Church History of Britain

SECT. II.

KKnow now in the next year, the Lord's in Parliament put in a Bill of forty four particulars against Wolsey. The most material was his exercising of power-Legative, without leave, to the prejudice of the Kings Crown and Dignity. The Bill is brought down into the House of Commons, where M ^r Cromwell, then Servant to the Cardinal, chanced to be a Burgess. Here he defended his Master with such wit and eloquence, that even those who hated the Client, yet praised the Advocate who pleaded in his behalf. This was the first time, that public notice was taken of Cromwell his eminent parts, and advantageous starting is more then half the way in the race to preferment, as afterwards in him it came to pass. As for Wolsey, though at this time he escaped with life and liberty, yet were all his goods, of inestimable value, confiscated to the King, and he outed of most of his Ecclesiastical promotions.

2. Court-favorites, when it is once past noon, it is presently night with them, as here it fared with wolsey. His enemies, of whom no want, follow the 〈◊〉 given unto him. For they beheld him, rather in a Sown, then as yet dead in the Kings favor, and feared if his submission should meet with 〈◊〉 remembrance of his former services, they might produce his full 〈◊〉 to power and dignity. The rather because the Cardinal was cun 〈◊〉 to improve all to his own advantage, and the King (as yet) not cruel, 〈◊〉 too perfect in that lesson afterwards. His enemies would not trust the Cardinal to live at London, (nor at Winchester within fifty miles thereof) but got the King to command him away to York, sending him thither, whither his conscience long since should have sent him, namely to visit his Diocese, so large in extent, and reside therein.

3. Indifferent men thought that he had enough, his Foes that too much, only himself that too little was left unto him. Pride accounts the greatest plenty, if without Pomp no better then Penury. Yet he had the whole revenues of York Arch-Bishopric (worth then little less then four thousand pounds yearly) besides a large Pension paid him out of the Bishopric of Winchester. Was not here suel enough, had thee not been too much fire within, such his covetousness and ambition?

4. Earthly Kings may make men humbled, God alone humble. Wolsey began to state it at York as high as ever before, in proportion to his contracted revenues. Preparation is made in a Princely equipage for his Installation, attracting envy from such as beheld it. All is told unto the King, and all made worse by telling it, complaining Wolsey would never leave his pride, till life first left him. His old faults are revived and aggravated, and the King incensed afresh against him.

5. The Earl of Northumberland by the Commission from the King, Arrested him of high-Treason, in his own chamber, at Cawood, By slow and short journeys he setteth forward to London, meeting by the way with contrary messages from the King; Sometimes he was tickled with hopes of pardon and preserment, sometimes pinched with fears of a disgraceful death, so that he knew not how to dispose his mind, to Mirth or Mourning. Age and anguish, brought his disease of the dysentery, the pain lying much in his guts, more in his heart. Especially aftger S ^r William Kingston was sent unto him, who being Lieutenant of the Tower seemed to carry a restraint in his looks. Coming to Leicester he died, being buried almost as obscurely as he was born.

6. I know not whether or no it be worth the mentioning here, (however we will put it on the adventure) that Cardinal Wolsey, in his life time was informed by some Fortune-tellers, that he should have his end at Kingston. This his credulity interpreted of Kingston on Thames, which made him always to avoid the riding through that Town, though the nearest way from his house to the Court. Afterwards understanding that he was to be committed by the Kings express order to the charge of S ^r Anthony Kingston, it struck to his heart, too late perceiving himself deluded by that Father of Lies in his homonymous prediction.

7. Anna Bollen did every day look fairer and fiarer in the King's eyes, whilst the hopes of his marriage with her, seemed every day farther and farther from him. For, the Court at Rome meddled not with the merits of the causse, but fell upon by-points therein of lesser concernment. Yea, they divided his case into three and twenty particulars; whereof the first was, Whether Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge with the Lady Katharine? This bare about a years debate; so that according to this proportion, King Henry would be, not only past marrying, but past living, before his cause should be decided. This news put him into a passionate pensiveness, the rather, because meeting with sadness here, many populous places in England, and Cambridge particularly, being at the present visited with the sickness.

8. But, it is an evil plague which brings nobody profit. On this occasion D ^r Cranmer retired to Waltham with two of his Pupils, the sons of M ^r Cressey (a name utterly extinct in that Town where God hath fixed my present habitation) long before the memory of any alive. But, consulting Weavers Funeral-Monuments of Waltham -Church (more truly then nearly by him composed) I find therein this Epitaph,

It seems paper sometimes in more lasting then brass; all the ancient Epitaphs in that Church being defaced by some barbarous hands, who perchance one day may want a grave for themselves.

9. The King coming to Waltham, D ^r Fox his Chaplain and Almoner (afterwards Bishop of Hereford ) is lodged in M ^r Cressy 's house: Discoursing about the Kings Divorce; Cranmer conceived that the speediest course was to prove the unlawfulness of his Match by Scripture; whence it would follow, that the Pope at first had no power to dispence therewith; and that the Universities of Christendom would sooner and truer decide the case, then the Court of Rome. This passage Fox reports to the King; who, well pleased thereat, professes that this man had the Sow by the right ear: An ear which the King never left worrying, till he had got it off, and effected his will therein: Cranmer being sent for, comes to the King, who very lovingly entertains him. Indeed he was a most comely person, having an amiable eye (and as the soul sees much by the eye, so is it much seen in them) and pleasing countenance, as by his lively Picture doth appear. Glad was the King to see, more to hear him enlarge himself on the former subject, that it was above the Popes power to dispense with God's work in the Kings case. And now what fitter Nurse for the Child, then the own Mother; what person more proper to manage this matter then Cranmer himself, who first moved it. The King resolves, and Cranmer consents he should be sent to the Pope, there to make God his possition. Leave we Cranmer for a time, preparing himself for his long journey; and come briefly to state the Kings Controversy out of God's Word, and several Authors who have written thereof.

10. It plainly appears that a marriage with a Brothers wife is unlawful, because expressly forbidden.

Such marriages are again forbidden in another Text. Nor can I render other resson of this Duplicate, whereas others are but once, that this should be twice prohibited; save, that God, foreseeing in his providence men's corrupt inclinations, prone here to climb over, did therefore think fit to make a double fence.

11. Such as inquire into the nature of this Law find it founded in Nature itself, being only declaratory of what true reason doth dictate to man. God in making this Law did not imprint a new writing in men's hearts, but only rub off some old rust from the same; wherefore it is added, Levite. 18. 27, 28. For all these abominations have the men of the Land done, which were before you, and the Land is defiled; that the Land spew not you out also, when ye defile it, as it spewed out the Nations that were before you. Surely the Land would never have vomited out the Heathen for not observing a positive precept, never immediately delivered unto them, which plainly shows it was imprinted in nature, though partly obliterated by their corrupt customs to the contrary; and their consciences in their Lucid Intervals were apprehensive thereof. This would make one the more to admire, that any should maintain, that this Law, the breach whereof made the Country to avoid her Pagan Inhabitants, should be only lex imposititia & Ecclesiastica, an imposed and Church-Law. To hear of a Church-Law amongst the Canaanites, is a strange Paradox.

12. It is objected this could not be a Law of Nature, because almost at the beginning of nature, men brake them by the consent and permission of the God of heaven: For Cain and Seth with the elder sons of Adam must be allowed to have married their own sisters, far nearer in nature then their Brothers Wife.

13. It is answered, when God first created man-kind, it was his pleasure all men should derive their original from Eve, as she from Adam. For had he made (as one may say) two distinct houses of Man-kind, what falling out and fighting, what bickering and battleing would have been betwixt them. If men nowadays descended from the loins of one general Father, and womb of one mother, are full of so fierce hatred, how many and keen may their differences be presumed, had they sprung from several Fountains, and then all their hatred would have been charged, not on their corruption, but on their Creation? God therefore (as the Apostle saith) Acts 17. 26. hath made of one blood all nations. Now in the beginning of Mankind absolute necessity gave Brethren liberty to marry their own sisters. Yea, God himself, interpretatively, signed and sealed the same with his own consent, because, his wisdom had appointed no other means without miracle, for the propagation of man-kind. But when men began to be multiplied on the earth, that necessity being removed, the light of Nature dictated unto them the unlawfulness of such marriages, and of some others more remote, as coming within the compss of Incest; though the corrupt practices of Pagans sometimes trespassed in that kind. God therefore being to give his Law to the Jews, cleared and declared that light of Nature, by his positive Law unto his people, to whom his Goodness gave a Garden, and sorbad a Tree, so inconsiderable were those few prohibited, to the many persons permitted them in marriage. For whereas there came out of Egypt and six hundred thousand men, besides children, fifty persons at the most (counting those forbidden, as well by consequence as expressly) were interdicted unto them; amongst whom one was the Marriage with a Brothers Wife. For although God Permitted this by a judicial Law ro his own people in case of raising up seed to a Brother deceased childless (the Will of God being the Law of Laws; ) yet otherwise it was utterly unlawful, as whereon God had stamped (as is aforesaid) a double Note of natural uncleanness.

14. The Law then of forbidding marriage with a Brothers Wife, being founded in nature, it was pride, and presumption in the Pope to pretend to dispense therewith. Indeed we read that the dispensation of the Gospel (to see it dealt and distributed to several persons) was committed to S ^t Paul (whose joint successor, with S ^t Peter, the Pope pretends to be) but a Dispensation from the Law of God, to free men from the same, neither Paul nor Peter ever pretended unto. Let the Pope make relaxations of such Church Canons, which merely Ecclesiastical Authority hath made, there he may have the specious power to remit the rigor thereof at sometimes, places and persons, as he apprehendeth just occasion. But let him not meddle to grant liberty for the breach of God's Law. The first Dispensation in this kind is what Satan in the Serpent gave our first Parents in Paradise, you shall not surely die; and whether the Granter had less power therein, or the receivers less profit thereby, we their woeful posterity have little comfort to decide.

15. Nor doth it anything alter the case, (what was so much controverted in the Court of Rome ) whether or no Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge of his Wife, seeing we may observe, that in the Court of Heaven Marriages bear date, not from their Copulation, but solemn Contact; And they thenceforward are esteemed Man and Wife before God. For it is provided, that if a Damsel be betrothed to Husband still remaining a Virgin, and shall be lain with by another man, both of them shall be stoned to death, and she punished for an Adulteress he for humbling his Neighbors wife. Be then the Lady Katharine known or unknown by Prince Arthur, due Benevolence is the effect, not the cause of Marriage, which was completed before God, and they two made one flesh, when solemnly joined together in the face of the Congregation.

16. Such a Marriage with a Brothers wife, thus appearing against the Law of God, it is strange that any should maintain that Publica honestas, public honesty, was the only obstacle of this marriage, which obstruction (say they) by the Popes dispensation was removed, because Publica Utilitas, the Public Profit was greater, that redounded by permitting this match, Now suppose this all the obstacle, the Position is dangerous and unfound; For, first, Christians are not sensible of utility (as falsely so called) which stands at distance with Public Honesty. Secondly, the publikness of the Profit was not adequate to the publicness of the Scandal. The Profit or State-benefit thereby, only extended to the Crowns of England and France as concerned therein; whilst the Scandal dilated itself to the People of all Christian Provinces, justly offended thereat. And although we confess, that in this respect the world is narrower to Princes then to private persons, as not affording so fit matches unto them; yet Kings have no Commission to enlarge themselves herein, by the actual breach of God's Commandment.

17. Thus far the sum of the sense of Protestants and others, no fewer then an hundred Authors, writing at this time against this Marriage, all which were produced by the King in the next Parliament. Yet very many Papists professed their judgments in print, on the contrary side, both English and outlandish Divines: and (to give them their due) brought very plausible Arguments. Of all these,

• John Holiman
• John Clerke
• Cuthbert Dunstall
• Nicholas West
  • Bishop of
    • Bristol.
    • Bath & Wells.
    • London.
    • Eli.
      • Thomas Abel
      • Edward Powel
      • Richard Featherstone Ridley
        • Englishmen, and Canonists.

• Francis Royas
• Alphonse de Veruez
• Alphonse de Castro
• Sepulveda
  • Spaniards.
    • Cardinal Cajetan
    • Louis Nugrola
      • Italians.
        • Egwinarus Baro
        • Franciscus Duarenus
        • Convanus
          • Celtae.
  • Alvarus Gometius
  • John Cochlaeus
    • Portuguese.
    • High-German.
      • Ludovicus à Schora, a Low-Countryman.

Erasmus, a greater Scholar then Divine, was very doubtful in his judgment herein. He is made by some modern Apocalyptical Commentaries to be the Angel flying 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is (as they will have it) in a middle distance betwixt Heaven and Earth which how it agrees to the Text, I know not. It alludeth well to his dubious posture betwixt different opinions in Religion, and particularly in this Controversy, sometimes being for King Henry, and sometimes against him herein.

18. Return we to Cranmer employed now in his Embassy to Rome: The state whereof lay on Thom. Boleyn, Earl of Wilt-shire, but the strength of it (as to the disputing part) on D ^r Cranmer, D ^r Stokesley, D ^r Carne, D ^r Bennet, &c. so that a little University of Learned men went along thither. These were well armed with Arguments, being to carry a challenge to all the Canonists at Rome. Coming thither, they found the Pope in his Grandetza proffering his Toe to them, which none offered to kiss, save the unmannerly Spaniel (to say no worse of him) to the Earl of Wilt -shire, whom the Jesuit calls a Protestant-Dog, for biting the Popes Toe; But let him tell us what Religion those Dogs were of, which eat up Jezebel the harlot. The Earl presented the Pope a Book of Cranmer's penning, proving God's Law indispensable with, by the Pope: A Book as welcome to his Holiness as a prison; beholding his own power therein limited and confined. Promise was made of a public Disputation, but never performed, Only the Pope (who is excellent at the making of nothing something, by the solemn giving thereof) made Cranmer supreme Penitentiary (an empty Title) throughout all his Dominions; This was only to stay his stomach for that time, in hope of a more plentiful Feast hereafter, if Cranmer had been pleased to take his repast on any Popish preferment.

19. Mean time King Henry employed his Agents to the Universities in several parts of Christendom, to found their judgments in the matter of his Marriage. Some report that Reginald Poole, then living at Paris was practiced upon by promise of preferment, to act the University there in favor of the King: but he being a perfect Katharinist declined the employment. S ^r Richard Morisin, a learned Knight, was used by the King in Germany; Edmund Bonner, afterwards Bishop of London, employed in Italy, and William Langee, a Native French-man, made use of in his own Country; so that ten of the Universities subscribed the Case, that it was above the Popes power to dispense with the positive Law of God.

• 1. Cambridge
• 2. Oxford
  • England.
• 3. Paris.
• 4. The Faculty of Paris
• 5. Orleans
  • France.
• 6. Tholouss
• 7. Anjou
• 8. Bituriges 〈◊〉 .
  • France.
• 9. Bononia
• 10. Padua
  • Italy.

Wonder not herein, at the silence of many Dutch Universities, Wittemberg, Heidelburg, Tubing, Bazil, that they interposed not their opinions herein; for these having formerly utterly exploded the Popes power, were conceived partial, and therefore incompetent Judges in this point: Wherefore the King only solicited such Universities in this his Case, which [as yet] remained in fast and firm obedience to the See of Rome.

20. Of all the Universities declaring for the Popes inability to dispence with God's positive command, most bold and daring (because largest, fullest clearest) was that of Bononia, the chief City in Romandiola, a Province of Peters Patrimony, and that City the Popes retiring place. Nor can I omit the conclusion of their Declaration. We confidently do hold and witness, that such Marriage is horrible, accursed, and to be cried out upon, and utterly abominable, not only for a Christian man, but for an Infidel, unfaithful or heathen, and that it is prohibited under grievous pains and punishments, by the Law of God, of Nature, and of man; and that the Pope, though he may do much, unto whom Christ gave the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven, hath no power to give a dispensation to any man to contract such Marriage. In witness whereof we confirm this our judgment, both under the Seal of our University, as also with the Seal of our College of Doctors of Divinity, and have subscribed it in the Cathedral Church of Bonony, this tenth of June, in the year of our Lord, 1530.

21. Sanders hath little to say against so many and clear decisions of the Universities; only he tells us, that all the Kings Agents had not equal success in their Negotiations: and particularly that one Hutton, the Kings instrument herein could not bow those of Hamborough and Lübeck, to express themselves against the Marriage. But surely these two places were only Gymnasia, for I find them not mentioned amongst the Dutch Universities. Also he saith that Richard Crook, another of the Kings Emissaries, prevailed nothing on many Germane Professors, and particularly he praiseth the University of Colen, for their recusancy therein. As for such who subscribed on the Kings side, he pretends that Bribes bought their judgments; as if our King Henry had learnt from King Solomon, that Money recompenceth all things. The best is, the cleanly hands of the Court of Rome, had never, no doubt any bribes sticking to their fair fingers. But though that Englsh- Angels flew over to foreign Universities, yet there lieth a real distinction betwixt a Bribe and a Boon, freely bestowed, not to bow and bias their opinions; but to gratify their pains, and remunerate their industry, in studying of the point.

22. As for our English Ambassadors at Rome, finding themselves only fed with delays; no wonder if they were sharp set to return home. All came back again save D ^r . Cranmer, who took a journey to the Emperors court in Vie •• a. Here he grew acquainted with Cornelius Agrippa, who had written a Book of the Vanity of Sciences, having much of the Sciences, but more of the vanity in himself. Here also he conversed with many great Divines, and satisfied some of them out of Scripture and Reason, which formerly were unresolved in the unlawfulness of the Kings Marriage.

23. A Parliament was now called, wherein the Clergy were found guilty of a Praemunire, because they had too much promoted the Papal interest, and acted by virtue of his power, to the damage and detriment of the Crown of England; whereupon being willing to redeem their whole estates forfeited by 〈◊〉 , they were glad to commute it into a sum of money: the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury alone, bestowed on the King, one hundred thousand pounds, to be paid by equal portions, in the same year, say some; in four years say others, and that in my opinion with more probability.

24. But the King would not be so satisfied with the payment of the money, except also they would acknowledge him to be Supreme Head of the Church. This was hard meat, and would not easily down amongst them, however being thoroughly debated in a Synodical way, both in the upper and lower houses of Convocation; they did in fine agree, on this expression, cujus (Ecclesiae Anglicanae) singularem Protectorem, unicum & supremum Dominum, & (quantum per Christi leges licet) supremum caput ipsius Majestatem recognoscim • s.

25. This thus consented unto, and subscribed by the hands of the Clergy, (as appears at large in the Records and Acts of the Convocation) and so presented to the King in the name of his Clergy; was afterwards confirmed by Parliament, and incorporated into a solemn Act for the ratification thereof.

26. During these transactions, William Warham, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ended his life. A politick person, well learned in the Laws, generally reputed a moderate man, though (specially towards his latter end) a still and silent persecutor of poor Christians. He was first Parson of Barly in Hertford -shire (as appears by an inscription in that Church) thence rising by degrees to great preferment. In his Will he requested his Successor not to sue his Executors for Dilapidations, as having expended some thousands of pounds in repairing his several Palaces. We verily believe his request was granted, seeing Cranmer was free from all exacting in that kind. Sede vacante, John Stokesly Bishop of London, was President in the Convocation.

27. Messengers are sent into Germany for Thomas Cranmer, to find him out, and fetch him home with all possible speed, the Arch-Bishopric of Canterbury waiting his acceptance thereof. The Post easily doth the first, but Cranmer prolonged his journey by seven weeks, at the least, hoping that in the mean time the King might forget him, and confer the place on another, being really unwilling to embrace the preferment, having aliquid intus, something within him, which reluctated against those superstitions through which he must wade in the way thereunto. But there lieth no Nolo Episcopare against King Henry his Volo te Episcopum esse; It being as mortal to refuse favors from him, as to offer injuries to him. Cranmer therefore now come home, must in his own defense be Arch-Bishop, who, to serve the King and salve his own conscience, used the expedient of a Protestation, whereof hereafter.

28. The Philosoper gives us this note of direction, whereby to find out a virtue, viz. that it is accused by both Extremes. Thus Liberality is charged by Prodigals to be Covetousness, by Covetous men to be Prodigality. By the same proportion Cranmer appears a worthy Prelate, taxed by Papists to be an Heretic, by others [no Papists] as guilty of Superstition. We will endeavor his just defense, conceiving the Protestants cause much concerned therein, the Legality of his Consecration having an influence on all the Bishops made by him, that of the Bishops making an impression on the Priests and Deacons by them ordained, and their rightful ordination, deriving validity to the Sacraments by them administered to all the members of the Church of England.

29. A Papist objects, non fuit consecratus ab ullo Episcopo, sed à solo Rege intrusus, that he was consecrated by no Bishop, but thrust in by the King alone. The falseness whereof doth appear on public Record, still to be seen in the Register, being solemnly consecrated by

• John Lincoln.
• John Exeter.
• Henry S ^t Asaph.

30. Another urgeth him uncapable of a Bishopric as debar'd by Bigamy, even by the censure of the Apostle, Let a Bishop be the husband of one wife, Cranmer being successively twice married. It is Answered, such successive marriage is no Bigamy; the Apostle only forbidding the having of many wives at once, (a fault fashionable amongst the Jews, then and many years after, by the testimony of Justine Martyr) and the same is so expounded also by S Jerome. praecipit ut sacerdotes singulas uno tempore habeant uxores.

31. But grant Cranmer guilty but of one wife at once, even that made him (as his adversaries rejoin) uncapable of the Arch-Bishopric, because Prohibited by the Canons, To which we answer, that Spiridion, S ^t . Hilary, Gregory Nazianzen, and many other Bishops, eminent for Learning and Sanctity in the Primitive times, are confessed married men by authentic Authors, in the best times accounted no bar to their Episcopal function. Yea, the Romanists are concerned to allow Cranmer a lawful Arch-Bishop, because allowing such as were Consecrated by him, as Thomas Thyrlby, Bishop of Eli, Anthony Kitchen, Bishop of Landaff, for lawful Bishops, to whom he could not derive any orders, if not legally invested therein himself.

32. Pass we now to such acceptions which a Modern writer (zealous against Popery) taketh against him, being no fewer then nine, as if he intended what they want in weight to make up in number. 1. That he took the like Oath to the Pope which his Predecessors have done, and therefore was deeply charged of perjury by Martin a Papist.

33. I Answer, he took not the like Oath. His Predecessors took it absolutely and simply. Not so Cranmer. Not that he was guilty of any clandestine equivocation or mental reservation therein, but publicly entered a solemn Protestation, remaining on Record in his office in manner and form following.

This Protestation he did not privately smother in a corner, but publicly interposed it three several times, viz. once in the Chapter-house before authentic witnesses; again, on his bended knees at the High-Altar, many people and Bishops beholding him when he was to be consecrated; and the third time, when he received his Pall in the same place.

34. Secondly, he accuseth him for having a hand in the condemnation and execution of Lambert, Frith, and other Godly Martyrs. This indeed cannot be denied. For though I am loath that Cranmer's head should (by the weight and violence of his causeless detractors) be plucked under water, where he was innocent, I will leave him to sink or swim by himself where he was guilty. Only adding, In many things we offend all.

35. His third accusation, he was a chief man in accomplishing King Henries Divorce, which occasioned much trouble, dissention, and war. But he might have remembered, which also produced the peerless Princess Queen Elizabeth, who perfected the Reformation, and by her long peaceable and victorious Reign, brought much honor, wealth and renown to our Nation. Besides, that Divorce is generally defended by Protestant writers, whose judgments this accuser will rely on when it makes for his purpose.

36. Fourth accusation, the Lincoln -shire Rebels, in their six Articles of their grievances presented to King Heary the eighth complain, that this Arch-Bishop, and other Prelates of his Graces late promotion, had subverted the Faith of Christ, &c.

37. I Answer, they were the Lincoln -shire Rebels that said it, and this their pretended subverting of the saith, was the reforming and confirming thereof; Cranmer serving the God of his Fathers in that way which they termed Heresy. Welltherefore might this cavil have been waved, good only to swell the Volume.

38. Fifth Cavil, though Matthew Parker reports (as this Delator confesses) that Cranmer opposed this act of the six Articles at first, then caused it to be moderated, and at last to be repealed in King Edwards days, but others seem to imply that he gave consent thereunto at first.

39. To this I Answer three things: First, to imply is far less then to express, and such implications are often the bare surmises of a biased apprehension. Secondly, to seem to imply, is less then to imply, nulla videntur quae non sunt. Thirdly, the Others by him mentioned, ought to have been nominated, this Author generally giving no scant measure in such wares; so that his margin (commonly over-thronged) is here quite empty of quotations. Inopem nunc copia secit. We may assure ourselves he would have alleged such Other Authors, but for several substantial reasons, whereof this was one, because he had none to allege. And shall an uncertain, un-named No body, be believed against Cranmer, before M ^r Fox, and D ^r Parkers clear testimonies in his behalf?

40. Seventh Cavil. He suffered Martyrdom, not while he was a Bishop, but when degraded and deprived. What of this? does this tend anything to the disgrace of him or his order, seeing such an injurious and violent degradation, deprived him not of his Episcopal indelible character, so that still in right he remained a Bishop?

41. Eight Cavil. He failed more in his Martyrdom, by reason of his cowardly recantation, thorough hopes of life, and restitution to his former dignity, then any of his fellow Martyrs. Answer, It is confessed: But his final constancy may well cover his intermediate failings. Better it is faintly and fearfully to bear in our body the marks of our Lord Jesus, then stoutly and stubbornly to endure the brands of our own indiscretion.

42. Last Cavil. He was condemned for high Treason, for an act done by him as an Arch-Bishop, and Counselor of State, for which he professed both his sorrow and repentance. Did he so indeed, by the confession of this his adversary? The more unworthy man his accusor, after this his sorrow and repentance to upbraid him therewith. M ^r Prynne might also remember that the two Lord chief Justices were in the same Treason (whose Education made them more known in the Laws of the Land) and our Cranmer was last and least in the fault, it being long before he could be persuaded to subscribe to the disinheriting of Queen Mary.

43. We appeal to the unpartial Reader, upon the perusal of the premisses, whither an ordinary charity, might not, yea ought not to have past by these accusations, and whether the memory of Arch-Bishop Cramner may not justly say of M ^r Prynne, as once the King of Israel, of the King of Syria, wherefore consider I pray you, and see how he seeketh a quarrel against me? Indeed so great is his antipathy against Episcopacy, that if a Seraphim himself should be a Bishop, he would either find or make some sick feathers in his wings.

44. Cranmer was now settled in his Arch-Bishopric, and the first eminent act of his office was exercised in the Kings Divorce. A Court is called in the Priory of Dunstable in Bedford -shire, as a favorable place, indifferently distanced, but five miles from Amphil, where Queen Katharine resided. With Cranmer were the Bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, and Lincoln, with many other great Prelates. These summoned Queen Katharine to appear before them, full fifteen days together, on whose refusal they not only adjudged her contumacious, but also pronounced her match with the King as null and unlawful by Scripture; and soon after it was proclaimed, that hence forward none should call her Queen, but the Dowager of Prince Arthur. And thus a few days had dispatched that Divorce, which had depended many years in the Court of Rome.

45. And now I cannot call King Henry a Bachelor, because once married; nor a married man, because having no wife; nor properly a widower, because his wife was not dead. But he therefore a single, or rather a separated person, remaining so (if at all) but a very short time, as soon after solemnly married to the Lady Anna Bollen, of whom largely hereafter.

46. Now began Elizbeth Barton to play her tricks, commonly called the holy Maid of Kent, though at this day of Kent alone is left unto her, as whose Maiden-ship is vehemently suspected, and holiness utterly denied; she was famous on a double account. First, for knowing secrets past, and indeed she could tell anything which was told her; conversing with Friars her familiars, and other folks Confessors, who revealed many privacies unto her. Secondly, she was eminent for foretelling things to come, and some of her predictions hit in the mark, procured to the rest the reputation of prophecy with credulous people. She foretold that King Henry should not be King a full twelve month, except he reassumed Queen Katharine to be his Wife.

47. I am heartily sorry that the gravity of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochechester should be so light, and the sharp sight of S ^r Thomas More so blind, as to give credit to so notorious an Impostrix, which plunged them both into the Kings deep displeesure. As for Elizabeth Bvrton, soon after she was executed, with many of her complices and complotters. The Papist at this day, unable to defend her forgery, and unwilling to confess her cheating, seek to salve all by pleading her to be distracted. Thus if succeeding she had been praised (and perchance Canonized) for her devotion; now failing she must be pardoned and pitied for her distraction.

48. We may remember, how, not long since, the Clergy did own, and recognize King Henry the eighth, for Supreme Head of the Church, which was clearly carried by a plurality of voices in the Convocation. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was the only eminent Clergy-man, who openly opposed it. One obnoxious to the Kings dispeasure, on a threefold account; first, for engaging so zealously, (above the earnestness of an Advocate) against the Kings Divorce. Secondly, for tampering with that notable Impositrix, the holy maid of Kent. Thirdly, for refusing the Oath of Supremacy, for which he was now imprisoned. Indeed this Bishop lost himself (both with his friends and his • oes) by his inconstancy at the first, seeing he who should have been as staid as the Tower, was as wavering as the Weather-cock, neither complying with the King, nor agreeing with himself; but would and would not, acknowledge the Kings Supremacy. But at last he fixed himself on the negative, and resolutely continued therein till the day of his death, of whom more largely hereafter.

49. The Clergy in the Province of York did also for a long time deny the Kings Supremacy. Indeed the Convocation of York hath ever since struck Talies with that of Canterbury, though not implicitly) unanimously post-concurring therewith; But here they dissented, not because more Knowing in their judgments, or tender in their consciences, but generally more superstitious, and addicted to Popery. Insomuch that they sent two LETTERS to the King (I conceive them written, one from the upper, the other from the lower house of Convocation) wherein they acquainted his Highness with their judgments, (interlacing many expressions of general submission) and their Reasons in a large discourle, why they could not acknowledge him to be Supreme Head of the Church.

50. Give me leave to suspect Edward Lee, Arch-Bishop of York, for a secret fomentor of this difference. He was a virulent Papist, much conceited of his own Learning, (which made him to write against Erasmus) and a persecutor of Protestants; witness John Bale, convented before him for suspicion of heresy, who in vain earnestly pleaded Scripture in his own defense, till at last he casually made use of a distinction out of Scotus, which the Arch-Bishop more valued, then all which he had before more pertinently alleged out of the Old and New Testament.

51. King Henry wrote a fair and large Letter to the Convocation of York, too long here to be inserted, (though otherwise I have a good Copy thereof) wherein the King began mildly to make the passage for his Supremacy into their consciences, by a Rational and Argumentative way. He disclaimed all design by fraud to surprise, or by force to captivate their judgments, but only to convince them of the Truth, and Equity of what he desired. He declavered the sense of Supreme Head of the Church, (though offensive in the sound to ignorant ears) claiming nothing more thereby, then what Christian Princes in the Primitive times assumed to themselves, in their own Dominions, so that it seems he wrought so far on their affections, that at last they consented thereunto.

52. Here I wonder at the cavil of the Papists, which being so causleses, should be so clamorous, accusing us to have a Parliament Religion, a Parliament Faith, a Parliament Gospel; and another addeth Parliament Bishops, and a Parliament Clergy. Whereas upon serious examination it will appear, that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion, save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations, or grounded on some Act of theirs, praecedent to it, with the advice, counsel, and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church-men; confirmed upon the Postfact, and not otherwise, by the Civil Sanction, according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity.

53. By the same proportion in the days of Queen Mary the Popish Religion, might have been styled a Parliament Religion, because after the same had been debated on, and concluded of in the Convocation, it was confirmed by the Queen, Lord's and Commons, by the Act of Parliament.

SECT. III.

1. NOw though nothing was done in matters of Religion, but what was fairly and largely discussed; first by the most Learned of the Clergy; yet this year the Clergy in the Convocation so submitted themselves to the King, that each one severally promised in verbo Sacerdotis, never henceforth to presume to allege, claim, or put in ure, any new Canons, unless the Kings most Royal Assent might be had unto them, and this soon after the same was ratified by Act of Parliament.

2. And here it will be worth my pains, and the Readers perusal to observe the differences between English Synods or Convocations, which may eminently be distinguished into four ranks, such as were,

• 1. Called before the Conquest.
• 2. Called since the Conquest, but before the Statute of Praemunire was made.
• 3. Called after the aforesaid Statute, but before another made in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, wherein the Clergy were bound up, for doing ought, without the Royal assent.
• 4. Called after the twenty fifth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth.

These did plainly differ in the several manners of their meeting, and degrees of power, of their acting in Spiritual matters.

3. As for Councils, called before the Conquest, whilst the Popes power, had not as yet Lorded it over the Kings of England, the Kings ever were (if not in person) in power present thereat; as by perusing S ^r Henry Spelmans Councils plainly doth appear. Yea, matters both of Church and Common-wealth were often dictated and concluded in the same Meeting, Communi consensutam, Cleri quam Populi Episcoporum, procerum, comitam, nec non omnium Sapientum, Seniorum populorum{que} totius Regni.

4. For the second sort (called after the Conquest, but before the Statute of Praemunire) the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury or York, used-upon all extraordinary, and immergent cases, toties, quoties, as their own discretions adjudging necessary or convenient, to assemble the Clergy of their respective Provinces, at what place they pleased, dontinuing Convocations in them so long, or dissolving them, as soon as they pleased. And this they did, either as Metropolitans, or Primates, or as Legati Nati to the Pope of Rome, without any leave from the King afore obtained, and such Canoas, and Constitutions then and there concluded on, were in that Age (without any further Ratification) obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction. Such were all the Synods from Lanckfranck to Thomus Arundel, in whose time the Satute of Praemunire was enacted.

5. A Third sort of Convocation succeeds: For after the Statute of Praemunire was made, (which did much restrain the Papal power, and subject it to the Laws of the Land) when Arch-Bishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command, but at the pleasure of the King, as oft as his necessities and occasions with the distresses of the Church did require it. Yea, now their meetings were by virtue of a Writ or Precept from the King, and it will not be amiss here to exemplify the form thereof.

7. In this Writ we may observe, first, that from the word Convocari faciatis, the word Convocation took its denomination, being formerly called Synods, as lately (since our Scotizing) termed Assemblies. Secondly, that clause, in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis, pointeth at a power placed, or rather a Liberty left to the Arch-Bishops, to call their Synods elsewhere, in case they adjudged it more convenient. But because the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, might the better attend their business in Parliaments (henceforward commonly kept at the same time with Convocations) S ^r Paul's in London was generally preferred for the place of their convention. Thirdly, this Writ was used even after the Reformation, mutatis mutandis, namely, the title of Apostolical Legate to the Arch-Bishop being left out, as also the names of Priors, and Abbots are extinguished. Lastly, of this third Sort of Convocations, was all those kept by Thomas Arundel and the ArchBishops of Canterbury his successors, unto Thomas Cranmer; or if you will, from the sixteenth of Richard the second, unto the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth. These Convocations did also make Canons (as in Lynwood his Constitutions do appear) which were binding, although none other, then Synodical authority did confirm them.

8. The last sort of Convocations remains, called since the Statute, the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth, that none of the Clergy should presume to attempt, allege, claim, or put in ure, any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial, or Synodals, or any other Canons, Constitutions, or Ordinances Provincial, (by whatsoever name or names they may be called) in their Convocation in time coming; (which always shall be assembled by the Kings Writ) unless the same Clergy may have the Kings most Royal Assent and Licence to make, promise and execute such Canons, Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial, or Synodical, upon pain of everyone of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act, and thereof convicted, to suffer imprisonment, and making Fine at the Kings will. Since this year, from Arch-Bishop Cranmer to Arch-Bishop Laud, all Convocations (so long as they lasted) are born tongue-tied, till the King did cut the string thereof with his Letters Patent, allowing them leave to debate on matters of Religion. Otherwise, what they conclude, are arrows without piles; daggers without points; too blunt to pierce into the practice of others, but sharp enough to wound themselves, and bring them within the compass of a Praemunire. Yea, even such Convocations with the Royal assent, subject not any (for recusancy to obey their Canons) to a civil penalty in person or property, until confirmed by Act of Parliament

9. This I humbly conceive to be the difference betwixt the three kinds of Convocations, submitting what I have written to the censure and correction of the Learned in the Law, conscious of my own ignorance therein, as indeed such skill neither is to be expected or required in one of my profession, who am ready with willingness, yea, with cheerfulness, yea, with thankfulness to God and man, publicly to recall, and retract what any such convince me to have mistaken herein; hoping that my stumbling in so dark a subject, may prevent the failing of others.

10. There goeth a tradition (taken up by many without examination) that anciently the Clergy sat as one body with the Parliament, and were not divided till in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, as a modern Author hath written in a Tract. But when I asked of Him, where he had read the same, he cited a French Letter of Cardinal Sadolets. Strange that a Foraigner should be more seeing herein, then any of our Native Authors and Records that I ever could behold. But it may be, the Error had its Original hence, because anciently Bishops sitting in the Parliament, did not always appear personally, or by the proxie of men of their own order, but sometimes sent one or more of the inferior Clergy to represent them, if it be true what I have read in a small English book, bearing the name of M ^r Selden (but I question whether avowed by him) of the proceedings in Parliament.

11. John Fryth sealed the Truth with his blood, one who justly may be said aged sixty at six and twenty (so young was he Martyred) such his learning, gravity, and constancy. It was chiefly charged on him, that he denied the believing of the real presence in the Sacrament (understand him de modo; thereof) to be an Article of the Faith, though confessing Christ really present, in the bread, so he might not be compelled to the worshipping thereof. But these things are set down largely in M ^r Fox. Only I will add, that persons out of groundless suggest two scandals on this good man, and his wives memory. One that he was guilty of some practice against the State, merely because he was committed to the Tower. The other that his wife being beyond the Seas with M ^r Tyndale, expressing himself, content with the will of God, that for her sake she would not have the glory of God hindered, desired to be rid of her husbands life, that M ^r Tyndale might the more freely enjoy her company. Thus this Jesuit, being himself a Bastard, measureth others by the chastity of his own Parents. Indeed the aforesaid Tyndale much exhorted Fryth to patient suffering, but not as those Cowardly Captains, which encourage others to fight, and themselves forsake the field, because afterwards he valiantly brought up the rear, and suffered for the same cause two years after.

12. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was now prisoner in the Tower, where he was but coarsely used, as appears by a Letter to M ^r Secretary Cromwell.

His first petition for clothes was granted him, (having exchange thereof at his execution) and it is probable the other two petitions being so reasonable were not denied him.

19. During his durance in the Tower, he was often and strictly examined, before Sir Edmund Walsingham Lieutenant thereof, by Thomas Bedyll, and Richard Layton Clerks of the Council, and was sworn in verbo Sacerdotii, to answer to many Interrogatories, but chiefly concerning four subjects.

• First, about the King 's Divorce; wherein he was always constant to what he had printed of the unlawfulness thereof.
• Secondly, about His Supremacy, which (at last) he peremptorily denied.
• Thirdly, about his concealing the Imposture of Elizabeth Barton, the Maid of Kent; wherein, he confessed his weakness, and over-easy belief; but utterly denied any ill Intentions to the King 's Person.
• Fourthly, about the Statute of Succession, wherein (as appears by his Letter to Secretary Cromwell ) he was content to subscribe, and swear to the body, but not to the Preamble thereof.

20. Which words therein, so offensive to Fisher ( except there be any other unprinted Preface to this Statute) were these: The Bishop of Rome and See Apostolic, contrary to the great and inviolable grants of Jurisdiction by God immediately to Emperors, Kings, and Princes, in Succession to their Heirs hath presumed in times past to invest, who should please them to inherit in other men's Kingdoms and Dominions: which thing we Your most humble Subjects, both Spiritual and Temporal, do most abhor and detest.

21. Here I know not whether more to commend the policy or charity of Archbishop Cranmer desiring in a Letter to Secretary Cromwell that this partial subscription which Bishop Fisher proffered, to the Statute of Succession, might be accepted: adding that good use mighe be made thereof, to the King 's advantage, such general reputation the World had of this Bishop 's Learning, and of Sir Thomas Moore 's: both which, it seems, went the same path and pace, and in this point, started, 〈◊〉 , and stop'd together. Indeed, it was not good to strain such fine springs too high, which possibly moistened with mild usage, might in process of time, have been stretched to a further compliance. But, it seems, nothing at present would satisfy, except both of them came up to the full measure of the King 's demands.

22. As for Bishop Fisher his concealing the pretended Prophesies of Elizabeth Barton, it was so far waved, that he was never indicted for the same. And indeed he made an ingenuous Plea for himself; namely, that the said Elizabeth had told him, she had acquainted the King therewith; yea, he had assurance thereof from the Archbishop. And therefore, knowing the King knew of it; before, he he was loath to hazard His displeasure in that, which was not revealing what was unknown, but repeating what would be unwelcome to His Grace.

23. But not long after, he was arreigned of high Treason, and it will not be amiss to insert the sting of the Indictment out of the Original.

DIversis Domini Regis veris, subditis false malitiose & proditorie loquebatur & propalabat videlicet. The King owre Sovereign Lord is not Supreme Hed ynerthe of the Cherche of England. In dicti Domini Regis immund. despect. & vilipendium manifest.

Of this he was found guilty, had Judgment, and was remanded to the Tower, where, for a time, we leave him, and proceed. 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉

24. Thus was the power of the Pope totally abolished out of England, whereof the Romanists at this day do bitterly complain, but can revenge themselves no other way, save by aspersing us as guilty of Schism and Separation for rending ourselves from the Mother-Church. Blame us not, if loath that the Church of England (in whose Doctrine and Discipline we were born, and bred, and desire to die ) should lie under so foul and false an Imputation, which by the following Narrative may fully be confuted.

25. Three things are Essential to justify the English Reformation, from the scandal of Schism, to show, that they had

• 1. Just cause for which
• 2. True authority by which
• 3. Due moderation in what
  • they deceded from Rome.

26. The first will plainly appear, if we consider the abominable Errors, which contrary to Scripture and Primitive practice were then crept into the Church of Rome. As the denying the Cup to the Laity; Worshipping of Images; locking up the Scriptures in Latin, and performing prayers in an unknown Tongue, with the monstrosity of Transubstantiation, inexcusable practices. Besides, the Behemoth of the Pope 's Infallibility, and the Leviathan of his Universal Jurisdiction, so exclaimed against by Gregory the great, as a Note of Anti-Christ.

27. Just cause of Reformation being thus proved, proceed we to the Authority by which it is to be made. Here we confess the most regular way, was by order from a Free and General Council, but here alas no hope thereof. General it could not be, the Greeks not being in a capacity of repairing thither; nor Free, such the Papal Usurpation; For before men could try the Truth, hand to hand, by dint of Scripture (the Sword and Buckler thereof, by God 's appointment ) the Pope took off all his Adversaries, at distance, with (those Guns of Hellish Invention ) his Infallibility and Universal Jurisdiction, so that no approaching his presence to oppose him, but with certainty of being pre-condemned.

28. Now seeing the Complaints of the conscientious in all Ages, against the Errors in the Romish Church, met with no other entertainment than frowns and frets, and afterwards fire and fagot, it came seasonably into the minds of those who steered the English Nation, to make use of that power which God had bestowed upon them. And seeing they were a National Church under the civil command of one King, He by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation, and great Council in Parliament, resolved to reform the Church under His inspection from gross abuses crept into it, leaving it free to other Churches either to follow His example, or continue in their former condition: and on these terms was the English Reformation first advanced.

29. But the Romanists object, that England being first converted to Christianity, by the zeal and care of the Church of Rome, (when Pope Gregory the great sent Augustine over to preach here) cannot, not only without great Ingratitude, but flat Undutifulnesse depart from the Church which first taught it true Religion.

It is answered, First, this Argument reacheth not west of Severne into Wales, where the ancient Britain's by general confession, were converted before the time of Augustine.

Secondly, this first favor received from Rome, puts not on England so strict and servile an obligation of perpetual continuance, that she may and must not serve God without asking her leave. It ties England only to a fair and grateful respect, which she always tendered, till the Insolency of the Church of Rome, made Us unwilling to pay, and Her unworthy to receive it.

Thirdly, some strength may be allowed to this Objection, if Rome could be proved the same in Doctrine and Discipline, when under the Reign of King Henry the eighth, England divided itself from it, with Rome, when in the time of Gregory the great, it was converted by God 's blessings on his endeavors. But since that time the Church of Rome hath been much corrupted in Opinions and practice, easy to prove, but that it is not the set work of our History.

30. But again the Papists object, that the most judicious Protestants do ingeniously confess, that the Church of Rome maintaineth all the Fundamentals of Religion. England therefore cannot be excused from Schism, for dividing from that Church, which, by their own confession, still retaineth the true Foundation of Christianity.

31. It is answered: if some Protestants be so civil in their censures on Papists, it appears thereby, though they have left Rome, they have not lost their courtesy, nor their Charity. But grant (which is disputable) the Errors of the Church of Rome not Fundamental, they are Circa-Fundamental, grating on the very Foundation. Besides, we are bound to avoid, not only what is deadly, but what is hurtful; not only what may destroy the life, but what may prejudice the health of our Souls.

But our Adversaries persist to object, that our Reformation took its rise, from King Henry 's pride, to pluck down a Power which crossed His designs, from His covetousness to compass the Revenues of Abbey, and from His wantonness, to exchange His old Embracings, for new ones. Well therefore may the English blush at the Babe, when they behold its Parents, and be ashamed of their Reformation, considering the vicious Extraction thereof.

Answ. Malice may load the Memory of K. Henry about His demerit; yet grant the charge true, that bad inclinations first moved Him to the Reformation, yet He acted therein nothing, but conformable to the Law Divine and Human. It is usual with God 's wisdom and goodness, to suffer Vice to sound the first Alarum to that fight, wherein Virtue is to have the Victory. Besides, King Henry 's Reformation hath since been Reformed, by successive Princes of England, who cannot justly be taxed with any vicious reflection therein.

32. It remaineth that we take notice of the moderation of the Reformers, who being acted not with an Opposition to all which the Papists practiced, but with an Affection to Truth, disclaimed only the Ulcers and Sores, not what was sound of the Romish Church, retaining still what was consonant to Antiquity, in the Four first General Councils.

33. Matters thus ordered, had the Romanists been pleased to join with us, there had been no complaining of Schism either in their Streets, or ours. But such their pride and peevishness, to persist obstinate, to this day incense many people (who listen more to the loudness, than weigh the justness of Complaints ) accusing us of willful Separation; But the Premises well considered, England may say to Rome, Pharez, the breach be upon thee, who (with Athaliah, crying Treason, treason, being herself the prime Traytour ) taxeth us with Schism, when she the only Schismatic.

34. We enter now on a subject, which we must not omit, such is the concernment thereof, in our History; yet which we cannot complete, so intricate the nature thereof, and so short and doubtful our intelligence therein; namely, to give a general estimate (particulars being impossible) of the Papal Revenues of England.

35. Here be it premised that I humbly conceive, the Pope 's Income ran the highest in England under King Henry the third, and King Edward the first, before the Statute of Mortmaine (and after it that of Premunire ) was made, for these much abated his Intrado. And although, I deny not, but under King Henry the eighth, he might receive more Money, (as then more plentiful in England ) yet his profit formerly, was greater, if the standard of Gold and Silver be but stated proportionably.

36. However, the vast sums Rome received hence at the time of Reformation, will appear by the ensuing commodities. For, first Agnus Dei 's, this is here set by Synecdoclie, to signify all Popish Trinkets, Medals, consecrated Beads, &c. which I as little know what they be, as Papists, why they use them: Of these were yearly brought over from Rome, into England, as many, as would fill the shop of a Habberdasher of Holy Wares. Now, though their prices were not immediately paid into the Pope 's purse, but to such his subordinate Officers who traded therein; Yet they may be accounted part of the Papal Revenues (the King hath what the Courtiers have by His consent ) and if such trading was not permitted unto them, the Pope must either abate of his Traine, or find his Officers other ways of subsistence.

37. Secondly, for Annates, so called, because they were the entire Revenues of one Yeare (in the nature of first Fruits ) which the Bishops and inferior Clergy paid to the Pope; We have no light concerning the latter, but can present the Reader with an exact account, what every Bishop in England, (new elected or translated to a See ) paid at his entrance to his Holiness.

In this account [F] stands for Florenes, being worth 4s—6d. in our English money. [D] for single Ducats sufficiently known for 8 shillings. Lincolns, not being valued, I behold as a me • casual omission in this Catalogue; but can render a reason, why Rochester not rated, who being accounted as Chaplain, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, (and anciently in his Donation ) may be supposed valued in the high valuation of his Patron. That Bath and Wells then so high in Wealth, should be so low in first Fruits (whereat my Author wonders) plainly shows that Favor was fashionable, (as in all other Courts, so) in the Court of Rome. The rest of the English Bishoprics were not in being, before the Reformation.

39. Thirdly, by Appeals; The Pope having learned this policy from the Council of Jethro to Moses, every Great thing they shall bring unto thee; but every Small matter they ( viz: the 70 Elders ) shall Judge; reserved to himself the definitive sentence in all high Controversies, which brought no small profit unto him.

40. Fourthly, by K. Athelph 's Pension given by him to the Pope, Anno 852. whereof largely before; A distinct payment from Peter pence, (with which some confound it) as stinted to three hundred Marks; whereas the other were casual, and increased according to the number of Houses.

41. Fifthly, for Dispensations. Oh the charity of the Pope, to lay heavy Burdens on men's consciences, (without command from God 's Word ) too heavy for them to bear! but then so merciful he was, for Money to take them off again; thus Licences to marry within degrees forbidden; for Priests [base] Sons, to succeed their Fathers in a Benefice, and a hundred other particulars brought yearly a Nemo scit, into the Papal Treasury.

42. Sixthly, Indulgencies are next, though I know not how essentially distinguished from Dispensations, nor dare warrant the distinction, that the former was against, the other above Canon Law. As when Abbeys, and other places were freed from Episcopal Jurisdiction, and many other Privileges and Exemptions both personal and conventual.

43. Seventhly, by Legatine Levies, these though not Annual, yet came [almost] as often, as the Pope 's needs, or covetousness would require them.

44. Eighthly, Mortuaries, due, at the death of great Prelates, though, I find not in what manner and proportion they were paid.

45. Ninthly, Pardons; He saveth his credit the best, who makes no conjecture at the certainty of this Revenue. And though the Pope, (as then too politick openly to confess his profit by granting; so since ) be too proud publicly to bemoan his loss, by stopping of these Pardons, yet is he secretly and sadly sensible of a great emptiness in his Treasure thereby.

46. Tenthly, Peter-pence succeed, granted by Ina, King of the West Saxons to Pope Gregory the second, Anno 626. It was a penny paid for every Chimney that smoaked in England, which in that Hospital Age had few smoaklesse ones; the device of Cypher Tunnels or mock-Chimneys merely for uniformity of building, being unknown in those days. Indeed, before the Conquest, such only paid Peter-pence, who were worth thirty pence in yearly revenue, or half a mark in goods, but afterwards it was collected generally of all solvable Housekeepers, and that on most heavy penalties.

47. Now though none can tell what these amounted to, yet conjecture may be made, by descending to such proportions, which no rational man will deny. Allowing nine thousand Parishes (abating the odd hundreds ) in England and Wales, a hundred houses in every Parish, two chimneys in every house, one with another, it ariseth unto a yearly sum of seven thousand five hundred pounds. Here I say nothing of the intrinsical value of their Penny, worth two pence in our Age.

48. Eleventhly, Pilgrimages follow, many persons of quality going yearly to Rome, sometimes perchance with bare feet, but never with empty hands. But the Pope 's principal harvest was in the Jubile (which of late recurred every five and twenty years ) when no fewer than two hundred thousand strangers have been counted at Rome at once. Of these, more than the tenth part may be justly allowed English, it being always observed, that distance increaseth devotion; and the farthest off, the forwardest, in Will-worship of this nature.

49. Twelfthly, we conclude with Tenths, and on what Title they were paid to the Pope, largely hereafter.

50. Here we speak not of the accidentals, as Legacies bequeathed by the deaths of Princes and great Persons, and other Casualties, and Obventions; Sixtus the fourth being wont to say, that a Pope could never want Money, while he could hold a Pen in his hand; (understand him to grant general Indulgencies ) though Luther 's holding a pen in his hand, hath since much marred his Mart herein. Now certainly Demetrius could tell better, what was gotten by making silver Shrines for Diana, than S. Paul himself: and while some Protestants compute the Papal profit, to be a hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum, some more, some less, (but all making it above the King 's Revenues ) they do but state his Income at random.

51. Only Polidore Virgil, if alive, and willing, were able to give a certain account of the Peter pence, (a good guess at the rest of Papal Revenues ) knowing them, as well, as the Beggar knows his dish, as holding the Bason into which they were put, being Collector general of Peter pence all over England. But this Italian was too proud to accept them as gratuities, (in which nature they were first given) but exacted them in the notion of a Rent and Tribute due to the Pope his Master.

52. This is that Polidore Virgil, who was Dignitary of the Cathedral of Wells, (and, as I take it, Archdeacon of Taunton ) on the Choir whereof he bestowed Hangings flourished with the Laurel Tree, and as I remember, wrote upon them,

But would he had spared his benefaction to the Church of Wells, on condition he had been no Malefactor to the Church of England, yea, to Religion and Learning in general, if it be true what commonly is reported.

53. For he wrote a Latin History of Britain, from the Original of the Nation, until Anno Dom. 153. the year of King Henry the eighth, out of many rare Manuscripts, which he had collected together. Now, partly to raise the reputation of his own Writings, (that he might seem no lazy Transcriber ) partly, to render himself out of the reach of confutation (being suspected not over-faithful in his Relation ) he is said to have burnt all those rare Authors, which he could compass into his possession. Thus Tyrant-like he cut down those stairs whereby he ascended the Throne of his own knowledge. If this be true, the World may thank Polidore Virgil, for his work, de Inventione Rerum; but have cause to chide, (not to say, curse ) his Memory, for his Act de Perditione Librorum.

54. I have met with a paper of Verses, which like a two-edged Sword cut on both sides, plainly at Polidore Virgil, but obscurely at a later Plagiary, and in my opinion, not unworthy to be inserted.

Who this second Plagiarie was, complained of for plundering Leyland, if the Reader cannot conjecture, I will not tell, such the honor I bear to his admirable performances, though herein not to be excused.

55. Papal power thus extinguished in England; it is worth our enquiry, where the same for the future was fixed, which we find, not entirely settled in any One, but according to justice, and equity, divided amongst many Sharers therein.

56. And first, Give unto God the things which are God's. What the Pharisees said, was true in the Doctrine, though false in the Use thereof, (as applied to our Savior whom they mistook for a mere man Who can forgive sins but God alone? ) This paramount power no less blasphemously than arrogantly usurped by the Pope, claiming an absolute and authoritative pardoning of Sins, was humbly and justly restored to the high God of Heaven.

57. Restitution was made to the second Person in the Trinity, of that Universal jurisdiction over the whole Church as belonging to Christ alone, who is the Sheepherd and Bishop of our souls, and a badge of Antichrist for the Pope proudly to assume the same.

58. To the Holy Ghost was restored that Infallibility, which to him doth properly pertain, as being the Spirit of Truth, which neither will deceive, nor can be deceived, and which hath promised to lead his Church in general into all Truth; but never fixed any inerrability, on any particular person, or succession of single persons whatsoever.

59. And now give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar 's. The King comes to claim His own right, what the Kings of Judah (his Predecessors in Sovereignty ) had by the Word of God, and Christian Emperors by the practice of the Primitive times, did possess. In order whereunto the Parliament did notify and declare, that Ecclesiastical power to be in the King, which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded. Yet so, that they reserved to themselves (besides other privileges which we leave to the Learned in the Law ) the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical; so that the person or property of Refusers, should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament.

60. Of this power thus declared in the King, part thereof He kept in Himself, as to call, and dissolve Convocations at His pleasure; to grant or deny them Commission to debate of Religion; to command Archbishops and Bishops to be chosen in vacant Sees; to take order for the due Administration of the Word and Sacraments.

61. The other part of power Ecclesiastical, the King passed over to the Archbishop of Canterbury, as His Substitute; first, to grant Faculties in cases not repugnant to the Law of God, necessary for Honor and Security of the King, formerly wont to be remedied in the See of Rome. Secondly, to determine Causes Ecclesiastical in his Court, whence lay an Appeal to the Court of Delegates, &c.

62. The representative Clergy had power by the King's leave, to make Canons and Constitutions, whilst each Bishop in his respective Diocese, Priest in his Parish, were freer than formerly in execution of their Office, acquitted from Papal dependence.

63. Lastly, every English Lay-Man, was restored to his Christian Birth right, namely, to his judgment of practical discretion (in perusing the Scriptures in his own Language) formerly swallowed up in the Ocean of the Pope's Infallibility. Thus on the depluming of the Pope every bird had his own feather: in the partage whereof, what he had gotten by sacrilege, was restored to God; what by Usurpation, was given back to the King, Church, and State; what by Oppression, was remitted to particular Christians.

SECTION III.

FOR twelve Moneths had Bishop Fisher (formerly condemned) now lived in durance, and so was likely to continue, until (in all probability) his soul at the same time, should be freed from two Prisons, I mean, that of his body, and that of the Tower. For, his life could do the King no hurt, whose death might procure Him hatred, as of one generally pitied for his age, honored for his learning, admired for his holy conversation. Besides, it was not worth the while, to take away his life, who was not only mortalis, as all men; and mortificatus, as all good men; but also moriturus, as all old men, being past seventy six years of age. But now an unseasonable act of the Pope accelerated his execution, in making him Cardinal of S. Vitalis; a title which Fisher so little affected, that he professed, If the Hat lay at his feet, he would not stoop to take it up.

2. His Holiness could not have studied a more destructive way against Fisher 's life, than to fasten this injurious favor upon him. This heightened the King's anger into fury against him. He expounded the Pope's act, or rather the act expounded itself (as capable of no other comment) as done in his defiance, and therefore a Warrant is sent to the Lieutenant for his execution. Let not the Reader grudge his pains, if we describe this Bishop, from his cradle, to (I cannot say his coffin, or winding-sheet, being made to believe he had neither, but) his grave: The rather, because I collected the same out of his Manuscript-life, compiled by Richard Hall, of Christ College in Cambridge, and communicated unto me by a worthy friend. Only be it premised, that the same Hall was a stiff Roman Catholic, and therefore accordingly must abatement be made in his relations.

3. This John Fisher, born at Beverly in York shire, of Robert, his Father (a wealthy-man, and a kind of Merchant) Anno 1459, was by his Parents sent to Cambridge to have his education in Michael House, under Mr. William Melton, his Tutor.

• Admitted 1484.
  • Commenced
    • Bachelor Master
      • of Arts
        • 1488.
        • 1491.
          • made
            • Proctor 1495.
            • Doctor 1502.
            • Master of the House, thereabouts.

• Bishop of Rochester 1504.
• Chancellor of Cambridge
  • chosen 1505.
  • confirmed, 1514.

He was Chaplain, and Confessor to the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, at whose instance, and by whose advise, She founded, and endowed Christ's • , and S. John 's- College in Cambridge. Employed in building of the latter (her posthume College of S. John 's) and effectually advancing that work, he wanted the accommodation of a convenient Lodging, when Dr. Thomas Wilkinson, President of Queens College, opportunely departed this life: and that Society requested Bishop Fisher to succeed in his place, which he gratefully accepted, faithfully discharged, and thereby had the advantage to finish his new College in the less time, to his greater contentment.

4. Here I meet with two descriptions of Fisher, as contrary each to other, as the Religions of the two Describers, whereof the one was a rigid Papist, the other a zealous Protestant:

For mine own part, I conceive no Covetousness (much less such Sacrilege) can be charged on Fisher 's account, it being notoriously known, that King Henry the eighth (Who formerly favored him) proffered to remove him from Rochester, to Lincoln, or Eli, (treble the other in Revenue) which Fisher refused, both in word, and print; Habeant alii (saith he) proventus pinguiores &c. being used to say, He would not change his little old wife, to whom he had been so long wedded, for a wealthier.

5. It is no wonder if a Papist, and a Protestant, cannot agree about Fisher 's character, when we find two stiff Papists at a vast distance about his Estate. Hall, as is aforesaid, makes him very wealthy, which is not improbable, considering, he had a paternal bottom, whereon; competency of revenue, wherewith; long continuance of time, wherein; and commendable frugality, whereby to build an estate. Not to speak that he served a good Mistress, the Lady Margaret, known to have rich coffers, and her Confessor could command the keys thereof. But on the contrary, Sanders makes him as poor as Job; insomuch, that Soldiers coming to seise on his supposed wealth, found (what was quickly told) nothing at all belonging to him, save a great barred-chest. These, from the facing of Iron, concluded the lineing thereof Silver at least: and, having broken it open, found nothing therein but Sackcloth, and a Whip; which put them all to penance, and soundly lashed their covetous expectation. But, leaving his life, come we now to the manner of his death.

6. After the Lieutenant of the Tower had received the Writ for his execution, because it was then very late, and the Prisoner asleep, he was loath to disease him from his rest. But in the morning, before five of the clock, he came to him in his chamber, in the Bell-Tower, finding him yet asleep in his bed, and waking him, told him, He was come to him on a message from the King, to signify unto him, that His pleasure was he should suffer death that forenoon. Well! ( quoth the Bishop ) if this be your errand, you bring me no great news, for I have looked a long time for this message, and I must humbly thank His Majesty, that it pleaseth Him to rid me from all this worldly business. Yet, let me by your patience sleep an hour or two, for I have slept very ill this night, not for any fear of death, I thank God, but by reason of my great infirmity, and weakness.

7. The King's pleasure is farther (said the Lieutenant) that you shall use as little speech as may be, especially of anything touching His Majesty, whereby the people should have any cause to think of Him, or His proceedings otherwise than well. For that (said he) you shall see me order myself, as, by God's grace, neither the King, nor any man else, shall have occasion to mislike of my words. With which answer the Lieutenant departed from him, and so the Prisoner, falling again to rest, slept soundly two hours, and more; And, after he was awaked, called to his man to help him up. But first commanded him, to take away his shirt-of-hair (which customably he wore) and to convey it privily out of the house; and, instead thereof, to lay him forth a clean white shirt, and all the best apparel he had, as cleanly brushed as might be. And, as he was arraying himself, his man, seeing in him more curiosity, and care, for the fine, and cleanly wearing of his apparel that day, than was wont, demanded of him, What this sudden change meant? saying, That his Lordship knew well enough, that he must put off all again, within two hours, and lose it. What of that? (said he) Doest not thou mark, that this is our marriage-day? and, that it behooveth us therefore to use more cleanliness for solemnity thereof.

8. About nine of the clock the Lieutenant came again, and, finding him almost ready, said, He was now come for him. Then said he to his man, Reach me my furred-Tippet to put about my neck. Oh my Lord! ( said the Lieutenant ) what need ye be so careful for your health for this little time, being, as yourself knows, not much above an hour? I think no otherwise ( said he ) but yet in the mean time, I will keep myself as well as I can. For, I tell you truth, though I have, I thank our Lord, a very good desire and willing mind to die at this present, and so trust of his infinite mercy and goodness he will continue it, yet will I not willingly hinder my health in the mean time one minute of an hour, but still prolong the same, as long as I can, by such reasonable ways and means as Almighty God hath provided for me. And with that, taking a little book in his hand, which was a New Testament lying by him, he made a cross on his forehead, and went out of his prison-door with the Lieutenant, being so weak, as that he was scant able to go down the stairs, wherefore at the stairs-foot he was taken up in a chair between two of the Lieutenant's men, and carried to the Tower-gate, with a great number of weapons about him, to be delivered to the Sheriff of London for execution.

9. And,