Church History of Britain

THE TENTH CENTURY.

1. AT this time there was a great Dearth of Bishops in the Land, which lasted for seven years (as long as the Famine in Egypt ) during which time, there was no Bishop in all the West parts of England. Pope Formosus was foully offended hereat, and thereupon, cum magna Iracundia & Devotione, with much Passion and Piety, by his Curse and Excommunication, interdicted King, Kingdom, and all the Subjects therein. We cannot but gaze at the Novelty of this act, (as we conceive, a leading Case in this kind) whilst the skillful in the Canon Law can give an account of the Equity of the Popes Proceedings, why all should suffer for some, the guiltless with the guilty, and have the Word and Sacraments taken from them, for the want of Bishops in other places! Otherwise, the Punishment seemeth unjust in the rigid justice thereof, and (if not heavier) larger then the Offence, and beareth no Proportion with common Equity, Christian Charity, and God's Proceedings, who saith, the soul that sinneth, shall die.

2. Not withstanding, this excommunicating of K. Edward bythe Pope is highly urged by Parsons, to prove the Popes Power in England over Princes, according to his constant Solo • cisme clean through the tenure of his Book, to reason à Facto ad Ius, arguing from the Popes barely doing it, that he may justly do it. We deny not but that in this Age, active and ambitious Popes mightily improved their Power upon five sorts of Princes. First, on such as were lazy, and voluptuous; who, on condition they might enjoy their Sports and Delights for the present, cared not for their Posterity. Secondly, on such as were openly vicious, and so obnoxious to Censure; who would part with anything, out of the apprehension of their Guiltinesse. Thirdly, on such as were tender, and easy-natured; who gave, not so much out of Bounty to give, as out of Bashfulness to deny the Popes Importunity. Fourthly, on those of a timorous spirit; who were affrighted with their own Fancies of the Popes Terriblenesse, and being captivated unto him by their own Fear, they ransomed themselves at what Price he pleased. Lastly, on pious Princes; whose blind Zeal, and misled Devotion, thought nothing too precious for him: in which from we rank this Edward the Elder, then King of England. And it is worth our observing, that in point of Power and Profit, what the Popes once get, they ever hold, being as good at keeping, as catching; so that what one got by Encroching, his Successor prescribed that Encrochment for a Title, which whether it will hold good in matter of Right, it is not for an Historian to dispute.

3. But to return to our Story. We are glad to see Malmesbury so merry, who calleth this Passage of the Popes interdicting England, Iocundum memor atu, pleasant to be reported, because it ended so well. For Pleigmund Arch-bishop of Canterbury posted to Rome, bringing with him honorifica munera, (such Ushers will make one way through the thickest Croud to the Popes Presence) informing his Holiness that Edward, King of England, in a late-summoned Synod, had founded some new, and supplied all old vacant Bishoprics. Pacified herewith the Pope turned his Curse into a Blessing, and ratified their Elections. The worst is, a learned Pen tells me, that in this Story there is an inextricable Error in point of Chronology, which will not suffer Pope Formosus and this King Edward the Elder to meet together. And Baronius makes the Mistake worse, by endeavoring to mend it. I have so much Warinesse, as not to enter into that Labyrinth, out of which I cannot return; but leave the Doubt to the Popes Datarie to clear, proper to him, as versed in such matters. The same Pen informs me, that the sole way to reconcile the Difference is, to read Pope Leo the fifth instead of Pope Formosus: which for Quietnesse I am content to do, the rather, because such a Roaring Curse best beseems the mouth of a Lion.

4. Hear now the names of the seven Bishops which Pleigmund consecrated in one day: a great days-work, and a good one, if all were fit for the Function. Fridstan Bishop of Winchester, (a Learned and Holy man) Werstan of Shireburn, Kenulfe of Dorchester, Beornege of Selsey, Athelme of Wells, Eadulfe of Crediton in Devon, and Athelstan in Cornwall of S ^t . Petrocks. These three last Western Bishoprics, were in this Council newly erected. But S ^t . Petrocks had never long any settled Seat, being much in motion, translated from Bodman in Cornwall (upon the wasting of it by the Danes) to S ^t . Germans in the same County, and afterward united to Crediton in Devonshire. This Bishopric was founded principally for the reduction of the rebellious Cornish to the Romish Rites; who as they used the Language, so they imitated the Lives and Doctrine of the ancient Britons, neither hitherto, nor long after submitting themselves to the See Apostolic.

5. A Synod was called at Intingford; where Edward the Elder, and Guthurn King of the Danes, in that part of England which formerly belonged to the East-Angles, only confirmed the same ecclesiastical Constitutions, which Alfred, Edwards Father, with the said Guthurn, had made before. Here the curious Palats of our Age will complain of Crambe, that two Kings, with their Clergy, should meet together only actum agere, to do what was done to their hands. But whilst some count all Councils idle, which do not add or alter; others will commend their Discretion, who can discern what is well ordered already, approve their Policy, in enjoining such things unto others, and principally praise their Piety, for practicing them in themselves. And whosoever looks abroad into the world, with a judicious Eye, will soon see, that there is not so much need of New Laws, (the Multitude whereof rather cumbers men's Memories, then quickens their Practice) as an absolute necessity to enforce Old Laws, with a new and vigorous Execution of them.

6. And now King Edward, remembering the pious Example of his Father Alfred in founding of Oxford, began to repair and restore the University of Cambridge. For the Danes (who made all the Sea-coasts of England their Haunt, and kept the Kingdom of the East-Angles for their Home) had banished all Learning from that place; Apollo 's Harp being silenced by Mars his Drum: till this Kings Bounty brought Learning back again thither, as by his following Charter may appear.

The Credit of this Charter is questioned by some, because of the barbarous Style thereof: as if an University were disgraced with honorable Privileges granted unto it in base Latin. But know, that Age was so poor in Learning, it could not go to the Cost of good Language. Who can look to find a fair Face in the hotest parts of Ethiopia? Those Times were ignorant: and as it is observed of the Country-people born at the Village of Carlton in Leicestershire, that they have all (proceeding from some secret cause in their Soil or Water) a strange uncouth Wharling in their Speech; so it was proper to the persons writing in this Age, to have a harsh, unpleasant, grating Style, (and so much the sowrer to Criticall Ears, the more it is sweetened with an affected Rhythm,) though a Blemish, yet a Badge of their genuine Deeds, which were passed in those times.

7. Hear also what John Rouse, an excellent Antiquary, furnished by King Edward the fourth with Privacy and Pension, to collect the Monuments of this Land, allegeth to this purpose. Who being bred in Oxford, and having written a Book in confutation of those which deduce the Foundation of this University from Cantaber, may be presumed will allow Cambridge no more then what in right is due unto her. He speaking of King Edward the Elder, out of an ancient Table and Chronicle of Hyde Abbey by Winchester, which himself by the favor of the Abbot perused, reporteth of the Restauration of decayed Cambridge at this time, in manner as followeth.

8. Have we here Cambridge presented in a three-fold Condition. First, what she had been long before King Edward 's time; fairly flourishing with Learning. Secondly, in what case he found her; desolate, and decayed. Then then Cup of Cambridge was at the bottom, her Breasts dry, and her Sun in an Eclipse. She was, saith Ross, suspended, not by the power of any Popes Keys (as the word may import,) but by the force of Pagan Swords, who here interrupted the exercise of Acts and public Lectures; as in Spain, Germany, and other Forrein Parts, places appointed for Learning had shared in the like Calamity. Thirdly, in what condition Edward left her; under whom, as under the Father of the Act, Cambridge itself did then Commence and take a new Degree. Happy this Edward, who like a wealthy Landlord had two Nurseries of choice Fruit; so that if the one, by any sad accident, chanced to fail, he could supply it from the other, without being beholding to his Neighbors. This was the Love betwixt the two Sisters; what either had, neither could want, and Oxford, which lent now, borrowed another time, as in due place shall appear. If the same Author elsewhere calleth this king Edward Founder of Cambridge, it is by an easy and obvious Error, because a total Repairer doth amount to a partial Founder. Nor doth Cambridge regret thereat; seeing Gratefull Expressions, which had rather transgress in the Excess, then the Defect, may in Courtesy call their Mender, their Maker.

9. Athelstan his Son succeeded King Edward, being much devoted to S ^t . John of Beverley; on whose Church he bestowed a Freed-Stool, with large Privileges belonging thereunto. Many Councils were kept in this Kings Reign, at Excester, Feversham, Thunderfield, and London (all of them of uncertain Date.) But one held at Greatlea is of greatest account for the Laws therein enacted; the principal here ensuing.

4. That Monyers willfully corrupting the Coyn, and found guilty, have their Hands cut off, and nailed to the Mint-house.

[Every Burrough was allowed one Mint therein: but besides these,

• Hastings one
• Cirencester one
• Shaftsbury two
• Wareham two
• Exeter Two
• Hampton two
• Louis two
• Rochester three
• Winchester six
• Canterbury seven
• (viz) For the King four
• For the Arch-bishop two
• For the Abbot one
• London eight

Most of these places were anciently in the West-Saxon Kingdom: to whom the English Monarchs were most favorable, in doubling their Privilege of Coynage, but single in other places of greater Capacity.]

Whosoever desires to have more exact Information of this Council, may repair to Sir Henry Spelman, where he may receive plentiful Satisfaction.

10. Only I must not omit one Passage in this Council, acquainting us with the Herauldry of that Age, and the Distances and Degrees of Persons, collected from their Weers or Weer-Glids, that is Taxes, and Valuations; it being truly to be said in that Age,

Every ones Testimony in Law-cases in Courts was credited according to his Wealth.

But the further prosecution hereof, (where the Footsteps are almost out-worn with Time) we leave to more expert Antiquaries; who will tell you, that Alderman in that Age was equal to our modern Earl, who with Bishops were of the same Valuation: also that Comes in that Age, sounded as much as Duke in ours, Arch-bishops going along with them in all considerable Equipage.

11. Now began S ^t . Dunstan to appear in Court, born at Glassenbury, of Noble Parentage (as almost what Saint in this Age was not honourably extracted? ) Nephew both to Elphegus Bishop of Winchester, and Athelm Arch-bishop of Canterbury, yea Kinsman remote to King Athelstane himself: and being thus highly related, he could not miss of Preferment. His Eminencies were Painting and Graving (two Qualities disposing him to be very useful for Saint-worshipping, either for Pictures or Images) an excellent Musician (Preaching in those days could not be heard for Singing in Churches) & an admirable Worker in Brass and Iron. These Accomplishments commended him at Court to be acceptable to Company; and for some time he continued with the King in great Reputation.

12. But it is given to that Bowle which lies next to the Mark, to have most take aim to remove it. Eminency occasions Envy, which made Dunstan 's Enemies endeavor to depress him. He is accused to the King for a Magician, and upon that account banished the Court. It was brought as Evidence against him, that he made his Harp not only to have Motion, but make music of it self; which no White Art could perform.

For our part, let Dunstan 's Harp hang there still, on a double Suspicion twisted together; first, whether this Story thereof were true or false: secondly, if true, whether done by Magic or Miracle. Sure I am, as good a Harper, and a better Saint then Dunstan was, hath no such Miracle reported of him, even David himself: who with his Harp praised God, pleased men, frighted Devils; yet took pains with his own right Hand to play, not lazily commanding Music by Miracle to be made on his Instrument.

13. Banish'd from Court, Dunstan returns to Glassenbury, and there falls a puffing and blowing in his Forge. Here he made himself a Cell (or rather a Little-ease) being but four foot long, two and a half broad (enough to cripple his Joynts with the Cramp, who could not lie along therein) whilst the height thereof was according to the stature of a man. Wisely and virtuously he would not confine himself upwards, that the Scantness of the earthly Dimensions in his Cell (Breadth and Length) might be enlarged in the Height thereof, and liberty left for the ascending of his Meditations. But it matters not how little the Prison be, if a man, with Dunstan, be his own Gaoler, to go in and out at pleasure. Leave we him at the Furnace in Smithery-work (excelling Alexander the Copper-smith therein) whilst we find such Monks as wrote his Life, at another Forge, whence they coined many impudent Miracles, pretended done by Dunstan, and this among the rest.

14. Dunstan was in his Vocation making some iron Trinkets, when a Proteus -Devil appeared unto him, changing into Shapes, but fixing himself at last into the form of a Fair Woman. Strange, that Satan (so subtle in making his Temptations most taking) should prefer this form; belike shrewdly guessing at Dunstan 's Temper, that a Fair Woman might work upon him, and Vulcan might love a Venus. Dunstan •• reeiving it, plucked his Tongs glowing hot out of the Fire, and with them kept him (or her shall I say?) there along time by the Nose roaring and bellowing; till at last he brake loose, by what accident it is not told unto us.

15. I have better employment then to spend precious time in confuting such Follies; but give me leave to admire at these new Arms against Satan. Take the shield of Faith (faith the Apostle) wherewith ye may quench all the fiery Darts of the Wicked. Dunstan found a new way by himself, with fiery Tongs to do the deed. But let us a little examine this Miracle. The Devil himself we know is a Spirit, and so impatible of material Fire. Now if it were a real Body he assumed, the Snake could slip off his Skin at pleasure, and not be tied to it, much less tormented with it. Besides, did Dunstan willingly or unwillingly let the Devil go? If willingly; Mercy to so malicious an Enemy (incapable of being amended) was Cruelty to himself: if unwillingly; was it Dunstan 's Fire or his Faith that failed him, that he could hold out against him no longer? But away with all Suspicions and Queries: none need to doubt of the truth thereof, finding it in a Sign painted in Fleet-street near Temple-bar.

16. During Dunstan 's abode in his Cell, he had to his great Comfort and Contentment the company of a good Lady, Aelfgine by name, living fast by. No Preacher but Dunstan would please her, being so ravished with his Society, that she would needs build a little Cell for herself hard by him. In process of time this Lady died, and by her last Will left Christ to be the Heir, and Dunstan the Executor of her Estate. Enabled with the accession thereof, joined to his paternal Possessions, which were very great, and now fallen into his hands, Dunstan erected the Abbey of Glassenbury, and became himself first Abbot thereof; a Title till his time unknown in England: he built also and endowed many other Monasteries, filling them with Benedictine Monks, who began now to swarm in England, more then Magots in a hot May, so incredible was their Increase.

17. After the death of King Athelstane, Dunstan was recalled to Court in the reign of King Edmund, Athelstan 's Brother, and flourished for a time in great Favor. But who would build on the brittle Bottom of Princes Love? Soon after he falls into the Kings Disfavour; the old Crime, of being a Magician (and a Wanton with Women to boot) being laid to his charge. Surely Dunstan by looking on his own Furnace, might learn thence, there was no Smoak but some Fire: either he was dishonest, or undiscreet, which gave the Ground-work to their general Suspicion. Hereupon he is re-banished the Court, and returned to his desired Cell at Glassenbury; but within three days was solemnly brought back again to Court, if the ensuing Story may be believed.

18. King Edmund was in an eager pursuit of a Buck, on the top of a steep Rock, whence no Descent but Destruction. Down falls the Deer, and Dogs after him, and are dashed to pieces. The King follows in full speed on an unruly Horse, whom he could not rein, & is on the Brink of the Brink of the Precipice: yet his Prayers prove swifter then his Horse, he but ran, whilst they did fly to Heaven. He is sensible of his Sin in banishing Dunstan, confesseth it with Sorrow, vows Amendment, promiseth to restore & prefer him. Instantly the Horse stops in his full Career, and his Rider is wonderfully preserved.

19. Thus far a strong Faith may believe of the Story: but it must be a wild one which gives credit to the remainder. Cervus & Canes reviviscunt, saith the impudent Monk, The Deer & Dogs revive again. I remember not in Scripture that God ever revived a brute Beast; partly, because such mean subjects are beneath the Majesty, of a Miracle; and partly, because (as the Apostle faith) brute Beasts are made to be taken & destroyed. Well then might the Monk have knocked off when he had done well, in saving the Man and Horse, and might have left the Dogs & Deer to have remained dead on the place; the Deer especially, were it but to make Venison Pasties, to feast the Courtiers at the solemnizing of their Lord and Masters so miraculous Deliverance.

20. Dunstan returning to Court was in higher Favor then ever before. Nor was his Interest any whit abated by the untimely Death of King Edmund (slain by one Leoff a Thief) seeing his Brother Edred, succeeding to the Crown, continued and increased his Kindness to him. Under him Dunstan was the Do-all at Court, being the Kings Treasurer, Chancellor, Counselor, all things. Bishoprics were bountifully proffered him, pick and choose where he please; but none were honored with his Acceptance. Whether because he accounted himself too high for the place, and would not stoop to the Employment; or because he esteemed the place too high for him, unable conscientiously to discharge it in the midst of so many Avocations. Mean time Monasteries were everywhere erected (King Edred devoutly resigning all his Treasure to Dunstan 's Disposall) Secular Priests being thrust out of their Convents, and Monks substituted in their rooms.

21. But after Edred 's Death, the Case was altered with Dunstan falling into Disgrace with King Edwin his Successor. This King on his Coronation-day was said to be incestuously embracing both Mother & Daughter, when Dunstan boldly coming into his Bed-chamber, after bitter Reproofs, stoutly fetched him thence, and brought him forth into the company of his Noblemen. An heroic act, if true, done with a John the Baptist spirit: and no wonder if Herod and Herodias, I mean this incestuous King and his Concubines, were highly offended with Dunstan for the same.

22. But good men, and grave Authors give no belief herein, conceiving King Edwin (how bad soever charactered by the Monks his malicious Enemies) to have been a worthy Prince. In witness whereof they produce the words of Henry Huntingdon, a learned man, but no Monk, thus describing him;

Edwin non illaudabiliter regni insulam tenuit.

Et rursus:

Ed win rex, anno regni sui quito, cum in principio regnum ejus decentissime flor eret, prospera & laetabunda exordia mors immatura perrupit.

Edwin was not undeserving of praise in managing the Sceptre of this Land.

And again:

King Edwin in the fifth year of his Reign, when his Kingdom began at first most decently to flourish, had his prosperous and pleasant Beginnings broken off with untimely Death.

This Testimony considered, makes many men think better of King Edwin, and worse of Dunstan, as guilty of some uncivil Intrusion into the Kings Chamber, for which he justly incurred his royal Displeasure.

23. Hereupon Dunstan is banished by King Edwin, not as before from England to England, from the Court to his Cell at Glassenbury; but is utterly expelled the Kingdom, and flieth into Flanders. Where his Friends say that his Fame prepared his Welcome, & the Governor of Gaunt most solemnly entertained him. Mean time, all the Monks in England of Dunstan 's Plantation were rooted up, and Secular Priests set in their places. But soon after happened many Commotions in England, especially in Mercia and Northumberland. The Monks which write the Story of these Rebellions, conceive it unfit to impart to Posterity the Cause thereof; which makes wise men to suspect, that Dunstan (who could blow Coals elsewhere as well as in his Furnace) though at distance, virtually (or rather viciously present,) had a Finger, yea, a Hand therein. Heart-broken with these Rebellions, King Edwin died in the Flower of his Age.

24. Edgar succeeds him, and recalls Dunstan home, receiving him with all possible Affection. Yea now Dunstan 's Stomack was come down, and he could digest a Bishopric, which his Abstemiousness formerly refused. And one Bishopric drew down another, Worcester and London, not successively, but both a-breast went down his Conscience. Yea, never Age afforded more Pluralist Bishops. In this Kings reign Letine held Lincoln and Leicester; oswald (a great Monk-monger, of whom hereafter) held York and Worcester; & Aldulph, his Successor in both Churches, did the like, pardoned, yea praised for the same: though Woolstan (because no favourer of Monks) is reproved for the like Plurality. Thus two men though doing the same thing, do not the same thing. Bigamy of Bishoprics goes by Favor; and it is condemnable in one, what is commendable in another. Odo Severus, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, being ceremoniously to consecrate Dunstan Bishop of Worcester, used all the Formalities fashionable at the Consecration of an Arch-bishop: And being reproved for the same, he answered for himself, That he foresaw that Dunstan, instantly after his death, would be Arch-bishop of Canterbury. And therefore (a compendious way to spare Paines) he only by a provident Prolepsis ante-dated his Consecration. Surely, whosoever had seen the decrepit age of Odo, the affection of King Edgar to Dunstan, the affection of Dunstan to Dignity, needed no extraordinary prophetical Spirit to presage that (on the supposition of Dunstan 's surviving him) he should succeed him in the Arch-bishopric of Canterbury.

25. Yea King Edgar was so wholly Dunstanized, that he gave over his Soul, Body, and Estate to be ordered by him and two more (then the Triumvirate who ruled England) namely Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bishop of Worcester. This Oswald was the man who procured by the Kings Authority the Ejection of all Secular Priests out of Worcester, and the placing of Monks in their Room: which Act was called Oswald 's Law in that Age. They might, if it pleased them, have styled it Edgar 's Law; the Legislative Power being then more in the King, then in the Bishop. This Oswald 's Law afterwards enlarged itself over all England, Secular Priests being thrown out, and Monks everywhere fixed in their rooms; till King Henry the eighth his Law outed Oswald 's Law, and ejected those Drones out of their Habitations.

26. King Edgar violated the Chastity of a Nun at Wilton. Dunstan getting notice thereof, refused at the Kings Request to give him his Hand, because he had defiled a Daughter of God, as he termed her. Edgar hereby made sensible of his Sin, with Sorrow confessed it; and Dunstan (now Arch-bishop of Canterbury) enjoined him seven years Penance for the same. Monks endeavor to inforcea mock-Parallel betwixt David and Edgar, Nathan and Dunstan, herein. Sure I am, on David 's profession of his Repentance, Nathan presently pronounced Pardon; the Lord also hath put away thy Sin, thou shalt not die; consigning him to be punished by God the Principal (using an Undutifull Son, Treacherous Servants, and Rebellious Subjects to be the Instruments thereof;) but imposing no voluntary Penance, that David should by Will-worship undertake on himself. All that I will add, is this; If Dunstan did septennary Penance, to expiate every mortal Sin (to use their own Termes) he committed, he must have been a Methusalah, extremely aged, before the day of his Death.

27. More commendable was Dunstan 's Carriage towards an English Count, who lived incestuously with his own Kinswoman. Dunstan admonished him once, twice, thrice; nothing prevailed: whereupon he proceeded to Excommunicate him. The Count slighted his Excommunication, conceiving his Head too high for Church-Censures to reach it. King Edgar (falsely informed) desires Dunstan to absolve him, and is denied. Yea the Pope sends to him to the same Purpose, and Dunstan persists in his Refusall. At last the Count, conquered with Dunstan 's Constancy, and the sense of his own Sin, came into a National Council at Canterbury, where Dunstan sat President (active therein to substitute Monks in the places of Secular Priests) on his bare Feet, with a Bundle of Rods, tendering himself to Dunstan 's Chastisement. This wrought on Dunstan 's mild Nature, scarce refraining from Tears; who presently absolved him.

28. Three things herein are remarkable. First, that Bribes in the Court of Rome may purchase a Malefactor to be innocent. Secondly, that the Pope himself is not so infallible, but that his Key may miss the Lock, and he be mistaken in matter of Absolution. Thirdly, that men ought not so with blind Obedience to obey his pretended Holiness, but that if (with Dunstan here) they see just Cause to the contrary, it is no Mortall Sin to disobey his Commands.

29. The Apprenticeship of Edgar 's Penance long since expired, he flourished in all Monarchical Luster: sole Founder of many, Co-founder of more, Benefactor to most Abbeys in England. And as he gave new Cases to most Monasteries (repairing their outward Buildings) so he gave new Linings to all, substituting Monks instead of the Secular Priests, whom he expelled. Many Ecclesiastical Canons were by him ordained, which at large are presented in S ^t . Henry Spelman, and which I have neither List nor Leisure to recount in this my History. Our Women have a Proverb, It is a sad Burden to carry a dead man's Child: and surely an Historian hath no heart to take much Pains (which herein are Pains indeed) to exemplify dead Canons, (dead and buried long since, as most relating to Monkery) this Age, wherein we live, being little fond of Antiquity, to know those things which were antiquated so many years since.

30. Now though the Devotion of King Edgar may be condemned to be biased to Superstition, yet because the Sincerity of his Heart sought to advance God's Honor, according to the Light in those dark days, he appears one of the most puissant Princes that ever England enjoyed, both in Church and Common-wealth. I have read in a most fair and authentic guilded Manuscript, wherein he styleth himself God's Vicar in England, for the ordering Ecclesiastical matters: a Title which at this day the Pope will hardly vouchsafe to any Christian Princes. His Reign was blest with Peace and Prosperity, both by Land and Sea; insomuch that in a royal Frolick, eight petty Kings rowed him over the river Dee near to Chester; namely five Princes of Wales (whereof Hoel-Dha was the principal) Kened King of Scotland, Malcolm King of Cumberland, and Mac-huse a great Sea-Robber, who may pass for the Prince of Pirates.

31. This Hoel-Dha, contemporary with King Edgar, was he that held a National Council for all Wales (at a place called Ty-guin, or the White-house (because built of white Hurdles, to make it more beautiful) regulated after this manner. Out of every Hundred in Wales he chose six Lay-men, with whom he joined all the eminent Ecclesiastical Persons (accounted an hundred & forty) in his Dominions. Out of those he chose eleven Lay-men and one Clergy-man, (but such a one as who alone by himself might pass virtually for eleven) Blangoridus by name, to enact what Laws they pleased, which after the impression of Royal Assent upon them, should be observed by that Nation. One might suspect this Council, thus over-powered with Laics therein, which pinch on the Priests side; whereas we find the Canons therein wholly made in favor of the Clergy: enacting this among the rest, That the presence of a Priest and a Judge constitute a legal Court, as the two Persons only in the Quorum thereof.

32. But methinks the Laws therein enacted (which a learned Antiquary presents us at large) fall far short of the Gravity of a Council: except any will excuse it from the Age thereof; what we count light and trivial, might be esteemed serious and solid in those days. Besides, the Laws discover in them a conceited affectation of the Number of Three. In three Cases a Wise may legally leave her Husband: first, if he hath a Leprosy; secondly, if he hath a stinking Breath; thirdly, & if he be unable to give her due Benevolence. In three cases it was lawful for a man to kiss his Neighbors Wife: first, at a Banquet; secondly, at the Welch Play called Guare-raffau; and thirdly, when he comes from a far Journey, by way of Salutation. If a Man and his Wife were to part asunder, they were to divide their Goods betwixt them so, that she was to have the Sheep; he the Hogs: she the Milk and milk-Vessels, with all the Dishes save one; he all the Beer and Barrels, with the Axe, Saw, &c.

33. But how silly soever these Canons seem to our modern Critics, they were then conceived of such Weight and Worth, that King Hoel-Dha with his Arch-bishop of S ^t . David's, the Bishops of Bangor, Landaffe & S ^t . Asaph, are said to have taken a Journey to Rome, and procured the Popes Confirmation to them. Nor find I ought else of this Synod, save that the Close thereof presents us with a list of seven Episcopal Seats then in Wales: I. S ^t . David's, 2. Ishmael, 3. Degenian, 4. Vssyll, 5. Teylaw, 6. Teuledauc, 7. Kenew . I am not Welch man enough to point at these places, and to show you where they be at this day, which we leave to some skillful Antiquary of their own Nation. Only we find that whereas the Churches were burdened with some Payments out of them, two of the Bishops Seats (Vssyl and Kenew) were freed from the same. And this satisfactory Reason is rendered of their Exemption, quia terris carent, because they had no Lands belonging unto them.

34. King Edgar was peaceably gathered to his Fathers, leaving his Crown to Edward his Son, and his Son (because under age) to the Tuition of Dunstan. In this Kings Reign three Councils were successively called, to determine the Differences between Monks and Secular Priests. The first was at Winchester; where the Priests being outed of their Convents, earnestly pressed for Restitution, and sought by Arguments to clear their Innocence, and prove their Title to their ancient Possessions. The Council seemed somewhat inclinable to favor unto them; when presently a Voice, as coming from a Crucifix behind Dunstan, is reported to be heard, saying,

Absit hoc ut fiat, absit hoc ut fiat; Iudicastis been, mutaretis non been.

God forbid it should be done, God forbid it should be done; Ye have judged it well, and should change it ill.

Whether these words were spoken in Latin or English, Authors leave us unresolved. Monks equal this (for the truth thereof) to the still small Voice to Elijah, whilst others suspect some Forgery; the rather, because it is reported to come as from a Crucifix: they fear some secret Falsehood in the Fountain, because visible Superstition was the Cistern thereof. However, this Voice proved for the present the Casting Voice to the Secular Priests, who thereby were overborn in their Cause, and so was the Council dissolved.

35. Yet still the Secular Priests did struggle, refusing to be finally concluded with this transient aiery Oracle. To the Law, and to the Testimony: if they speak not according to this word, &c. They had no warrant to rely on such a vocal Decision, from which they appealed to the Scripture itself. A second Council is called at Kirtlington (now Katlage in Cambridge-shire, the Baronry of the right Honorable the Lord North) but nothing to purpose effected therein. Dunstan (say the Monks) still answered his Name, that is, Dun, a rocky Mountain, and Stain, a Stone (but, whether a precious Stone, or a Rock of Offence, let others decide) persisting immovable in his Resolution; nor was anything performed in this Council, but that by the Authority thereof, people were sent on Pilgrimage to S ^t . Mary at Abbington.

36. The same year a third Council was called, at Caln in Wiltshire. Hither repaired Priests, and Monks, with their full Forces, to try the last Conclusion in the Controversy betwixt them. The former, next the Equity of the Cause, relied most on the Ability of their Champion, one Beornelm, a Scottish Bishop; who with no less Eloquence then Strength, with Scripture and Reason defended their Cause. When behold, on a sudden, the Beams brake in the Room where they were assembled, and most of the Secular Priests were slain, and buried under the Ruines thereof. All were affrighted, many maimed; only the place whereon Dunstan sat, either (as some say) remained firm, or fell in such sort, that the Timber (the Sword to kill others) proved the Shield to preserve him from Danger.

37. Some behold this Story as a notable Untruth: others suspect the Devil therein, not for a Liar, but a Murderer, and this Massacre procured by Compact with him: a third sort conceived that Dunstan, who had so much of a Smith, had here something of a Carpenter in him, and some Devise used by him about pinning and propping of the Room. It renders it the more suspicious, because he dissuaded King Edward from being present there, pretending his want of Age; though he was present in the last Council, and surely he was never the younger for living some Moneths since the same Assembly. If truly performed, Dunstan appears happier herein then Samson himself, who could not so sever his Foes, but both must die together. Sure I am, no ingenuous Papist now-a-days, will make any uncharitable Inference from such an accident: especially since the Fall of Black Friers 1623. enough to make all good men turn the Censuring of others into an humble Silence, and pious Adoring of Divine Providence.

38. But the Monks made great Advantage of this Accident, conceiving that Heaven had confirmed their Cause (as lately by Word at Winchester, so) now by Work in this Council at Caln. Hereupon Secular Priests are everywhere outed, and Monks substituted in their Room. Indeed these later in civil respect, were beheld as more beneficial to their Convents; because Secular Priests did marry, and at their deaths did condere Testamenta, make their Wills, and bequeathed their Goods to their Wives and Children; whilst Monks, having no Issue (which they durst own) made their Monastery Heir of all they had. It was also objected against the Priests, that, by their Loosnesse, and Lazinesse, left at large in their Lives, they had caused the general declination of Piety at this time: whilst it was presumed of the Monks, that, by the strict Rules of Observance, to which they were tied, they would repair the Ruines of Religion in all places.

39. It appears not, what Provision was made for these Priests when ejected; and they seem to have had hard Measure, to be dispossessed of their civil Right. Except any will say, it was no Injury to them, to loose their places so soon, but a great Favor, that they enjoyed them so long, living hitherto on the free Bounty of their Founders, and now at the full Dispose of the Church and State. Little can be said in excuse of the Priests, and less in commendation of the Monks; who though they swept clean at the first, as new Besomes, yet afterwards left more Dust behind them of their own bringing in, then their Predecessors had done. Thus the Hive of the Church was no whit bettered, by putting out Drones, and placing Wasps in their room. Yea, whereas formerly Corruptions came into the Church at the Wicket, now the broad-Gates were opened for their Entrance; Monkery making the way for Ignorance and Superstition, to overspread the whole World.

40. Another Humour of the former Age (to make one Digression for all) still continued, and increased, venting itself in the fair Foundations, and stately Structures of so many Monasteries. So that one beholding their Greatness (being Corrivals with some Towns in receipt, and extent) would admire that they could be so neat; and considering their Neatnesse, must wonder they could be so great; and lastly, accounting their Number, will make all three the object of his Amazement. Especially, seeing many of these were founded in the Saxon Heptarchy, when seven Kings put together did spell but one in effect. So that it may seem a Miracle, what invisible Indies those petty Princes were Masters of, building such Structures which impoverish Posterity to repair them. For although some of these Monasteries were the fruit of many Ages, long in ripening, at several times, by sundry persons, all whose Parcels and Additions met at last in some tolerable Uniformity; yet most of them were begun and finished, absolute, and entire, by one Founder alone. And although we allow, that in those days Artificers were procured, and Materials purchased at easy Rates; yet there being then scarceness of Coin (as a little Money would then buy much Ware; so much Ware must first in exchange be given to provide that little Money) all things being audited proportionably, the Wonder still remains as great as before. But here we see with what eagerness those Designes are undertaken and pursued, which proceed from blind Zeal: every Finger being more then an Hand to build, when they thought Merit was annexed to their Performances. Oh, with what might and main did they mount their Walls, both day and night; erroneously conceiving, that their Souls were advantaged to Heaven, when taking the Rise from the top of a Steeple of their own erection.

41. But it will not be amiss, to mind our forgetful Age, that, seeing Devotion (now better informed) long sithence hath desisted to express itself in such pompous Buildings, she must find some other means, and manner, to evidence and declare her Sincerity. Except any will say, that there is less Heat required, where more Light is granted; and that our Practice of Piety should be diminished, because our Knowledge thereof is increased. God, no doubt, doth justly expect that Religion should testify her Thankfulness to him, by some eminent way, and Works: and where the Fountain of Piety is full, it will find itself a Vent to flow in, though not through the former Chanels of Superstition.

42. King Edward went to give his Mother-in-law at Corfe-Castle a respectful Visit, when by her contrivance he was barbarously murdered, so to pave the way for her Son Æthelred his Succession to the Crown. But King Edward, by losing his Life, got the title of a Martyr, so constantly called in our Chronicles. Take the term in a large acception, otherwise restrictively it signifies such an one, as suffers for the Testimony of the Truth. But, seeing this Edward, was cruelly murdered, and is said after death to work Miracles; let him, by the Courtesie of the Church, pass for a Martyr, not knowing any Act or Order to the contrary, to deny such a Title unto him.

43. Æthelred, Edward 's half-Brother, succeeded him in the Throne. One with whom Dunstan had a Quarrel from his Cradle, because, when an Infant, he left more Water in the Font then he found there, at his Baptizing. Happy Dunstan himself, if guilty of no greater Fault, which could be no Sin (nor properly a Slovennesse) in an Infant, if he did as an Infant! Yet from such his addition, Dunstan prognosticated an Inundation of Danes would ensue in this Island: which accordingly came to pass. But Æthelred is more to be condemned, for the Blood he shed when a man; it being vehemently suspected, that he was accessory with his Mother to the murthering of his Brother Edward.

44. But Dunstan survived not to see his Prediction take effect, for he was happily prevented by Death, and buried on the South-side of the High Altar in the Church of Canterbury: where his Tomb was famous for some time, till Thomas Becket eclipsed the same; seeing Saints, like new Besomes, sweep clean at the first, and afterwards are clean swept out, by newer Saints which succeed them. Yea, Dunstan 's Grave grew so obscure at Canterbury, that the Monks of Glassenbury taking heart thereat (and advantaged by John Capgrave 's report, that Anno 1012. Dunstan 's Corpse were translated thither) pretended his Burial, and built him a Shrine in their Convent. Men and Money met at Glassenbury on this Mistake; and their Convent got more by this eight foot length of Ground (the supposed Tomb of Dunstan) then eight hundred Acres of the best Land they possessed elsewhere. Whereupon William Wareham, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, to try the truth, and to prevent farther Fraud herein, caused a solemn search to be made in the Cathedral of Canterbury, after Dunstan 's Corpse, in the place Tradition reported him to be interred.

45. Four of the Friars, fittest for the work (to wit, of stronger Bodies then Brains) undertook to make this Scrutinie Anno 1508. the 22. of April. Great Caution was used, that all should be done semotis Laicis, no Lay-men being present; whether because their Eies were too profane to behold so holy an Object, or too prying to discover the Default, if the Search succeeded not. In the Night they so plied their Work, that ere Morning they discovered Dunstan 's Coffin, and rested the day following from more Digging; as well they might, having taken so much Pains, and gained so much Profit by their endeavors.

46. Next Night they on afresh; and, with main Force, plucked up the ponderous Coffin upon the Pavement. A Coffin built (as one may say) three Stories high: the outermost of Wood (but almost made Iron with the multitude of Nailes therein;) within that another of plain Lead; within that a third of wrought Lead, wherein the bones of Dunstan lay in his Pontifical Vests, with this Inscription in a Plate, Hic requiescit Sanctus Dunstanus Archiepiscopus. Some lumps of Flesh were found, which were said to smell very sweet (the Relics perchance of some Spices which embalmed him) and all done in the presence of many worthy Witnesses: amongst whom, Cuthbert Tunstal was one, then the Arch-bishops Chancellor, afterward Bishop of Durham. Hereupon the Arch-bishop sent his Mandate to the Abbot and Convent of Glassenbury, henceforward to desist from any jactitation of Dunstan 's Corpse, and abusing people with such Pretences. A Fault most frequent in that Convent, challenging almost the Monopolie of all English Saints, witness that impudent Lie of the rhythming Monk, writing thus of Glassenbury;

But, who is rather to be believed? S ^t . Peter, that saith, The righteous shall scarcely be saved; or this Monk, affirming that, Whoso is buried at Glassenbury, shall scarcely be damned?

47. After the death of Dunstan, their Patron, the Monks (not much befriended by King Æthelred) were cast out of the Convent of Canterbury, or rather cast out themselves by their Misdemeanours. Man in honor hath no understanding, &c. They wax'd so wanton with possessing the places of Secular Priests, that a Monk himself of Canterbury confesseth, Monachi propter eorum Insolentiam sedibus pulsi, & Clerici introducti. Monks for their Insolencie were driven out of their Seats, and Secular Clerks brought into their room. Thus was it often, In Dock, out Nettle, as they could strengthen their Parties. For Siricius, the next Arch-bishop of Canterbury, endeavored the re-expulsion of the Priests; which by Alfricus his Successor was effected.

48. But soon after, the Danes revenged the Quarrel of the Secular Priests; and by a firm Ejection outed the Monks, before they were well warm in their Nests. Their Fury fell more on Convents, then Castles: whether, because the former were in that Age more numerous (Castles afterwards were increased by William the Conqueror;) or because their Prey and Plunder was presumed the richest, and easist to be gotten; or because the Danes, then generally Pagans, principally spited places of Religion. A Relapse is far more dangerous then a simple Disease, as here it proved in the Danes. England for these last sixty years had been cured of, and cleared from their Cruelty, which now returned more terrible then ever before.

49. These Danes were also advantaged by the Unactivenesse of King Æthelred, therefore surnamed the Vnready in our Chronicles. The Clock of his Consultations and Executions was always set some Hours too late, vainly striving with much Industry to redress, what a little Providence might seasonably have prevented. Now, when this Vnready King met with the Danes his overready Enemies, no wonder, if lamentable was the Event thereof. The best thing I find recorded of this King Æthelred, is, that in his days began the trial of Causes by a Jury of twelve men to be chosen out of the Vicenage, of like quality, as near as may be suited, to the persons concerned therein. Hereby men have most fair play for their Lives: and let it be the desres of all honest hearts, that whilst we pluck off the Badges of all Norman Slavery, we part not with the Livery of our old Saxon Liberty.

50. In this sad condition King Æthelred hearkened to the persuasions of Siricius, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and with ten thousand Pounds purchased a present Peace with the Danes. Indeed it was conformable to the calling of a Church-man to procure Peace, having not only Scripture precepts therein, Seck peace and pursue it; but also Precedents for the same, when gracious Hezekiah with a Present pacified Sennacherib to desist from invading him. However, this Arch-bishop generally suffered in his Reputation, condemned of all, for counseling of what was, First, dishonorable; that an entire Nation, being at home in their own Land, should purchase a Peace from Forrainers, fewer in Number, and fetching their Recruits, and warlike Provisions from a Far Country: let them be paid in due Coin; not Silver, but Steel. Secondly, unprofitable: If once the Danes got but the Trick, to make the English bleed Money to buy Peace, they would never leave them, till they had sucked out their Heart-blood, and exhausted the whole Treasure of the Land.

51. Indeed one may safely affirm, that the multitude of Monasteries invited the Invasion, and facilitated the Conquest of the Danes over England; and that in a double respect: First, because not only the Fruit of the Kings Exchequer (I mean ready Money) was spent by this King his Predecessors on sounding of Monasteries; but also the Root thereof, his Demeasne lands, plucked up, & parted with, to endow the same: whereby the Sinews of War were wanting, to make effectual Opposition against Forrein Enemies. Secondly, because England had at this time more Flesh, or Fat, then Bones (wherein the Strength of a Body consists) moe Monks, then Military men. For instance, Holy-Island near Northumberland is sufficiently known, for the Position thereof, an advantageous Landing-place, especially in relation to Denmark. This place was presently forsaken of the fearful Monks, frighted with the Danes their Approach; and Aldhunus, the Bishop thereof, removed his Cathedral and Convent to Durham, an Inland place of more Safety. Now, had there been a Castle in the place of this Monastery, to secure the same with Fighters instead of Feeders, men of Arms instead of men of Bellies therein, probably they might have stopped the Danish Invasion at the first Inlet thereof. England then as much wanting martial men, as since it hath surfeited with too many of them.

52. The Danes, having received and spent their Money, invaded England afresh, according to all wise men's expectation. It is as easy for armed Might to pick a Quarrel, as it is hard for naked Innocence to make Resistance. The Deluge of their Cruelty over-ran the Realm; whose Sword made no more difference betwixt the Ages, Sexes, and Conditions of people, then the Fire (which they cast on Houses) made distinction in the Timber thereof, whether it was Elm, Oak, or Ash; the Fiercenesse of the one killing, the Fury of the other consuming all it met with. Indeed in some small Skirmishes the English got the better, but all to no purpose. There is a place in Hartfordshire called Danes-end, where the Inhabitants by Tradition report (uncertain of the exact Date thereof) that a fatal blow in a Battle was given to the Danes thereabouts. But alas! this Danes-end was but Danes-beginning; they quickly recovered themselves as many, and mighty in the Field, and it seemed an endless end, to endeavor their utter Extirpation. Thus this Century sets with little Mirth, and the next is likely to arise with more Mourning.

THE ELEVENTH CENTURY.

THis Century began (as Children generally are born) with crying; partly for a Massacre made by the English on the Danes, but chiefly for the Cruelty committed by the Danes on the English. Concerning the former; certain Danes fled into a Church at Oxford, hoping the Sanctity thereof (according to the devout Principles of that Age) would secure them: and probably such Pitty might have inclined them to Christianity. Whereas by command from K. Æthelred, they were all burned in the place; whose Blood remained not long unrevenged. The Danish Fury fell (if not first) fiercest on the City of Canterbury, with Fire and Sword, destroying eight thousand people therein: and which Authors who quadruple that number, surely take in not only the Vicenage, but all Kent to make up their account. Ealphegus the Archbishop of Canterbury, commonly called Alphage, was then slain, and since Sainted; a Church nigh Creeple-gate in London being consecrated to his Memory.

2. A Monk of Canterbury reports, that the Abbey of S ^t . Augustine was saved on this occasion; A Danish Soldier stealing the Pall from the Tomb of S ^t . Augustine, it stuck so close under his Arm-pits, that it could not be parted from his Skin, until he had publicly made confession of his Fault: Vltio Raptorem rapuit, faith the Author. And hereupon the Danes of Invaders, turned Defenders of that Monastery. But others conceive, if it found extraordinary favor, their Money (not this Miracle) procured it. Sure I am, when Achan stole the Babylonish Garment, he was left at large to discovery by Lot, and no Miracle detected him. Next year a nameless Bishop of London was sacrificed to their Fury, used worse then the Task-Masters of Israel, (on whose Back the number of Bricks wanting, were only scored in Blows) being killed out-right, for want of present pay of the Tribute promised unto them.

3. Cambridge and Oxford both of them deeply tasted of this bitter Cup at the same time. True it is, some two years since, when the rest of the East-Angles cowardly fled away, homines Comitatus Cantabrigiae viriliter obstiterunt, unde Anglis regnantibus laus Cantabrigiensis Provinciae splendide florebat. Hence it is that I have read (though unable at the instant to produce my Author ) that Cambridgeshire-men claim an ancient (now antiquated) Privilege, to lead the Van in all Battels. But Valour at last little befriended them, the Danes burning Cambridge to Ashes, and harassing the Country round about.

4. Here let State-Historians inform the Reader of intestine Wars betwixt Edmund Ironside (so called for his hardy enduring all Troubles) King of England, Defendour, and Canutus the Dane, Invader of this Land; till at last, (after a personal Duel fought) the Land was equally divided betwixt them. A division wherewith both seemed, neither were well pleased; seeing the least whole head cannot be fitted with the biggest half Crown; all or none was their desire. Canutus at last with his Silver Hand, was too hard for the other his Iron Side; who by his promised Bribes prevailed with one Edrick to kill this his Corrivall; which being performed he was fairly advanced with a Halter. It would spoil the Trade of all Traitors, if such Coyn only were currant in paying their Rewards.

5. Canutus or Knot the Dane (from whom a Bird in Lincolnshire is so called, wherewith his Palate was much pleased) bathed himself in English Blood, whom at this distance of time, we may safely term a Tyrant, so many Murthers and Massacres were by him committed. For his Religion, as yet he was a Mungrel betwixt a Pagan and a Christian; though at last, the later prevailed, especially after his Pilgrimage to Rome. In his passage thither, he went through France; where understanding that the people paid deep Taxes, he disburst so much of his own money in their behalf, that he brought their Taxes to be abated to one half: An Act of Pitty in a Prince without Precedent done to Forrainers. It is vain for the English to wish the like Curtesy from the King of France; partly because England lies not in their way to Rome, partly because they are fuller of Complements then Curtesie.

6. Coming to Rome, Canutus turned Convert, changing his Condition with the Climate, showing there many expressions of Devotion. Much he gave to the Pope, and something he gained from him; namely, an Immunity for Archbishops, from their excessive Charges about their Pall, and some other Favors he obtained for his Subjects. After his return into his own Country, he laid out all the remainder of his days in Acts of Charity, in founding, or enriching of religious Houses, and two especially, Saint Bennets in the Holm in Norfolk, and Hyde Abbey near Winchester.

7. To this latter he gave a Cross so costly for the Metall, and curious for the Making, that one years revenues of his Crown was expended on the same. But the Cross of this Cross was, that about the Reign of King Henry the sixth, it was burnt down with the whole Monastery, in a Fire which was very suspicious to have been kindled by intentional Malice. This Canutus towards the latter end of his Reign, never wore a Crown, resigning up the same to the Image of our Savior: he was also famous for a particular act of Humility done by him on this occasion.

8. A Parasite (and sooner will an hot May want Flies, then a Kings Court such Flatterers) sought to puff up King Canutus, with an opinion of his Puissance; as if, because England and Norway, therefore Aeolus and Neptune must obey him. In confuting of whose falsehood, Canutus commanded his Chair of State to be set on the Seashore, nigh South-Hampton, and settled himself thereon. Then he imperiously commanded the Waves (as a Fence which walled that Land, belonging unto him) to observe their due Distance, not presuming to approach him. The surly Waves were so far from obeying, they heard him not; who listened only to the Proclamation of a higher Monarch, Hither shalt thou come, and no further; and made bold to give the Kings Feet so course a Kiss, as wetted him up to the Knees.

9. On this accident King Canutus made an excellent Sermon: First, adoring the infinite Power of God, sole Commander of the Winds and Waves: Secondly, confessing the frailty of all Flesh, unable to stop the least Drop of the Sea: Thirdly, confuting the Profaneness of Flatterers, fixing an infinite Power in a finite Creature. As for the Laws made by King Canutus, we have purposely omitted them: not so much because many, large, and ordinarily extant; but chiefly because, most, of Civil Concernment.

10. Two of his Sons succeeded him, more known by their handsome Sur-names, then any other Desert. First his base Son, (taking advantage of his Brothers absence) called from his Swiftness, Harold Harefoot belike; another Asahel in Nimbleness, but Hares-heart had better befitted his Nature, so cowardly his disposition. Then his legitimate Son, called Hardy Canute, more truly bloody Canute, eminent for his Cruelty. With him expired the Danish Royal Line in England, leaving no Issue behind him, and opening an Opportunity for the banished Son of King Æthelred to recover the Crown, whose ensuing Reign is richly worth our description. Mean time it is worth our observing, in how few years the Danish Greatness shrank to nothing; and from formidable, became inconsiderable, yea contemptible. Indeed Canutus was one of extraordinary Worth, and the Wheel once moved will for a time turn of itself. Had Harold his Son (by what way it skilled not) been one of a tolerable disposition, he might have traded in Reputation, on the Stock of his Fathers Memory. But being so very mean, (considerable only in Cruelty) his Fathers Worth did him the Disadvantage, to render his Vnworthynesse the more conspicuous. Besides, when Hardy Canute his Brother succeeded him, and though better born, shown himself no better bred in his inhumane Carriage; it caused not only a Neuseation in the people of England of Danish Kings, but also an appetite, yet a longing after their true and due Sovereign.

11. Edward the Confessor, youngest Son of King Etherlred, (his elder Brethren being slain, and their Children fled away) came to be King of England. I understand not the Ceremony which I read was used to this Edward, whilst as yet (saith a Monkish Author, properly enough in his own Language) he was contained in the weak Cloisters of his Mothers Womb; at which time the Peers of the Land sware Allegiance unto him or her (the Sex as yet being unknown) before he was born. Indeed I find that Varanes his Child was crowned King whilst yet in his Mothers Body, applicata ad Vterum Corona. But what Solemnity soever was done to this Hans-en-Kelder, it did not afterwards embolden him to the Anticipation of the Crown, attending till it descended upon him.

12. A worthy King, no less pious to God, then just to Man: For, whereas formerly there were manifold Laws in the Land, made, some by the Britons, others by the Danes, others by the English, swelling to an unmeasurable Number, to the great Mischief of his Subjects; he caused some few of the best to be selected, and the rest, as captious and unnecessary, to be rejected. Hence, say some, they were called the Common Laws, as calculated for the common Good, and no private persons Advantage.

13. It is admirable, how the Danes in this Kings Reign were vanished away. They who formerly could scarce be numbered in England, they were so many, could now scarce be numbered they were so few, and those living quietly with their English Neighbors. As for foreign invading Danes in this Kings Reign, as I cannot see them, so I will not seek them, glad of their Room and Riddance. Indeed once I meet with an Assay of them in a Navy bound to infest England: but their King being casually drowned as he entered his own Fleet, put an end to their Hopes, and our Feares for that Design.

14. Emma, King Edward 's Mother, being suspected too familiar with Alwin Bishop of Winchester, under the color of Devotion, put herself to be tried by Ordall; whereof this the manner. Nine Plow-shares glowing hot were laid on the Ground, one foot distant from another; the party suspected was to be brought blind-folded, and bare-footed to pass over them: if he chanced to step in the Intervalls, or on the hot Iron unhurt, he was pronounced Innocent, otherwise condemned for an Offender. An unjust Law, wherein the Triers had no Precept, the Tryed no Promise. Must Innocence be ruined as often as Malice would wrong it, if Miracle would not rescue it? This was not a way to try man, but tempt God: As just a Trying by Fire, as that of our modern Witches by Water. This Trial Queen Emma admirably underwent, not sensible of the Plow-shares till past them, saying to such as led her, Oh, when shall I come to the place of my Purgation?

15. By what Power this was performed, I will not dispute, finding amongst the Heathens a City Feronia, twenty miles from Rome, under mount Soracte; where the Inhabitants, possessed with a spirit of a Deity therein worshipped, usually walked upon burning Coals, without any Harm. Only I wonder, that Bishop Alwin (equally suspected, and equally innocent with Emma) should not profer himself to the like Trial. But, perchance, the prudent Prelate remembered, that such barbarous Customs, though kept up amongst the Common People, were forbidden by the ancient Canons, as also by the Letter of Pope Stephen the fifth, which about the year eight hundred eighty and seven he wrote to Humbert, Bishop of Mainz: And now Emma, who went willingly on this sad Errand, did the Business for them both, and cleared their Credits. The Church of Winchester got well hereby, viz. nine Mannours, which Queen Emma bestowed thereon, in Commemoration of her Deliverance.

16. King Edward the Confessor was married to the devout Lady Edith; his Wife in Mind, but not in Body; in Consent, not Act; being only (as my Author saith) an Abishag to the King. Strange! that two Persons, if loving each other in the prime of their years, should light on so happy a Temper, as mutually to warm, not to heat one another; which the Wife-men in our Age will account difficult, and the Wanton impossible. Such will say, if this was true, that King Edward passed as great a Trial, as Queen Emma his Mother; and that his Ordall was as hard, as hers was painful.

17. Was it not pity, but the World should have more of the Breed of them, who were so godly a Couple? Let Baseness be barren, and Cruelty childless; Pious persons deserve a double Portion in that Charter of Fruitfulness, Multiply and increase. Yea, the English Crown now wanting an Heir, and, for Default thereof, likely to fall to Forreiners, might (I will not say have tempted, but) have moved King Edward to the Knowledge of his Wife. But whilst Papists cry up this his incredible Continency: others easily unwonder the same, by imputing it partly to his Impotence, afflicted with an Infirmitie; partly to the Distaste of his Wife, whom he married only for Coveniencie, and to the Distrust of her Chastity, on suspicion whereof, he confined her to the Monastery of Whore-well (as I take it) in Hamshire.

18. But grant Queen Edith a chaste Woman, as she is generally believed; Daughter she was to a wicked Father, Earl Godwin by name, whence the Proverb,

little ill being written of the Daughter, and no good of the Father. Indeed King Edward was Father-in-law-ridden, who feared Earl Godwin rather then trusted him, as who with a long train of his Power could sweep many Dependents after him. This Godwin (like those Sands near Kent which bear his name) never spared what he could spoil, but swallowed all which came within his compass to devour. Two Instances whereof, because both belonging to Church-matters, we will relate.

19. He cast a cavetous Eye on the fair Nunnery of Berkley in Glocestershire, and thus contrived it for himself. He left there an handsome young man, really, or seemingly, sick, for their Charity to recover; who quickly grows well, and wanton. He is toying, tempting, taking; such Fire and Flax quickly make a Flame. The Sisters loose their Chastity, and, without taking Wife in the way, are ready to make Mothers. The young man (if sick) returns to Earl Godwin in Health, leaving the healthful Nuns sick behind him. The same hereof fills the Country, flies to Court, is complained of by Earl Godwin to the King; Officers are sent to inquire, they return it to be true, the Nuns are turned out, their House and Lands forfeited, both bestowed on Earl Godwin; surprised Weakness being put out, and designing Wickedness placed in the room thereof. Surely King Edward knew nothing of Godwin 's Deceit herein; otherwise it was unjust, that the Whores should be punished, and the principal Pander rewarded.

20. At another time he had a mind to the rich Manor of Boseham in Sussex, and complemented it out of Robert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, in this manner. Coming to the Arch-bishop, he saith, Da mihi Basium, that is, Give me a Buss, or a Kiss, an usual Favor from such a Prelate. The Arch-bishop returns, Dotibi Basium, kissing him therewith. An holy Kiss (perchance) as given, but a crafty one as taken: for Godwin presently posts to Boseham, and takes possession thereof. And though here was neither real Intention in him who passed it away, nor valuable Consideration to him; but a mere Circumvention; yet such was Godwin 's Power, and the Arch-bishops Poornesse of spirit, that he quietly enjoyed it. Nor have I ought else to observe either of Berkley or Boseham, but that both these rich and ancient Mannours, Earl Godwin his brace of Cheats, and distant an hundred miles each from other, are now both met in the Right Honorable George Berkeley (as Heir apparent thereof) the paramount Mecoenas of my Studies: whose Ancestors as they were long since justly possessed of them; so I doubt not but their Posterity will long comfortably enjoy them.

21. The Monks that wrote this King Edward 's life, had too heavy a hand in over-spicing it with Miracles, which hath made the Relation too hot for the Mouth of any moderate Belief. A poor Cripple chanced to come to him, one who might have stocked a whole Hospital with his own Maladies. It was questionable, whether the Difficulty of his Crawling caused more Pain, or the Deformity thereof more Shame unto him. The sight of him made all tender Beholders Cripples by Sympathie, commiserating his sad Condition. But it seems, this weak Wretch had a strong Fancy, and bold Face, who durst desire the King himself to carry him on his Back into the Church, on assurance (as he said) that thereby he should be recovered. The good King grants his Desire, and this Royal Porter bears him into the Church, where so strange an Alteration is said to happen; Qui venit quadrupes, decessit bipes, He that came on all four, departed straight, and upright.

22. The Church into which the King carried the Cripple, was S ^t . Peter 's in Westminister, built by him on this Occasion. King Edward had made a Vow to visit the Relics of S ^t . Peter in Rome; and, because his Subjects could not safely spare him out of his own Country, the Pope dispensed with him for the Performance thereof. Now, although he went not to S ^t . Peter, S ^t Peter came to him, and in several Apparitions advised him to build him a Church in the place now called Westminster, then Thornie, because desolate, and overgrown with Thorns and Briars. Nor is it any news, that populous Cities at this present, were anciently Woods and Bushie plots. What else was Jerusalem itself in the days of Abraham, but a Thornie, when in the midst thereof on Mount Moriah, a Ram was caught by the Horns in a Thicket? This Church many years before had been dedicated to, and (as the Monks say) consecrated by S ^t Peter, till destroyed by the Danes, King Edward raised it from the Ruines, endowing it with large Privileges, and rich Possessions.

23. Next to St. Peter, our Edward 's Darling, he is said to be most in Favor with S ^t . John the Apostle, who is reported to have appeared unto him in the shape of a Begging Pilgrim; the King, not having at the present Money to supply his Wants, plucked off his Ring from his Finger, and bestowed it upon him. This very Ring, some years after, S ^t . John sent him back again by two Pilgrims out of Palestine; but withal telling him, that he should die within six months after: a Message more welcome then the Ring to such a mortified man. If any doubt of the truth thereof, it is but riding to Havering in Essex, so called (as they say) from this Ring, where (no doubt) the Inhabitants will give any sufficient Satisfaction therein.

24. Amongst the many Visions in this Kings Reign, one I will not omit, because seeming to have some what more then mere Monk therein. One being inquisitive, what should become of England after King Edward 's Death, received this Answer; The Kingdom of England belongeth to God himself, who will provide it a King at his pleasure. Indeed England is God's on several Titles. First, as a Country; the Earth is his, and the Fullness-thereof: Secondly, as an Island, which are God's Demesnes, which he keeps in his own hand of his daily Providence: Thirdly, as a Kingdom on which he hath bestowed miraculous Deliverances. Seeing then England is his own, we know who said, Is it not lawful to do what I will with mine own? May he dispose of his own to his own Glory, and the good of his own Servants.

25. Amongst the many resplendent Virtues in King Edward, Contempt of Wealth was not the least, whereof some bring in this for an Instance. The King lay on a Pallet surrounded with Curtains; by him stood a Chest of Silver, which Hugolin, his Treasurer (called away on some sudden Occasion) had left open. In comes a thievish Courtier, takes away as much Money as he could carry, and disposeth thereof. Then cometh he the second time for a new Burden, little suspecting that the unseen King saw him all the while; and having laden himself, departed. Some add, he returned the third time. Be content (quoth the King) with what you have, lest, if Hugolin come in and catch you, he take it all from you. Soon after the Treasurer returning, and fretting for loss of the Money, Let him have it quietly (said the King) he needeth it more then we do. Words which spake him a better man then King, as accessory to his own Robbing; who, if pleased to have made this pilfering Fellow to have tasted of the Whip for his pains, had marred a pretty Jast, but made a better Earnest therein.

26. Posterity conceived so great an opinion of King Edward 's Piety, that his Cloath; were deposited amongst the Regalia, and solemnly worn by our English Kings on their Coronation; never counting themselves so fine, as when invested with his Robes; the Sanctity of Edward the first Wearer excusing, yea adorning the modern Antiquenesse of his Apparel. Amongst these is the Rod or Sceptre, with a Dove on the Top thereof, (the Emblem of Peace) because in his Reign England enjoyed Halcyon days, free from Danish Invasions: as also his Crown, Chair, Staff, Tunick, close Pall, Tuisni hosen, Sandalls, Spurres, Gloves, &c. Expect not from me a Comment on these several Cloaths, or reason for the wearing of them. In general, it was to mind our Kings, when habited with his Cloaths, to be clothed with the habit of his virtuous Endowments; as when putting on the Gloves of this Confessor, their Hands ought to be like his, in moderate taking of Taxes from their Subjects. Indeed, Impositions once raised are seldom remitted, pretended Necessities being always found out for their Continuance. But our Edward released to his Subjects the grievous burden of Dane-gelt, paid to his Predecessors, conceiving it fit, now the Danes were departed, that the Gelt or Tax should go after them. But now Edward 's Staff is broken, Chair overturned, Cloaths rent, and Crown melted; our present Age esteeming them the Relics of Superstition.

27. And yet all things being cast up, I confess I understand not how the name Confessor is proper to King Edward, in the strict acceptance thereof. For a Confessor is one actually persecuted for the testimony of the Truth, and prepared to lose his Life for the same. He is a Martyr in Bullion, wanting only the Stamp of a Violent Death to be impressed upon him. Now a great part of our Edward 's Life, was led by him in Peace and Plenty; nothing bounding his Abundance but his own Moderation, & for twenty years together having no visible Foe to offend him. And although in his youth he lived in Normandy, in a middle Condition, betwixt an Exile and a Traveler, flying thither for fear of the Danes; yet such his Sufferings were of Civil Concernment, not directly relating to Conscience, though at distance reducible thereunto. But seeing in the Titles of great Persons, it is better to give too much then too little; a Confessor we found him, and a Confessor we leave him.

28. Our Eyes have been so intent in beholding the Virtues of this King, we have been little at Leasure to take notice of the Arch-bishops of Canterbury, during his Reign. Know then that about ten years since, Robert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who succeeded Eadsin therein, fearing some hard measure from Earl Godwin (notwithstanding he had been contentedly kissed out of his Manor of Boseham) conveyed himself away beyond the Seas, to his Monastery in Normandy, whence he came first into England. After whose Depature, Stig and Bishop of Winchester intruded himself into that See, eminent only for Vice, and fordid Covetousness.

29. As for the Ecclesiastic all Laws made by this King in his Reign, it will be enough to affix their Principal Titles.