Church History of Britain

Abbeys engrossed trade, impoverished Parish. Priests, encouraged Offenders.

THE specious pretences of piety, and contempt of the world, Abbots and Monks, were notoriously covetous, even to the injury of others: Witness their renting and stocking of Farms, keeping of Tan-houses, and Brew-houses in their own hands. For, though the Monks themselves were too fine-nosed to dabble in Tan-fatts, yet they kept others (bred in that trade) to follow their work. These Covents having bark of their own woods, hides of the cattle of their own breeding and killing: and (which, was the main) a large stock of money to buy at the best hand, and to allow such Chapmen they sold to, a long day of payment, easily eat out such who were bred up in that vocation. Whereupon, in the one and twentieth of King Henry the eighth, a Statute was made, That no Priest, either Regular or Secular, should on heavy penalties hereafter meddle with such mechanic employments.

2. Secondly, they impoverished Parish-Priests, by decrying their performances, and magnifying their own merits. Alas! what was the single devotion of a silly Priest in comparison of a Corporation of Prayers (twisted Cables to draw down blessings on their Patrons heads) from a whole Monastery? And, suppose (which was seldom done) the Parson in the Parish preaching to his people, yet Sermons in a Church once constituted were needless, as ministering matter of Schisms and disputes, and at the best only profiting the present: whilst prayers benefitted as well the absent, as the present, dead, as living. But especially prayers of Monasteries commanded Heaven, pleased with the holy violence of so many and mighty petitioners. By these and other artifices they undermined all Priests in the affections of their own people, and procured from Pope and Prince, that many Churches Presentative, with their Glebes and Tithes, were app-ropriated to their Covents, leaving but a poor pittance to the Parish Vicar: though the Pope (as styling himself but a Vicar) ought to have been more sensible of their sad condition.

3. Besides appropriation of such Churches, Abbeys also wronged Parish-Priests, by procuring from the Pope Paschal the second, Anno Dom. 1100, in the Council of Mainz, that their Demesnes, Farms, and Granges (anciently paying Tithes like the Lands of other Lay-men) should hereafter be free from the same. But this exemption was afterwards by Pope Adrian the fourth, about the year 1150, justly limited and restrained: Religious Order being enjoined the payment of Tithes of whatsoever increase they had in their own occupation (save of new improvements by culture of pasture of their cattle, and of garden fruits. Only three Orders, namely, the Cistertians, Templars, and Knights-Hospitallers (otherwise called of S. John's of Jerusalem) were exempted from the general payment of all Tithes whatsoever.

4. And, why Cistertians rather than any other Order? Give me leave to conjecture three Reasons thereof:

• 1. Adrian the fourth, our none Country-man, was at first a Benedictine-Monk of S. Albans, and these Cistertians were only Benedictines refined.
• 2. They were the Benjamins, one of the youngest remarkable Orders of that Age, and therefore made Darlings (not to say Wantons) by the Holy Father the Pope.
• 3. It is suspicious, that by bribery in the Court of Rome, they might obtain this privilege, so beneficial unto them. For, I find, that K. Richard the first disposed his Daughter Avarice to be married to the Cistertian-Order, as the most grasping and griping of all others.

I leave it others to render Reasons why Templars and Hospitallers, being mere Lay-men, and divers times of late, adjudged in the Court of Aides in Paris, no part of the Clergy should have this privilege to be exempted from Tithes. But we remember they were Sword-men, and that aweth all into obedience.

5. However the Lateran-Council, holden Anno 1215, Ordered, That this privilege of Tithe-freedom to the aforesaid three Orders, should not extend to Postnates (as I may term them) to Covents erected since the Lateran-Council, nor to Lands since bestowed on the aforesaid Orders, though their Covents were erected before that Council. Therefore when the covetous Cistertians (contrary to the Canons of that Council) purchased Bulls from the Pope to discharge their Lands from Tithes: Henry the fourth, pitying the plea of the poor Parish Priest, by Statute nulled such Bulls, and reduced their Lands into that state wherein they were before.

6. Once it was in my mind to set to down a Catalogue (easy to do, and useful when done) of such houses of Cistertians, Templars, and Hospitallers, which were founded since the Lateran Council, yet going under the general notion of Tithefree, to the great injury of the Church. But since on second thoughts, I conceived it better to let it alone, as not sure on such discovery of any blessing from those Ministers which should gain, but certain of many curses from such Lay-men who should lose thereby.

7. Now, when King Henry the eight dissolved Monasteries, there was put into His hand an opportunity and advantage to ingratiate Himself and His memory forever; namely, by restoring Tithes appropriated to Abbeys, to their respective Parishes. But, whether He wanted mind; or minding, or both, God would not do Him so much honor, that He should do so much honor to God, and his Church; being now past like Lay-fees with the rest of the Abbey-land, to the great empairing of the just maintenance of Ministers.

8. Lastly, one grand mischief (to omit many others) done by Monasteries, was by the privileges of Sanctuaries, whereby their houses became the sink and center of sinners, to the great dishonor of God, and obstruction of justice.

9. And here I commend the memory of Turketill, once Abbot of Crowland, being confident that the Reader will join with me in his commendation. Such vast immunities were bestowed on that Covent by Witlaffe, King of Mercia, that if any Officer did follow an Offender, of what nature soever, to fetch him out of that Liberty, he was to have his right foot cut off. Strange exchange! when a legal Presecutor is made a Malefactour, and the Malefactour an Innocent; such the converting power of a Monkish Asylum. But in process of time, and depredation of the Danes, this privilege was lost, and proffered afterwards by some Saxon Kings to be restored; which Turketill would never consent unto: and take it in the Authors own words, Antiquam vero loci impunitatem vel immunitatem nullo modo consensit acquirere, ne sceleratis & impiis refugium à publicis legibus videretur in aliquo praebere, & cum hujusmodi maleficiis compelleretur, vel in aliquo contra conscientiam suam cohabitare, seu consentire. This Privilege other Churches of S. Albans, Beverly, Westminster, did accept. Such Sanctuaries were grievances constantly complained of in Parliaments, till Richard the second first began, Henry the fourth and seventh proceeded to regulate them as abused and usurping, and Henry the eighth utterly abolished them as useless and unlawful.

Of the prime Officers and Officines of Abbeys.

The Officers in Abbeys were either supreme, as the Abbot; or (to use a Canonical term) Obediential, as all others under him. The Abbot had Lodgings by himself, with all Offices thereunto belonging. The rest took precedencies according to the Topical Statutes of their Covents, but for the generality, they thus may be marshalled.

2. First the Prior, who, like the President (under the Master) in our Colleges in Cambridge, was next to the Abbot. Note by the way, that in some Covents, which had no Abbots, the Prior was Principal, as the President in some Oxford-Foundations; and, being installed Priors, some voted as Barons in Parliament, whereof formerly, as the Prior of Canterbury, and Coventrie. But, when the Abbot was Superintendent, there the person termed Prior was his subordinate, who in his absence, in mitred Abbeys, by courtesy was saluted the Lord Prior.

3. Secondly, the Sub-Prior, (as Hugo Balciam, Sub-Prior of Eli, Founder of Peter-House) Quaere whether any complement descended so low as to Lord the Sub-Prior in the absence of the Prior and Abbot. As for the third Prior, and fourth Prior (for such Diminutives appear) they come not within the suspicion of so much favor.

4. Thirdly, the Secretary, who was the Register, Auditor, and Chancellor of the Covent, it being proper to his place to write and return Letters, and manage the most learned employments in the Monastery.

5. With him the Camerarius, or Chamberlain, may seem to contest for precedency, as keeping the keys of the Treasury, issuing out and receiving in all considerable sums of money; in which notion the Chamberlain of London holdeth his name.

6. Fifthly, the Cellarius, or Cellerarius, a Place of more power and profit, than the name may seem to import. He was the Burser who bought in all provisions, and appointed the pittances for the several Monks, and in some Houses he was Secundus Pater in Monasterio, as in the Abbey of Burie, where a large part of the Buildings was assigned for his Residence, and Lands for his Maintenance. These Cellerers were brave blades, much affecting Secular gallantry. For, I find it complained of, that they used to swagger with their swords by their sides like lay-Gentlemen.

7. The remaining Officers are best reckoned up by the Canonical rooms (as I may term them) in an Abbey, each giving denomination to him who had the inspection thereof. I begin with the Gate-house, and its relative the Porter; an office, I assure you, of some trust in an Abbey, to know what guests, and when (especially at the postern) are to be admitted thereunto.

8. The next room is the Refectorium: and Refectorius the Controller thereof. It was the Hall wherein the Monks dined together, and sometimes the Abbot on great solemnities graced them with his presence, when he had Vastellum, that is, not common bread, but vastell bread, or simnels for his diet.

9. Adjoyning to it was the Locutorium, or Parlour, because there leave was given for the Monks to discourse, who were enjoined silence elsewhere. Thus we read how Paul the fourteenth Abbot of S. Albans, made it penal for any to talk in the Cloister, Church, Refectory, or Dormitory.

10. Oriolium, or the Oriol, was the next room. Why so called, some of the name-sake College in Oxford are best able to satisfy. Sure I am, that small excursion out of Gentlemen 's Halls in Dorcetshire (respect it East or West) is commonly called an Orial. The use hereof is known for Monks, who were in latitudine morbi, rather distempered than diseased to dine therein, it being cruelty to thrust such into the Infirmarie, where they might have died with the conceit of the sickness of others.

11. Dormitorium, the Dormitorie, where they all slept together, it being ordered in the Council of Aquisgrane, Nisi in Dormitorio cum caeteris absque causae inevitabili, nemo dormire praesumpserit.

12. Lavatorium succeeds, generally called the Laundrey, where their clothes were washed. Haply it was also the place (such in the West-side of Westminster-cloisters) where all the Monks at the Conduit washed their hands, there being as much good fellowship in washing, as eating together.

13. Scriptorium remains, a room where the Chartularius was busied in writing, especially employed in the transcribing of these Books:

• Their
  • 1. Ordinals, containing the Rubric of their Missal, and Directorie of their Priests in Service.
  • 2. Consuetudinals, presenting the ancient customs of their Covents.
  • 3. Troparies.
  • 4. Collectaries, wherein the Ecclesiastical Collects were fairly written.

14. Next this the Librarie, which most great Abbeys had exactly furnished with variety of choice Manuscripts.

15. All is marred if the Kitchen be omitted, so essential a requisite in an Abbey, with the Larder and Pantrey the necessary suburbs thereof.

16. Come we now their Abbey-Church, where we first meet their

• 1. Cloisters, consecrated ground, as appears by their solemn Sepultures therein.
• 2. Navis Ecclesiae, or Body of the Church.
• 3. Gradatorium, a distance containing the ascent out of the former into the Choir.
• 4. Presbyterium, or the Choir, on the right side whereof was the Stall of the Abbot, and his; on the lefe side the Prior, and his moiety of Monks, who alternately chaunted the Responsals in the Service.
• 5. Vestiarium, the Vestiarie, where their Copes and Clothes were deposited.
• 6. A Vaulta, a Vault, being an arched-room over part of the Church, which in some Abbeys (as S. Albans) was used to enlarge their Dormitorie, where the Monks had twelve beds for their repose.
• 7. Concameratio, being an arched-room betwixt the East-end of the Church, and the High Altar, so that in Procession they might surround the same, founding their fancy on David 's expression,— and so will I compass thine Altar, O Lord.

As for the other Rooms of the Church; Cerarium, where their wax candles were kept; Campanile, their Steeple; Polyandrium, the Church-yard, and sometime the Charnel-house, let such be consulted with, who have written large Volumes on this subject, who will also inform them of the Dignities and Duties of the Praecentor, Sacrist, Sub-sacrist, Capellane, Ostiarie, Vestiarie, Ceroferarie, &c. belonging thereunto. The remaining Rooms of an Abbey stood a distance from the main structure thereof. To begin with the best first: Eleëmosynaria, or the Almorie, being a building near, or within the Abbey, wherein poor and impotent persons did live maintained by their Charity.

17. Secondly, Sanctuarium, of the Century, wherein Debtours taking refuge from their Creditours, Malefactours, from the Judge, lived (the more the pity) in all security.

18. Thirdly, Infirmarium, or the Firmorie (the Curatour whereof Infirmarius) wherein persons down-right sick (trouble to others, and troubled by others, if lodging in the Dormitorie) had the benefit of Physic, and attendance private to themselves. No Lent, or Fasting-days came ever the threshold of this room; Sickness being a Dispensation for the eating of Flesh. It was punishable for any to eat therein, except solemnly designed for the place.

19. At distance stood the Stables, where the Stallarius, or Master of the Horse did command; and under him the Provendarius, who, as his name imports, provided Provender for the Horses. These were divided into four ranks, and it would puzzle all the Jockies in Smithfield to understand the meaning of their names.

• 1. Manni, being Geldings for the Saddle of the larger size.
• 2. Runcini, Runts, small Pad-Nags: like those of Galloway or Goonehely.
• 3. Summarii, Sumpter-horses.
• 4. Averii, Cart, or Plough-horses.

This was the quadripartite division of the Horses of William, the two and twentieth Abbot of S. Albans, on the token that he lost an hundred Horses in one year.

20. One room remains, last named, because least loved, even a Prison for the punishment of incorrigible Monks, who otherwise would not be ordered into obedience. It was a grand penance imposed on the Delinquents, to carry about the Lanthorn, (though light, an heavy burden) but such contumacious Monks as would not be amended therewith, the Abbot had tetrum & fortem carcerem, a strong and hideous Prison, where their Obstinacie was corrected into Reformation.

21. We omit other rooms, as Vaccisterium, the Cow-house; Porcarium, the Swine-sty; as having nothing peculiar therein, but concurrent with those offices in other houses. As for Granges, being Farms at distance, kept and stocked by the Abbey, and so called (as it seemeth) à grana gerendo (the Overseer whereof was commonly called the Prior of the Grange) because sometimes many miles from the Monastery, they come not within the reach of our present discourse. Only I add, in Female Foundations of Nunneries, there was a correspondency of all the same essential Officers, and Offices.

22. Expect not of me a List of those mean Officers in the Abbey, whose employment was not so base, as their names barbarous, and of English extraction. Such were,

• 1. Coltonarius, Cutler.
• 2. Cupparius.
• 3. Potagiarius.
• 4. Scutellarius Aulae.
• 5. Salsarius.
• 6. Portarius.
• 7. Carectarius Cellerarii.
• 8. Pelliparius, Parchment-Provider.
• 9. Brasinarius, Maltster.

All these appeared at the Hali-mote, or Holy Court of the Cellarer, and it is the degrading the soul of a Scholar (best pleased in a progressive motion to attain elegancy) to stoop to the understanding of such base and unlearned Etymologies.

23. Note that the Offices aforesaid in the smaller Abbeys were but one fair entire room, which in greater Monasteries were a distinct structure, with all under-Offices attendant thereupon. Thus the Firmorie in the Priorie of Canterbury had a Refectorie thereto belonging, a Kitchen, a Dortour distributed into several Chambers that one might not disturb another; and a private Chapel for the devotions of the diseased. Their Almerie also was accommodated with all the aforesaid appurtenances, and had many distinct Manours consigned only to their maintenance.

24. It were aliene from our present purpose to speak of Cells, which were aut pars, aut proles, of all great Abbeys, sometime so far off, that the Mother-Abbey was in England, the Child-Cell beyond the Seas, and so reciprocally. Some of these were richly endowed, as that of Windham in Norfolk, which, though but a Cell annexed to S. Albans, yet was able at the Dissolution to expend of its own Revenues, seventy two pounds per annum. These were Colonies into which the Abbeys discharged their superfluous numbers, and whither the rest retired when Infections were feared at home.

25. Thus have we run through the main Rooms in all great Abbeys, though besides the same, particular Abbeys had particular Houses known to those of their own Covent by peculiar denominations. It were endless for one to instance in all these, and impossible to render a reason of their names, except he were privy to the fancies of the Founders. Thus we meet with a pile of building in the Priorie of Canterbury, called, the Honors; but, why so termed, my good friend, and great Antiquarie, is fain to confess his own ignorance.

Some general Conformities observed in all Covents.

SUndry Orders were bound to observe several Canonical Constitutions. However the rule of the ancient Benedictines, with some small variations according to time and place, hold true thorough most Monasteries. Some general heads whereof (the under-branches being infinite) we will here insert, it being hard, if amongst much dross, some gold be not found, to repair the pains of the Reader. We will contrive them into Canons, collected out of Authors, before, or in the days of Dunston.

1. Let Monks, (after the example of David) praise God seven times a day. Seven times:] Some difference in reckoning them up, but the following computation is generally embraced.

• 1. At Cock-crowing: Because the Psalmist saith, At midnight will I praise the Lord: and most conceive that Christ rose from the dead about that time.
• 2. Matutines: At the first hour, or six of the clock, when the Jewish morning sacrifice was offered. And at what time Christ's resurrection was by the Angels first notified to the women.
• 3. At the third hour, or nine of the clock before none: When according to S. Mark, Christ was condemned, and scourged by Pilate.
• 4. At the sixth hour, or twelve of the clock at high noon: When Christ was crucified and darkness over all the earth.
• 5. At the ninth hour, or three of the clock in the afternoon: When Christ gave up the ghost, and, which was an hour of public prayer in the Temple, and privately in his closet with Cornelius.
• 6. Vespers: At the twelfth hour, or six a clock in the afternoon: When the Evening-sacrifice was offered in the Temple, and when Christ is supposed taken down from the Cross.
• 7. At seven of the clock at night, (or the fir • t hour beginning the nocturnal twelve:) When Christ's agony in the garden was conceived began.

The fifth of these was performed at two of the clock in the morning: When the Monks (who went to bed at eight at night) had slept six hours, which were judged sufficient for nature. It was no fault for the greater haste to come without shoes, or with unwashen hands, (provided sprinkled at their entrance with holywater) to this nights service. And I find no express to the contrary, but that they might go to bed again. But a flat prohibition after Matutines, when to return to bed was accounted a petty apostasy.

2. Let all at the sign given leave off their work, and repair presently to prayers. Sign:] This in England (commonly called the ringing Island) was done with tolling a bell; but in other Countries with loud strokes, as Noblemen’s Cooks knock to the dresser, at which time none might continue their work Yea, the Canon was so strict, that it provided scriptores literam non integrent: That writers (a great trade in Monasteries) having begun to frame and flourish a Text letter, were not to finish it, but to break off in the middle thereof.

3. Let those, who are absent in public employment, be reputed present in prayers. Absent:] Hence it was, that anciently at the end of prayers, there was a particular commemoration made of them, and they by name recommended to Divine protection.

4. Let no Monk go alone, but always two together. Two:] That so they might mutually have, both testem honestatis, and monitorem pietatis. And this was done in some imitation of Christ's sending his Disciples to preach Two, and two before his face, that so they might alternately ease one another.

5. From Easter, to Whitsunday, let them dine always at twelve; and sup at six of the clock. Dine:] The Primitive Church forbade fasting for those fifty, days that Christians might be cheerful for the memory of Christ's resurrection. Immunitate Jejunandi à die Paschae Pentecosten usque gaudemus, and therefore more modern is the custom of fasting on Ascension Eve.

6. Let them at other times fast on Wednesdays, and Fridays, till three a clock in the afternoon. Three of the clock:] So making but one meal a day, but know that the twelve days in Christmas were in this Canon excepted.

7. Let them fast every day in Lent till six of the clock at night. Six a clock:] Stamping a character of more abstinence on that time. For though all a Monk's life ought to be a LENT, yet this, most especially, wherein they were to abate of their wonted sleep and diet, and add to their daily devotion: Yet so, that they might not lessen their daily fare without leave from the Abbot, all things done without whose consent, will be accounted presumption, and not redound to reward; so that in such cases, obedience to their Superiors was better than the sacrifice of their own free abstinence.

8. Let no Monk speak a word in the Refectory, when they are at their meals. Speak a word:] Whilst their mouths are open to eat, their lips must be locked to speak. For proof whereof they corruptly cite the Apostles words, to eat their own bread with silence; whereas indeed it is, work with quietness, and therein a contented mind enjoined. Such might also remember Solomon 's rule, Eat thy bread with joy.

9. Let them listen to the Lecturer reading Scripture to them, whilst they feed themselves. Listen:] This was S. Augustine' s rule, Ne solae fauces sumant cibum, sed & aures percipiant Dei verbum.

10. Let the Septimarians dine by themselves after the rest. Septimarians:] These were weekly Officers, (not as the Abbot, Porter, &c. for term of life) as the Lecturer, Servitors at the table, Cook, who could not be present at the public refection: as the Bible-Clerks in Queens-Coll: in Cambrige (waiting on the Fellows at dinner) have a Table by themselves, their stomachs being set, to go an hour after all the rest.

11. Let such who are absent about business observe the same hours of prayer. Absent:] Be it by sea, or land, on ship, in house, or field, they were to fall down on their knees, and though at distance, and very briefly, yet in some sort to keep time, and tune with the Covent in their devotions.

12. Let none, being from home about business, (and hoping to return at night) presume foris mandicare, to eat abroad. Eat abroad:] This Canon was afterwards so dispensed with by the Abbot on several occasions, that it was frustrate in effect, when Monks became common guests at Lay-men's tables.

13. Let the COMPLETORIE be solemnly sung about seven a clock at night. COMPLETORIE:] Because it completed the duties of the day. This service was concluded with that Verticle of the Psalmist, Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth, and keep the door of my lips.

14. Let none speak a word after the Completorie ended, but hasten to their beds. Speak a word:] For, they might express themselves by signs, and in some cases whisper, but so softly that a third might not overhear it. This silence was so obstinately observed by some, that they would not speak though assaulted with thieves, to make discovery in their own defense.

15. Let the Monks sleep in beds singly by themselves, but all (if possible) in one room. Singly by themselves:] To prevent that sin of Sodomy, whereof many were detected, and more suspected in after-Ages. One room:] For the comfort of their mutual society.

16. Let them sleep in their clothes, girt with their girdles, but not having their knives by their sides, for fear of hurting themselves in their sleeps. In their clothes:] Is slovenness any advantage to sanctity? This was the way, not to make the Monks to lie alone, but to carry much company about them.

17. Let not the youth lie by themselves, but mingled with their seniours. Seniours:] That their gravity may awe them into good behavior. Thus husbandmen couple young colts with staid horses, that both together may draw the better.

18. Let not the candle in the Dormitory go out all the night. Candle:] In case some should fall soddainly sick; and that this standing candle might be a stock of light, to recruit the rest, on occasion.

19. Let Infants, incapable of excommunication, be corrected with rods. Infants:] Such, all were accounted under the age of fifteen years (of whom many in Monasteries) whose minorities were beneath the censures of the Church.

20. Let the offenders in small faults (whereof the Abbot is sole Judge) be only sequestered from the table. Small faults:] As coming after grace to dinner, breaking (though casually) the earthen ewer wherein they wash their hands, being out of tune in setting the Psalm, taking any by the hand (as a preface forsooth to wantonness receiving Letters from, or talking with a friend without leave from the Abbot, &c. From the table:] Such were to eat by themselves, and three hours after the rest, until they had made satisfaction.

21. Let the offenders in greater faults be suspended from table, and prayers. Greater faults:] viz: Thest, adultery, &c. And Prayers:] This in effect amounted to the greater Excommunication, and had all the penalties thereof.

22. Let none converse with any excommunicated, under the pain of excommunication. None:] Yet herein his Keeper, (deputed by the Abot) was excepted. Converse:] Either to car, or speak with him. He might not so much as bless him, or his meat if carried by him: Yet to avoid scandal, he might rise up, bow, or bare his head to him, in case the other did first with silent gesture salute him.

23. Let incorrigible offenders be expelled the Monastery. Incorrigible:] Whom no correption with words, nor correction with blows, nor censures of excommunication would amend: Abscission is the only plaster for such an incurable Gangrene.

24. Let an expelled Brother, being re-admitted on promise of his amendment, be set last in order. Last:] He was to lose his former seniority, and begin at the bottom. Know, that whosoever willingly quitted the Convent thrice, or was thrice cast out for his misdemeanors, might not anymore be received.

25. Let every Monk have two Coats, and two Cowles, &c. Two:] Not to wear at once, (except in Winter) but for exchange, whilst one was washed. And when new clothes were delivered them, their old ones were given to the poor.

26. Let every Monk have his Table-book, Knife, Needle, and Hankerchief. Needle:] To mend his own clothes when torn. Hankerchief:] Which they wore on their left side, to wipe away rheum, or (as we may charitably believe) tears from their eyes.

27. Let the Bed of every Monk have a Mat, Blanket, Rugge, and Pillow. Mat:] In Latin Matta, the Liers whereon are termed by S. Augustine Mattarii. a Blanket:] Laena, in Latin, quasi de lana, saith Varro, made of thick wool. No down, feathers, nor flocks used by them, yea no linen worn on their bodies. The Abbot also every Saturday was to visit their beds, to see if they had not shuffled in some softer matter, or purloined some progge for themselves.

28. Let the Abbot be chosen by the merits of his life and learning. Merits:] Though he were the last in degree, and though he had the fewest voices, the better were to carry it from the greater number. But in after-Ages, to avoid schism, upon a parity of deserts the Senior was generally chosen by plurality of votes.

29. Let him never dine alone, and when Guests are wanting, call some Brethren unto his table. Alone:] Such as were relieved by his hospitality, are by Canonical Critics, sorted into four ranks:

• 1. Convive, guests, living in or near the City, where the Covent stood.
• 2. Hospites, strangers, coming from distant places, yet still of the same Country.
• 3. Peregrini, pilgrims, of another Nation, and generally travailing for devotion.
  • Invited, or inviving themselves into the Abbey.
• 4. Mendici, beggars, who received their Alms without at the Gate.

30. Let the CELLARER be a discrect man, to give all their meat in due season. Discreet:] He needed to be a good Mathematician in the gages of men's bellies, not allowing all food alike, but proportioning it to their several ages, labor, (for ancient Monks did work) appetites, &c. For this they allege the Primitive practice, when all goods kept in common were divided, though unequally, for the sums equally, as to their personal necessities, And they parted them to all men, as every man had need.

31. Let none be excused from the office of the COOK, but take his turn in his week. None:] The Abbot is excepted, and the Cellarer in great Covents; But know, this was only anciently used in primitive poor Monasteries, our English Abbeys having afterwards Cooks, and under-Cooks of Laypersons able to please the paliate of Apitius himself.

32. Let the Cook each Saturday when he goeth out of his Office, leave the linen and vessels clean and sound to his successors. Clean and sound:] Severe one Canon which I read, that is, To receive twenty five claps on the hand for every default on this kind; And still more harsh what another rule enjoineth, That the Cook might not taste what he dressed for others, not permitted to lick his own fingers: Understand it thus, though he might eat his own pittance, or dimensum, yet he must meddle with no more, left the tasting should tempt him to gluttony and excess.

33. Let the PORTER be a grave person, to discharge his trust with discretion. Grave:] Whose age might make him resident in his place. Discharge:] In listening to no Secular news, and (if casually hearing it) not to report it again; In carrying the keys every night to the Abbot, and letting none in, or out, without his permission.

We leave this Porter in the peaceable possession of his Lodge; and by his leave, are let out of this tedious discourse. Only I will add, as the Proverb faith, The Lion is not so fierce as he is painted. So Monastical discipline was not so terrible in the practice, as in the precepts thereof. And as it is generally observed in Families, that the eldest Children are most hardly used, who, (as yet being but few, and their Parents in full strength) are taught, and tutoured, and nurtered, with much chiding, and correction; whilst more liberty is allowed to the younger brood, age abating their Parents austerity, and sometimes turning their harshness into sondnesse unto them. So those fatherly rules fell most heavily on the Monks of the first foundation, their rigor being remitted to such who succeeded them, insomuch that in process of time, Monks turned very wantons, through laziness and luxury; as hereafter (God willing) shall appear.

Of such Abbots who attained to be Parliamentary Barons.

THE highest Civil honor the English Abbots arrived at, was, that some were selected to be Barons in Parliament, and called to be Assistants to the King in His Great Council. To begin at the Reign of King Henry the third, (before whose time the footsteps of solemn summons to Parliament are almost worn out) in His time all Abbots and Priors of quality were summoned thither. Alas! this King lived a long time on Abbeys (the Patron sed by His Chaplains) the most of His maintenance issuing out of the purses of Priories. It was but fitting therefore they should be consulted with, who were so much concerned in all public payments. In the forty ninth of His Regin, no less than sixty four Abbots, and thirty six Priors, (a jolly number) with the Master of the Temple, were voluntary summoniti, out of the King's free will and pleasure (no right that they could claim themselves) summoned to Parliament.

2. But in after Parliaments the number of Abbots summoned thither, was fluctuating, and uncertain, sometimes forty, as the twenty seventh of Edward the first; sometimes seventy five, as the twenty eight of the same King; fifty six in the first of Edward the second; and yet but fifteen in the second of His Reign. Indeed, when Parliaments proved frequent, some Priories far from the place where they were summoned, the way long, the weather (especially in winter) tedious, travelling on the way costly, living at London chargeable: Some Priors were so poor they could not, more so covetous they would not put themselves to needless expenses: All so lazy, and loving their ease, that they were loath to take long journeys, which made them afterwards desire to be eased of their Honorable but Trouble some attendance in Parliament.

3. At last, King Edward the third resolved, to fix on a set number of Abbots, and Priors, not so many as with their numerousnesse might be burdensome to His Council; yet not so few but that they should be a sufficient representation of all Orders therein concerned, which being twenty six in number are generally thus reckoned up:

• 1. St. Albans.
• 2. Glassenbury.
• 3. St. Austin's Cant.
• 4. Westminster.
• 5. Edmunds-bury.
• 6. Peterborough.
• 7. Colchester.
• 8. Evesham.
• 9. Winchelcombe.
• 10. Crowland.
• 11. Battle.
• 12. Reading.
• 13. Abington.
• 14. Waltham.
• 15. Shrewsbury.
• 16. Gloucester.
• 17. Bardney.
• 18. Bennet in the Holme.
• 19. Thorney.
• 20. Ramsey.
• 21. Hide.
• 22. Malmesbury.
• 23. Cirencester.
• 24. St. Mary York.
• 25. Selbye.
• 26. With the Prior of St. Johns of Jerusalem, first & chief Ba • on of England.

None of these held of mean Lord's by frank almonage, but all of the King in capite per Baroniam, having an entire Baronie, to which thirteen Knights sees at least did belong.

4. Yet even after this fixation of Parliamentary Abbots in a set number the same was estsoons subject to variety. The Prior of Coventry played at in and out, and declined his appearance there. So did the Abbot of Lester, who may seem to have worn but half a Mitre on his head. So also the Abbot of St. James by Northhampton may be said to sit but on one hip in Parliament, he appears so in the twilight betwixt a Baron, and no Baron, in the summons thereunto. But afterwards the first of these three was confirmed in his place, the two last on their earnest request obtained a discharge. Partly, because they were summoned only interpolatis vicibus, and nor constantly; Partly, because they made it to appear, that they held not of the king a whole Barony in chief.

5. To these twenty six regular Barons, King Henry the eighth added one more for a casting voice; viz: the Abbot of Tavistocke in Devon-shire, on this token, that being created in the eighth of His Reign he enjoyed not his Baronie full twenty years, and acted so short a part on the stage of Parliament, that with Cato he might seem only ingredi ut exiret, to come in that he might go out. And, because some may be curious to know the manner of his creation, take here the form thereof:

HENRICUS, &c. Sciatis quod certis considerationibus nos specialiter moventibus & ob specialem devotionem, quam ad beatam Virginem Mariam matrem Christi, Sanctumque Rumonum in quorum Honore Abbatia de Tavistoke, quae de fundatione nobillium progenitorum nostroum, quondam Regum Angliae & nostro patro natu dedicata existit, gerimus & habemus, hinc est quod de gratia nostra special ac ex certa scientia, & mero motu nostris, volumus eandem Abbatiam, sive Monasterium nostrum gaudere honor, privilegio, ac libertatibus spirtualium Dominorum Parliamenti nostri Haredem, & successorum nostrorum, ideo concessimus, & per prasentes concedimus pro nobis Haeredibus, & sucessoribus nostris quantum in nobis est, dilecto nobis in Christi, Richardo Banham Abbati de Tavistocke pradicto & successoribus suis, ut corum quilibet qui pro tempore ibidem fuerit Abbas, sit & erit unus de spiritualibus, & religiosis Dominis Parliamenti nostri Haeredem & successorum nostrorum, gandendo honor, privilegio ac libertatibus ejusdem; Et insuper, de uberiori gratia nostra, affectando utilitatem, dicti nostri Monasterii, considerando ejus distantiam, ita quod si contingat aliquam Abbatem qui pro tempore fuerit, sore velesse absentem propter praedicti Monasterii utilitatem in non veniendo ad Parliamentum praedictum Haeredem, vel successorum nostrorum, quam quidem absentiam eidem Abbati perdonamus per praesentes; Ita tamen quod tunc solvet pro hujusmodi absentia cujuslibet Parliamenti integri in nostro Saccario, suum per attornatum quinque Marcas nobis haeredibus sive successoribus nostris, toties, quoties, hoc in futurum contigerit. In cujus, &c. Teste &c. Vicesimo tertio die Januarii, &c.

Whereas this Charter affirmeth Tavistocke founded by King Henry's noble Progenitors; Some will wonder thereat, and the rather, because Ordulph, the son of Ordgare, Earl of Devon-shire is notoriously known for the Founder of this Monastery before the Conquest, and no English King appeareth eminently a Benefactour thereunto. Yet because the English Kings successively confirmed the Charters thereof, they were in a loyal complement, acknowledge as the interpretative Founders of that Abbey. And as little children, whose parents decease in their infancy, innocently own their Fathers and Mothers-in-laws, for their natural parents: So many Monasteries, whose first Founders, were in a manner forgotten as time out of mind, applied themselves to the present Kings (though but the Favourers) as to the Founders of their Corporations.

6. Know that besides these Abbots, there were four Abbesses, viz: of Shaftsbury, Barking in Essex, St. Marys in Winchester, and Wilton, who held from the King an entire Baronry, yet never were summoned as Baronesses to Parliament; because that honor (frequent in Lay-persons) was never conferred on any Ecclesiastical Female. Yet were they (and almost all other Abbesses of any quality) saluted Ladies, as Earls Daughters are, by the courtesy of England, which custom hath made such a right, that they are beheld not only as unmannerly, but unjust, who in common discourse deny the same. However the aforesaid four Abbessos, though not called to Parliament, were solemnly summoned by special Writs ad habendum servitium suum, that is, to have their full number of Knights in time of war, where the Ladies personal presence was not expected, but their effectual appearance by the proxies or their purses to supply the King's occasions.

7. Of all these, the Prior of S. Johns in Jerusalem, took the precedency, being generally of Noble extraction, and a Military person. Yea, not content to take place of all regular Barons, Primus Angliae Baro haberi voluit, saith my Author: He would be counted [simply] and [absolutely] the first, and chief Baron in England; though the expression, speaks rather his affectation, than peaceable possession of such priority.

8. Next him, the Abbot of S. Albans took place above all of his Order, to the no small grief and grudge of Glassenbury, seeing Joseph of Arimathea was two hundred years senior to S. Albans. But, who shall deny the Patriarck Jacob the privilege of crossing his own hands, to prefer the younger before the elder? The same power (but on what pretence, let others inquire) the Pope assumeth to himself, whereby Adrian the fourth (once a Monk of S. Albans) gave that Convent the precedency.

9. As for the remaining Abbots, we may observe a kind of a careless order observed in their summoning to (and consequently their sitting in) Parliament. Now seeing it will not enter into a rational belief, that their methodizing was merely managed by the will of the Clerk of the Writs, it must descend on the disposal of the King, calling them in what order He pleaseth.

10. Sure I am, these Abbots were not summoned according to their personal seniorities of their several instalments, nor according to the antiquity of their respective foundations: For, Waltham Abbot being ante-penultimus, as but founded by King Herold, is commonly fourteenth or fifteenth in the summons. Battle Abbey, which in this body of Abbeys, should be beneath the ancle, (as last of all save Selbye) is commonly about the breast, the eight or ninth in number.

11. Nor are they ranked according to the richness of their annual Revenues; for then (according to their Valuations at the Dissolution) they should be martialled according to the method here ensuing, when first I have premised a Note concerning the Abbey of Teuxbury in Gloucester-shire.

12. This Abbot appeareth Parliamentary neither in any summons exhibited by Master Selden, most curious in this point; nor yet in the Catalogue of them presented by Master Cambden; and reverence to these worthy Authors hath prevailed with me so much that durst not insert him. However, since I am convinced in my judgment, he must be entered in the list; Partly, moved by the greatness of Revenues; Partly, because I find him registered by Bishop God. win, no less Criticall than the former in Historical matters. Yet to please all parties, we will only add him in the Margine, and not enter him in the body of the Catalogue.

The valuations of Coventry & Colchester, I cannot find; and in all these sums we have trusted Harps-field, and Speed, both subject to many mistakes, those standing on stippery ground, who in point of computation, tread only on figures, and not on numbers at length. The Auditors in these accounts pretend to much exactness, descending to the fractions of half-pence and farthings, though much partiality was used therein, many of the Raters at the dissolution, being Ranters for the present, proved Purchasers for the future, of the lands. The Abbey of Ramsey, commonly called the RICH, is here but the ninth in number, according to the wealth thereof, whereby it plainly appears, that much favor was used in the undervaluing of that foundation.

13. We must know there were other Abbeys, who, though not so high in Dignity, were richer in Endownments, than many of these Parliamentary Barons, viz:

These had more Lands, at best were more highly valued, though not so Honorable a tenure, as holding of mean Landlords in frank almonage, And probably the Parliamentary Barons had more old rents, though these (as later foundations) greater incomes by improved demeans.

14. There also were Nunneries corrival in revenues with Parliamentary Abbeys, whereof Shafts-bury the chiefest, valued at—1329 li.—21 s.—3d. So that the Country-people had a Proverb, That if the Abbot of Glassenbury might marry the Abbess of Shafts-bury, their Heir would have more land than the King of England. Barkeing in Essex, and Zion in Middlesex, fell not much short of Shafts-bury, being severally endowed with above a 1000 li. per annum.

15. Of all Counties in England, Gloucester-shire was most pestered with Monks, having four mitred Abbeys, beside S. Augustine's in Bristol (who sometimes passed for a Baron) within the compass thereof, viz: Gloucester, Teuxbury, Ciren-cester, and Wevelscome. Hence the topical wicked Proverb, deserving to be banished out of that Country, being the profane child of superstitious parents: As sure as God is in Gloucester-shire. As if so many Convents had certainly fastened his gracious presence to that place.

16. As Gloucester-shire was the fullest of, so Westmorland the freest from Monasteries. It seemeth the Monks did not much care for that cold Country, nestling themselves but in one place, called Sharp, which they found so answering the name, that they sought warmer places elsewhere. As for the boasting of the men of the Isle of Wight, That they never had hooded Monks therein, were it so (their soil being so fruitful, and pleasant) it would merit more wonder, than that Ireland hath no Venemous creatures therein. But their brag hath more of Mirth than Truth in it, seeing the Priorie at Caris-brook, and Nunnery at Quarre evidence them sufficiently stocked with such Cattle.

17. I have done with this subject of Mitred Abbeys when we have observed that they were called ABBOTS GENERALL, aliàs ABBOTS SOVEREIGNE, as acknowledging in a sort no Superior, because exempted from the Jurisdiction of any Diocezan, having Episcopal power in themselves. And here I would be thankful to any who would inform me, that seeing all these Abbots were thus privileged, how it came to pass that Four of them were especially termed ABBOTS EXEMPTI, viz: Bury, Waltham, S. Albans, and Evesham. I say seeing these were so called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , EXEMPT, as it were, out of the EXEMPTED, I would willingly be satisfied, what extraordinary Privileges these enjoyed by themselves above others of their own Order.

Of the Civil benefits, and Temporal conveniences, accruing to the State by the continuance of Abbeys.

SO much of the greatness, somewhat of the goodness of Abbeys, if possibly it may be done without prejudice to truth. Surely some pretences (plausible at least) did ingratiate them with the Politicians of that Age, otherwise Prince, and people in those days (though blinded with ignorant zeal, yet worldly-wise) would never have been gulled into so long a toleration, yea veneration of them.

2. They were an easy and cheap outlet for the Nobility and Gentry of the land, therein to dispose their younger children. That younger son who had not metal enough to manage a sword, might have meekness to become a cowl. Which cowl in short time might grow up to be a Mitre, when his merits presented him to be Abbot of his Covent. Clap a veil on the head of a younger daughter (especially if she were superannuated, not over-handsome, melancholy, &c.) and instantly she was provided for in a Nunnery, where, without cost or care of her parents, she lived in all outward happiness, wanting nothing except (perhaps) it were an husband. This was a great cause of the long continuance of the English Nobility, in such pomp, and power, as having then no temptation to torture their Tenants with racking of rents, to make provision for their younger children. Indeed, sometimes Noblemen gave small portions with their children to the Covent (not such as would prefer them in marriage to one of their own quality) but generally Abbeys were glad to accept them with nothing, thereby to engage the Parents, and Brothers of such young men and maidens, to be the constant friends to their Covent, on all occasion at Court, and chiefly in all Parliaments.

3. One eminent instance hereof we have in Ralph Nevill, first Earl of Westmorland, of that Family whom I behold as the happiest Subject of England since the Conquest, if either we count the number of his Children, or measure the height of the Honor they attained:

See we here the policy of that age, in disposing of their numerous issue. More than the tithe of them was given to the Church, and I trow the Nuns (and Abbess especially) were as good Madams as the rest, and conceived themselves to go in equipage with their other Lady-Sisters. And, no wonder, if an Earl preferred his daughters to be Nuns; seeing no King of England, since the Conquest, had four Daughters living to woman's estate, but He disposed one of them to be a Votarie. And Bridget, the fourth Daughter to King Edward the fourth, a Nun at Dartford in Kent, was the last Princesse; who entered into a Religious Order.

4. They were tolerable Tutours for the education of youth (there being a great penury of other Grammar-schools in that Age) and every Covent had one, or moe therein, who [generally gratis] taught the children thereabouts. Yea, they, who were loose enough in their own lives, were sufficiently severe in their discipline over others. Grammar was here taught, and Music, which in some sort sung her own Dirige (as to the general use thereof) at the dissolution of Abbeys.

5. Nunneries also were good She-schools, wherein the Girls, and Maids of the Neighbourhood, were taught to read and work; and sometimes a little Latin was taught them therein. Yea, give me leave to say, if such Feminine Foundations had still continued, provided no vow were obtruded upon them (virginity is least kept where it is most constrained) haply the weaker sex (besides the avoiding modern inconveniences) might be heightened to an higher perfection than hitherto hath been attained. That sharpness of their wits, and suddenness of their conceits (which their enemies must allow unto them) might by education be improved into a judicious solidity, and that adorned with Arts, which now they want, not because they cannot learn, but are not taught them. I say, if such Feminine Foundations were extant now of days, haply some Virgins of highest birth, would be glad of such places, and I am sure their Fathers, and elder Brothers would not be sorry for the same.

6. They were the sole Historians, in writing to preserve the remarkable passages of Church, and Common-wealth. I confess, I had rather any than Monks had written the Histories of our Land; yet rather than the same should be unwritten, I am heartily glad the Monks undertook the performance thereof. Indeed, in all their Chronicles one may feel a rag of a Monks cowl; I mean, they are partial to their own interest. But in that Age there was a choicelesse choice, that Monks, or none at all, should write our English Histories. Sword-men lacked learning, States-men leisure to do it: it was therefore devolved to Monks and Friers, who had store of time, and no want of intelligence, to take that task upon them. And surely that industrious Be hath in our Age merited much of posterity, having lately, with great cost and care, enlarged many Manuscripts of Monks (formerly confined to private Libraries) that now they may take the free air, and, being printed, publicly walk abroad. Mean time, whilst Monks pens were thus employed, Nuns with their needles wrote histories also; that of Christ his passion for their Altar-clothes, and other Scripture-(and moe Legend-) stories in hangings to adorn their houses.

7. They were most admirable good Land-lords; and well might they let, and set good penny-worths, who had good pounds-worths freely given unto them. Their yearly rent was so low, as an acknowledgment rather than a rent, only to distinguish the Tenant from the Land-lord. Their fines also were easy; for, though every Convent, as a body politick, was immortal, yet because the same consisted of mortal Monks for their members, and an old Abbot for the head thereof, they were glad to make use of the present time for their profit, taking little fines for long leases. As for rent-beeves, sheep, pullein, &c. reserved on their leases, Tenants both paid them the more easily, as growing on the same, and the more cheerfully, because at any time they might freely eat their full share thereof, when repairing to their Land-lords bountiful table. Insomuch, that long Leases from Abbeys were preferred by many before some Tenures of freeholds, as less subject to taxes, and troublesome attendance.

8. Their hospitality was beyond compare, insomuch that Ovid (if living in that Age) who feigned famine to dwell in Scythia, would have fancied feasting an inhabitant of English Abbeys: Especially in Christmas-time, they kept most bountiful houses. Whosoever brought the face of a man, brought with him a Patent for his free welcome, till he pleased to depart. This was the method: where he brake his fast, there he dined; where he dined, there he supped; where he supped, there he brake his fast next morning: and so in a circle. Always provided, that he provided lodging for himself at night; Abbeys having great halls, and refectories; but few chambers, and dormitories, save for such of their own society.

9. Some will object, that this their hospitality was but charity mistaken, promiscuously entertaining some, who did not need, and moe, who did not deserve it. Yea, these Abbeys did but maintain the poor which they made. For, some Vagrants, accounting the Abbey-alms their own inheritance, served an apprenticeship, and afterwards wrought journey-work to no other trade than begging; all whose children were, by their fathers copy, made free of the same company. Yea, we may observe, that generally such places wherein the great Abbeys were seated (some few excepted, where clothing began, when their Covent did end) swarm most with poor people at this day, as if beggary were entailed on them, and that laziness not as yet got out of their flesh, which so long since was bred in their bones.

10. All this is confessed; yet, by their hospitality, many an honest and hungry soul had his bowels refreshed, which otherwise would have been starved; and, better it is, two drones should be fed, than one be famished. We see the heavens themselves, in dispensing their rain, often water many stinking bogs, and noisome lakes, which moisture is not needed by them (yea, they the worse for it) only because much good ground lies inseparably intermingled with them; so that, either the bad with the good must be watered, or the good with the bad must be parched away.

11. Of all Abbeys in England, Eli bare away the bell for bountiful feastmaking, the vicinity of the fenns affording them plenty of flesh, fish, and fowl, at low rates. Hereupon the Poët,

But, with the leave of the Poëts Hyperbole, other Abbeys, as Glassenbury, S. Albans, Reading, spurred up close to Eli, which, though exceeding them in feasts (the evidence oft of a miser) yet they equalled Eli in the constant tenor of house-keeping. The mention of Reading minds me of a pleasant and true story; which, to refresh my wearied self, and Reader, after long pains, I here intend to relate.

12. King Henry the eighth, as He was hunting in Windesor Forest, either casually lost, or (more probable) willfully losing Himself, struck down about dinner-time to the Abbey of Reading. Where, disguising Himself, (much for delight, more for discovery to see unseen) He was invited to the Abbots table, and passed for one of the Kings guard, a place to which the proportion of His person might properly entitle Him. A Sir-loyne of beef was set before Him (so Knighted, saith tradition, by this King Henry) on which the King laid on lustily, not disgracing one of that place, for whom He was mistaken. Well fare thy heart, (quoth the Abbot) and here in a cup of sack I remember the health of His Grace your Master. I would give an hundred pounds on the condition I could feed so heartily on beef as you do. Alas! my weak and squeazie stomach will hardly digest the wing of a small rabbet or chicken. The King pleasantly pledged him, and heartily thanking him for His good cheer, after dinner departed, as undiscovered as He came thither.

13. Some weeks after, the Abbot was sent for by a Pursuivant, brought up to London, clapped in the Tower, kept close-prisoner, fed for a short time with bread and water. Yet not so empty his body of food, as his mind was filled with fears, creating many suspicions to himself, when, and how he had incurred the King's displeasure. At last a sir-loyne of beef was set before him, on which the Abbot fed as the Farmer of his Grange, and verified the Proverb, That two hungry meals makes the third a glutton. In springs King Henry out of a private lobbie, where He had placed Himself the invisible spectatour of the Abbots behavior, My Lord, (quoth the King) presently deposit your hundred pounds in gold, or else no going hence all the days of your life. I have been your Physician to cure you of your squeazie stomach, and here, as I deserve, I demand my fee for the same. The Abbot down with his dust, and glad he had escaped so, returned to Reading; as somewhat lighter in purse, so much more merrier in heart than when he came thence.

Presages of the approaching ruin of Abbeys.

THE wisest, and most religious amongst the Romanists, presaged, and suspected a downfall of these Covents, some years before it came to pass. For, when it was in the intention, and design of Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, to have built a Monastery; Hugh Oldham, Bishop of Exeter, dissuaded him, affirming, That such Covents possessed more already than they would long enjoy. He advised him rather to bestow his bounty, on founding some College in the University, as which was likely to last longer, and certain to do more good, promising also his own utmost assistance in so pious an undertaking. This was done accordingly, Fox being the first Founder of, and Oldham a liberal Benefactour to CORPUS CHRISTI College in Oxford.

2. Add to this, a Speech of Robert Whitgift, Abbot of Wellow (nigh Grimsbey ) in Lincoln shire (Uncle to Archbishop Whitgift ) who was wont to say, That they, and their religion (chiefly in relation to Monasteries) could not long continue, because (said he) I have read the whole Scripture over, and over, and could never find therein that our religion was founded by God. And, for proof of his opinion, the Abbot would allege that saying of our Savior, Every planting, which my heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted up. And, that he proved a true Prophet herein, the next Book will sufficiently evidence.

3. We will conclude with their observation (as an ominous presage of Abbeys ruin) that there was scarce a great Abbey in England, which (once at the least) was not burnt down with lightning from heaven.

• 1. The Monastery of Canterbury burnt Anno 1145.
• And afterward again burnt Anno 1174.
• 2. The Abbey of Croyland twice burnt.
• 3. The Abbey of Peterborow twice set on fire.
• 4. The Abbey of S. Mary's in York burnt.
• 5. The Abbey of Norwich burnt.
• 6. The Abbey of S. Edmond's-bury burnt, and destroyed.
• 7. The Abbey of Worcester burnt.
• 8. The Abbey of Gloucester was also burnt.
• 9. The Abbey of Chichester burnt.
• 10. The Abbey of Glastenbury burnt.
• 11. The Abbey of S. Mary in South-warke burnt.
• 12. The Church of the Abbey of Beverley burnt.
• 13. The Steeple of the Abbey of Evesham burnt.

I will not, with Master Fox, infer from such casualties, that God was more offended with Abbeys, than other buildings, a natural cause presenting it self of such accidents; namely, because the highest structures (whatever they are) are the fairest marks for lightning, and thunder. As if those active Meteors took the usurpation of such aspiring buildings in distaste, for entering their territory, and for offering, without leave, to invade the marches of the middle region of the air. And, if mountains of God's own advancing thither, and placing there, pay dear for their honor, and frequently feel the weight of thunder-bolts falling upon them, feriunt summos fulmina montes; no wonder if artificial buildings of men's making (whatsoever they be, Palaces, or Castles, or Churches, or Covents) have their ambition often humbled with thunder, and lightning, which casually melt and consume them.

4. Only we will add, that such frequent firing of Abbey-Churches by lightning, confuteth the proud Motto, commonly written on the Bells in their Steeples, wherein each Bell entitled itself to a sixfold efficacy;

• 1. Funera plango,
  • Men's deaths I tell
  • By doleful knell.
• 2. Fulgura Fulmina
  • frango,
    • Lightning and thunder,
    • I break asunder.
• 3. Sabbata pango;
  • On Sabbath, all
  • To Church I call.
• 4. Excito lentos,
  • The sleepy head,
  • I raise from bed.
• 5. Dissipo ventos,
  • The winds so fierce
  • I do disperse.
• 6. Paco cruentos,
  • Men's cruel rage,
  • I do asswage.

Whereas it plainly appears, that these Abbey-steeples, though quilted with Bells almost cap a pee, were not of proof against the sword of God's lightning. Yea generally, when the heavens in tempests did strike fire, the Steeples of Abbeys proved often their tynder, whose frequent burning portended their final destruction; which now, God willing, we come to relate.

Of the Essaies and Offers to overthrow Abbeys before they took effect.

GReat buildings commonly crack before they fall, to give the dwellers therein warning to depart; so was it here in Abbeys. But may we here, first premise, as an Introduction, that it was placed in the power and pleasure of Princes and great persons, their Founders, to displace & exchange particular Orders, as sometimes Monks for Nuns, and reciprocally Nuns for Monks; white for gray Friers, and gray for white, as their fancy directed them: whereof we have plenty of instances. But all this made nothing to the loss of Monkery in general, though sexes or colors of Friers were altered, the same Bells did hang still in the steeple, though rung in changes to content several people.

2. Secondly, particular Covents might be wholly dissolved upon their misdemeanor, as in Berklie Nunnery: Here a young man (left out of design by Earl Godwine ) dissembled himself to be sick, who, in short space, so acquitted himself amongst the Votaries there, that all of them, with their Abbess, (whose age might have been presumed a protection for her honesty ) were got with child: upon complaint and proof whereof unto King Edward the Confessor, they were all driven out; and their Nunnery, with large revenues, bestowed upon Earl Godwine, by the aforesaid King, who was then accounted Patron of all Abbeys, which now fallen into His hands, by this foul lapse, He bestowed, as a Lay fee, upon this new Owner, wholly altering the property thereof.

3. Thirdly, whole religious Orders might by order from the Pope be totally and finally extirpated. Here I pass by the Fratres Flagelliferi, or scourging Friers, religious Bedlams, who used publicly to whip themselves in the Marketplace, making velame of their own skins, thereon to write their follies in legible characters. I say I omit them; afterwards put down by the Pope himself: the rather because I find them not in England, or elsewhere, endowed with considerable revenues. I will insist on the Templars, whose numerous and wealthy fraternity was for their vitiousness, by the Pope, in the Council of Vienna, dissolved all over Europe, and in England all or most of their land was given to the Knights Hospitallers. This was a great shaking of all religious Orders, the plucking out of these chief threads, made a in the whole cloth; men conceiving that in process of time the whole sheaf may be broken as well as the single Arrows, seeing, perchance, other Societies led lives not more religious, but less examined.

4. But the first terrible blow in England given generally to all Orders, was in the Lay Parliament, as it is called, which did wholly Wicclifize, kept in the twelfth year of King Henry the fourth, wherein the Nobles and Commons assembled, signified to the King, that the temporal possessions of Abbots, Priors, &c. lewdly spent within the Realm, would suffice to find and sustain 150 Earls, 1500 Knights, 6200 Esquires, 100 Hospitals, more than there were. But this motion was maul'd with the King's own hand, who dashed it, personally interposing Himself contrary to that character, which the jealous Clergy had conceived of Him, that coming to the Crown He would be a great enemy to the Church. But though Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster was no friend to the Clergy, perchance to ingratiate himself with the people, yet the same Henry King of England His interest being altered, to strengthen Him with the considerable power of the Clergy, proved a Patron, yea, a Champion to defend them. However, we may say, that now the Axe is laid to the root of the tree of Abbeys; and this stroke for the present, though it was so far from hurting the body, that it scarce pierced the bark thereof, yet bare attempts in such matters are important, as putting into people's heads a feasibility of the project, formerly conceived altogether impossible.

5. Few years after, namely, in the second year of King Henry the fifth, another shreud thrust was made at English Abbeys, but it was finely and cleverly put aside by that skillful State-Fencer Henry Chichesly Archbishop of Canterbury. For the former Bill against Abbeys, in full Parliament was revived, when the Archbishop minded King Henry of His undoubted Title to the fair and flourishing Kingdom of France. Hereat, that King who was a spark in Himself, was enflamed to that design by this Prelates persuasion: and His native courage ran fiercely on the project, especially when clapt on with conscience and encouragement from a Church-man in the lawfulness thereof. An undertaking of those vast dimensions, that the greatest covetousness might spread, and highest ambition reach itself within the bounds thereof: If to promote this project, the Abbeys advanced not only large and liberal, but vast and incredible sums of money, it is no wonder if they were contented to have their nails pared close to the quick, thereby to save their fingers. Over goes K. Henry into France, with many martial spirits attending him, so that putting the King upon the seeking of a new Crown, kept the Abbots old Mitres upon their heads, and Monasteries tottering at this time, were (thank a politick Archbishop) refixed on the firm foundations, though this proved rather a reprieve than a pardon unto them, as will afterwards appear.

Of the suppression of alien Priories.

NExt followed the dissolving of alien Priories, of whose first founding and several sorts something must be observed. When the Kings of England by Conquest or Inheritance were possessed of many and great Territories in France (Normandy, Aquitaine, Picardy, &c. ) many French Monasteries were endowed with lands in England. For an English kitchen or larder doth excellently well with a French hall. And whilst foreigners tongues slighted our Island (as barren in comparison of their own Country) at the same time, they would lick their lips after the full-fare which our Kingdom afforded.

2. Very numerous were these Cells in England relating to foreign Abbeys scattered all over the Kingdom. One John Norbury erected two for his part, the one at Greenwich, the other at Lewesham in Kent. Yea, Roger de Poitiers, founded on in the remotest corner of the Land, in the Town of Lancaster; the richest of them all for annual income was that which Tuo Talbois built at Spalding in Lincoln shire, giving it to the Monks of Angiers in France, valued at no less than 878 lib. 18s. 3d. of yearly revenue. And it is remarkable, that as one of these Priories was granted before the Kings of England were invested with any Dominion in France (namely, Deorhirst in Gloucester shire, assigned by the Testament of Edward the Confessor to the Monastery of S. Denis near Paris ) so some were bestowed on those places in foreign parts, where our English Kings never had finger of power, or foot of possession. Thus we read how Henry the third annexed a Cell in Thredneedle-street in London to S. Anthony in Vienna, and near Charing-Cross there was another annexed to the Lady Runciavall in Navarre. Belike men's devotion, in that Age, looked on the world as it lay in common, taking no notice how it was sub-divided into private Principalities, but proceeded on that rule, The earth is the Lord's, and the fullness thereof, and Charity, though wandering in foreign parts, counted itself still at home, because dwelling on its proper pious uses.

3. These alien Priories were of two natures, some had Monks with a Prior resident in them, yet not Conventuall, but dative and removable ad nutum of the foreign Abbey, to which they were subservient; Others were absolute in themselves, who though having an honorary dependence on, and bearing a subordination of respect unto French Abbeys, yet had a Prior of their own, being an entire body of themselves to all purposes and intents. The former not unlike Stewards managing profits for the behoof of their Master, to whom they were re sponsible. The later resembling retainers at large, acknowledging a general reference, but not accountable unto them, for the revenues they received. Now both these kinds of Priories peaceably enjoyed their possessions here, even after the revolt of those Principalities from the Crown of England: yet so, that during open hostility and actual war betwixt England and France, their revenues were seised and taken by the King, and restored again when amity was settled.

4. But King Richard the second, and King Henry the fourth, not so fair as their predecessors herein, not only detained those revenues in time of peace, but also diverted them from their proper use, and bestowed them on some of their Lay-servants. So that the Crown was little enriched therewith: especially if it be true what Arundell Archbishop of Canterbury averred in the house of Commons to the face of the Speaker, That these Kings were not half a mark the wealthier for those rents thus assumed into their hands. And a Synod of the Clergy in the last of Henry the fourth petitioned the King, That Lay-men might not invade the possessions of alien Priories, but those Foundations might be furnished, Native English substituted in their rooms; whose request, by reason of the King's death ensuing took no effect. But this doth intimate, (though I had rather learn than teach in so dark a point) that those alien Priories still stood undissolved by Act of State, with a possibility to revert to their former use, and though the King had fastened upon their profits by his absolute power, yet as yet they were not settled and established in the Crown by Act of Parliament.

5. But in the fourth year of King Henry the fifth, in the heat and height of His Wars with France, all such Priories alien, as were not Conventuall, were by Act of Parliament dissolved, and bestowed on the King. It being conceived unsafe, that men, moving according to a foreign interest, having their affections leading them beyond the seas, and their actions following, (when befriended with secrecy) should be maintained in this Kingdom. Besides it tended to the manifest detriment of the State, that such should transport our coin and commodities into an enemies Country, without returning a proportionable profit to the Common-wealth. Other alien Priories, which were Conventuall, survived until the general mortality of English Monasteries. These alien Priories were not conceived to have such a temptation to disloyalty, as the others, having their absolute subsistence here; and though the Monks therein were strangers in respect of their birth, they were counted Naturalized in a manner in regard of their education and livelihood.

6. The dissolving of these Priories, made a dangerous impression on all the rest. Say not that English Abbeys were unconcerned, because these strangers being rather suckers than branches of their tree, their growing was a burden, and their pruning off a benefit thereunto; for though Aliens in their Country, they were Allies in their Cause, there being an affinity betwixt all religious Foundations. And now here was an Act of State for precedent, That without sin of Sacrilege such Donations might be dissolved. Use was made hereof, beyond the Kings intention, who, in this act not covetous, but politick, aiming rather to secure than enrich Himself: whereas now some Courtiers by His bounty tasting on the sweet of Abbey-lands, made their break-fasts thereon in the time of Henry the fifth, which increased their appetites to dine on the same in the days of King Henry the eighth, not so glutted, but they could sup on the reversions left in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth.

SECTION II.