    • 4. Richard Cox afterwards Bishop of Eli.
    • 5. James Pilkinton afterwards Bishop of Durham.
    • 6. Doctor May Dean of St. Paul's, and Master of Trinity Coll: in Cambridge.
    • 7. Sir Tho: Smith principal Secretary of Estate.

    As for the fourth and last Edition of the Liturgy, in the first of King James, 1603, with some small alterations in the Rubric, after the Conference at Hampton-Court, thereof (God willing) in due time hereafter.

    5. The Book of Books still remains, I mean, the Bible it self. Know then that some exceptions being taken at Tindalls Translation, the Bishops (then generally Popish) complied so far in a Conference with the desires of King Henry the eighth, that on condition the people would give in Tindalls [pretended false] Translation, they would set forth another, better agreeing with the Original. And although this took up some time to effect, the work being great in itself, and few workmen, as yet, Masters of the Mystery of PRINTING; yet at last, it was accomplished, but more purely and perfectly done in after Ages, as by the ensuing parallels will appear.

    The first Traslation of the Bible. The second Translation of the Bible. The third Translation of the Bible.

    Set forth in the Reign of K. Henry the eighth, An. 1541. countenanced with a grave & pious Preface of Archbishop Cranmer, and authorized by the Kings Proclamation, dated May the 6. Seconded also with Instructions from the King, to prepare people to receive benefit the better from so heavenly a treasure, it was called, The BIBLE of the greater Volume, rather commended than commanded to people. Few Country-Parishes could go to the cost of them, though Bishop Bonner caused six of them to be chained in the Church of S. Paul's, in convenient places.

    Set forth in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth, and not only suffered to be read by particular persons, but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation, as a principal part of Divine Service. Two several Editions I have seen thereof, one set forth 1549, the other 1551, but neither of them divided into verses.

    Set forth in the second of Qu. Elizabeth, the last Translation, was again review'd by some of the most learned Bishops (appointed thereunto by the Queens Commission) whence it took the name of the Bishops BIBLE: and by the Queens sole commandment reprinted, and left free and open to all Her well affected Subjects.

    As for the last and best Translation of the Bible in the Reign of King James, by a select company of Divines employed therein, in due time, (by God's assistance) largely thereof.

    6. And now we shall come to small game, rather than shut out, not caring how low we descend, so be it we may satisfy the Reader, and inform posterity, presenting a Catalogue of such Proclamations which the King set forth in the four first years, having any tendency or relation to Ecclesiastical matters.

    • 1. A Proclamation concerning the effectual payment of Pensions, due out of the Court of Augmentations, to any late Abbot, Prior, &c. which it seemeth lately were detained. Anno 1 o Edvardi sexti, Septem. 18.
    • 2. A Proclamation concerning the irreverent Talkers of the Sacrament: For, after the Transubstantiation, and the superstition of the Corporal presence was removed, many persons (no less ignorant than violent) fell from adoring to contemning of the holy Elements, till retrenched by this Proclamation, set forth, 1 o Edvardi sexti, Decemb. 27.
    • 3. A Proclamation for abstaining from flesh in Lent-time, Anno 1 o Edvardi sexti, Januarii 16.
    • 4. A Proclamation against such as innovate a Ceremony, or Preach without license, Anno 2 o Evardi sexti, Febr. 6.
    • 5. A Proclamation inhibiting Preachers, Anno 2 o Edvardi sexti, April. 24. Whereof this was the occasion: certain Popish Preachers disaffected to the Kings Government, endeavored in their Sermons to possess people of scandalous reports against the King, as if He intended to lay strange exactions on the people, and to demand Half-a-Crown a piece of everyone who should be Married, Christened, or Buried. To prevent further mischief, the King ordered by Proclamation, That none should Preach except licensed under the Seals of the Lord Protector, or Archbishop of Canterbury.
    • 6. A Proclamation for the Inhibition of all Preachers: the second of Edward the second. Sept. 23.

    Because this Proclamation is short, hard to be come by, and (if I mistake not) conducing much to acquaint us with the character of those times, it may be acceptable here to exemplify the same.

    WHereas of late, by reason of certain controversious and seditious Preachers, the Kings Majesty, moved of tender zeal, and love, which He hath to be quiet of His Subjects, by the advise of the Lord Protectour, and other His Highness Council, hath by Proclamation, inhibited and commanded, That no manner of person, except such as was licenced by His Highness the Lord Protectour, or by the Archbishop of Canterbury, should take upon him to preach in any open audience, upon pain in the said Proclamation contained; and that upon hope and assurance, that those being chosen and elect men, should preach and set forth only to the people such things as should be to God's honor, and the benefit of the Kings Majesty's subjects. Yet nevertheless, His Highness is advertised, that certain of the said preachers, so licenced, not regarding such good admonitions as hath been by the said Lord Protectour and the rest of the Council on His Majesty's behalf by Letters, or otherwise given unto them, hath abused the said authority of preaching; and behaved themselves irreverently, and without good order in the said preachings, contrary to such good instructions and advertisements, as was given unto them, whereby much contention and disorder might rise and insue, in this his Majesty's Realm: wherefore his Highness, minding to see very shortly, one uniform order, throughout this his Realm, and to put an end to all controversies in Religion, so far as God shall give grace (for which cause at this time, certain Bishops, and notable learned men, by his hignesse commandment are congregate) hath by th ' advise aforesaid thought good, although certain and many of the said preachers so before licenced, have behaved themself very discretly and wisely, and to the honor of God and his highness contentation, yet at this present, and until such time, that the said Order shall be set forth generally, throughout this His Majesty's Realm, to inhibit, and by these presents doth inhibit generally as well the said Preachers so before licenced, as all manner of persons whosoever they be, to preach in open audience in the pulpit or otherwise, by any sought color or fraud, to the disobeying of this commandment, to the intent that the whole Clergy in this mean space, might apply themself to prayer to Almighty God, for the better achieving of the same most Godly intent and purpose, not doubting but that also His loving Subjects in the mean time will occupy themself to God's honor, with due prayer in the Church, and patient hearing of the Godly Homilies, heretofore set forth by His Highness Injunctions unto them, and so endeavor themself, that they may be the more ready with thankful obedience to receive a most quiet, godly, and uniform order, to be had throughout all His said Realms and Dominions. And therefore, hath willed all His loving Officers, and Ministers, as well Justices of peace, as Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, or any other His Officers, of what estate, degree, or condition soever they be, to be attendant upon this Proclamation and commandment, and to see the infringers or breakers thereof to be imprisoned; and His Highness, or the Lord Protectors grace, or His Majesty's Council, to be certified thereof immediately, as they tender His Majesty's pleasure, and will answer to the contrary at their peril.

    16. Some Preachers perusing the aforesaid Proclamation, will complain of persecution, that all the Pulpits in England should be universally silenced at once, and will conclude it summum jus, That the Righteous, should be condemned with the Wicked: the mouths of good Ministers stopped with Railers. Well might the souls of weak Christians be faint and feeble, having no warm meat, but the cold Homilies allowed them. But Statesmen easily excuse the matter, finding the juncture of time falling out when many Popish Pulpits sounded the Alarum to Ket his Rebellion, and the Devon-shire Commotion, whereof hereafter. Besides, this prohibition of preaching lasted but for few weeks, and we read of a silence for about the space of half an hour even in heaven itself.

    7. A Proclamation for the payment of the late Incumbents of Colleges, and Chanteries, lately dissolved, Anno 3 o Edvardi sexti, Octob. 31.

    17. The Pulpit thus shut and silent by Proclamation, the Stage was the more open and vocal for the same, the Popish Priests (which though unseen) stood behind the hanging, or lurked in the tyring-bouse, removed their invectives from Sermons to Plays, and a more proper place indeed for the venting thereof. Here it made old sport, to see the New Religion (as they term it) made ridiculous, with the prime Patrons thereof, which caused the ensuing Proclamation for the prohibition.

    8. A Proclamation for the inhibition of Players, Anno 3 Edvardi 6. Aug: 6. And some perchance will not grudge the time to read the form thereof.

    FOrasmuch, as a great number of those that be common Players of Interludes and Plaies, as well within the City of London, or elsewhere, within the Realm, do for the most part play such Interludes, as contain matter, tending to sedition, and contemning of sundry good orders and laws; whereupon are grown, and daily are like to grow and ensue much disquiet, division, tumults, and uprores in this Realm: the Kings Majesty, by the advise and consent of his dearest Uncle, EDWARD Duke of Somerset, Governor of His Person, and Protectour of His Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and the rest of His Highness privy Council, straitly chargeth and commandeth all, and every His Majesty's subjects, of whatsoever state, order, or degree they be, that from the ninth day of this present Month of August, until the Feast of All-Saints next coming, they, nor any of them, openly, or secretly, play in the English Tongue, any kind of Interlude, Play, Dialogue, or other matter, set forth in form of play, in any place, public or private, within this Realm, upon pain that whosoever shall play in English any such Play, Interlude, Dialogue, or other matter, shall suffer imprisonment, and further punishment, at the pleasure of His Majesty.

    For the better execution whereof, His Majesty, by the said advise and consent, straitly chargeth and commandeth all and singular Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, Headboroughs, Tythingmen, Justices of Peace, and all other His Majesty's head Officers, in all the parts throughout the Realm, to give order, and special heed, that this Proclamation be in all behalfs, well and truly kept and observed, as they and every of them tender His Highness pleasure, and will avoid His indignation.

    18. The Proclamation being but temporary, did not take down, but only clear the stage for a time, reformed Interludes (as they term them) being afterward permitted; yea, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, Scripture-plays were acted even in the Church itself, which in my opinion, the more pious, the more profane, stooping faith to fancy, and abating the majesty of God's Word. Such Pageants might inform, not edify, though indulged the ignorance of that Age: For, though children may be played into Learning, all must be wrought into Religion, by Ordinances of Divine institutions, and the means ought to be as serious, as the end is secret.

    REx omnibus ad quos praesentes &c. salutem. Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra specially, ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris dedimus & concessimus ac per praesentes damus & concedimus dilecto servienti nostro Thomae Barthelet Impressori nostro quandam annuitatem sive quendam annualem redditum quatuor librarum sterlingorum, Habendum & annuatim percipiendum praedictam annuitatem sive annualem redditum quatuor librarum eidem Thomae Barthelet à Festo Paschae, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo primo, durante vita sua de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii nostri per manus Thesaurarum & Camerarii nostrorum ibidem pro tempore existendo ad Festa Sancti Michaelis Archangeli & Paschae per equales portiones &c. quod expressa mentio &c.

    In cujus &c. testimonium rei apud Westminsteriensem vicesimo secundo die Februarii, Anno Regni HENRICI Octavi vicesimo primo.

    Per Breve de privato Sigillo.

    19. An ample Commission was granted to John Dudley Earl of Warwick, and eight more, any seven, six, five, four, three, two, or one of them, to visit in capite, & membris, the whole Diocese, but especially the University of Oxford. The effects of this Visitation do not appear, save only that they so clearly purged the University from all Monuments of superstition, that they left not one Book of many goodly Manuscripts, wherewith it was furnished by the munificence of several Benefactors. Thus covetousness and ambition are such active vices, they are seldom off the Theater, though not appearing with their own faces, but the borrowed masks of public good of Church or State. Such Robbers deserve not the benefit of the Clergy to be saved by their book, who feloniously, (not to say sacrilegiously) purloined a public Library from an University.

    20. The blame is commonly cast on Doctor Cox, who, as one saith (but it is but one who saith it) being then Chancellor of the University. so cancelled the Books thereof, they could never since recover them. Indeed, I find another Author charging him therewith, but with this Parenthesis (tis said) and my charity would fain believe Fame a false report therein, finding him otherwise a deserving person, very well qualified; and it is strange to me, that he who at this present, was the Kings Almoner to dispense his charity in giving to others, should be so cruel and covetous, and to deprive an University of so precious a treasure so long and justly belonging unto them.

    21. The King 's affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil stood now in a probable posture of success, gliding on with a fair and full current, when both on a sudden were unexpectedly obstructed with domestical dissensions of his own Subjects. Distempers not considerable, if singly considered in themselves, but very dangerous in their concurrence, as if all in several Counties, at one instant were acted with the same Spirit of Rebellion. My Author imputeth it to Midsommer-Moon, and the Sun now in Cancer, though surely it proceeded from a deeper cause, as will appear to the perusers of these two contemporary Treasons:

    Devon Commotion. Norfolk Rebellion.

    1. It began on Whiteson-monday at Sampford-Courtney, where the People tumultuously compelled the Priest (whose secret compliance is suspected by some covertly to court their compulsion) to say Mass, and officiate in Latin, as best pleased with what they least understood.

    2. Henry Arundle Esquire, Governor of the Mount in Cornwall (one whose abilities might have been better employed) Winnslade a man of worship, and one Coffin Gentleman, were their principal Conducters. Otherwise (though assuming to themselves the high style of the Commons of Devonshire and Cornwall) they were but an heap of mean Mechanics, though many in number, and daily increasing, so that at last they were reputed to exceed ten thousand, all stout and able persons.

    3. Sir Pierce Courtney Sheriff of Devon shire appeared very loyal and active for their seasonable suppressing. But others of the County Gentry, (whose names I had rather the Reader should learn from my Authors pen, than mine own) by their privy connivance, and in effect concurrence, much advantaged their proceedings. Many were taken Prisoners by them, because they would be taken, and found favor thereupon. And now the seditious march in a full body to Exeter, and on the Citizens refusal to admit them in, resolve suddenly to besiege it, boasting they would shortly measure the Silks and Sattins therein by the length of their Bows.

    4. Exeter is a round City on a rising Hill, most capable of fortification both for the site and form thereof. Her walls (though of the old Edition) were competently strong and well repaired. John Blackallar Major of Exeter, though a mere Merchant, little skilled in Politick, less in Military affairs, had wisdom to know, who were wiser than himself, and willingly to be directed by them. And now the Seditious having taken ordnance at Topsham, set down before Exeter, presuming quickly to conquer the same.

    5. But first they are consulting about Articles to be sent to the King. Some would have no Justices (can you blame Offenders if desiring to destroy their enemies?) others no Gentlemen, all no English service: Mass must be restored, the six Articles (lately repealed) they would have put in execution, and Popery re established. Concluding all with this close, (the gilded paper to wrap up poisonous Treasons at the beginning thereof) We pray God save King EDWARD, for we be His, both body and goods. Whose unreasonable demands were justly rejected by the King, yet pardon proclaimed to such as would accept thereof: which the Seditious (mistaking the Kings favor, to be His fear utterly refused.

    6. Mean time Exeter was not so much frighted with her foes without, as with famine and faction within the walls thereof Great was the want of victu als and bread especially. Now

    Plebs nescit jejuna timere.
    Where there is the barking of the belly, there no other commands will be heard, much less obeyed. But this was in some sort qualified by proportioning all provisions in the City to all alike, and mean folk will be the better pleased with course and short diet, when eating out of the same dish with their betters. When in successful sallies they recovered any cattle from the Rebels, the poor had the principal share thereof.

    7. Faction in the City was of most dangerous consequence, the generality thereof favoring Popery, and cordial Protestants but few in comparison of the other party. However, this was a good help to the Protestants, that such who severed from them in the Church, joined with them in the Town house. Rich Pepists feared their goods would be condemned as heretical even by the Rebels of their own Religion, which made them persist in their loyalty to their Sovereign.

    8. John Russell, Lord privy Seal, was sent down with small Forces to suppress the Commotion. A person very proper for that service, as of a stout spirit, and richly landed in this County. He stayed some time at Honyton in vain expecting promised supplies, either because this Lord was looked on as of the Protectors party, whose Court-interest did much decline, or because Norfolk Rebellion, as nearer London, engrossed all warlike provisions. Thus was this Lord in deep distress, having nothing (save his Commission) strong about him, and his few forces, for fear, and want of pay, began daily to forsake him.

    9. And now following the advice of the Dorset-shire Gentry, he was ready to return, when three Princely Merchants (for so may I term them, both for great interest, and loyal intentions) viz: Thomas Prestwood, Thomas Bodly, and John Periam, so improved their credits with Bristol, Lime, and Taunton, that they furnished the Lord Russell with necessaries to march forward. Animated herewith, they advance, and gave the Rebels such a blow at Fenington-bridge, that they left three hundred of their bodies dead on the place.

    10. Soon after the Lord Gray of Wilton, (whose slowness may be excused, as busied by the way in suppressing Tumults in Buckingham and Oxford shire) came with a company of Horsmen, and 300 Italian Shot, under Baptist Spinola their Leader, to recruit the Lord Russell. Here one would wonder to behold the native English fighting in the maintenance of the Mass, opposed by Italians, until he considereth, that these foraigners, being Soldiers of Fortune, consulted the Coine, not the Cause of such as entertained them. And now the Kings Army advanceth towards Exeter, a word or two of which Cities sad condition.

    11. The Rebels had often attempted to fire the Gates of the City, till at last the Citizens found the Paradox true, that the only way to keep their City shut was to set their Gates open, making rampires more defensible behind them. As for the Enemies intent to undermine and blow up the Walls, it was first discovered, then defeated by John Newcombe a Tinner of Teingmouth. For taking advantage of the declivity of the City on that side, he countermin'd the Rebels work, and then derived into it all the kennels and water-courses (falling down with a great precipice) and so drowned the vault intended with powder to blow up the Walls. Besides, at the same instant set an impetuous shower which added to the Deluge. Thus in vain doth Hell seek to kindle that Fire, when Heaven intendeth to pour water for the quenching thereof.

    12. Famine raged most extremely, insomuch as they were fain to bake bran and meal molded up in clothes, for otherwise it would not stick together. Nor must the worthy resolution of a loyal Citizen be forgotten, publicly professing, That rather than he would surrender the City to the Rebels, he would fight with one arm, and feed on the other. And now were they reduced to utmost extremity when the seasonable approach of Lord privy Seal put a period to their Miseries. For at the wind-mill of S. Mary Clist after a bloody Battle, (wherein Sir William Francis was slain on the King's side) the Rebels were routed and sorced to fly, leaving a thousand of their corps dead on the place. Miles Coverdail gave public thanks to God for the victory in the view of Exeter, and soon after was made the Bishop thereof.

    13. Then the Lord caused S. Mary Clist to be burnt to the ground, though it was his own Town, as knowing full well, Traitors to their King, would never make good Tenants to their Landlord. And on Clist-heath a second fight was begun, where the Rebels were finally overcome. The Lord privy Seal marched into Exeter, and was there (as he well deserved) welcomed with all possible expressions of joy. Sir William Herbert with 1000 Welsh came too late to fight, but soon enough to be an honorable Witness of the victory.

    14. This sixth of August, the day of their deliverance, is an high festival in the Almanac of Exeter. Good cheer, and (thereby I justly guess) their great gratitude being annually observed, with a public Sermon to perpetuate the memory of God's mercy unto them. Yet such Solemnities do daily decay, every new Generation being removed one degree farther from the deliverance The King conferred the Manor of Exetland, (formerly belonging to the City, but wrested from it by the Earls of Devon-shire) on their Corporation, in reward of their loyalty and valor.

    15. Humphrey Arundle, Winslade, Bery, and Coffi were executed, and as this Commotion began, it ended at Sampford-Courtney, where their last remnant was defeated. Six Popish Priests were hanged, with Welsh the Vicar of St. Thomas, though all this was but mercy to the cruelty of Sir Anthony Kingston Provost-Marshall in trussing up many mean offenders.

    1. It began about the 20 th of June at Attilborrough about the laying open of Commons, pretended lately enclosed to the prejudice of the Poor. Much increased on the 6 of July at Windham Play, where there was a great confluence of idle people repairing from all parts of the County.

    2. Robert Ket, Tanner of Windham, one of more wealth than common folk of his craft, yet of more wit than wealth, confidence than either, was chosen their Captain. He with two Assistants, chosen out of every hundred, kept his Kings Bench, Chancery, and all other Courts, under a Tree, termed the Oak of Reformation, where he did justice, (be it wrong or right) to all such as were summoned before him. In short time they increased to be more than twenty thousand.

    3. Sir Edmond Windham Sheriff of Norfolk, commanded them in the King's name peaceably to depart. But had not his Horsemanship been better than his Rhetoric, himself had not departed the place. Yea now the Rebels began to play their pranks, threatening to burn the House, and defacing the Dovecoat, (formerly a Chapel before it was turned of an House of Prayer into a Den of Thieves) of Master Corbets of Sprowston, and committing many outrages, laid all Pastures rather waste than open, where they came. Yea, now they march towards Norwich the chief place in the County.

    4. Norwich is like a great volume with a bad cover, having at best but parchment walls about it. Nor can it with much cost and time be effectually fortified, because under the frowning brow of Moushold Hill, hanging over it. The River Yere so wanton, that it knoweth not its own mind which way to go, such the involved flexures thereof within a mile of this City, runneth partly by, partly through it, but contributeth very little to the strengthening thereof.

    5. The Rebels encamped, or rather enkennelled themselves on Moushold-Hill, (whereon Mount-Surry a fair House of the Dukes of Northfolk) whence they had free egress and regress into Norwich as oft as they pleased. One Coigniers, a Vicar in the City, they had for their Chaplain, and were so religiously rebellious, that prayers Morning and Evening were read amongst them. Mean time, so intolerable was their insolence that now they sent up such Demands to the King, to which He neither would in honor, nor could in justice condescend. Yet the King constantly chequered His comminations with Proclamatians of pardon, which the Rebels scorned to accept.

    6. As for Thomas Cod Major of Norwich, and others of the Gentry, detained prisoners in Ket's camp, they were admitted to the counsels of the Rebels for the better credit thereof. If Ket were present, they were no better than herb John in the pottage, and had no influence on their consultations. But if he happily chanced to be absent, then they were like S. Johns wort, (so sovereign for soars, and against the plague itself) and did much mitigate the fury of their mischievous Decrees. Mean time great plenty was in Kets camp, (where a fat sheep was sold for a groat) but penury and misery in all other places.

    7. Doctor Matthew Parker (afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury) getting up into the Oak of Reformation, preached to their Rebels of their duty and allegiance. But the Oak as soon as the Auditory would embrace his Doctrine, yea his life was likely to be ended before his Sermon (Arrows being shot at him) had not Coigniers, Kets Chaplain, seasonably, yet abruptly, set the Te Deum, during the singing whereof the Dr. withdrew to sing his part at home, and thank God for his great deliverance.

    8. William Par Marquess of Northhampton, but more acquainted with the witty, than the warlike part of Pallas, (as complete in Music, Poetry, and Courtship) with many persons of honor, as the Lord's Sheffield, and Wentworth, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Ralph Sadlier, Sir Thomas Paston, &c. is sent to quell this Rebellion. They were assisted with a band of Italians, under Malatesta their Captain, whereof the Rebels made this advantage to fill the Country with complaints, that these were but an handful of an armfull to follow driving on the design, to subject England to the insolence of Foraigners.

    9. Now, though neither wisdom nor valor was wanting in the Kings Soldiers, yet success failed them, being too few to defend Norwich, and oppose the Rebels. Insomuch that the Lord Sheffield was barbarously butcher'd, S r Tho: Corwallis taken prisoner, and the City fired by the Rebels: which probably had been burnt to ashes, had not the clouds commiserating the Cities calamity, and melting into tears, quenched the flames: and thus the Marquess fain to quit the service, returned to London.

    10. Then was John Dudley Earl of Warwick, with such Forces as were intended for Scotland, sent to undertake the Task. The Marquess of Northhampton attended him to try whether he could be more fortunate in following than he had been in leading. Coming to Norwich he easily entered the City, and entertained the Rebels with many sallies with various success, here too long to relate, but generally the Earl of Warwick came off with the better.

    11. Now the Rebels impregnable in some sort, if still keeping Moushold-Hill, (whereon the Earls Horse could do small service) deserted it of their own accord, and came down into Dussindale. Here their superstition fancied themselves sufficiently fenced by the virtue of an old prophecy.

    Hob, Dick, and Hick, with clubs and clouted shoon,
    Shall fill up Dassin-dale with blood of slaughtered bodies soon.
    It hath ever been charged on the English, as if they always carried an old Prophesy about with them in their pockets, which they can produce at pleasure to promote their designs, though oft mistaken in the application of such equivocating Predictions, as here these silly folk were deluded. For, it being believed, that Dussin dale must make a large and soft pillow for Death to rest thereon, these Rebels apprehended themselves the Upholsters to make, who proved only the stuffing to fill the same.

    12. The Earl glad that the enemy had quitted the Hill, fell with all his forces upon them, and here happened a most bloody Battle. The Rebels disputed the ground, with their natural Logic (as I may term it) down-right blows, without much military Discipline. Here one might have seen young Boys ( timely Traitors) plucking the arrows wherewith they were wounded out of their own flesh, and giving them to those of their own party to shoot them back again. Here some thrust through with spears, willfully engaged their Bodies the deeper thereon, only striving to reach out their revenge on those who wounded them. But at last rage was conquered by courage, number by valor, Rebellion by Loyalty, and in the fight and pursuit two thousand at the least were slain.

    13. Remarkable was Divine Providence in preserving the captive Gentlemen of the Country, whom the Rebels coupled together and set them in the front of the Fight. Now, although it be true what David saith, The sword devoureth one as well as another: yet so discreetly did Captain Druery charge the Van of the Rebels, that most of these innocent Prisoners made their escape. The last litter of Kets kennel stiffly standing out and fortifying themselves, accepted of pardon on the Earls promise it should be assured unto them.

    14. On the nine and twentieth of August a solemn Thanks-giving was made in Norwich for their deliverance, and is annually continued. Indeed, this City being betwixt weakness and strength s taxed for wavering at the time betwixt Loyalty and Revolt, though to give the Citizens their due, many expressed their fidelity to their Prince as far as they durst for fear of destruction. Yet better had it been had Norwich been weaker to be quitted, or stronger to be defended, whose mongrell strength exposed it to the greater misery.

    15. Robert Ket was hanged on Norwich Castle, William his brother on Windham Steeple, Nine others on the Oak of Reformation, which never till then brooked the name thereof. Amongst these, Miles, a cunning Cannoneer, was much lamented, because remorse kept him from doing much mischief to which his cunning did enable him.

    Thus by God's blessing on Mans endeavors both these Rebellions were seasonably suppressed. That of Devon-shire did openly avouch the advancing of Popery; the other was suspected secretly fomented by some Papists, who stood behind the curtain, but ready to step on the stage, had Success of the Design but given them the Cue of Entrance. As for the Rebellion at the same time in York shire, which from a small pustle might have proved a painful bile, yea, a fistulated ulcer if neglected, it was quickly quelled on the execution of Omler and Dale, the chief promoters thereof.

    22. By the favor of Sir Thomas Cotton, having obtained to make use of his Library (our English Vatican, for Manuscripts) I shall transcribe King Edwards Diurnall, written with His own hand, of the transactions in His Reign. True it is His Observations, for his two first years, are short, and not exactly expressing the notation of time, but His Notes as the Noter, got perfection with His age. They most belong to Secular affairs, out of which we have selected such as respect Ecclesiastical matters. May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that though my Observations, as printed, go a-breast in parallel Columes with those of His Highness, it is my intention they should observe their distance, in their humble attendance thereupon.

    Text Royal.

    THe Lord Protectour by his own agreement, and submission, lost his Protectourship, Treasurership, Marshalship, all his Moveables, and near 2000 li. Land by Act of Parliament.

    The Bp. of Chichester before a vehement affirmer of Transubstantiation, did Preach against it at Westminster in the Preachingplace.

    My Lord Somerset taken into the Counsel.

    Order taken, that whosoever had Benefices given them, should preach before the King, in or out of Lent, and every Sunday there should be a Sermon.

    Mass for the Lady Mary denied to the Emperors Ambassador.

    It is granted that my Lord of Somerset should have all his moveable Goods, and Leases, except those that be already given.

    Joane Bocher, otherwise called Joane of Kent, was burnt for holding, that Christ was not incarnate of the Virgin Mary, being condemned the year before, but kept in hope of conversion. The Bishops of London and Eli were to persuade her, but she withstood them, and reviled the Preacher that preached at her death.

    The Lord Cobham and Sir William Peter came home from their journey, delivering both the Oath, and the Testimonial of the Oath, witnessed by divers Noblemen of France, and also the Treaty sealed with the great Seal of France, and in both was confessed that I was supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland.

    The Duke of Somerset, Marquess of North-hampton, Lord Treasurer Bedford, and the Secretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester to know to what he would stick. He made Answer, that he would obey, and let forth all things set forth by Me, and My Parliament; and if he were troubled in conscience, he would reveal it to the Council, and not reason openly against it.

    The Books of My Proceedings were sent to the Bishop of Winchester to see whether he would set his hand to it, or promise to set it forth to the people.

    The Duke of Somerset, with five others of the Council, went to the Bp. of the Winchester; to whom he made this Answer: I having deliberately seen the Book of Common-Prayer, although I would not have made it so myself, yet I find such things in it as satisfieth my conscience, & therefore both I will execute it myself, and also see other my Parishioners to do it. This was subscribed by the aforesaid Counselors, that they heard him say these words.

    The Earl of Warwick, the Lord Treasurer, Sir William Herbert, and Secretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester with certain Articles, signed by Me and the Council, containing the Confessing of his Fault, the Supremacy, the establishing of Holy-days, the abolishing of the six Articles, &c. whereunto he put his hand, saving to the Confession.

    Sir William Herbert, and the Secretary Peter, were sent to him to tell him, That I marvelled that he would not put his hand to the Confession: To whom he made Answer, That he would not do it, because he was innocent.

    The Bishop of London, Secretary Peter, Mr. Cecil, and Gooderich, were commanded to make certain Articles according to the Laws, and to put them in the Submission.

    It was appointed that under the shadow of preparing for Sea-matters, there should be sent 5000 lib. to the Protestants to get their good wills.

    The Bishop of Winchester denied the Articles, which the Bishop of London and others had made.

    The Bishop of Winchester was sequestered from his fruits for three months.

    The Lady Mary, after long Communication was content to come to Lees, to the Lord Chancellors, and then to Hunsdon, but She utterly denied to come to the Court, or Oking, at that time.

    The Lord Chancellor fell sore sick, with 40 more of his house, that the Lady Mary came not thither at this time.

    There were Letters sent to every Bishop to pull down the Altars.

    There were Letters sent for the taking of certain Chaplains of the Lady Mary, for saying Mass, which She denied.

    Whaley was examined for persuading divers Nobles of the Realm to make the Duke of Somerset Pro ector at the next Parliament, stood to the Denial, the Earl of Rutland affirmed it manifestly.

    The Bishop of Winchester after a long trial was deposed his Bishopric.

    It seems some legal formalities were pretended wanting in Gardener his deprivation. For in my memory a Suit was commenced, to overthrow a long Lease made by Bishop Poinet (Gardener 's successor in Winchester) on this point, that Gardener still remained lawful Bishop, but nothing therein was effected.

    23. Come we now to the saddest difference that ever happened in the Church of England, if we consider either the time how long it continued, the eminent persons therein engaged, or the doleful effects thereby produced. It was about matters of conformity. Alas! that men should have less wisdom than locusts; which, when sent on God's errand, Did not thrust one another: whereas here such shoving, and shouldring; and hoising, and heavings, and justleing, and thronging, betwixt Clergy-men of the highest parts, and places. For now nonconformity in the days of King Edward was conceived, which afterward in the Reign of Queen Mary (but beyond Sea at Frankford) was born; which in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth was nursed, and weaned; which under King James grew up a young youth, or tall stripling; but towards the end of King Charles His Reign, shot up to the full strength, and stature of a man, able, not only to coap with, but conquer the Herarchie its adversary. 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉

    24. Two opposite parties now plainly discovered themselves, driving on different interests, under their respective Patrones;

      Founders of Conformity.
    • 1. Such as remained here all the Reign of King Henry the eighth, and weathered out the tempest of His tyranny at open Sea, partly by a politick compliance, and partly by a cautious concealment of themselves.
    • 2. These, in the days of King Edward the sixth, were possessed of the best preferments in the land.
    • 3. And retained many ceremonies practiced in the Romish Church, conceiving them to be ancient, and decent in themselves.
    • 4. The authority of Cranmer, and activity of Ridley headed this party; the former being the highest, the latter the hottest in defense of conformity.
      Founders of Non-conformity.
    • 1. Such as fled hence beyond the Seas, chiefly into Germany, where, living in States, and Cities of popular Reformation, they sucked in both the air, and discipline of the place they lived in.
    • 2. These, returning late into England, were at a loss for means, and maintenance, only supported with the reputation of being Confessors, rendering their patience to the praise, and their persons to the pity of all conscientious people.
    • 3. And renounced all ceremonies practiced by the Papists, conceiving, that such ought not only to be clipt with the sheers, but to be shaved with a raizor; yea, all the stumps thereof to be plucked out.
    • 4. John Rogers, Lecturer in S. Paul's, and Vicar of S. Sepulchers, with John Hooper, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, were Ring-leaders of this party.

    This John Hooper was bred in Oxford, well skilled in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, (a little of the last would go far in this Age) and afterwards travelled over into Switzerland. Yea, he seemed to some to have brought Switzerland back with him, in his harsh, rough, and unpleasant behavior, being grave into rigor, and severe into surliness. Yet to speak truth, all Hoopers ill nature consisted in other men's little acquaintance with him. Such as visited him once, condemned him of over-austerity; who repaired to him twice, only suspected him of the same; who conversed with him constantly, not only acquitted him of all morosity, but commended him for sweetness of manners: which, saith my Author, (Godwin in the Bishops of Gloucester) endeared him to the acquaintance of Bullinger. This Hooper was preferred to be Bishop of Gloucester, by the special favor of his Patron, John Earl of Warwick, afterward Duke of Northumberland.

    25. The worst was, when Hooper came to be consecrated Bishop of Gloucester, he scrupled the wearing of certain Episcopal ornaments (Rochet, Chimere, Square-cap, &c.) producing a Letter from the Earl of Warwick (omniprevalent then at Court, in the declining of his Corrival, the Duke of Somerset) that he might be favourably dispensed with therein, according to the tenor ensuing, to Archbishop Cranmer.

    AFter my most hearty commendations to your Grace, these may be to desire the same, that in such reasonable things, wherein this be rer, my Lord Elect of Gloucester craveth to be born withal at your hands, you would vouch safe to show him your Graces favor; the rather at this my instance. Which thing partly I have taken in hand by the Kings Majesty's own motion. The matter is weighed by His Highness, none other, but that your Grace may facilely condescend thereunto. The principal cause is, that you would not charge this said Bearer with an Oath burdenous to his conscience. And so for lack of time I commit your Grace to the tuition of Almighty God.

    Your Graces most assured loving friend. John Warwick.

    What this Oath was, (because not expressed) is variously conjectured. Parsons, to render Hooper more odious, will have it the Oath of Supremacy; which, in my opinion, is improbable, it being utterly unlikely, that the King would dispense with any from taking Oath, wherein His own Dignity was so nearly concerned. I conceive it the Oath of Canonical obedience to the Archbishop, which consequentially commanded such ceremonies, which Hooper was willing to decline. For, in the Kings next Letter, wrote thirteen days after to the same purpose, there is mention only of offensive Rites, and Ceremonies, and of no Oath at all, as coincident with the former, and obligatory to such Canonical observances. But see the Letter.

    RIght Reverend Father, and right trusty, and well-beloved, We greet you well. Whereas We, by the advice of Our Council, have called & chosen Our right well-beloved, and well-worthy Mr. John Hooper, Professor of Divinity, to be Our Bishop of Gloucester, as well for his great learning, deep judgment, and long study, both in the Scriptures, and other profound learning; as also for his good discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that kind of vocation, &c. From consecrating of whom, We understand you do stay, because he would have you omit, and let pass certain Rites and Ceremonies offensive to his conscience, whereby ye think, you should fall in Praemunire of Laws: We have thought good by advise aforesaid, to dispense, and discharge you of all manner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures you should run into, and be in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And these Our Letters shall be your sufficient warrant, and discharge therefore.

    Given under Our Signet, at our Castle of Windsor, the fourth year of Our Reign.

    All would not do. Resolute Ridley stood stiffly to his tackling, and here was old bandying of the business betwixt them, and Arguments urged on both sides.

      Pro.
    • 1. The Ornaments were indifferent of themselves, and of ancient use in the Church.
    • 2. Being enjoined by lawful authority, they became necessary, not to salvation, but to Church-unity; and it was scandalous to decline them.
    • 3. It would bring the Papist over to our Church, beholding all things by them used, not totally abolished by a spirit of contradiction, but some decent correspondencies still moderately continued.
    • 4. It would cast a slurre on the credit of such Bishops, who formerly had used those Ornaments, as more remiss in Religion, than such as refused them.
    • 5. Those that have stubborn wills, pretend too often to tender consciences; nor ought a private person to be indulged, with the disturbance of the public uniformity of the Church.
      Con.
    • 1. The best thing that could be said of them was, that they were useless, being otherwise ridiculous, and superstitious.
    • 2. Cursed be he that removes the boundmarks. Grant them indifferent in themselves, and left so by Divine Wisdom, it was presumption in man to stamp necessity upon them.
    • 3. Too much of the Serpent, nothing of the Dove herein, to offend those within, to invite those without to the Church, driving Protestants thence, to draw Papists thither.
    • 4. The credits of some good men were not to be preserved, by destroying the consciences of others.
    • 5. Hooper put himself upon the trial of the Searcher of hearts, that no obstinacy, but mere conscience made him refuse those Ornaments.

    In a word, all those Arguments, which later Ages have more amply enlarged, more clearly explained, more cunningly improved, more violently enforced, were then and there first solidly propounded, and solemnly set down on both sides. Posterity in this matter having discovered no new Mine, but only refined, what formerly was found out in this Controversy.

    26. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field, to shift for himself. Indeed, he had higher things in his head, than to attend such trifles: not so much to procure a Mitre for his Chaplain, as a Crown for himself, even then secretly laying a design to derive the Scepter into his own family. Yea, Hooper was sent to prison, and kept some days in durance, till at last he condescended to conform himself in his habit, to the rest of his brethren, and so was consecrated Bishop of Gloucester.

    27. But that, which most opens the mouths of Papists, and other adversaries against Hooper, is, because he, who scrupled the poor Bishopric of Gloucester, afterward held the wealthy Bishopric of Worcester in Commendam with it. We read of a wedge of gold, and little wedges (say they) widen men's consciences for the receiving of greater: yea, thus the haters of marriage, first become guilty of bigamy. But let such know, First, that the Dioceses of Gloucester, and Worcester, lie both contiguous together. Secondly, many single Bishoprics in England, are larger than both for extent in Land, and number of Parishes. Thirdly, no worse a man than S. Dunstan himself, had the Bishopric of Worcester, and London with it, at the same time, being far more distant, and remote. Fourthly, it is not the having of two Bishoprics together, but the neglecting of one is the sin; whereas Hooper in preaching, and visiting, afforded double diligence in his double Diocese.

    28. The mention of Hooper his holding of the Bishopric of Worcester in Commendam, minds me of a difficulty, which (though I cannot answer) I must not omit. It is this, Seeing that Latimer was outed of that Bishopric in the days of King Henry the eighth, on the account of the Six Articles, why was he not restored to the same under King Edward the sixth? especailly, seeing Nicholas Heath, his successor, was legally deprived, and the place actually void. Whereas on the contrary Hugh Latimer continued Hugh Latimer, without any addition of preferment. Here first we must largely trade in negatives. It was not for any want of favor from the King, seeing he stood rectus in Curia, in relation to His Majesty. Nor was it because his down-right Sermons disobliged the Courtiers who generally delight in soft preaching, as in soft clothing. Nor was it out of sullenness, because he would not be bedded again with that wife, which (though unwillingly) had in his absence embraced another. Nor have we any cause to suspect Latimer of Hoopers opinion, as distasting Ceremonies, and so obstructing his advancement. But we impute it, either to his conscience (ofttimes sharpest in the bluntest men) because he would not be built on the ruins of another; especially knowing Heath, one of a meek, and moderate nature: Or to his age, who, Barzillai like, was superannuated for earthly honor: Alas! what needed a square cap over the many night-caps, which age had multiplied on his Reverend head? Or, because he found himself not so fit for government, better for preaching, than ordering Ecclesiastical affairs. Or lastly, because he propherically foresaw, that the ingratitude of the English Nation would shorten their happiness, and King Edwards life; and he was loath to come into a place, only to go out thereof. Sure I am, it was a loud lie, which Parsons tells, that Latimer was kept bare, who kept himself bare, living, not in the want, but neglect, yea contempt of all worldly wealth. He was Confessor-General to all Protestants troubled in mind; yea, he was the Corban, or treasury, into which restored-ill-gotten-goods were cast, to be bestowed on the poor, according to his discretion. And Latimer by the courtesy of England (once a Bishop, and ever a Bishop) was in civility saluted Lord, and honored by all good people that knew him. This I conceive the true cause, why Hooper would not be translated to Worcester, but held it in Commendam with Gloucester, because Latimer, and Heath, were both surviving, each accounted a lawful Bishop by those of their own Religion.

    29. But, when Hooper unwillingly willing wore those Episcopal Ornaments, he put on with them a great grudge against Ridley, who enforced him thereunto. Yea, when those his clothes may be presumed half worn out, his anger was new, and fresh, as at the beginning: nor were they fully reconciled till their death, in the days of Queen Mary. High time then to period their passion, before the Sun [of their life] went down in their wrath. Strange that their heart-burnings could not be quenched, till the fire was kindled, which was to burn both their bodies. But it matters not what is the cause, if amendment be the effect. The Jesuit challengeth the credit of this reconciliation to the Catholics, bragging, that they made them friends. But we know, their cruel intention was not to make friends, but ashes of them. Let the thanks be paid to that Divine Power, and Providence, which sanctified their sufferings into an agreement, besides, beyond, above, against the design, and desire of those, which inflicted them. Thus, when froward children fall out, and fight, a good parent, and a good rod, do quickly make them friends. See the Letters at large in Master Fox, which passed betwixt them in prison; wherein, as Hooper had the honor first to offer agreement, let Ridley receive his praise, that he did fast embrace it. For, as the second blow makes the fray: so, it is not the tender, but acceptance of peace, makes the reconciliation. As for their observation, that of all the Marian-Martyrs, Hooper, and Ridley suffered with most torture, and impute this to a Divine punishment, justly inflicted on them, for this their dissention: there is somewhat of curiosity in the observation, and nothing of charity in the application.

    30. We must not forget, that this earnest contest, was not about the calling, but clothes; not the vocation, but only about the vestments of Bishops. Whereupon the juditious Reader will distinguish three Ranks, (or if the word be better liked) three Classes of Non-conformists, according to their several dates, and designs:

    • 1. Antient Non-conformists, here in King Edward 's days, who desired only to shake down the leaves of Episcopacy, misliking only some garments about them.
    • 2. Middle Non conformists, in the end of Queen Elizabeth, and beginning of King James, who struck at the branches thereof; Chancellors, and Officials, and other appendant limbs, which they endeavored to remove.
    • 3. Modern Non-conformists, who did lay the axe to the root of the tree, to cut down the function itself, as unlawful, and Antichristian.

    Thus after-Ages still made new additions, as if it would be accounted idleness in them, if the strong, and active legs of the sons, and nephews, should not go faster, and farther, than the old, and feeble feet, of their fathers, and grand-fathers.

    31. About this time, David 's Psalms were translated into English meeter, and (if not publicly commanded) generally permitted to be sung in all Churches. The work was performed by Thomas Sternhold, (an Hampshire man, Esquire, and of the Privy Chamber to King Edward the sixth, who for his part translated thirty seven selected Psalms) John Hopkins, Robert Wisdom, &c. men, whose piety was better than their poetry; and they had drank more of Jordan, than of Helicon. These Psalms were therefore translated, to make them more portable in people's memories (Verses being twice as light, as the self-same bulk in Prose) as also to raise men's affections, the better to enable them to practice the Apostles precept, Is any merry? let him sing Psalms. Yet this work met afterwards with some frowns in the faces of great Clergy-men, who were rather contented, than well pleased, with the singing of them in Churches. I will not say, because they misliked so much liberty should be allowed the Laity ( Rome only can be guilty of so great envy) as to sing in Churches: rather, because they conceived these singing Psalms erected in corrivality, and opposition, to the reading-Psalms, which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches: or else, the child was disliked for the mothers sake; because, such Translatours, though branched hither, had their root in Geneva.

    32. Since, later men have vented their just exceptions against the baldness of the translation, so that sometimes they make the Maker of the Tongue to speak little better than barbarism, and have in many Verses such poor rhime, that two hammers on a Smith's anvil would make better music. Whilst others (rather to excuse it, than defend it) do plead, that English poetry was then in the nonage, not to say, infancy thereof: and that, match these Verses for their age, they shall go a breast with the best Poëms of those times. Some, in favor of the Translatours, allege, that to be curious therein, and over-descanting with wit, had not become the plain song, and simplicity of an holy style. But these must know, there is great difference between painting a face, and not washing it. Many since have far refined these Translations, but yet their labors therein never generally received in the Church: principally, because un-book-learned people have conn'd by heart, many Psalms of the old Translation, which would be wholly disinherited of their patrimony, if a new Edition were set forth. However, it is desired, and expected by moderate men, that, though the fabric stand unremoved for the main, yet some bad contrivance therein may be mended, and the bald rhimes in some places get a new nap, which would not much discompose the memory of the people.

    33. On the twenty fourth of July, King Edward, by His Letters patent, at the request of John à Lasco, free Baron of Lasco in Poland, did, by the consent of His Counsel, give, and grant the whole Church of S. Augustine 's, near Broad-stree in London (the Choir excepted, formerly possessed by Marquess Pawlet) unto the Superintendent, and Ministers of the Dutch-Church, and other strangers in London, to have, and to hold for them, their heirs, and successors in Frank Almonage, to be a meeting-place for them, therein to attend God's Word, and Sacraments. He ordered also, that hereafter it should be called by the new name of the Church of the Lord JESUS; and incorporated the said Superintendent, Ministers, and Congregation, to be a body politick, for all purposes, and intents; empowering them from time to time, in the vacancy of a Superintendent, to choose, name, and substitute, any able, and fit person in that place: provided, that the person so chosen be first presented to the King, His Heirs, and Successors, to be approved, and confirmed by them in the Office of the Ministry, enjoining all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Officers, Quod permittant praefatis Superintendenti, & Ministris, & Sucessoribus suis, libere, & quiet frui, gaudere, uti, & exercere ritus, & ceremonias suas proprias, & disciplinam Ecclesiasticam propriam & peculiarem, non obstante, quod non conveniant cum ritibus, & ceremoniis in Regno nostro usitatis: That they permit the foresaid Superintendent, and Ministers, and their Successors, freely, and quietly to hold, enjoy, use, and exercise their own proper rites, and ceremonies, and their proper, and peculiar Church-discipline, notwithstanding that they agree not with the rites, and ceremonies used in Our Kingdom.

    34. Now followed the fatal tragedy of the Duke of Somerset, and we must recoil a little, to fetch forward the cause thereof. Thomas Seymour Baron of Sudely, and Lord Admiral, the Protectours younger Brother, had married the Lady Katharine Parre, the Relict of King Henry the eighth. A contest arose betwixt their Wives about place, the Protectresse (as I may call her) refusing to give it to the Kings Dowager. Yet was their precedency no measuring cast, but clear in the view of any impartial eye. Nor needed other Herald to decide the controversy than the Kings own Injunctions, wherein after prayer for His own Royal person, Ministers were commanded to pray for the Queen Dowager even before the Kings Sisters, Mary, and Elizabeth, the Protectour (under whom his Lady must claim place) being placed last in the List of their Devotions.

    35. The Womens discords derived themselves into their Husbands hearts. Whereupon, not long after followed the death of the Lord Thomas Seymour, arraigned for designing to traslate the Crown to himself, though having neither Title to pretend unto it, nor effectual Interest to achieve the same. Let Adonijah, and this Lord's example deter Subjects from meddling with the Widows of their Sovereigns, left in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction. This Lord thus cut off, the Protectour stood alone on his own bottom at which his enemies daily endeavored to undermine.

    36. Soon after the Lord's of the Council resolved to accuse him of many high offenses. Of these Lord's, some were Lawyers, as the Lord Wriothesley, lately, the Lord Rich, then Lord Chancellor; Sir Edward Montague Chief Justice, &c. some Martialists, as S r Ralph Sadler Treasurer to the Army, and some mere Statesmen, as William Pawlet Lord Treasurer, and their accusations participated of the several conditions of the Accusers. The Lawyers charge him for bringing Westminster-hall into Somerset-house, keeping there a Court of Request, and therein determining Titles of Land to the apparent injury of the Subject. Military men taxed him for his Sumptuous buildings, having their Morter tempered with the tears of Soldiers Wives and Children, whose wages he detained; and for betraying Bolloigne, and other places in France to the Enemy. States-men chiefly insisted on his engrossing all power to himself, that whereas by the constitution of the Protectourship he was to act nothing without the advice of King Henry 's Executours, he solely transacted matters of the highest consequence without their privity.

    37. Here I must set John Dudley Earl of Warwick (as a Transcendent) in a form by himself, being a competent Lawyer, (Son to a Judge) known Soldier, and able States man, and acting against the Protector, to all these his capacities. Indeed, he was the very soul of the Accusation, being all in all, in every part thereof And seeing the Protector was free spirited, open hearted, humble, hard to distrust, easy to forgive: The other proud, suttle, close, cruel, and revengeful; it was impar congressus betwixt them, almost with as much disadvantage as betwixt a naked and an armed person.

    38. Hereupon, he was imprisoned at Windsor, in a place anciently called Beauchamp 's Tower, it seems by a sad Prolepsis, but never verified till now when this V count Beauchamp by his original honor) was therein consined, and hence was he removed to the Tower of London. However, although all this happened in the worst juncture of time, viz: in the disjuncture of his best Friend (the Lord Russell Privy Seal) then away in the West, yet by his own innocence, his other Friends endeavor, the Kings interposing, and Divine Providence, he was acquitted, and though outed his Protectorship, restored and continued Privy Counselor, as in the King 's Diarie was formerly observed.

    39. But after two years and two months, his enemies began afresh to assault him, hoping that as the first stroke shak'd, the next would fell him to the ground. Indeed, Warwick (who had too powerful an influence upon all the Lord's) could not erect his intended Fabric of Sovereignty except he first cleared the ground work from all obstructive rubbish, whereof this Duke of Somerset was the Principal: In whose absence the Lord's met at the Council Table, where it was contrived how all things should be ordered in relation to his Arraignment.

    40. R. Rich Lord Chancellor (then living in great S. Bartholomews) though outwardly concurring with the rest, began now secretly to favor the Duke of Somerset, and sent him a Letter, therein acquainting him with all passages at the Council Board, superscribing the same (either out of haste, or familiarity) with no other direction save, To the Duke: enjoying his Servant a raw attendant, as newly entered into the family, safely to deliver it. The man made more haste than good speed, and his Lord wondering at his quick return, demanded of him where the Duke was when he delivered him the Letter: In Charter-house (said his Servant) on the same token that he read it at the window, and smiled thereat. But the Lord Rich smiled not at his relation, as sadly sensible of the mistake and delivery of the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk, no great friend of his, and an utter enemy to the Duke of Somerset.

    41. Wonder not if this Lord rose early up the next morning, who may be presumed not to have slept all night. He higheth to the Court, and having gotten admittance into the Bed Chamber before the King was risen up, fell down on his knees, and desired that his old age might be eased of his burthensome Office: pleading, That there ought to be some preparatory interval in States men betwixt their Temporal business and their Death; in order to which, he desired to retire into Essex, there to attend his own Devotions. Nor would he rise from the ground till the King had granted his request. And thus he saved himself from being stripped by others by first putting off his own clothes, who otherwise had lost his Chancellors place for revealing the secrets of the Council Board. Some days after the Scale was solemnly fetched from him, and conferred on Doctor Goodrich Bishop of Eli.

    42. The Impeachment of the Duke went on nevertheless, and two Nets were laid to catch him, that if one brake the other might hold. He was indicted of Treason, and Fellonie; the former was only to give the report, the latter to discharge the bullet. So great a Peer could not be accused of less than High Treason, that the offense might appear proportionable to the Offender. However, he was acquitted of Treason, whereat the people in Westminster-hall gave such a shout, that though the same was intercepted and circumscribed by the house, it is reported to be heard as far as Long-Acre.

    43. But this sound was seconded with a sad silence when he was condemned for Felony, by a new made Statute, for plotting the death of a Privy Counselor; namely, the Earl of Warwick. Here a strange oversight was committed, that he craved not the benefit of the Clergy, which could not legally be denied him; on the granting whereof, the ensuing punishment had certainly been remitted: and not long after he was beheaded on Tower-hill, with no less praise for his piety and patience, than pity and grief of the Beholders.

    44. Posterity is much unsatisfied in the justness of his suffering, and generally do believe, That he himself was the sheep who was here condemned for the slaughter. A good Author tells us, That he lost his life for a small crime, and that upon a nice point, subtly devised and packed by his enemies. And yet that the good King Himself was possessed of his guilt, may appear by His ensuing Letter written with His own hand to a dear Servant of His, as followeth:

    To Our well-beloved servant Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, one of the Gentlemen of Our Chamber.

    EDWARD.

    LIttle hath been done since you went, but the Duke of Somerset 's arraignment for felonious Treason, and the Musters of the new-erected Gendarmery. The Duke, the first of this Moneth was brought to Westminster-hall, where sat as Judge, or High Steward, my Lord Treasurer, twenty six Lord's of the Parliament went on his Trial, Indictments were read; which were several; some for Treason, some for traiterous Felony. The Lawyers read how Sir Thomas Palmer had confessed that the Duke, once minded, and made him privy, to raise the North, after to call the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquess of Northampton, and the Earl of Pembroke, to a Feast, and so to have slain them. And to do this thing (as it was to be thought) had levied men a hundred at his house at London, which was scanned to be Treason, because unlawful Assemblies for such purposes, was Treason by an Act made the last Sessions. Also how the Duke of Somerset minded to stay the Horses of the Gendarmery, and to raise London. Crane confessed also the murdering of the Lord's in a Banquet. Sir Miles Partridge also confessed the raising of London. Hamman his man having a Watch at Greenwich of twenty weaponed men to resist, if he had been arrested, and this confessed both Patridge and Palmer. He answered, That when he levied men at his House, he meant no such thing, but only to defend himself. The rest very barely answered. After debating the matter from nine of the clock till three, the Lord's went together, and there weighing that the matter seemed only to touch their lives, although afterward more inconvenience might have followed, and that men might think they did it of malice, acquitted him of High Treason, and condemned him of Felony, which he seemed to have confessed. He hearing the Judgment, fell down on his knees, and thanked them for his open Trial. After he asked pardon of the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquess, &c. whom he confessed he meant to destroy, although before he swore vehemently to the contrary. Thus fare you well.

    From Westminster the 20 th of December, Anno Domini 1551.

    Hereby it plainly appeareth, that the King was possessed with a persuasion of His Uncles guiltiness: whether or no so in truth, God knoweth; and generally Men believe Him abused herein. And it seemeth a wonder to me that six weeks (from December the 1, to January the 22.) interceding betwixt the Dukes condemnation and execution, no means were made during that time to the King for his pardon. But, it is plain, that his foes had stopped all access of his friends unto the King.

    45. The Duke of Somerset was religious himself, a lover of all such as were so, and a great Promoter of Reformation. Valiant, fortunate, witness his victory in Musleborrough field, when the Scots filled many carts with emptiness, and loaded them with what was lighter than vanity itself, Popish Images, and other Trinkets, wherein they placed the confidence of their Conquest. He was generally beloved of Martial men, yet no marvel if some did grumble against him, seeing there is no Army, save that of the Church Triumphant, wherein the Soldiers at some time or other do not complain against their General. Nor is the wonder great if he sometimes trespassed in matters of State, seeing the most conscientious Politician will now and then borrow a point of Law (not to say, take it for their due) even with an intent never to pay it. He was better to perform than plot, do than design. In a word, his self-hurting innocence declined into guiltiness, whose soul was so far from being open to causeless suspicions, that it was shut against just jealousies of danger.

    46. He built Somerset-house, where many like the workmanship better than either the foundation or materials thereof: For the Houses of three Bishops, Landaffe, Coventry and Litchfield, and Worcester, with the Church of St. Mary le Strand, were plucked down to make room for it. The stones and timber were fetched from the Hospital of S. Johns. This Somerset house is so tenacious of his name, that it would not change a Dutchie for a Kingdom, when solemnly proclaimed by King James, Denmark-house from the King of Denmark 's lodging therein, and His Sister Queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it argueth, that this Duke was well beloved, because his name made such an indelible impression on this his house, whereof he was not full five years peaceably possessed.

    47. We lately made mention of Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, to whom the King directed His Letter, as who was bred and brought up with Him from His infancy, though somewhat the older. He was Prince Edward 's PROXIE for CORRECTION, though we may presume seldom suffering in that kind, such the Princes general innocence and ingenuity to learn His book. Yet when such execution was done, as Fitz-Patrick was beaten for the Prince, the Prince was beaten in Fitz-Patrick, so great an affection did He bare to His Servant. Towards the end of His Reign He maintained him in the Court of France both to learn fashions there, and send intelligence thence. And it will not be amiss to insert the King's private Instructions unto him how he should behave himself in the French Court, partly for the rarity, partly for the certainty thereof, having it transcribed out of the Original of the King's own hand, as followeth:

    • 1. First, he shall go in the Lord Admirals Company, and at the same Lord's departing he shall have a Letter to the French King. which the Lord Admiral shall deliver, and present him to the French King; and if it shall chance that the French King will give him any Pension, entertainment, or reward at his being there for the time he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank His Majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be appointed. Nevertheless, when he is out of the Court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pickering .
    • 2. And at his setting forth shall carry with him four Servants, and if the wages amount to any great sum (more than I give him) that the French King giveth him, to live there after that proportion, advertising Me of the same.
    • 3. Also all this Winter he shall study the Tongue, and see the manner of the Court, and advertise Me of the occurrences he shall hear, and if he be desirous to see any place Notable, or Town, he may go thither, asking leave of the King. And shall behave himself honestly, more following the company of Gentlemen, than pressing into the company of the Ladies there, and his chief pastime shall be Hunting and Riding.
    • 4. Also his Apparel he shall wear it so fine as shall be comely, and not much superfluous. And the next Summer, when either the King goeth or sendeth any man of name into the Wars to be His Lieutenant, or to lead an Army, he shall desire to go thither, and either himself, or else shall will Mr. Pickering to declare to the French King, how he thinketh not himself to have fully satisfied nor recompensed neither His Majesty's good entertainment nor Mine expectation who had sent him over if he should return, having so delicately and idly almost spent the time, without he did at this time of service be desirous to go himself into the Wars, by the which thing he might at this time do His Majesty service, and also learn to do Me service hereafter, yea, and His Majesty to if the case so required. And therefore seeing this Nobleman shall now go that his request is to have leave to go with him.
    • 5. Having said this to the French King, he shall depart into the Wars, waiting on this Nobleman that shall be sent, and there he shall mark the divers fortifications of places, and advantages that the enemy may take, and the ordering and conduct of the Armies. As also the fashion of the skirmishes, battles, and assaults, and the plats of the chief Towns where any enterprises of weight have been done, he shall cause to be set out in black and white, or otherwise, as he may and shall send them hither to Me, with advertisement of such things as have passed.
    • 6. Furthermore, he shall at all times when he taketh money advertise Me of it, and I shall send him. And so the next year being well spent, upon further advertisement, and taking leave of the French King, he shall return.
    • 7. And if there arise or grow any doubt in any matter hereafter, in the which be shall need advise: he shall advertise by the Post, and shall have Anser thereof.

    This Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, after his return out of France, was created by the King, Baron of upper Ossery in Ireland, and died a most excellent Protestant, as hereafter we shall show in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.

    48. On the 15 th of April, the Parliament ended which had sat three Moneths at Westminster, though therein nothing of Church-matters determined, save a Penalty imposed on such who should strike or draw weapon in Church, or Churchyard, with the abolishing of the general Holy days of S. Mary Magdalene, and S. Geroge: yet so, that it should be lawful for the latter to be solemnly celebrated by the Knights of the Right honorable Order of the Garter. The Orders of which Order were about this time reformed and purged from some ancient superstitions.

    49. Six Dolphins were taken in the Thames (three near Quinborough, and three above Greenwich, where the Thames is scarce tainted with brackishnesse) in so much that many grave men dispensed with their wisdom, and beheld them with wonder, as not seen before on our shores. A fish much loving man and music, swifter than all other fishes, and birds too: yea, than the Swallow itself (if Pliny say true) though all their celerity besteaded them not here to escape the nets of the fisher-men. Their coming up so far was beheld by Mariners as a presage of fowl weather at Sea; but by States-men, as a prodigious omen of some tempestuous mutations in our Land. And particularly, they suspected the Kings death, though for the present He was very pleasant and merry in His progress about the Country, as by his ensuing Letter to His former favourite, written in the next August, doth appear.

    EDWARD.

    THE cause why we have not hitherto written unto you have partly been the lack of a convenient Messenger, partly because we meant to have something worthy writing ere We would write anything. And therefore being now almost in the midst of Our journey which We have undertaken this Summer, We have thought good to advertise, now since Our last Letters dated at Greenwich, We departed from thence towards a thing far contrary to that wherein as We perceive by your diligent advertisement you and all the Country you are in are occupied; for whereas you all have been occupied in killing of your enemies, in long marchings, in painful journeys, in extreme heat, in sore skirmishings, and divers assaults; We have been occupied in killing of wild Beasts, in pleasant journeys, in good fare, in viewing of fair Countries, and rather have sought how to fortify Our own, than to spoil another man's. And being this determined came to Gilford, from thence to Petworth, and so to Coudray (a goodly House of Sir Anthony Brownes) where we were marvelously, yea rather excessively banquetted. From thence We went to Halvenaker (a pretty House besides Chichester.) From thence We went to Warblington (a fair House of Sir Richard Cottons.) And so to Walthan (a fair great old House, in times past the Bishop of Winchesters, and now my Lord Treasurers house.) In all these places, We had both good hunting, and good cheer. From thence we went to Portsmouth Town, and there viewed not only the Town it self and the Haven, but also divers Bulwarks, as Chatertons, Waselford, with other; in viewing of which We find the Bulwarks chargeable, massey, well rampared, but ill-fashioned, ill-flanked, and set in unmeet places, the Town weak in comparison of that it ought to be, too huge great (for within the Walls are fair and large Closes, and much vacant room) the Haven notable great, and standing by nature easy to be fortified. And for the more strength thereof We have devised two strong Castles on either side of the Haven at the mouth thereof: For at the mouth the Haven is not past ten score over, but in the middle almost a mile over, and in length for a mile and a half able to bear the greatest ship in Christendom. From thence We went to Tichfield (the Earl of South-Hampton 's House) and so to South-Hampton Town. The Citizens had bestowed for Our coming great cost in painting, repairing, and rampairing of their Walls. The Town is handsome, and for the bigness of it as fair houses as be at London. The Citizens made great cheer, and many of them kept costly tables. From South-Hampton we came to Bewly a little Village in the middle of the new Forest, and so to Christ-Church (another little Town in the same Forest) where We now be. And having advertised you of all this, We think it not good to trouble you any farther with news of this Country, but only that at this time the most part of England (thanks be to God) is clear of any dangerous or infectious sickness. We have received all your Letters of the 26 of May, of the 19 of June, and the first of August. Thus fare you well.

    From Christ-Church the 22 of August.

    But leaving the King in His Progress, we come to behold the Bishops in their Visitations, and find them divided into three sorts:

    • 1. Zealous Protestants, as Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Ridley, Hooper, Farrer.
    • Zealous Papists, as Gardner, Tunstall, Bonner: which three alone, were deprived of their Bishoprics, and confined.
    • 3. Papists in heart, but outwardly conforming to the Kings Laws, as Heath Archbishop of York, and many other Bishops.

    Here it is worthy our inquiry why this latter sort, which so complied under King Edward the sixth, should be so stubborn and obstinate under Queen Elizabeth, whereof I can give but this reason assigned: That growing older and nearer their graves, they grew more conscientious and faithful to their own (though erroneous) principles, it being in vain to dissemble now death did approach, though their younger years had been guilty of such prevarications.

    SECTION II.

    DIGNISSIMO VIRO CAROLO CHENEY De Comitatu BVCK: Armigero, Mecoenati suo munificentissimo.

    ETHELSTANUS, Saxonum Monarcha, decreto sanxivit, si massere ascenderet, ut ter, Magnum mare transfretaret, per proprium negotium suum, fuit deinde TAINI dignus rectitudine. In qua lege enuclenda, mihi aliquantillum immorandum; quum licet tibi (ut alia omnia) expedita, aliis forsitan aliquid nodi ei subesse videatur.

    • 1. Massere) Mercatorem designari in confesso est.
    • 2. Magnum mare) Mediterraneum intenditur, quo nomine Sacrae Scripturae sepiûs innotescit.
    • 3. Proprium negotium) quâ clausulâ excluditur servile genus, (FACTORES dicimus) qui non sui juris, sed Dominis rationem reddituri.
    • 4. Taini) intelligimus melioris notae Generosum.
    • 5. Dignus rectitudine) Olet hoc saeculi barbariem.

    Sed his verbis voluit Rex, ut censeatur Iso-Tainus, at{que} eundem honoris gradum sortiatur.

    Quod si, Vir clarissime, illi seculo tanta contigisset felicitas, ut tu tunc temporis vixisses, quibus titulis te decorandum Rex ill censuisset? qui, ortu tuo Nobilis, Mare parvum, medium, magnum, omnia, (multis aquarum terrarumque montibus superatis) transivisti. Id{que} non turpis lucri causa, ut navem mercibus; sed scientiae ergo, ut mentem dotibus instructam reportares.

    Te igitur in ipfissimo Libri mei umbilico (quantum paginas scriptas, nondum impressas, aestimare potui) collocandum curavi, eo consilio, quo provida natura Soli inter Planetas medium locum assignavit, ut ex aequo, utrinque totum opus nomine tuo illustraetur.

    Deus Te, tuamque Conjugem (non magis natalium splendore, quam propriis virtutibus spectabilem) eousque protegat, dum in dubium venerit, longiorve an beatior vestra vita sit reputanda.

    LAtely information was given to the Kings Council, that much costly furniture, which was embezelled, might very seasonably (such the Kings present occasions) and profitably be recovered. For, private men's halls were hung with Aftar-clothes; their tables and beds, covered with copes, instead of carpets, and coverlets. Many drank at their daily meals in chalices; and no wonder, if in proportion it came to the share of their Lorses to be watered in rich coffins of marble. And, as if first laying of hands upon them were sufficient title unto them, seizing on them was generally the price they had paid for them. Now, although four years were elapsed, since the destruction of Colleges & Chanteries, and much of the best Church ornaments was transported beyond the Seas, yet the Privy Council thought, this very gleaning in the stubble, would richly be worth the while, and that, on strict inquisition, they should retrive much plate in specie, and more money for moderate fines of offenders herein. Besides, whereas Parish Churches had still many rich Ornaments left in the custody of their Wardens, they resolved to convert, what was superfluous, or superstitious, to the Kings use. To which purpose, Commissions were issued out, to some select persons in every County, according to the tenor following:

    Instructions given by the King's Majesty to His right trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counselor the Marquess of Northampton, and to the rest of His Highness Comissioners appointed for the Survey of Church-goods within His Majesty's County of Northampton.

    EDWARD.

    FIrst, Upon the receipt of the same Commission by any one of the same Commissioners, he that so shall first receive the Commission, shall forthwith with all convenient speed, give knowledge to the rest named in the same Comission, and with them shall agree to meet and assemble with that speed they can for the execution of the same Commission and these Instructions. And if any of the said Commissioners shall be dead, sick, or otherwise, be so absent out of the Country for the service of the King, that he cannot with speed attend the same in that case; The rest of the same Commissioners, so that they be to the Number appointed, by the Commission, shall not make any delay from the proceeding in the same Commission, but shall forthwith allot their sittings, Assemblies and meetings for the same Commission, as in like cases hath been, or shall be meet to be used.

    Item, For their better and more certain proceeding, the said Commissioners shall in such cases, where none of the Commissioners be Custos Rotulorum of that County, ne hath been since the beginning of Our Reign, command the said Custos Rotulorum, or their Deputy, or the Clerk of the Peax of those parts, to bring or send unto them such Books, Registers, and Inventories, as hath heretofore any wise come to their hands, by Indenture, touching the Summes, Numbers and Values of any Goods, Plate, Jewels, Vestments, and Bells, or Ornaments of any Churches, Chapels, and such like. And likewise the said Commissioners shall send to the Bishops of every Diocese wherein the said County is Situate, or to their Chancellors, Commissaries, or other Ecclesiastical Officers in whose hands, or custody, the like of the aforesaid Inventories and Registers have command of them, and every of them, They shall receive and take the said Books, Registers, and Inventories. And that done, the said Commissioners shall compare both the same Inventories, (that is to say) as well such as they shall receive and take of the Custos Rotulorum, or their Deputy, or the Clerk of the Peax, as of the Bishops, or other under-Officers, and according to the best, richest, and greatest Inventories of the said Commissioners shall proceed to make their survey and inquiry. And by the same make the searches of the defaults and wants that shall be found. And generally the same Commissioners shall not only by the view of the said Registers and Inventories, but also by any other means they can better devise, proceed to the due search and inquisition of the wants and defaults of any part of the said Goods, Plate, Jewels, Vestments, Bells, or Ornaments.

    Item, For the more speedy obtaining of the said Registers and Inventories, the said Commissioners shall receive special Letters of commandment from our Privy Council for the delivery thereof, which Letters the said Commissioners shall deliver as they shall see occasion.

    Item, The said Commissioners shall upon their view, and survey taken, cause due Inventories to be made by Bills or Books indented, of all manner of Goods, Plate, Jewels, Bells, and Ornaments, as yet remaining, or anywise forth coming, and belonging to any Churches, Chapels, Fraternities, or Gilds, and the one part of the same Inventories to send and return to Our Privy Council, and the other to deliver to them in whose hands the said Goods, Plate, Jewels, Bells, and Ornaments shall remain to be kept preserved. And they shall also give good charge and order that the same goods and every part thereof be at all times forth coming to be answered, leaving nevertheless in every Parish Church or Chapel of common resort, one, two, or more Chalices or Cups, according to the multitude of the People in every such Church or Chapel, and also such other Ornaments as by their discretion shall seem requisite for the Divine Service in every such place for the time.

    And, because We be informed, that in many places great quantities of the said Plate, Jewels, Bells, and Ornaments be imbecilled by certain private men contrary to Our express commandments in that behalf; The said Commissioners shall substantially and justly inquire and attain the knowledge thereof; by whose default the same is, and hath been, and in whose hands any part of the same is come. And in that point the said Commissioners shall have good regard, that they attain to certain names, and dwelling-places of every person and persons, that hath sold, alienated, imbezilled, taken or carried away, and of such also as have counseled, advised, and commanded any part of the said Goods, Plate, Jewels, Bells, Vestments, and Ornaments to be taken or carried away, or otherwise imbezilled. And these things they shall as certainly and duly as they can cause to be searched and understand.

    Upon a full search and enquiry whereof, The said Commissioners, four or three of them shall cause to be called before them. Also the persons by whom any of the said Goods, Plate, Jewels, Bells, Ornaments, or any other the premisses, have been alienated, embezilled, or taken away, or by whose means or procurement the same, or any part thereof hath been attempted, or to whose hands or use any of the same or any profit for the same hath grown. And by such means as to their discretions shall seem best, cause them to bring into their the said Commissioners hands to Our use the said Plate, Jewels, Bells, and other the premisses so alienated, or the true and just value thereof, certifying unto Our Privy Council the names of all such as refuse to stand to, or obey their Order touching the re-delivery, and restitution of the same, or the just value thereof. To the intent that as cause and reason shall require, every man may answer to his doings in this behalf.

    Finally, Our pleasure is, that the said Commissioners in all their doings shall use such sober and discreet manner of proceeding as the effect of this Commission may go forward with as much quiet and as little occasion of trouble or disquiet of the multitude as may be, using to that end, such wise persuasions in all places of their Sessions as in respect of the place, and disposition of the People may seem to their wisdoms most expedient. Giving also good and substantial order for the stay of the inordinate and greedy covetousness of such disordered people, as have or shall go about the alienating of any the premisses, So as according to reason, and order such as have, or shall contemptuously offend in this behalf may receive reformation, as for the quality of their doings shall be requisite.

    In pursuance of these their Instructions, the Kings Commissioners in their respective Counties, recovered much, and discovered more of Church-wealth and Ornaments: For, some were utterly imbeziled by persons not responsible, and there the King must lose his right. More were concealed by parties not detectable, so cunningly they carried their stealths, seeing everyone who had nimmed a Church-Bell, did not ring it out for all to hear the sound thereof. Many potent persons well known to have such goods, shufled it out with their greatness, mutually connived at therein, by their equals, fellow-offenders in the same kind. However, the Commissioners regained more than they expected, confidering the distance of time, and the cold scent they followed so many years after the Dissolution. This Plate, and other Church-Utensils, were sold▪ and advanced much money to the Exchequer. An Author telleth us, That (amongst many which they found) they left but one silver Chalice to every Church, too narrow a proportion to populous Parishes, where they might have left two at the least, seeing for expedition sake, at great Sacraments, the Minister at once delivereth the wine to two Communicants. But they conceived one Cup enough for a small Parish, and that greater and richer were easily able to purchase more to themselves.

    2. All this Income rather stayed the stomach, than satisfied the hunger of the Kings Exchequer: For the allaying whereof, the Parliament, now sitting, conferred on the Crown, the Bishopric of Durham. This may be called the English Herbipolis, or Wirtz-burge, it being true of both,

    Dunelmia sola, judicat Ense & Stola.
    The Bishop whereof was a Palatine, or Secular Prince, and his Seal in form resembleth Royalty in the Roundnesse thereof, and is not Oval, the badge of plain Episcopacy. Rich, and entire the revenues of this See, such as alone would make a considerable addition to the Crown, remote the situation thereof, out of Southern sight, and therefore, if dissolved, the sooner out of men's minds. Besides, Cuthbert Tunstall the present Bishop of Durham, was in durance, and deprived for his obstinacy, so that so stubborn a Bishop gave the State the fairer quarrel with so rich a Bishopric, now annexed to the Kings revenue.

    3. Well it was for this See, (though dissolved) that the lands thereof were not dispersed by sale unto several persons, but preserved whole and entire (as to the main) in the Crown. Had such a dissipation of the parts thereof been made, no less than a State miracle had been requisite for the recollection thereof. Whereas now within two years after, Queen Mary restored Tunstall to this Bishopric, and this Bishopric to itself, re-settling all the lands on the same.

    4. By this time, such Learned men as were employed by the King, to reform the Ecclesiastical Laws, had brought their work to some competent perfection. Let me enlarge myself on this subject of concernment, for the Readers satisfaction. When the Pope had engrossed to his Courts the cognizance of all causes, which either looked, glanced, or pointed in the least degree, at what was reduceable to Religion, he multiplied Laws, to magnify himself▪ Whose principal design therein, was not to make others good, but himself great, not so much to direct, and defend the good, to restrain and punish the bad, as to ensnare and entangle both. For, such the number of their Clementines, 〈◊〉 , Intrd. & Extravagants, Provincialls, Synodalls, Glosses, Sentences, Chapters, Summaries, Rescripts, Breviaries, long and short Cases, &c. that none could carry themselves so cautiously, but would be rendered obnoxious, and caught within the compass of offending. Though the best was, for money they might buy the Popes pardon, and thereby their own innocence.

    5. Hereupon, when the Popes power was banished out of England, his Canon-Law, with the numerous Books and branches thereof, lost its authority in the Kings Dominions. Yet, because some gold must be presumed amongst so much dross, grain amongst so much chaff, it was thought fit, that so much of the Canon Law should remain as was found conformable to the Word of God, and Laws of the Land. And therefore King Henry the eighth was empowered by Act of Parliament, to elect two and thirty able persons, to reform the Ecclesiastical Laws, though in His Reign very little to good purpose was performed therein.

    6. But the design was more effectually followed in the days of King Edward the sixth, reducing the number of two and thirty to eight, thus mentioned in His Letters Patents dated at Westminster, the last year, Novemb: 11.

    • Bishops
      • Thomas Cranmer, of Canterbury.
      • Thomas Goodrich, of Eli.
    • Divines
      • Peter Martyr.
      • Richard Cox.
    • Civilians, and Canonists
      • Dr. William May.
      • Dr. Rowland Taylor, of Hadley.
    • Common Lawyers
      • John Lucas.
      • Rich: Goodrick
      • Esquires.

    It was not only convenient, but necessary, that Common Lawyers should share in making these Church Constitutions, because the same were to be built, not only sure in themselves, but also symmetricall to the Municipall Laws of the Land. These Eight had power by the Kings Patents, to call in to their assistance what persons they pleased, and are said to have used the pens of Sir John Cheeke, and Walter Haddon, Dr. in Law, to turn their Laws into Latin.

    7. However, these had only a preparing, no concluding power; so that, when they had ended their work, two things were wanting, to make these Ecclesiastical Canons (thus by them composed) have the validity of Laws. First, an exact review of them by others, to amend the mistakes therein. As where they call the Common Prayer Book then used in England, proprium & perfectum omnis divini cultus judicem, & magistrum: a title truly belonging only to the Scripture. Secondly, a Royal ratification thereunto; which this King, prevented by death, nor any of His Successors ever stamped upon it. Indeed, I find in an Author, (whom I am half-ashamed to allege) that Doctor Haddon Anno 12 or 13 Elizabeth. delivered in Parliament a Latin Book, concerning Church-Discipline, written in the days of King Edward the sixth, by Mr. Cranmer, Sir John Cheek, &c. which could be no other than this lately mentioned. Which Book was committed by the House, unto the said Mr. Haddon, Mr. George Bromley, Mr. Norton, &c. to be translated, I conceive into English again, and never after can I recover any mention thereof, save that some thirteen years since it was printed in London.

    8. A Parliament was called in the last of this Kings Reign, wherein no Church-matter was meddled with, save that therein a Subsidy, granted by the Clergy, was confirmed. Such moneys being the Legacy of course, which all Parliaments (fairly coming to a peaceable end) bequeath to their Sovereign. As for the Records of this Convocation, they are but one degree above blanks, scarce affording the names of the Clerks assembled therein. Indeed, they had no Commission from the King to meddle with Church-business, and every Convocation in itself, is born deaf, and dumb, so that it can neither hear complaints in Religion, nor speak in the redress thereof, till first Ephata, be thou opened, be pronounced unto it by Commission from Royal Authority.

    9. Now, the true reason why the King would not intrust the diffusive body of the Convocation, with a power to meddle with matters of Religion, was a just jealousy which He had of the ill affection of the major part thereof: who under the fair rind of Protestant profession, had the rotten core of Romish superstition. It was therefore conceived safer for the King to rely on the ability and fidelity of some select Confidents, cordial to the cause of Religion; than to adventure the same to be discussed, and decided by a suspicious Convocation.

    10. However, this barren Convocation is entitled the parent of those Articles of Religion, (forty two in number) which are printed with this Preface, Articuls de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, Anno Domini 1552. inter Episcopos, & alios eruditos viros convenerat. With these was bound a Catechism, younger in age (as bearing date of the next year) but of the same extraction, relating to this Convocation, as author thereof. Indeed, it was first compiled (as appears by the Kings Patent prefixed) by a single Divine, ( charactred pious and learned) bu afterwards perused and allowed by the Bishops, and other learned men, (understand it, the Convocation) and by Royal Authority commended to all Subjects, commanded to all School Masters to teach it their Scholars.

    11. Yet very few in the Convocation ever saw it, much less, explicitly consented thereunto: but these had formerly (it seems) passed over their power (I should be thankful to him, who would produce the original instrument thereof) to the select Divines appointed by the King, in which sense they may be said to have done it themselves by their Delegates, to whom they had deputed their authority. A case not so clear but that it occasioned a cavil at the next Convocation in the first of Queen Mary, when the Papists therein assembled, renounced the legality of any such former transactions.

    Pretious King Edward the sixth now changed his Crown of Gold for one of Glory: we will something enlarge ourselves, to give posterity His true Character, never meeting more virtues in so few years. For His Birth, there goeth a constant tradition, that Caesar -like, He was cut out of the belly of His Mother, Jane Seymour: though a great person of Honor▪ (deriving her Intelligence mediately from such as were present at Her Labor) assured me of the contrary. Indeed, such as shall read the calm, and serene style of that Letter, which I have seen written, (though not by) for that Queen, and signed with Her own Signet after Her delivery, cannot conjecture thence, that any such violence was offered unto Her. But see the Letter.

    RIght trusty and well-beloved,

    We greet you well; and forasmuch as by the inestimable goodness, and grace of Almighty God, We be delivered and brought in Child-bed of a PRINCE, conceived in most lawful Matrimony, between my Lord the Kings Majesty, and Vs. Doubting not, but that for the love and affection which you bear unto Vs, and to the Common-wealth of this Realm, thi knowledge shall be joyous, and glad tidings unto you: We have thought good to certify you of this Iame: To the intent ye might not only render unto God condign thanks and praise for so great a benefice, but also continually pray for the long continuance, and preservation of the same here in this life, to the honor of God, joy, and pleasure of my Lord the KING and Vs, and the universal weal, quiet, and tranquility of this whole Realm.

    Given under our Signet at my Lord's Manor of Hampton-Court, the 22 day of October.

    And although this Letter was soon after seconded with another of a sadder subject, here inserted, subscribed by all the Kings Physicians; yet neither doth that so much as insinuate any impression of violence on Her person, as hastening Her death, but seems rather to cast the cause thereof on some other distemper.

    THese shall be to advise your Lordships of the Queens estate: Yesterday afternoon She had a natural Lax, by reason whereof She began to lighten, and (as it appeared) to amend, and so continued till towards night. All this night She hath been very sick, and doth rather appare, than amend. Her Confessor hath been with Her Grace this morning, and hath done that to his office appertaineth, and even now is preparing to minister to Her Grace the Sacrament of Unction.

    At Hampton-Court this Wednesday morning at eight a clock.

    Your Lordships at Commandment,

    • Thomas Cutland.
    • Robert Karhold.
    • Edward Bayntam.
    • John Chambers, Priest.
    • William Butts.
    • George Owen.

    Impute we here this Extreme Unction administered to Her, partly to the overofficiousness of some superstitious Priest; partly, to the good Ladies inability; perchance insensible what was done unto her, in such extremity: otherwise we are confident, that Her judgment, when in strength, and health, disliked such practices, being a zealous Protestant. Which Unction did her as little good, as the twelve Masses said for Her soul in the City of London, at the Commandment of the Duke of Norfolk; whether he did it to credit their Religion with the countenance of so great a Convert, or did it out of the Nimiety of his own Love and Loyaltie to the Queen, expressing it according to his own judgment, without the consent, (if not against the will) of the Queens nearest kindred.

    12. But leaving the Mother, let us come to the Son, who, as he saith of himself in the Manuscript of His Life, was for the first six years bred and brought up amongst the Women, and then consigned to masculine Tuition under Doctor Richard Cox, and Sir John Cheeke, who taught Him Latin; and John Belmain, who instructed Him in the French Tongue. How great and sudden His proficiency in Learning was, will appear by this Letter, written with His own hand to His Father, when about eight years old. And although some may cavil this Letter not to be the Princes, but Cheeke 's or Cox 's in the Prince, yet the very matter and style will attest it the genuine Issue of His infant-Genius.

    LIterae meae semper habent unum Argumentum, Rex Nobilissime, at{que} Pater Illustrissime, id est, in omnibus Epistolis ago tibi gratias pro beneficentia tua erga me maxima; si enim saepius multo ad te literas exararem, nullo tamen quidem modo potui pervenire officio literarum ad magnitudinem benignitatis tuae erga me. Quis enim potuit compensare beneficia tua erga me? Nimirum nullus qui non est tam magnus Rex ac nobilis Princeps, ac tu es, cujusmodi ego non sum. Quamobrem Pietas tua in me, multo gratior est mihi, quod facis mihi, quae nullo modo compensare possim, sed tamen adnitar, & faciam quod in me est, ut placeam Majestati, atque praecabor Deum, ut diù te servet incolumem. Vale Rex Nobilissime atque Pater Illustrissime.

    Hatfeldiae, vicessimo septimo September:

    Majestati tuae observantissimus Filius, EDVARDUS Princeps.

    With the increase of His Age, His Writing was improved, both in the Letter, Matter, and Phrase thereof, as appeareth by what He wrote in Latin some months after, to His Mother-in-Law, Queen Katherine Parre: in thankfulness for the New-years-gift (the Kings and Her own Picture) She had sent unto Him; One may charitably believe that so Learned a Lady, understood the Letter without an Interpreter; but sure it is, She communicated the same to the King, who joyfully accepted thereof.

    QVod non ad te jamdiu scripserim Regina illustrissima, atque Mater charissima, in causa fuit, non negligentia, sed studium.

    Non enim hoc feci, ut nunquam omnino scriberem, sed ut accuratiùs scriberem. Quare spero te futuram contentam & gavisuram, quod non scripserim. Tu enim velles me proficere in omni honestate & Pietate, quod est signum insignis & diu urni tui Amoris erga me, atque hunc amorem multis beneficiis mihi declarasti, & praecipue hac strena, quam proxime ad me misisti, in qua Regiae Majestatis, & tua effigies ad vivum expressa continetur. Nam plurimum me delectat vestras Imagines Abscentium contemplari, quos lubentissime videre cupio praesentes, ac quibus maxim tum Naturâ, tum Officio devinctus sum. Quamobrem majores tibi gratias ago, ob hanc strenam, quàm si misisses ad me preciosas vestes, & Aurum caelatum, aut quidvis aliud Eximium. Deus tuam Celsitudinem, quam me brevi visurum spero, servet incolumem.

    Hartfordiae, decimo Januarii.

    Filius Celsitudini tuae obsequentissimus, EDVARDUS Princeps.

    Now our hand is in, but one Letter more (but in date some months before the last) to His Unckle, Earl of Hartford, and we have done. For if Papists superstitiously preserve the Fingers, Teeth, yea Locks of Haire of their pretended Saints; wonder not if I prize the smallest Relics of this gracious Prince, never as yet presented to public view.

    NAtura movet me ut recorder tui Avuncule Charissime, etsi negotia tua impediunt te ne videas me, ideo de literas ad te, quae literae forent testimonium Recordationis meae, quam habeo de te. Quod si haberem ullum melius monumentum Benevolentiae meae erga te, quam literae sunt, illud ad te mitterem. Puto autem te accepturum literas meas been non pro bonitate literarum, sed pro Benevolentia scriptoris. Et tu non eris adeo laetus in accipiendis literis à me, ut ego gaudebo, si intellexero te in bonam partem accepisse illas, quod puto te facturum. Optime valeas in Christo Jesu.

    Hunsdoniae, octavo Novemb:

    E. Princeps.

    Such was the Piety of this young Prince, that being about to take down something, which was above his reach, one of His Play-fellows proffered Him a bossed plated Bible to stand upon, and heighten Him to take what He desired. Perceiving it a Bible, with holy Indignation, He refused it, and sharply reproved the Offerer thereof; it being unfit, He should trample that under His feet, which He was to treasure up in His head and heart. How many nowadays, unable in themselves to achieve their own wicked ends, make God's Word their Pedestall, that standing thereon, they may be (not the holier, but) the higher, and the better advantaged, by abusing a piety, to attain their own designs.

    13. When Crowned King, His goodness increased with His greatness, constant in His private devotions, and as successful, as fervent therein, witness this particular: Sir John Cheeke, His School-Master, fell desperately sick; of whose condition the King carefully inquired every day: At last his Physicians told Him, That there was no hope of his life, being given over by them for a dead man. No, saith King Edward, he will not die at this time, for this morning I beg'd his life from God in my Prayers, and obtained it: which accordingly came to pass; and he soon after, against all expectation, wonderfully recovered. This was attested by the old Earl of Huntingdon, bred up in his Childhood with King Edward, unto Sir Thomas Cheeke, still surviving about 80 years of age.

    14. He kept an exact Account, written with His own hand, (and that a very Legible one) of all Memorable accidents, with the accurate Date thereof. No high Honor was conferred, Bishopric bestowed, State Office disposed of, no old Fort repaired, no new one erected, no Bullion brought in, no great Summes sent forth of the Land, no Ambassadors dispatched hence, none entertained here: in a word, no matter of moment transacted, but by Him, with His own hand it was recorded: Whose Notes herein, though very particular, are nothing trivial, though short, not obscure, as formerly we have made use of some of those which concern our History.

    15. Whilst in health, His body was no less active in exercise, than His mind quick in apprehension. To give one Instance of both together. One day being shooting at Butts, (a manfull, and healthful Pastime, wherein He very much delighted) He hit the very mark. The Duke of Northumberland, being present, (and, as I take it, betting on His Side) Well shot my Liege, quoth he. But you shot nearer the mark, (returned the King) when you shot off my good Uncle Somerse' s head. And it is generally conceived that grief for his death caused K. Edwards Consumption, who succeeded not to any Consumptive Inclination, as hereditary from His Extraction, from a Father but little past, and a Mother just in the strength of Their Age.

    16. However, I find in a Popish Writer, that it was said, That the Apothecary who poisoned him, (for the horror of the offense, and the disquietness of his conscience▪ drowned himself. And that the Landresse who washed His shirt, lost the skin off her fingers. But if his History be no better than his Divinity, we that justly condemn the one, can do no less than suspect the other.

    17. We will conclude this Kings most Pious life with that His most devout Prayer on His Death-Bed, which God heard and graciously answered, for the good of the Church of England.

    LOrd God, deliver Me out of this miserable, and wretched life, and take Me among thy chosen. Howbeit, not my will, but thy will be done. Lord, I commit my spirit to thee. O Lord, thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee; yet for thy chosens sake send me life and health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord God, bless thy people, and save thine inheritance. Oh Lord God, save thy chosen People of England. Oh my Lord God, defend this Realm from Papistry, and maintain thy true Religion, that I and my People may praise thy holy Name, for Jesus Christ's sake.

    17. One of the last Sermons King Edward heard, was preached before Him by Hugh Latimer, at what time their party began to spread and increase, who opposed the Liturgy, witness this passage in his Sermon: I have heard say, when that the good Queen that is gone, had ordained in her House daily Prayer, both before Noon, and after Noon; the Admiral getteth him out of the way, like a Mole digging in the earth. He shall be Lots Wife to me as long as I live. He was, I heard say, a Covetous man, a covetous man indeed: I would there were no more in England. He was, I heard say, an Ambitious man: I would there were no more in England. He was, I heard say, a Seditious man, a Contemner of Common-Prayer: I would there were no more in England. Well! he is gone, I would he had left none behind him. A passage so informative to the Church History of that Age, must not pass without some observation thereon.

    The good Queen is gone:] this was Queen Katharine Par, (the Relict of King Henry the eighth who some two years since died in Child-bed.

    The Admiral:] This was Thomas Lord Seymour her Husband.

    Getteth himself out of the way:] Here is the question, on what terms he absented himself, whether on

    Popish, or Non Conformist.
    In proof whereof he is compared to Lots Wife, which importeth a looking back, and reflection on former practice. Being termed herein Seditious, and not Superstitious; it intimates, that a factious Principle made him distaste the Common-Prayer.

    A Contemner of the Common Prayer, I wish there were no more:] This probably relates unto a potent Party disaffected to the Liturgy, which now began to be very considerable in England, but (if the premisses be rightly collected) much too blame in the judgment of godly Master Latimer.

    18. The dislikers of the Liturgy, bare themselves high upon the judgment of Master Calvin, in his Letter (four year since) to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protectour, now no longer a privacie, because publicly printed in his Epistles.

    And yet Master Calvin is therein very positive for a set Form, whose words deserve our Translation and observation.

    • Formulam precums, & rituum Ecclesiasticorum valde probo, ut certa illa extet.
    • A quâ ne Pastoribus discedere in functione sua liceat.
    • 1. Ut consulatur quorundam simplicitati & imperitiae.
    • 2. Ut certius constet omnium inter se Ecclesiarum consensus.
    • 3. Ut obviam ineatur desultoriae quorundam levitati, qui novationes quasdam affectant.
    • Sic igitur, statum esse Catechismum oportet, statam Sacramentorum administrationem, publicam item precum formulam.
    • I do highly approve that there should be a certain Form of Prayer and Ecclesiastical Rites.
    • From which it should not be lawful for the Pastors themselves to discede.
    • 1. That provision may be made for some people's ignorance and unskilfulness.
    • 2. That the consent of all Churches amongst themselves may the more plainly appear.
    • 3. That order may be taken against the desultorie levity of such who delight in innovations.
    • Thus there ought to be an established Catechism, an established Administration of Sacraments, as also a public Form of Prayer.

    So that it seems not a Form, but this Form of Prayer did displease, and exceptions were taken at certain passages still in the Liturgy, though lately reviewed by the Bishops, and corrected.

    19. Whilst mutual animosities were heightened betwixt the Opposers and Assertors of the Liturgy, Providence put a period for a time to that Controversy in England. Such who formerly would not, soon after durst not use the Common Prayer, Mass and Popery being set up by Queen Mary in the room thereof. Thus when Children fall out and fight about the candle, the Parents coming in and taking it away, leave them to decide the differences in the dark.

    The end of the Reign of King EDWARD the sixth.



    Observations on the Kings Injunctions.

    Let us here admire God's wisdom in our first Reformers, who proceeded so moderately in a matter of so great consequence: To reform all at once, had been the ready way to reform nothing at all. New wine must be gently poured into old bottles, lest the strength of the liquor, advantaged with the violence of the infusion, break the vessel. Jacob could not keep pace with Esau (presumed fleet on foot as used to hunting) whilst he had in his company, the tender children and flocks with young, which if over driven one day, would die. And though no doubt he himself was foot-man enough to go along with his Brother, yet he did lead on softly according as the cattle and children were able to endure. Thus our wise Reformers reflected discreetly on the infirmities of people, long nouzled in ignorance and superstition, and incapable (of a sudden and perfect alteration.)

    On this account (in the third Injunction) they reduced Candles formerly sans number in Churches to two, upon the high Altar, before the Sacrament; these being termed lights, shows they werenot luminacaeca, but burning. Know also that at this time there was an universal dilapidation of Chancells, and men had seen so many Abbey-Churches plucked down, that they even left Parish-Churches to fall down on themselves; now to repair them all at once, would have stopped the holes in the Chancells, and made one in the states of the Ministers. It was therefore in the sixteenth Injunction ordered, That a fifth part of their means should be employed therein, whereby the work was effectually done without any great damage to the Repairers.

    By Memories appointed to be omitted, [Injunction 21.] we understand, the Obsequia for the dead, which, some say, succeeded in the place of the [Heathen] Roman Parentalia.

    The abolishing Processions is politically put on a civil account, [Injunction 23.] to avoid contention about places. Indeed, people's pride herein, consisted in pretended humility, which the Injunction at large, termeth a fond Courtesie. For in a mock-practice of the Apostles precept, in honor preferring one another, they strained courtesy to go last. Where, by the way, I conceive that accounted the highest place, which was next the Cross bearer, or next the Priest carrying the Host.

    Quaere, whether in the 24 Injunction, laboring in time of Harvest on Holydaies, and Festivals, relateth not only to those of Ecclesiastical constitution, (as dedicated to Saints) or be inclusive of the Lord's day also.

    Mr. Calvin in his Letter to the Lord Protector, disliketh the praying for the dead: and this is one of those things, which he termed, tolerabiles ineptias, Englished by some, tolerable fooleries; more mildly by others, tolerable unfitnesses. In requital whereof, Bishop Williams was wont to say, That Master Calvin had his tolerabiles morositates.

    And thus moderately did our first Reformers begin, as the subject they wrote on would give them leave; for as careful Mothers and Nurses on condition they can get their Children to part with knives, are contented to let them play with raitles: So they permitted ignorant people still to retain some of their fond and foolish Customs, that they might remove from them the most dangerous and destructive Superstitions.

    Come we now to give in a List of such principal Books which in the Reign of this King and His Father, as Preparatory to, and Introductive of Reformation; And to bring them high enough, we will begin with


    HEN: 7th.

    Prayers printed by the Commandments of the most hye and virtuous Princesse our lyege Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England and of France, and also of the right hye and most noble Princesse Margarett mother to our Sovereign Lord the King, &c. without the year when printed.


    HEN: 8th.

    The Institution of a Christian man contayneng the Exposition of the Commune Crede, of the seven Sacraments, of the ten Commandments, and of the Pater noster, and the Ave Maria, Justification and Purgatory.

    London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537.

    A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man, set forth by the Kynges Majesty of England, &c.

    London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1543.


    HEN: 8th.

    Henry the eighth his Epistle to the Emperor, Christian Princes, and all true Christian men, desiring peace and concord amongst them. Against the power of the Pope, and concerning a General Council.

    London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1538.

    A Protestation made for the most mighty and most redoubted King of England, &c. and his hole Counsel and Clergy, wherein is declared, that neither His Highness, nor His Prelates, neither any other Prince or Prelate is bound to come or send to the pretended Council, that Paul Bishop of Rome, first by a Bull indicted at Mantua a City in Italy, and now alate by another Bull, hath proroged to a place no man can telle where.

    London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537.

    Articles devised by the Kings Highnes Majesty to stablishe Christian quietness and unity among us, and to avoid contentious opinions, which Articles be also approved by the consent and determination of the hole Clergy of this Realm.

    Lond: Tho: Barthelet, 1536.

    Injunctions to the Clergy.

    1536. M. Sc.

    Articles devised by the holle consent of the Kings most honorable Counsayle, His Graces license opteyned thereto, not only to exhort, but also to enfourme His loving Subjects of the truth.

    London, Tho: Barthelet, 1533.

    Orarium seu libellus Precationum per Regiam Majestatem & Clerum Latin editus.

    Ex officina Richard Graftoni, 1545.

    Pia & Catholica Christiani hominis institutio.

    Londini apud Thomam Barthelet, 1544.

    Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarū ex authoritate primum Regis Hen: 8. inchoata, deinde per Regem Edw: 6. provecta &c.

    Londini, ex officina Jo: Day, 1571.


    EDW: 6th.

    Injunctions given by the most excellent Prince, Edward the sixth, by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland: Defender of the Faith, and in yearthe under Christ, of the Church of England and of Ireland the Supreeme Hedde, to all and singular His loving Subjects, as well of the Clergy as of the Laity.

    By R. Grafton, 1547.

    Articles to be inquired of in the Kynges Majesty's visitation.

    By Rich: Grafton, Cum privilegio.

    Communion book translated into French for Jersey and Garnesey. 1553.


    EDW: 6th.

    The Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments, &c.

    London, 1549. & 1552.

    The form and manner of making and consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.

    1552, & 1549.

    The Copy of a Letter sent to all those Preachers which the Kings Majesty hath licensed to preach, from the Lord Protectors Grace, and others of the Kings Majesty's most Honorable Council.

    The 23 of May, 1548.

    Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplinae summam continens, omnibus ludimagistris authoritate Regiâ commendatus.

    Londini, 1553.

    Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, 1552. ad tollenda opinionum dissensionem & consensum verae religions firmandum, inter Episcopos & alios eruditos atque pios viros-convenerat: Regia similiter authoritate promulgati.

    Londini.

    The Primer or Book of Prayers, (translated out of Hen: the 8 ths Orarium.)

    London by Rich: Grafton, 1547.

    Certain Sermons, (viz: the first part of the Church Homilies) appointed by the Kings Majesty to be read every Sunday and Holy day, &c.

    1549, & 1547.

    A Primer or Book of private Prayer, &c. in the 7 year of Ed: 6.

    Ex officina Wilhelmi Seres, 1552.

    The order of the Communion, with the Proclamation.

    London, by Rich: Grafton, 1548.


    Q. MARIE.

    The Primer in Latin and English, after the use of Sarum.

    London, 1555.

    Edm: Bonners Catechism, 1555. with Homilies composed by H. Pendleton, and Jo: Harpesfield.

    London, 1555.

    These are the principal State-books which that Age produced, (not mentioning such, (as numberless) which private persons set forth) only I cannot as yet recover the Lord Cromwell 's Catechism, except it be concealed under another name, amongst the Books aforementioned.

    4. Come we now to the Liturgy, which in the Reign of K. Henry the eighth, was said or sung all in Eatine, save only the Creed, Pater noster, and ten Commandments, put into English by the Kings command, Anno 1536. Nine years after, viz: 1545, the Litany was permitted in English, and this was the farthest pace which the Reformation stepped in the Reign of King Henry the eighth. But under His son King Edward the sixth, a new form of Divine worship was set forth in the vulgar Tongue, which passed a threefold purgation.

    The first Edition of the Liturgy or Common-Prayer. The 2 d Edit. of the Liturgy or Common-Prayer. The 3 d Edit. of the Liturgy or Common-Prayer.

    In the first year of King Edward the sixth, it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops, and others, (assembled by the King at His Castle at Windsor) and when by them completed, set forth in Print, 1548, with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give authority thereunto; being also recommended unto every Bishop by especial Letters from the Lord's of the Council to see the same put in execution. And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such which should deprave or neglect the use thereof.

    Some exceptions being taken by Mr. Calvin abroad, and some Zealots at home, at the former Liturgy, the Book was brought under a review, and by a Statute in Parliament it was appointed, That it should be faithfully and godly perused, explained, and made fully perfect.

    In the first of Qu. Elizabeth, 1559, it was committed by the Queen to the care of some learned men by whom it was altered in some few passages, and so presented to the Parliament, and by them received and established.

      Persons employed therein.
    • 1. Tho: Cramer Archbishop of Canterbury.
    • 2. George Day Bishop of Chichester.
    • 3. Tho: Goodrich Bishop of Eli.
    • 4. Johan Skip Bishop of Hereford.
    • 5. Hen: Holbeach Bishop of Lincoln.
    • 6. Nicholas Ridley Bishop of Rochester.
    • 7. Tho: Thileby Bishop of Westminster.
    • 8. Doctor May Dean of S. Paul's.
    • 9. John Tailer then Dean (afterwards Bishop of Lincoln.
    • 10. Doctor Haines Dean of Exeter.
    • 11. Doctor Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham.
    • 12. Doctor John Redman Master of Trinity College in Cambridge.
    • 13. Doctor Richard Cox then Almoner to the King, afterwards Bishop of Eli.
      Persons employed therein.
    • We meet not with their particular names, but may probably conceive they were the same with the former, for the main, though some might be superadded by Royal appointment.
      Persons employed therein.
    • 1. Master Whitehead once Chaplain to Queen Anna Boleyn.
    • 2. Matthew Parker afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury.
    • 3. Edmund Grindall afterwards Bishop of London.
    • 4. Richard Cox afterwards Bishop of Eli.
    • 5. James Pilkinton afterwards Bishop of Durham.
    • 6. Doctor May Dean of St. Paul's, and Master of Trinity Coll: in Cambridge.
    • 7. Sir Tho: Smith principal Secretary of Estate.

    As for the fourth and last Edition of the Liturgy, in the first of King James, 1603, with some small alterations in the Rubric, after the Conference at Hampton-Court, thereof (God willing) in due time hereafter.

    5. The Book of Books still remains, I mean, the Bible it self. Know then that some exceptions being taken at Tindalls Translation, the Bishops (then generally Popish) complied so far in a Conference with the desires of King Henry the eighth, that on condition the people would give in Tindalls [pretended false] Translation, they would set forth another, better agreeing with the Original. And although this took up some time to effect, the work being great in itself, and few workmen, as yet, Masters of the Mystery of PRINTING; yet at last, it was accomplished, but more purely and perfectly done in after Ages, as by the ensuing parallels will appear.

    The first Traslation of the Bible. The second Translation of the Bible. The third Translation of the Bible.

    Set forth in the Reign of K. Henry the eighth, An. 1541. countenanced with a grave & pious Preface of Archbishop Cranmer, and authorized by the Kings Proclamation, dated May the 6. Seconded also with Instructions from the King, to prepare people to receive benefit the better from so heavenly a treasure, it was called, The BIBLE of the greater Volume, rather commended than commanded to people. Few Country-Parishes could go to the cost of them, though Bishop Bonner caused six of them to be chained in the Church of S. Paul's, in convenient places.

    Set forth in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth, and not only suffered to be read by particular persons, but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation, as a principal part of Divine Service. Two several Editions I have seen thereof, one set forth 1549, the other 1551, but neither of them divided into verses.

    Set forth in the second of Qu. Elizabeth, the last Translation,